Transforming Slums Through Architectural Empowerment by Kristin Souther

Transforming Slums Through Architectural Empowerment This Final Project is presented to The Faculty of the School of Architecture by

Kristin Tolentino Souther In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of

Bachelor of Architecture Southern Polytechnic State University, Marietta, Georgia Spring Semester 2014

Request for Approval of Project Book Department of Architecture School of Architecture and Construction Management Southern Polytechnic State University

Kristin Tolentino Souther Transforming Slums Through Architectural Empowerment The urban poor community is constantly increasing due to job availabilities in the city, especially in Asian countries. This thesis argues following the notion that the right to the city is a collective privilegeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that the urban environment is for everyone to enjoy and benefit from. Through participation and appropriation of space and time, the right to the city becomes inclusive, allowing the urban poor to engage in and share the responsibility as well as the entitlement to the urban experience. Informal settlements are characterized by density of population, makeshift structures, and lack of living space for the inhabitants. Based on the findings on the nature of slums, the spaces these people live in are commonly flexible, versatile, dense, and programmatically intense. The social and economic disparity heightens the spatial fragmentation that is evident in the city. With this in mind, how can architects capitalize on these programmatic, formal and spatial qualities of slums? How can they utilize these into possible tectonic forms? How can they translate the bottom-up process that slums are built upon architecturally, meaning not just socially, but also programmatically, formally, spatially, and tectonically? How can design respond as a setting that accommodates events, activities, and program in a flexible environment? This thesis will explore design strategies that are capable of accommodating programs embedded in slums based on patterns of events and inhabitants. Investigations of space-defining elements, flexible apparatus, tectonic modular systems, and low-key sustainable technology will be performed throughout this research to help define the best design solution. This project will use a slum in Manila as its site. Designing an architectural mediation to improve the spaces that slum dwellers occupy will empower them to strive for a better living condition, give them a sense of ownership, and instill an identity that will result in a strong communal foundation. In the end, the aim is to propose for a modular responsive architectureâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;an architecture that aims to empower through its usability and versatility.

Student Signature ________________________________ Date ___________

Approved by: Internal Advisor 1 _________________________________ Date ___________ Dr. Arief Setiawan

Internal Advisor 2 _________________________________ Date ___________ Prof. Robert Tango

Thesis Coordinator 1 _________________________________ Date __________ Prof. Michael Carroll

Thesis Coordinator 2 _________________________________ Date __________ Prof. Robert Tango

I would like to express my deepest thanks to my professors, for the knowledge you have imparted on me and for the perseverance you have taught me for the past five years. To my family, for the endless support and encouragement you have shown me throughout this program. To my friends whom Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve spent the last five years pulling all-nighters with, thank you for the laughter, the company, and optimism. Last, but not the least, to my husband, Justin, you have always been there to help me realize my potential. Thank you for the patience and love that youâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve shared with me.

Table of Contents Design Theorem

Site Research

Introduction Analysis of Slums Tectonic Morphology Scale Enclosure Program The Asian Metropolis Slums and the Cities The Role of Architecture Case Studies Everyday Urbanism Bernard Tschumi: Events The Architecture of Self-Help Communities Argument Design Research Site Site Analysis Program and Spatial Explorations

Site Visit 35 Formal Analysis 41

Programmatic Analysis

Transformability Usability + Operability

Temporal Analysis

Materiality 83 Characteristics Color Facilitating Elements Space Defining Elements

Scale + Proportion 1-1 Scale Study Models

91 97

Performance + Operation Works Cited

111 119

Digital Studies + Iterations 1-1 Scale Models Final Iteration Technical Documentation

Design Theorem

INTRODUCTION

Now, more than ever, people are migrating into the city in hopes of overcoming poverty and building a fulfilling economic and social life. As a result, approximately 60 million more people are living in urban areas every year. Following this trend, the global urban population will increase from 3.4 billion in 2009 to 6.4 billion in 2050. In developing countries alone, the urban population will increase from 2.5 billion in 2009 to 5.2 billion in 2050, accounting for over 90 percent of the urban population growth.1 Consequently, as the urban population grows, so does the population density and the need for jobs and housing. In 2012, 53% of the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population resided in the city. Of this number, 78% resided in slums. According to the UN-Habitat, a slum household is a group of people living under the same roof in an urban area who lack one or more of the following: 1. Durable housing of a permanent nature that protects against extreme climate conditions. 2. Sufficient living space which means not more than three people sharing the same room. 3. Easy access to safe water in sufficient amounts at an affordable price. 4. Access to adequate sanitation in the form of a private or public toilet shared by a reasonable number of people. 5. Security of tenure that prevents forced evictions.2

Approximately 60 million more people are living in urban areas every year.

6.4

5.2

5 4

78% of the global urban population reside in slums

3.4

2.5

Slum households lack one or more of the following:

1 0

Global Urban Population (billions)

Urban Population in Developing Countries (billions)

formal housing 22%

rural 47% urban 53%

slum -dwellers 78%

1. Durable housing of a permanent nature 2. Sufficient living space which means not more than three people sharing the same room. 3. Easy access to safe water in sufficient amounts at an affordable price. 4. Access to adequate sanitation in the form of a private or public toilet shared by a reasonable number of people. 5. Security of tenure

INTRODUCTION

Although “classic” slums, which refer to the deteriorating inner city communities, still exist, “new” slums grow mostly located on urban fringes, usually occupying the land illegally.3 These leftover spaces often take advantage of existing infrastructure such as spaces between highway medians, railroad tracks, or landfills, and postindustrial landscapes, which include, but are not limited to, abandoned factories and quarries.4 These neighborhoods are therefore called informal settlements, defined by the UN-Habitat as ‘residential areas where a group of housing units has become constructed on land to which they occupy illegally; or unplanned settlements and areas where housing is not in compliance with current planning and building regulations (unauthorized housing).’5 Because these spaces are intimately tied to their landscape, the structure of a slum grows organically; the morphologies of these informal settlements are ‘complex but consistent.’ Several neighborhood subcenters result from many small individual decisions rather than from a pre-planned street grid. In these slums, houses are commonly built with the similar bottom-up process using local and found construction materials.6 Corrugated metal sheets, bamboo poles, wooden planks, and concrete are some materials utilized by slum-dwellers. As these people build up their environments, streets and pathways develop with an uneven and usually narrow nature. Moreover, the limited room available to the slum communities forces the people to share with each other spaces that are typically private and personal. One-room homes, which serve as sleeping, eating, and living space for families, as well as communal cooking and laundry areas, are commonly found in these communities. Through an analysis of slums based on their spatial, formal, programmatic, and tectonic characteristics, slum-dwellers generally reside in spaces that are versatile, flexible, dense, and programmatically intense.

Because these spaces are intimately tied to their landscape, the structure of a slum grows organically; the morphologies of these informal settlements are ‘complex but consistent.’ Slum-dwellers generally reside in spaces that are versatile, flexible, dense, and programmatically intense. UN-Habitat defines informal settlements as: “residential areas where a group of housing units has become constructed on land to which they occupy illegally; or unplanned settlements and areas where housing is not in compliance with current planning and building regulations (unauthorized housing).”

ANALYSIS OF SLUMS: TECTONIC

ANALYSIS OF SLUMS: MORPHOLOGY

The following diagrams are analytical representations of spatial, formal, tectonic, and programmatic qualities of slums around the world.

ANALYSIS OF SLUMS: MORPHOLOGY

ANALYSIS OF SLUMS: SCALE

oppressing/claustrophobic: personal space is almost non-existent

intimate: individual personal spaces collide

normal: personal spaces are respected

ANALYSIS OF SLUMS: ENCLOSURE

porous: visual and physical enclosures are soft

hard: visual and physical enclosure converge to a point within the slum street creating a “sub-center”

figure/ground: formal qualities of slum streets are expressed

ANALYSIS OF SLUMS: PROGRAM

inclusivity: degree of physical enclosure within the streets of slums

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public/private: adjacency of public and private spaces within the street section of slums

personal/communal: separation of personal and communal spaces and hardness or porosity of boundaries

ANALYSIS OF SLUMS: PROGRAM

men/women/mixed: gender based distinction of spaces within the streets of slums

men

women

mixture

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THE ASIAN METROPOLIS

The emergence of slums occurs through a mix of income inequality, poverty, and inadequate housing.7 In the 1980s, when most of the Third World’s economies were balanced out by the countries’ debts to the IMF and World Bank, many people lost jobs and were displaced, leaving a huge amount of people running toward informal housing and jobs.8 Moreover, when global urban development began in the 1990s, the gap between the rich and the poor countries only increased9—the poor became poorer, and the rich became richer. Consequently, the city contained an excessive amount of people, unskilled and untrained, with no proper housing or formal jobs. In 2005, over three billion people all over the world—almost half of the global population—were below the poverty line and lived on less than $2.50 a day.10 Asian countries are especially affected by the growth of the urban poor population due to an influx of migrants and lack of urban economic growth. According to Mike Davis in Planet of Slums, just the five largest metropolises of South Asia, namely Karachi, Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata and Dhaka already accommodate for approximately 15,000 slum communities with a population exceeding 20 million.11 In 2005, more than half of the global slum population resided in Asia.12 Particularly in the Philippines, 43.7 percent of the urban population lives in slums.13 Essentially, approximately 26.5 million people live in overcrowded, unsanitary, dilapidated and hazardous homes adjacent to riversides, garbage dump sites, bridge and railroad vicinities, and industrial establishment. Of these people, approximately three-quarters are long-term residents, some even residing in the same make-shift home for 20 years.14 About half of them are formally employed while the rest work as domestic help, jeepney or tricycle drivers, construction workers, gardeners, or street vendors.

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Many people lost jobs and were displaced, leaving a huge amount of people running toward informal housing and jobs The city contained an excessive amount of people, unskilled and untrained, with no proper housing or formal jobs Asian countries are especially affected by the growth of the urban poor population due to an influx of migrants and lack of urban economic growth. In the Philippines, 43.7% of the urban population lives in slums.

THE ASIAN METROPOLIS

Formal and informal structures are generally located adjacent to each other, forming multi-centers within cities.

As mentioned earlier, job proximity is the main force that brings people to the city. This inflow of people results in the complex morphologies of Asian metropolises. Formal and informal structures are generally located adjacent to each other, forming multi-centers within cities. The spatial arrangements consist of diverse sets of communities and structuresâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;malls next to hospitals, schools next to police stations, rich communities next to slums. Although the unique assortment of spaces definitely gives Asian cities character, the question remains on how to engage the city and the large variety of activities that occur in it every day.

The question remains on how to engage the city and the large variety of activities that occur in it every day.

formal structure

informal structure

multi-center

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SLUMS AND THE CITIES

In the 1960s, LeFebvre argued that the urban and rural boundaries have blurred, creating ‘porous spaces of uneven geographical development.’15 These spaces are plots of land that sprawls throughout the urban context and ignores any hint of zoning. Their availability and close proximity to jobs define the distribution of slums within the cities. Location is a primary catalyst; job proximity drives migrants to the interstitial spaces within the cities, the forgotten niches that exist between two developed plots of land, which are largely unsafe, unsanitary, and unfit for people to live in. People migrate to the city not just for a share of the urban life, but mostly for the opportunities that the city holds. As the rural economy goes down, families move towards the city in hopes of emerging from poverty and getting a chance at a better economic and social life. Further, as families migrate to the city, men and women, fathers and mothers, and children all experience falling into dictated roles. Fathers go off to search for jobs, while mothers take care of the home. Often, fathers accept the jobs of drivers and construction workers while mothers work as house help or street vendors. Because the urban poor are residing in dilapidated communities that detract people from the upper social bracket, social exclusion and lack of social interaction follows suit, thus even increasing the social divisions within the urban context.

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The urban and rural boundaries have blurred, creating ‘porous spaces of uneven geographical development.’ Location is a primary catalyst; job proximity drives migrants to the interstitial spaces within the cities

SLUMS AND THE CITIES

Aptly put by Edgar Pieterse in Design with the other 90%: Cities, one of the most prominent architectural issues in the growing urban density is the ‘unequal access that different groups of people in a city have to a range of opportunities and resources,’ better known as spatial inequality.16 Due to the driving forces of land markets and the increasing gap between the rich and poor, a spatial poverty trap marked by six challenges is created, namely: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Severe job restrictions High rates of gender disparities Deteriorated living conditions Social exclusion and marginalization Lack of social interaction

As the gap between rich and poor increase, so does fragmentation in the urban society. The social and economic fissure between the haves and the havenots inevitably appear in the spatial distributions within the city. Some examples of this disintegration are visible in the increase of gated communities, gentrification, and privatization of public spaces.17 Further, as urban density grows and the call for vertical expansion becomes more prominent, the land value of these once leftover spaces increases. Unfortunately, slum dwellers are illegal occupants and have no claim over the land they currently live on, countless times giving them no choice but to relocate. This is not new; Engels cites this destruction and relocation process as the ‘Haussmann’ method, referring to the way Haussmann’s solution destroyed the Parisian slums by coercively seizing the slums from its inhabitants and turning them into public infrastructure.18 Aside from ethical issues, this method is ineffective because the slum dwellers are commonly relocated in areas outside of the central business districts, the place they originally moved away from to be close to jobs. In essence, as one slum is removed, another pops up, therefore only shifting the people around.

One of the most prominent architectural issues in the growing urban density is the ‘unequal access that different groups of people in a city have to a range of opportunities and resources,’ better known as spatial inequality.’ As the gap between rich and poor increase, so does fragmentation in the urban society. The social and economic fissure between the haves and the have-nots inevitably appear in the spatial distributions within the city. Unfortunately, slum dwellers are illegal occupants and have no claim over the land they currently live on, countless times giving them no choice but to relocate.

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SLUMS AND THE CITIES

In this line of thought, LeFebvre problematizes the contemporary city and the role of designers in addressing them. Architects and urban planners are currently not engaging the city for what it truly is: a social entity. The city cannot be simplified and analyzed as an object because its makeup, the urban society, is a very dynamic process. Contained within its boundaries are people with different backgrounds, genders, skills, agendas, and families who all come together to experience the urban life. Depending on the opportunities available to each of these individuals, there is a multitude of scenarios happening simultaneously in the city, all of which are triggered by the respective lifestyles that these urban dwellers lead. LeFebvre further argues that the city is therefore, first and foremost, designed and created for the human. Unfortunately, not everyone receives the attention that they deserve; oftentimes, it is the urban poor, as prominent as their presence is, who become neglected. Their spatial and social needs are most of the time overlooked for the sake of pleasing the upper and middle class. On this note, designers must understand that a tabula rasa approach does not address this existing shortage of space successfully. One cannot simply eradicate slums, build a multistory housing project in its place, and expect slum dwellers to move right back in and resume their lives. Neither can one use the excuse of beautifying the city for the sake of its identity in order to relocate these same individuals. If this is the solution, then designers would have succeeded in showing complete disregard not just for the poorâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;since the city is created for all human beingsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;but for humanity.

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Architects and urban planners are currently not engaging the city for what it truly is: a social entity.

There is a multitude of scenarios happening simultaneously in the city

The city is therefore, first and foremost, designed and created for the human.

Oftentimes, it is the urban poor, as prominent as their presence is, who become neglected

Designers must understand that a tabula rasa approach does not address this existing shortage of space successfully.

SLUMS AND THE CITIES

Knowledge of structure, function, and form, is important as a foundation for designing with the existing conditions. However, to fall into ideology— structuralism, functionalism, and formalism—will only support the apathy that the urban poor are already receiving. To this, Henri Lefebvre points out that a change in approach is necessary and offers two methods: ‘transduction’ and ‘experimental utopia.’19 The first refers to a back and forth communication and design process between structure, function and form. The latter refers to small scale utopian experiments emphasizing on multiple design trials, all of which are not grand schemes, to attempt to improve the spatial deficiency in the city. These approaches highlight two significant actions required: participation and engagement by the urban poor. Further, designers must refer to a grassroots approach in addressing spatial issues in the urban context. Involvement of non-government organizations, or NGOs, as well as neighborhood alliances gives the urban poor a chance to contribute opinions and share their expertise about the world they live in. Besides participatory processes, solutions that focus on appropriation of space and time can successfully address the spatial needs of the urban poor. Giving proper attention to spatial, social, and economic needs of the urban poor, together with their input in design decision-making, takes on a tactical and dignified approach to improving the spatial conditions they are trapped in.

‘Transduction’ and ‘experimental utopia’—these approaches highlight two significant actions required: participation and engagement by the urban poor. Designers must refer to a grassroots approach in addressing spatial issues in the urban context. Solutions that focus on appropriation of space and time can successfully address the spatial needs of the urban poor.

As the previously mentioned methods of participation and grassroots political approach are scientific, the appropriation of space and time is the artistic approach that responds to the emotional and meaningful. This delicate balance is essential; the cooperation of science and art, reason and emotion, methodology and meaning, altogether promote humanity within the urban community.

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SLUMS AND THE CITIES

In the subject of the importance of preserving an individual’s rights, one’s ‘right to nature,’20 or access to landscapes, parks, and vacations, is now recognized as part of improving one’s quality of life. In today’s world, the city serves the people in life, work, and pleasure. If the ‘right to nature’ is acknowledged, then why not defend the right to the city? There is complete disregard for human dignity and sense of belonging for the urban poor because only the few privileged, ‘a small political and economic elite,’ as Harvey says it, ‘who are in the position to shape the city more and more after their own particular heart’s desire.’21 The architectural issue comes herein, that the right to the city is, according to LeFebvre, ‘a transformed and renewed right to urban life.’22 It is, according to Harvey, ‘a collective rather than an individual right, since changing the city inevitably depends upon the exercise of a collective power over the processes of urbanization.’23 Therefore, the urban poor possess the right to a designed place in the city, one that they can call theirs, where they can prosper and thrive with dignity.

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The right to the city is, according to LeFebvre, ‘a transformed and renewed right to urban life.’20 It is, according to Harvey, ‘a collective rather than an individual right, since changing the city inevitably depends upon the exercise of a collective power over the processes of urbanization.’

THE ROLE OF ARCHITECTURE

Architects only design for one percent of the global society.

Considering the fact that architects are supposed to be experts in designing buildings and spaces, only ten percent of the world’s population can actually afford to use their services, and of this number, only a tenth are interested. This means that architects only design for one percent of the global society, barely touching the tip of the environment that people engage with every day.24 There is a great need for the poor to take presence in the process of change and design. As LeFebvre stated, neither the architect nor any other specialists can make a difference without the participation of the people they are designing for.25 Along with the involvement of the urban poor, designing with the vernacular architecture in mind is of great importance in addressing the idea of creating architecture ‘of the site’ instead of ‘on the site.’26 For instance, knowing the differences sleeping arrangement comparison between the house of the privileged and of the poor can greatly impact the success of the architectural intervention. For a rich client, a home is a place for relaxation and entertainment; on the other hand, for a poor client, it is a place for shelter as well as production.27 For the urban poor, the home serves many basic functions that exceed that of just residing.

Along with the involvement of the urban poor, designing with the vernacular architecture in mind is of great importance in addressing the idea of creating architecture ‘of the site’ instead of ‘on the site.’

eating arrangement comparison

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THE ROLE OF ARCHITECTURE

Ultimately, this thesis paper takes the critical position of the role of the architect as an agent of change and architecture to empower slum-dwellers and actualize their right to the city. The design challenge of the architect is to address the existing spatial inequality within the city and take advantage of the dynamic niches where the urban poor live. The architecture of empowerment is defined by Ismail Serageldin as the ‘built environment which responds to the needs of the poor and destitute, while respecting their humanity and putting them in charge of their own destinies.’28 Allowing the urban poor to participate in making decisions and contributions to the design of their living space gives them a sense of pride and involvement. More importantly, as these people work together towards a better living space, they also improve their social bonds. This relationship that begins to exist within the home and community gives the people a chance to take charge of their individual, as well as communal environment. Thus, it is the creation of a strong community which serves as the foundation of the architectural empowerment of the right to the city.

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The design challenge of the architect is to address the existing spatial inequality within the city and take advantage of the dynamic niches where the urban poor live. It is the creation of a strong community which serves as the foundation of the architectural empowerment of the right to the city. The architecture of empowerment is defined by Ismail Serageldin as the ‘built environment which responds to the needs of the poor and destitute, while respecting their humanity and putting them in charge of their own destinies.’

CASE STUDIES: EVERYDAY URBANISM

The authors of Everyday Urbanism argue that the everyday city is neglected by architects and urban designers despite its rich social, spatial and aesthetic layers. An accumulation of class, race, ethnicity, and religion crafts the city into an elaborate social fabric.29 Within this diversity, it is the everyday urban space that acts as a ‘connective tissue that binds daily lives together’. It is the space between the physical permanence of structures such as the home, workplace and institution, and the crossing between individuals and communities in the urban context. Urbanism is, therefore, a discourse between the individual and the society, the city emerging as the social product constructed from the everyday lives of urban dwellers.30

It is the everyday urban space that acts as a ‘connective tissue that binds daily lives together’. Everyday Urbanism is dependent on the repetitive nature of everyday activities.

Street vendors

Everyday Urbanism is dependent on the repetitive nature of everyday activities. In particular, everyday lives are determined by cyclical and linear patterns of time—cyclical consisting of night and day, seasonal, cultural patterns, and such; linear consisting of daily and weekly schedules, work and play patterns, and such. More valuable to LeFebvre, however, is the time spent between these said patterns: the brief, unplanned, and spontaneous moments that always break the rigidity of everyday routines. These moGarage sales ments prove that time dictates everyday life just as much as space does.31 This variety of daily activities creates unique spatial forms that then become architectural by nature.32 For this reason, there cannot be a universal everyday urbanism, but instead small scale design responses unique to the fleeting experiences in different times and places during the day.33

More valuable is the time spent between these said patterns: the brief, unplanned, and spontaneous moments that always break the rigidity of everyday routines. These moments prove that time dictates everyday life just as much as space does. For this reason, there cannot be a universal everyday urbanism, but instead small scale design responses unique to the fleeting experiences in different times and places during the day.

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CASE STUDIES: EVERYDAY URBANISM

Urban vernacular relies on improvisation and local partnership that occurs outside of planning, zoning and regulation

Everyday Urbanism further states that unlike urban planning, which relies on a designed master plan, the urban vernacular relies on improvisation and local partnership that occurs outside of planning, zoning and regulation.34 To clarify, urban planning takes the position of designing a strategic intervention where the designers establish a ‘proper’ place for events to occur in regardless of time. On the other hand, urban vernacular approaches spatial challenges with a tactical intervention, operating ‘without a proper place’ and depending entirely on time, consequently producing quite a versatile and organic set of spaces.35 Eventually, these spaces acquire meanings which constantly change as urban inhabitants reorganize, renew, and retranslate them. Although urban vernacular mainly takes on a bottom-up approach, taking advantage of refined knowledge and techniques also proves to be beneficial in efficiently addressing the spatial needs of a city. One example of Everyday Urbanism appropriation is the Vending, Waiting, and Looking Station by architects Barbara Bestor, Norman Millar, and a few others. The project celebrates the dynamic life given to the street sides by vendors, musicians, and street signs by designing carts that can be utilized by these people. They have proposed permanent, semipermanent, and supermobile structures that accommodate vendors and pedestrians, while at the same time respect the renting sellers and property owners.36 Another example of appropriating overlooked spaces is the Hoogvliet SchoolParasites in Netherlands. Designed as an answer to the need for additional space in schools in Hoogvliet, this project consists of small classrooms adjacent to the main school buildings. This prototype serves as an alternate solution to the portable classrooms that schools that lack space typically have.37

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Urban vernacular approaches spatial challenges with a tactical intervention, operating ‘without a proper place’ and depending entirely on time.

Vending, Waiting, and Looking Station

Hoogvliet SchoolParasites

CASE STUDIES: BERNARD TSCHUMI-EVENTS

In Bernard Tschumiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Architecture and Disjunction, he argues about the importance of programdriven architecture. Tschumi clarifies that although architecture and program cannot be separated, spatial sequences and programmatic sequences are independent of each other.38 Architecture provides the setting, or the fixed spatial sequences, for the events and activities which occur in it.39 Therefore, architecture is the form designed to accommodate the program. In turn, these programmatic events bring meaning to architecture through the sequence of experiences. In speaking of this sequence, Tschumi refers to the space-event-movement relationship that defines the architectural relation of space.40 One way of analyzing this connection is through the use of spatial mapping. Tschumi further discusses program and its role as the narrative, the story-teller of the life of a building. According to him there are three categories of program, namely Crossprogramming, Transprogramming, and Disprogramming. The first refers to the application of a program to a spatial structure with a different purpose. For instance, transforming a driveway into a space to hold a garage sale engages the front of the house in an entirely different program. The second type refers to mixing two very different programs along with their corresponding spatial structures. The TKTS booth in New York City is a great example of Transprogramming, where both a ticket booth and amphitheater are combined to create space for people to gather in and be an audience to the city. Lastly, Disprogramming refers to blending two programs where the spatial structure of one fuses together with that of the other, creating a new spatial configuration that honors both programs.41

Architecture provides the setting, or the fixed spatial sequences, for the events and activities which occur in it. These programmatic events bring meaning to architecture through the sequence of experiences. Washington Square Park

tkts booth, NYC

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CASE STUDIES: THE ARCHITECTUE OF SELF-HELP COMMUNITIES

Although this competition was held in the 1970s, similar issues were identified then regarding slum living conditions; density, spatial inequality, and lack of basic infrastructure also existed.

The Architecture of Self-Help Communities, put together by Michael Y. Seelig, is a compilation of competition entries from the International Design Competition focused on the alleviation of squatter settlements around the world. The site chosen for the competition was in Tondo, Manila, Philippines, for its closeness to metropolitan Manila and its fast expansion over the years. Although this competition was held in the 1970s, similar issues were identified then regarding slum living conditions; density, spatial inequality, and lack of basic infrastructure also existed. Within the Tondo community, 460 people lived on average in one acre. Of their population, 35% were children ten years or older who already belonged to the work force.42 Majority of these slum-dwellers did not get more than elementary school education. Most of them never acquired the needed technical and professional skills to obtain permanent job positions, which left them with no choice but to take on informal jobs. However, they still have high hopes for the futures of their families and children, and working towards ownership of home and land pushes them to strive for these dreams.43

Within the Tondo community, 460 people lived on average in one acre.

1 acre: +/- 4 people

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1 acre: +/- 460 people

CASE STUDIES: THE ARCHITECTUE OF SELF-HELP COMMUNITIES

Some of the positive critiques on the competition are the emphasis on community and participatory design process. The rules of the competition bring to light the social and the corresponding physical structures found in the slums. Lastly, the quality of technical drawings produced by the competition entries is quite detailed and exact, showing a well thought out scheme for the building ideas. On the other hand, there must have been a disconnect from the planning stage to the execution stage in terms of participation from the slum-dwellers. The competition entries all impose existing: organic a “grand scheme” of design, usually the application of a geometric order on top of the existing organic structure. This is a very strategic approach that does not take into account the core needs of the inhabitants from a grassroots point of view. Lastly, many of the schemes touch on creating a prefabricated structure for the housing, which disregards the concept of organic, almost limitless growth, characteristic of slums.

Positive critique: the emphasis on community and participatory design process.

proposal: grid

proposal: zoning

Negative critique: the competition entries all impose a “grand scheme” of design, usually the application of a geometric order on top of the existing organic structure.

existing: dynamic

proposal: structure

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ARGUMENT

The urban poor community is constantly increasing due to job availabilities in the city, especially in Asian countries. This thesis argues following the notion that the right to the city is a collective privilegeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that the urban environment is for everyone to enjoy and benefit from. Through participation and appropriation of space and time, the right to the city becomes inclusive, allowing the urban poor to engage in and share the responsibility as well as the entitlement to the urban experience. Designing an architectural mediation to improve the spaces that they occupy will empower them to strive for a better living condition, give them a sense of ownership, and instill an identity that will result in a strong communal foundation. Therefore, the question architects are faced with is how to become agents of change. How can design act as a setting that accommodates events, activities, and program that responds to the need for flexibility and versatility in slums? Informal settlements are characterized by density of population, makeshift structures, and lack of living space for the inhabitants. Based on the findings on the nature of slums, the spaces these people live in are commonly flexible, versatile, dense, and programmatically intense. The social and economic disparity heightens the spatial fragmentation that is evident in the city. With this in mind, how can architects capitalize on these formal and spatial qualities of slums? How can they utilize these into possible tectonic forms? How can they translate the bottom-up process that slums are built upon architecturally, meaning not just socially, but also formally, spatially, and tectonically?

Through participation and appropriation of space and time, the right to the city becomes inclusive, allowing the urban poor to engage in the urban experience. How can design act as a setting that accommodates events, activities, and program that responds to the need for flexibility and versatility in slums? Based on the findings on the nature of slums, the spaces these people live in are commonly flexible, versatile, dense, and programmatically intense. How can architects capitalize on these formal and spatial qualities of slums? How can they utilize these into possible tectonic forms? How can they translate the bottomup process that slums are built upon architecturally?

26 |

DESIGN RESEARCH

Questions 1. Investigate space-defining elements that condition events, programs, and activities - How do we set up physical objects, space-defining elements, to accommodate activities of women and children? - How do we utilize interstitial and leftover spaces? 2. Investigate flexible apparatus - How do we make this space flexible, transformable, and responsive to the dense environment? 3. Investigate the tectonic of modular systems - How do we make a basic unit, a bottom-up design, that is modular and versatile? - What materials and techniques can be utilized based on available resources? 4. Investigate low-key sustainable technology - What sustainable and innovative technology can be utilized given the location and available resources in slums?

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28 |

Site Research

| 29

30 |

SITE

formal structure

multi-center

informal structure

| 31

SITE ANALYSIS

Based on the site analysis, the scale of spaces within slums are generally oppressing, where personal space is almost non-existent; intimate, where individual personal spaces are still present but collide; or normal, where personal space is still respected and humane. In terms of enclosure, spaces in slums are generally porous, where visual and physical enclosures are soft; or hard, where visual and physical enclosures converge to a point within the slum streets creating a sub-center. The varying degrees of inclusivity, or physical enclosure, within the streets of a slum also define the sub-centers that form. Moreover, public and private space boundaries, as well as personal and communal spaces, are typically blurred. Consequently, spatial boundaries between private and public activities tend to be either non-existent or obscure. Altogether, these characteristics conclude that the spatial qualities of slums are flexibility, versatility, density, and programmatically intense.

32 |

PROGRAM AND SPATIAL EXPLORATION

Women and children mostly use the spaces in slums because men work outside of the community, often fulfilling roles such as drivers, janitors, gardeners, and other informal labor. Flexibility is a key requirement for a space to accommodate the various activities that these people perform. For the children, a play space and a study space will be beneficial to have; for the women, a flexible space allows them to perform multiple activities such as cooking, eating, and doing laundry, all in the minimal amount of available space. To further explain, slum dwellers, especially women and children, normally modify existing spaces to the activities and events that occur during specific times of the day. Thus, a space for doing laundry in the morning might become a space for playing in the afternoon, and a space for cooking in the evening. As the space transforms, so the objects and equipment that occupy it change purpose. It is the versatility of these that allow people to complete their daily routines.

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34 |

Site Visit

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36 |

DESIGN PROCESS: SITE VISIT

Site visits in Metro Manila, Philippines: Purok Dos Welfare Bill Community Damayang Lagi Creek Drive at San Antonio Valley 8 Findings common to all: presence of basketball court close-knit community women and children occupy streets during the day men who currently do not have jobs stay in the community presence of large families is prominent (immediate and extended) multi-tasking is important to women common for women to be taking care of (sometimes terminally) sick children, preventing them from working outside streets are mostly narrow families stay for long periods of time, mostly not transitional rooms are rented to people who work in malls, salons, etc. people build up as a response to floods, sometimes up to three stories high water and electrical utilities are present in communities, but not everyone has access The following photo montage is composed of pictures taken from the site visits to give an overview of the spatial, formal, and programmatic characteristics of the slum communities. The sectional sketches are representations of the streets walking into and around the sites. | 37

38 |

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40 |

Formal Analysis

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PROGRAMMATIC ANALYSIS

event: selling food actors: women PROGRAM ECONOMIC SOCIAL SECURITY

42 |

activities: sitting, standing, talking, bending, serving food

women sitting standing walking bending holding child

PROGRAMMATIC ANALYSIS

EDUCATIONAL schoolwork children sitting standing bending down reading writing talking

space defining element

actors

volume

setting: section

facilitating element

setting: plan

relationships

| 43

PROGRAMMATIC ANALYSIS

event: shop keeping actors: women PROGRAM ECONOMIC SOCIAL SECURITY

44 |

activities: sitting, standing, talking, reaching, trading, browsing

women sitting standing walking bending holding child

PROGRAMMATIC ANALYSIS

EDUCATIONAL schoolwork children sitting standing bending down reading writing talking

space defining element

actors

volume

setting: section

facilitating element

setting: plan

relationships

| 45

PROGRAMMATIC ANALYSIS

event: laundry actors: women PROGRAM ECONOMIC SOCIAL SECURITY 46 |

activities: sitting, standing, talking, bending, hanging clothes, moving clothes

women sitting standing walking bending holding child

PROGRAMMATIC ANALYSIS

EDUCATIONAL schoolwork children sitting standing bending down reading writing talking

space defining element

actors

volume

setting: section

facilitating element

setting: plan

relationships

| 47

PROGRAMMATIC ANALYSIS

event: taking care of children actors: women PROGRAM CHILD CARE SOCIAL SECURITY

48 |

activities: sitting, standing, talking, walking, bending, holding child

women sitting standing walking bending holding child

PROGRAMMATIC ANALYSIS

EDUCATIONAL schoolwork children sitting standing bending down reading writing talking

space defining element

actors

volume

setting: section

facilitating element

setting: plan

relationships

| 49

PROGRAMMATIC ANALYSIS

event: schoolwork actors: children PROGRAM EDUCATIONAL SOCIAL SECURITY 50 |

activities: sitting, standing, talking, bending down, reading, writing

women sitting standing walking bending holding child

PROGRAMMATIC ANALYSIS

EDUCATIONAL schoolwork children sitting standing bending down reading writing talking

space defining element

actors

volume

setting: section

facilitating element

setting: plan

relationships

| 51

FORMAL ANALYSIS

52 |

FORMAL ANALYSIS

| 53

FORMAL ANALYSIS

54 |

FORMAL ANALYSIS

| 55

FORMAL ANALYSIS

56 |

FORMAL ANALYSIS

| 57

FORMAL ANALYSIS

58 |

FORMAL ANALYSIS

| 59

FORMAL ANALYSIS

60 |

FORMAL ANALYSIS

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62 |

Temporal Analysis

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TEMPORAL ANALYSIS

sectional body movement throughout event

educational: studying

educational: studying educational: educational: studying studying

economic: doing laundry

economic: doing laundry economic: economic: doing doing laundry laundry

economic: shop-keeping

economic: shop-keeping economic: economic: shop-keeping shop-keeping

economic: selling food 64 |

economic: selling food economic: economic: selling selling food food

TEMPORAL ANALYSIS

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TEMPORAL ANALYSIS

studying

shop-keeping

laundry 66 |

TEMPORAL ANALYSIS

studying

shop-keeping

selling food

laundry

social security + child care

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TEMPORAL: TRANSFORMABILITY_1

exploration on the transformability of a modular object

68 |

TEMPORAL: TRANSFORMABILITY_1

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TEMPORAL: TRANSFORMABILITY_2

70 |

TEMPORAL: TRANSFORMABILITY_2

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TEMPORAL: TRANSFORMABILITY_3

72 |

TECTONIC: TRANSFORMABILITY_3

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USABILITY + OPERABILITY

different configurations that a modular object is capable of transforming into and its operability

74 |

USABILITY + OPERABILITY

configurations showing a chair, table, shelf, and bench

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USABILITY + OPERABILITY

76 |

USABILITY + OPERABILITY

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USABILITY + OPERABILITY

exploration of different configurations, folding, and materiality

78 |

USABILITY + OPERABILITY

exploration of different joints and hinges

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FOLDING STUDIES

80 |

FOLDING STUDIES

folding studies done to experiment on different ways a material can be manipulated

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82 |

Materiality

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MATERIALITY: CHARACTERISTICS

flexible

rough

smooth

84 |

MATERIALITY: CHARACTERISTICS

rigid

transparent

soft

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COLOR: FACILITATING ELEMENTS

86 |

COLOR: FACILITATING ELEMENTS

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COLOR: SPACE DEFINING ELEMENTS

88 |

COLOR: SPACE DEFINING ELEMENTS

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90 |

Scale + Proportion

| 91

SCALE + PROPORTION

selling food

shop keeping

laundry

child care + social security

studying 92 |

SCALE + PROPORTION

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SCALE + PROPORTION

1750

500

1125

1750

1375

875 94 |

1550

625

300

875

1905

2133

SCALE + PROPORTION 3-5 years old max. reach: 1050

925-1155

260

5-7 years old

max. reach: 1200

1350 1045-1285

1450

1220

450-480 300

1700-1980

860 7-9 years old

max. reach: 1330

1155-1405

300

1220

875

750

625 10-12 years old

max. reach: 1510

1375

1305-1575

1375

750

625

875

340

13-16 years old

750

max. reach: 1670

1220

875

1435-1815

1220

1000

420

750

625

875

625

700 | 95

96 |

1-1 Scale Study Models

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DIGITAL STUDIES + ITERATIONS

different iterations explored to solve issues of folding and locking

98 |

DIGITAL STUDIES + ITERATIONS

final digital iteration: locking pieces offer three different angles to maximize usability and performance

| 99

1-1 SCALE MODELS

folds flat completely, but has no locking mechanism material chosen to test with (cardboard) did not have the structural capability to hold weight

test_1

100 |

1-1 SCALE MODELS

wood slats are structurally sound to hold weight locking mechanism is still an issue

test_2

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1-1 SCALE MODELS

digital study made as physical one-to-one model to test folding capabilities folded flat completely, however corner joints were not stable and strong enough

test_3

102 |

1-1 SCALE MODELS

test of a locking mechanism works both in compression and tension test_4

idea of a structural frame explored any planar material can be used to fill in planar surface depending on use of module idea of fabric joint explored with Duck tape used as an example of a cheap and durable material test_5

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FINAL ITERATION

final design , small scale version different locking mechanisms work to keep desired positions of modular architecture examples of different planar surfaces shown examples of two possible configurations shown test_6_final

104 |

FINAL ITERATION

final design with different parts used | 105

TECHNICAL DOCUMENTATION

180mm 121mm

83mm

121mm

83mm 83mm

11mm

97mm 16mm

38mm

11mm 38mm

6mm 38mm 38mm

55.5

34.2

83mm

59mm

159mm

135mm

24mm 59mm 16mm

38mm 142mm

locking option 1 90o connection

106 |

locking option 2 135o connection

locking option 3 45o connection

59mm

135mm

TECHNICAL DOCUMENTATION

330mm

332mm

408mm 16mm 16mm 16mm 16mm 16mm 16mm 38mm

83mm

19mm 51mm

38mm 51mm 292mm

51mm 51mm 83mm

dimensions + assembly of parts

380mm

16mm

| 107

TECHNICAL DOCUMENTATION

all parts are cut with basic tools, keeping in mind whatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s available in the slum communities simple connections are designed to accommodate the basic carpentry skills that the residents have for ease of assembly light materials are chosen to allow transportation and transformation of the modules, even by children

exploded axon [example of one assembly]

108 |

TECHNICAL DOCUMENTATION

connection from frame to locking joints [x2]

locking option 1 planar component [can be fabric, wood, metal, etc.] longitudinal component of frame [x2]

horizontal component of frame [x2]

locking option 2

locking option 3

hinge [x2] rod [x2]

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110 |

Performance + Operation

| 111

PERFORMANCE + OPERATION

112 |

PERFORMANCE + OPERATION

| 113

PERFORMANCE + OPERATION

114 |

PERFORMANCE + OPERATION

photo montage showing performance and operation of this modular architecture functions are not limited to these configurations users are given the freedom to experiment with and transform these modules to what they need high level of personalization is present with the ability to configure color, material, and function while sustaining a strong structural frame | 115

DESIGN SUMMARY

other functions are available outside of intended purpose for slum-dwellers transformation capabilities make these modules usable in other tight settings

116 |

DESIGN SUMMARY

the goal of this modular architecture is to activate space different settings vary from street to home to work place

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118 |

WORKS CITED

“Urban population growth.” World Health Organization, 2013, http://www.who.int/gho/urban_health/situation_trends/urban_population_growth_text/en/

UN-Habitat, Slums: Some Definitions, 1.

Mike Davis, Planet of Slums (London: Verso, 2006), 14.

Cynthia E. Smith, Design with the Other 90%: Cities (New York: Cooper-Hewitt, National Design Museum, Smithsonian Institution, 2011), 79.

Cynthia E. Smith, Design with the Other 90%: Cities (New York: Cooper-Hewitt, National Design Museum, Smithsonian Institution, 2011), 14.

6 Marie J. Aquilino, Beyond Shelter: Architecture and Human Dignity (New York: Metropolis Books, 2011), 135. 7 UN-Habitat, The Challenge of Slum: Global Report on Human Settlements 2003 (London: Earthscan Publications Ltd, 2003), 17. 8

Mike Davis, Planet of Slums (London: Verso, 2006), 18.

Ibid., 23.

“Poverty Facts and Stats.” Global Issues: Social, Political, Economic and Environmental Issues That Affect Us All, 2013, http://www.globalissues.org/article/26/poverty-facts-and-stats

Ibid., 14.

UN-Habitat, Slums: Some Definitions, 2.

13 Encyclopedia of Nations, http://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/, 2013. 14

Mike Davis, Planet of Slums (London: Verso, 2006), 13.

David Harvey. The Right to the City (London: Verso, 2012), 11.

16 Cynthia E. Smith, Design with the Other 90%: Cities (New York: Cooper-Hewitt, National Design Museum, Smithsonian Institution, 2011), 41. 17

David Harvey. The Right to the City (London: Verso, 2012), 9.

Ibid., 10.

Henri Lefebvre, Writings on Cities (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd, 2000), 151.

Ibid., 157.

David Harvey. The Right to the City (London: Verso, 2012), 13.

Henri Lefebvre, Writings on Cities (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd, 2000), 158.

David Harvey. The Right to the City (London: Verso, 2012), 1.

Ismail Serageldin, The Architecture of Empowerment (London: Academy Group Ltd, 1997), 34.

Henri Lefebvre, Writings on Cities (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd, 2000), 150.

Ismail Serageldin, The Architecture of Empowerment (London: Academy Group Ltd, 1997), 43.

| 119

WORKS CITED

Ibid., 8.

29 John Leighton Chase, Margaret Crawford, John Kaliski, Everyday Urbanism (New York: The Monacelli Press, 2008), 26-27. 30

Ibid., 6-8.

Ibid., 9.

Ibid., 19-21.

Ibid., 10.

Ibid., 19.

Ibid., 9.

Ibid., 142-144.

Ibid., 203.

38 Bernard Tschumi. Architecture and Disjunction (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1994), 163. 39

Ibid., 157.

Ibid., 161-162.

Ibid., 205.

42 Michael Y. Seelig, The Architecture of Self-Help Communities (New York: Architectural Record Books, 1978), 25. 43

120 |

Ibid., 26.