China Packet

The following is a collection of work submitted to Professor W.H. Carter III for his PLCY 70 First Year Seminar, Spring 2011 at the University of North Carolina - Chapel Hill.

The purpose of this project was to formulate and articulate a comprehensive policy for US relations with China, as well as a campaign to sell that policy to various constituencies.

“

My fellow Americans, We can neither deny nor halt the unprecedented economic progress China has made over the last two decades. They now play a vital role in both our domestic and foreign policy. Some media sources have sought to paint China as a mysterious rising dragon, while others simply focus on the staggering economic figures—but what does it mean for American citizens, and how will we move forward with US-China Policy?

I want to put a halt to the rhetoric in the US media that generates fear, anxiety, and perhaps even, misdirected hatred towards China. China has made incredible economic progress over the past two decades, but they are moving forward rapidly into unknown economic territory. We still hold the upper hand as the global superpower. Sitting back and watching them grow economically is simply not an option. We will pursue a policy of becoming dual world powers, maintaining differences in our political structure and unique cultures, while cooperating in diplomacy and as leaders.

As a leader, China must rise to the occasion, and assume a role as an enforcer of humanitarian causes, particularly in Asia. How is this possible when we object to many of their practices within their own borders? We assure them first that we want them to be our partner diplomatically and not our foe. We can cooperate in innovation utilizing strengths from entrepreneurs, researchers and leaders in both countries. The opportunities for cooperation are seemingly endless and benefits are mutual, but this offer will not stand unless China addresses basic domestic issues. We will continue to condemn their abuses of human rights and pressure them to release individuals who have been detained on questionable claims of ―economic crimes.‖ Because we have the strongest economy and most powerful military in the world, we must continue to monitor China. We are not alone on our position and will assure the public we are supported by India and the European Union.

While the Chinese have not followed the American market structure in their rush to modernize their economy, their citizens, particularly the youth, have grown to admire American culture. Nearly all forms of American media have been integrated into Chinese urban culture. The United States has not sought to Westernize China‘s traditional culture;

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we have merely invested in their market, which is undoubtedly the largest market in the world. Culturally, we do not seek to change their traditional values of conformity, respect, communalism, and assiduousness. We recognize them as a communist state, and while we do not seek to bring down their authoritarian system; we do wish to see an improvement of their civil liberties. We will consistently pressure them to improve their human rights, including free speech, the right to protest, property rights, religious freedom, and the right to legal recourse. While we recognize our country is not perfect, we will continue to model our fundamental values of life, liberty and justice for all to both the Chinese government and the Chinese people.

Unfortunately, today I must also address the recent crackdown on progressive thought and speech in China. According to the New York Times, 54 progressives have been detained this month. Among them is Ai Weiwei, China‘s most famous artist who is best known for his design of the Bird‘s Nest for the 2008 Olympics. The details of his charges still remain largely unknown. ―Economic crimes‖ maybe the official accusation, but most believe his arrest to be a response to his criticism of the Chinese regime. Very little is known about his arrest despite international pressure for his release. The crackdowns came in response to the revolutions in the Middle East, and are China‘s way of preventing any similar threats to the regime. However, the detainees are not believed to be active planners of any form of uprising, they are merely being prosecuted for their publically articulated opposition to the government. Here in America we are free to express these grievances and believe that criticism can bring about progress. Clearly, the Chinese government does not share in this belief. While we cannot change their laws, we cannot accept these arrests that violate human rights. If China is going to lead economically, they must lead morally as well.1 Despite the recent crackdown, experts do not believe that the Jasmine Revolution represented any form of real threat to the Chinese government. Though dissent and opposition to the regime exist, the time has not come for the government to be overthrown, and we have no intention of spurring such instability. The current parental generation still remembers the Tiananmen Square Massacre and does not desire to protest, but today‘s youth, which does not possess these memories, may feel differently. Their increased exposure to the West may eventually spur a more organized protest, but this is not the hope of the US government. We hope that the Chinese authoritarian government will gradually become more democratic. The enormous growth in the Chinese middle class will likely lead to an increased demand for political change. We will monitor this situation, but will not interfere unless we feel human rights are being violated in a manner which requires us to provide aid due to our moral obligation as a global leader. We also recognize that extreme differences exist between Chinese and American demographics and do not naively believe that the same form of government system would adequately run both countries.

We will continue to put pressure on the Chinese to allow their currency to appreciate. We allowed them to join the World Trade Organization under several stipulations, and PLCY 70 - 5

they simply have not followed acceptable exchange rate policy. Economically, we would benefit most from a gradual appreciation of the Yuan. A drastic revaluation of the Yuan would be dangerous for both China and America. The current undervalued currency allows us to buy cheap imports on a daily basis; however, our manufactures cannot compete with these imports. I have not forgotten the American people, the unacceptable level of unemployment, or the role the Chinese currency has played in this scenario.

Gradual revaluation would also help China maintain a stable economic situation because Chinese manufacturers could gain domestic customers just as quickly as they would lose foreign ones. We are not trying to destroy China‘s economic growth. We merely want to assure, through cooperation and strong communication, that China‘s economic growth can benefit us as well in the rehabilitation our economy. The deals we signed with Hu Jintao in January created jobs in America, and that‘s precisely we what we want.

When we have the superior technology to produce on American soil and export to the Chinese, we will do so.

The PRC National People‘s Congress recently convened to set China‘s next five year plan, and established a goal of 7% economic growth, slowing from the current 10% growth rate. Hopefully, a slight reduction in pressure for short-term growth will help China realize the long-term importance of improving regulation of Intellectual Property Rights. The lack of regulation not only hurts foreign business in China, but also hurts domestic companies and generally discourages innovation. While counterfeit goods are not a problem unique to the 21st century, the stealing of complex technology designs and factory equipment blueprints cannot be tolerated. We will continue to encourage the Chinese government to embrace IPR enforcement, the enforcement must come from the central government but must also be carried out throughout the provinces. Local governments have a history of being slack on IPR, focusing on short-term profits. So far sporadic crackdowns have simply pushed counterfeit production underground and have done little to eradicate the problem.

I must think of American business first and foremost. I will not tolerate the stealing of American innovation. As part of the WTO, China must raise their standards and realize that the excuse that they are a developing socialist-market economy that needs time and leeway to make progress no longer holds.2 China now has the second largest economy in the world; it‘s time for excuses to stop.

There is no doubt that China will continue to grow economically, and we will continue to be their major trading partner. I believe that the American public should be further educated on Chinese culture and the realities of our economic relationship. We innately fear the unknown, and to the American people, China is the unknown. The youth of today have seen many of the Chinese values exemplified in their Chinese-American classmates.

The feeling of competition between Chinese and American students, particularly in science and math, begins at an early age these days. We must seek to channel this friendly competition on it to the field of Research and Development. We have long been the leaders in innovation, and must persist in asserting our superiority in this realm, using the Chinese as a source of motivation. We will also seek to foster cooperation, allowing for mutually 6 - PLCY 70

beneficial technological improvements. As world leaders, we hope to use our technological knowledge to aid developing countries when possible. While we must put our own economic interests first, we have a moral obligation to provide aid when possible. Despite the recession, we must continue to invest in R&D, so as not to lose the upper hand. In internationally recognized journals, the United States remains the number one publisher of scholarly research. China has recently passed the UK to take-over second place. We still produce nearly three times the research of the Chinese; however, the fast approach will only spur us to further our research endeavors.3 Militarily, we need not fear China. We have the most advanced, well-funded military in the world. There‘s no doubt we must keep a close eye on China and its increasing military capabilities; however, this is the twenty-first century. Our extensive participation in modern warfare gives us the strategic advantage. Our investment in military technology is unprecedented. We will continue to prioritize R&D in our military budget and will not allow losing this advantage to be an option.

We are significantly concerned about the growing Chinese aggression and assertion of naval power. The Senkaku Naval Incident served as evidence of China‘s willingness to act and challenge regional and global naval powers. In adherence with the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan any violation of Japan‘s sovereignty is, according to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, interpreted as a direct act of war against the United States. The Seventh Fleet functions as strong deterrent to Chinese naval action. The fleet could respond to any attack on Taiwan in two days. To better buttress against growing Chinese power and aggression, we will continue to assess the strategic benefits of increasing the naval presence in the area surrounding the South China Sea. The Chinese military build-up over the past fifteen years has been faster than Hitler‘s military build-up prior to World War II. History taught us that appeasement does not work.

We must continue to have an influential presence in the South China Sea, and we must assure that our ability to defend any nation invaded by China is taken very seriously.

While we are still clearly the superior military power, we must take China‘s drastic increase in military spending seriously. Fighting two wars is incredibly demanding on our military budget. While we have a serious obligation to finish what we started in both Afghanistan and Iraq, we need to reduce our presence as soon as strategically possible so that we can reallocate funding towards maintaining our military superiority compared with China.

Our Central Intelligence Agency will receive all necessary funding in order to combat the biggest threat of twenty-first century security: information security. Though they were once only in the imaginations of futurist film makers, cyber-attacks are now a real concern.4 We will not under-estimate this threat. We value the safety and security of the American people above all else, and will take no action to bring into question this commitment. In this information age, we must prioritize information security above preparation of ground troops, particularly when comes to China relations because we by no means anticipate ground warfare. However, we must continue to make the strength of our military PLCY 70 - 7

apparent and unquestioned. We do not fund the most expensive military in the world merely for show; we can and will use our capabilities to enforce our policies. If China refuses to respond to diplomatic pressure, we are not afraid to use our military. At this time, however, we will publically put consistent pressure on the Chinese to conform to our policy. Because our economies our ever-increasingly intertwined, neither country would benefit from direct military confrontation at this time. We will first seek to strengthen our diplomatic relationship with China and give them the chance to prove they can function as a dual world power with us in the decades to come.

In an effort to balance out China‘s economic strength the United States is involved in a new, comprehensive trade agreement with Pacific Rim countries known as the TransPacific Partnership. We just concluded the sixth round of negotiations for the TPP in Singapore. The Singapore round brought together all nine partners: Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Chile, Malaysia, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam. The agreement covers all aspects of trade and investment and is geared towards the twenty-first century barriers to trade that we face. All participants hope to have the partnership finalized by the November 2011 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Conference in Honolulu. I believe this goal is both feasible and necessary. The absence of China in the formation of this partnership should be a wake-up call for the Chinese to ease tariffs and extreme protectionist practices that hurt foreign investors.

China today is neither Hitler‘s Germany nor Stain‘s U.S.S.R.; she presents a unique opportunity for international economic and innovative cooperation on an unprecedented scale. We wish to seize this opportunity now. I will assure we do everything that is domestically and internationally necessary to achieve this relationship, but I will do so with caution.

I will present an unwavering message of our intentions and expectations. China and the United State have ―an enormous stake in each other‘s success.‘‘5 Not only do I fervently believe we can coexist as dual world powers, I believe we can both thrive in this arrangement. It will not be easy; both countries have strong beliefs, traditions and a desire to protect their citizens. But instead of letting these values divide us, I believe they can unite us in a way that will set a global model for international relations.

”

May God bless us, and grant us patience in our relations with China. God bless the American people, the American dream, and our beautiful country.

H.M. Lindquist

President H.M. Lindquist

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W

e are in a time of great transition in the world. Technology is bridging divides and creating countless opportunities for growth. New world partnerships have injected the vigor of liberalism into the normally anarchic world system. These cooperative arrangements have proven that no matter the differences between them, two nations can, in working together, strengthen each other. In that spirit of mutual beneficence, my staff has embarked on the mammoth task of creating a new vision for USChina relations.

Behind any successful policy is a tremendously passionate and diligent staff. Only through the countless hours contributed by so many on this staff could a policy be presented to you today. Their diligence and resolve has ensured that this venture came to fruition.

Under the direction of President H.M. Lindquist and the guidance of Advisor W.H. Carter III, I present to you this report, compiled by a knowledgeable and dedicated group of public policy scholars, for improved relations with China.

The first part of this compilation features the specific outline of our policy. Patrick Brunell leads the economic policy team, helping President Lindquist‘s vision of fair trade with China be put into a coherent policy (See Page 14). His work includes currency valuation, trade practice and intellectual property rights (IPR) considerations.

Cristian Alphonso is our defense policy expert (See Page 20). His contribution involves how to adjust our military to a changing world landscape. This will involve a focus on preparedness, coupled with an effort for peace.

Kathleen Reittinger is covering the cultural side of the policy for us (See Page 25).

She has outlined many ways the US and China can come together despite ideological differences. Her ideas involve such topics as hu10 - PLCY 70

man rights violations and how to change common American perceptions of China.

But a great policy is nothing without a comprehensive campaign behind it. So, the second portion of this booklet focuses on the ways and methods our staff would mobilize support. This support, coming from Congress, the media, , academia, lobbyists and the bureaucracy will be essential to fulfilling our goals.

In the congressional realm, Peter Alfredson and Taylor Boone have provided an in -depth analysis of the political ramifications of this policy. Their work looks at the intricacies of the U.S. Congress and the ways we might approach obstacles legislatively (See Page 32). Going congressman by congressman, they have identified allies and potential impediments to the success of our policy.

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Perhaps the most im...cooperative arrangements have proven that no matter the portant part of our public camdifferences between them, paign for this two nations can, policy is the utiin working together, lization of the strengthen each other. media. Alison Lane and Elizabeth Turner have created a dynamic approach, including the utilization of social media and harnessing of traditional channels of information flow. (SEE PAGE 42).

”

Ann Monastyrsky and Mark Drosnes handled academia for the campaign. Ann hones in on where support might be found for our policy, while Mark looks at how academia actually influences the making of foreign policy in the United States (See Page 52).

Lobbyist pressures are a concern for any policy involving legislative action. This is why Stephanie Milam and Andrew Tugman traversed this sphere of influence for us.

Milam examined the unique situation of the humanitarian lobby and relations with China and Tugman defined how we might drum up

lobbyist support in other areas (See Page 62).

The massive bureaucratic campaign that will be required to successfully implement this policy is handled by Neal Patel and Brendan Cooley (See Page 72). Patel‘s work focuses on the economic implications, while Cooley‘s takes a look at defense and military concerns.

On behalf of President Lindquist, I would like to thank you for taking an interest in such an all-encompassing issue that America faces in the 21st century. The U.S. can no longer afford to take for granted its world power status. We must reach out and embrace other developing nations for the betterment of all. We can forge a new rapport with China, an international relationship for the benefit of American citizens and citizens of the world alike.

Your Chief of Staff,

Kevin M. Uhrmacher Kevin M. Uhrmacher Chief of Staff UNC - CH Class of 2014

“One’s acquaintances may fill the world, but one’s true friends can be but few.”

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F

Introduction

or 40 years Communist China safeguarded its State economy and held strong its dominance politically. Only over the last few decades has the regime decided to liberalize its state enterprise system, freeing them to compete in open markets and global trade.

Today, after reaping benefits previously dominated by capitalist economies, they have grown to become a front runner in dictating trade in the world‘s economy. China recently surpassed Japan with a G.D.P (The Official Exchange Rate)1 of $5.745 trillion,2 bringing them third to only the United States and the European Union. While maintaining the world‘s fastest growth rate, China has become a formidable competitor and economically co-dependent with the United States. US-China relations have often been tense and unfriendly, with conflict over social, human rights, economic and political policy. Looking to the future it will be wise to pursue better relations with China in order to ensure the prosperity and stability of both countries.

Challenges Faced by the US Currently the United States is facing numerous and increasingly volatile domestic and foreign issues that limit our ability to make ideal progress with China. However we can overcome these issues with the strategic approach aimed at creating at least a collaborative partner, if not a friend, out of China rather than an enemy. The issues are: 

National debt – Over recent years of mindless and wasted spending we have accumulated a mountain of debt reaching $14.29 trillion. Soon this will surpass our G.D.P. of $14.66 trillion3. We are severely handicapped by wild spending habits and must be more focused, stricter and wiser in how we spend our money and raise taxes. People want everything; few want to pay for it. China is a major holder of our national debt, at $1.154 trillion 4 and still increasing. Increasing our borrowing from China is a dangerous course which elevates there leverage over our economic strategy choices. The more we borrow from a single entity the more power and control them have if they decide to call their loans or simply stop taking our debt.



Undervalued currency – China’s currency is a major deterrent to American businesses and makes it difficult to analyze Chinese economic/business statistics. Their intentionally weakened currency allows for artificially cheap imports to the US, undermining the competitiveness of our domestic firms. Yet our national dependence on Chinese goods makes it extremely difficult to manipulate our foreign policy with China as Americans have become accustomed to their cheap imports5.



Increasing trade power of China – China’s increasing investment and exports into the US give them more influence over our markets. We cannot simply dictate bilateral trade

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frameworks as we have with smaller countries with little influence over us. Unfortunately China has gained power enough to retaliate effectively, tariff wise, to surgically hurt our markets. This prevents us from being recklessly aggressive with China when solidifying trade agreements and retaliating in kind. 

Domestic fear – As China becomes more powerful so does fear of another cold war. China, more and more, is being looked at as the next big superpower rivaling the US just as Russia did following WW II. It is more challenging and complex to engineer mutually rational and politically friendly decisions with China.

 Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) – China is a flagrant violator of IPR. With lax regulation, fake products are easily made and sold at cheaper prices, stifling legitimate business and entrepreneurs who are key to innovation. These Black Market products hurt the host nation and other importing nations. Long term, both China and the US are suffering from rampant breaches in IPR as imposter steal ideas and substitute for real economic growth. 

Hypocrisy - As the most powerful nation for many decades, the US dominated trade agreements allowing us to live by laws favorable to and enforceable by us. Often we have bypassed or looked the other way when these laws do not suit our purpose without fear of severe punishment. A smaller nation would have been subject to negative sanctions with little recourse. From China’s view this perceived hypocrisy has extended beyond economics to other political, ethical and military areas. This gives China an excuse to use against us when justifying their own wayward behavior and maneuvering out of a guilty situation 6.



Massive reserve hoarding – China has been hoarding massive reserves totaling up to $2.5 trillion and increasing. This creates a buffer and fallback and reduces US leverage and power. This is also a gamble. If US currency weakens and inflation increases this endangers their debt holdings offsetting their reserves7.

Percentage of U.S. imports that come from China

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Focusing Initiatives In order for US policy to be coherent and effective we focus on several initiatives encompassing our policy and strategy with China. Taking note of issues outlined above we must manage the risks and find common ground and mutual benefit in solving problems we face together. The following are essential to success.

1) The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – Sealing an agreement.

many nations will dilute the control of one powerhouse. 

Easier, more productive multilateral trade

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Healthier trade and competitiveness frameworks will spur developing economies allowing them to participate in the region‘s growth

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Strength and stability in numbers

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Less hostile trade contributes to political stability

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All will participate in growth and mutual benefit of trading with both the US and China.

2) Currency – Appreciate the Yuan 3) Intellectual Property Right (IPR) – Clamping down on IPR

4) Liberalize Markets / Investment – LiberalThis partnership initiative provides both domesizing China‘s markets and trade tic appeal and challenge within the US. To effecWe must weigh the net benefits of befriending, tively deal with China we must seize the moment or at minimum collaborating, with China versus in creating a level playing field among nations all out self-driven competition. Some elements of surrounding it. Building stronger economic ties our policy may appear only to benefit the US and shared economic power will help dilute Chiand aggravate the Chinese in the short run. na‘s influence over us and others.

However our case is based on achieving net mutual benefit in the long term. While not massively worsening our relations we must to take a Currency strong stand with China through recognizing arBefore 2005, Chinese currency was pegged at 1 eas we can support China‘s long term agenda in US dollar to 8.28 CNY, and thus was greatly unreturn for what we need. This plan will strengthdervalued in the US work trade. In addition, low en or economic position while encouraging Chicosts of labor and production gave Chinese na to collaborate in securing a better long term heavy advantage in penetrating foreign markets. future including the larger Pacific community There has been slightly freed over the last six which offers economic benefit and stability. years, yet is still controlled by government and banks through limiting exchange, purchase and withdrawal of US dollars. Currently the CNY is The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) still undervalued though appreciating slowly to a Our primary goal is to spread our disproportion- present to a low of $1 US/6.529 CNY8. Chinese al dependency and risks with China across export-led strategy has created a large budget many nations. By supporting the competitivesurplus and rapid economic growth benefitting ness and economic interdependence of other Pa- US consumers while undermining US growth cific nations, we can help them become viable and self sufficiency. partners. This is in China‘s interest while at the However, over the longer term the benefits of an same time lessening their leverage on us. Exappreciated Yuan outweigh the advantages of an panding collective trade and benefits among undervalued currency for both the US and Chi16 - PLCY 70

na. US negotiators and politicians must explain and make a convincing case.

Advantages to US of undervalued Chinese currency: 

Imports from China remain relatively cheap - Chinese good will benefit from relatively production and labor costs, with transport costs not overly burdensome.

These appeals to our consuming middle and lower classes.



American businesses import cheaper goods – American businesses can outsource US production by importing cheaper goods and becoming more profitable in the short run.

Competitiveness – Some experts argue that US firms are therefore forced to become more competitive, innovative and cost efficient9.

Disadvantages to US of Undervalued currency10: 

Inefficient dependency – With unfair cost advantages, Chinese companies are taking the easy way out: not innovating and working to become more competitive. So are some US companies when it is easier to market low cost Chinese goods.



Undercuts developing nations – Many surrounding nations wishing to export into the US cannot equal artificially low Chinese prices. This hinders their development and undermines our trade and investment with them.



American exports are more expensive – US exports are higher priced compared to the Chinese and we can‘t mount a pro-

ductive, efficient export strategy faced with prices subsidized by China‘s weak Yuan. 

Unemployment and competiveness – Importing from China results in higher US unemployment. Domestic manufacturing firms cannot compete effectively with those who only import and market.

The US risks our international security by ceding and outsourcing our fundamental manufacturing strength.  Hypocrisy – The United States looks hypocritical to other potential partner nations as we have always advocated fair free markets. We are better off to level the playing field for all, rather than just reaping short term benefits from China.

An undervalued Chinese currency has many more disadvantages for the United States.

The advantages of a revalued currency are the opposites of the lists above. With an appreciated currency Chinese competitiveness must depend on more than low costs. Over the long term this is good for firms in the US and other countries, including China, who then must focus on the real elements of competitiveness: innovation, research, entrepreneurship, skilled workers, good management, effective marketing and financing. This plays to US strengths and opens up trade and investment for developing countries. US firms would have more room to import from other countries that now have a realistic incentive to improve their economies.

Hopefully smaller firms will have a greater chance to compete with the global ones based on their own unique capabilities. Although prices PLCY 70 - 17

may be slightly higher in the short run all countries will improve their self-sufficiency. The new Chinese5 year plan11 will actually help us to accomplish these goals12.

through the US economy. In the long term, fake goods are a detriment to the US economy as well as the Chinese economy. We must increase pressure on the Chinese government to clamp down on their IPR problem. We must reiterate and To achieve our goals we need to band together convince their government, during negotiations with allied trading partners, such as the Europeand publically, that IPR is drastically hurting an Union, Japan and TPP members to bring both our economies. We suggest they reallocate pressure on China. This pressure, in the long some resources into protection of their own marrun will benefit all countries including China kets and entrepreneurs and to harsher punishthemselves with a more equal playing field. Chiments for guilty counterfeiters. na cannot rely on an export-led strategy forever and will need to diversify their economics. They China is only the first step. Other countries are already showing signs of this by their gradu- must be pressured into clamping down on IPR, al increase in Yuan appreciation. especially those in the TPP agreement. We must encourage and show them the benefits of having stricter protection of these rights. The more moIntellectual Property Rights (IPR) mentum we gain on this issue the easier it will China‘s blatant disregard for IPR remains a high be to abolish large amounts of IPR. priority concern for the welfare of US businesses. Counterfeit goods from China have leaked

This chart, compiled with numbers released by the State Intellectual Property Office in China, seems to show a very different picture of IPRs than what is widely believed to be the case there.

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Liberalize Markets / Investment



Although China has continued to slowly liberalize their markets over the years they remain an extremely protectionist country. US firms are treated very badly in China as they put massive tariffs on them in order to keep their small businesses safe. The next step is figuring out whether we should retaliate with a similar protectionist policy or continue to advocate for free markets and trade when in bilateral or multilateral deals. The answer lies in both paths. There are certain aspects of our economy we must protect or use protectionist methods in order to stand up to Chinese bullying. 

Innovation, Research and Development, and Technology – This has been the United State‘s seed corn for the last 100 years. We have always been at the forefront of technology, research and the leading drivers of innovation and entrepreneurship. We must safeguard these precious assets of our economy and not let them slip too easily to other nations.

We must use this as our leverage to stay ahead of China in these areas. If we can level the playing field American can confidently compete with a strong hand against China who relies more on only low cost advantages.

Tit for Tat method – We need to be strategically and selectively aggressive when trying to protect our businesses. Just retaliation is not the key, rather being well focused, firm and strong. If the Chinese threaten something drastic we need to anticipate and have a response which also offers some mutual incentive to China. Something they want for something we want, where mutual benefits are possible over the longer term. This does not mean engaging in price wars. We must selectively place tariffs on their goods if they do the same first. Any drastic methods of protectionism made by China should be responded by us in a strong manner but not in a bullish way13.

If China shows a willingness to continue opening their markets and economy, we must help and encourage them. We should set an example, where possible, to stick to our principles of free trade amongst countries and must encourage China with incentives to negotiate a fair trade-off between what they need and what we need. We must keep international and private pressure on them. Using forums such as the G20 and the WTO will help us prod civilized nations with similar economic principles to help back our case14.

Conclusion Our main focus in our future approach with China is to spread our economic risk and dependency across other developing nations in return for a give and take with China that provides mutual long term advantages. If we continue to compete with China in inconsistent and unhealthy ways, we will prevent each other from reaching our full economic potential over the long term. We must also focus on bringing other countries out of development and into the global economy. China is now an emerging world leader we need to help them understand that there are new and more lasting benefits if they help lead a broader and more far-reaching strategy for global integration including the Pacific nation community. This is a new role for China and one we can capitalize on if we are smart and think more strategically about our own long term interests and realize we can no longer have our own way on everything we want. ◙

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I

n developing this intricate and extremely important sect of our entire foreign policy to deal with relations with China, I have researched many aspects of our military including current and future programs, budget, and resources in order to best deal with the current and future state of affairs with China. It should be noted that the basis of this military policy is not, by any means, to take an aggressive, offensive stance against China, there is too much at risk if such an operation was to be undertaken. What I have proposed, as you will read in the following list of proposals and suggestions, is a detailed list of objectives and plans to develop a military focused policy that actively identifies China as a country of interest, and to ready our military forces in the event that relations deteriorate, and military actions eventually becomes necessary. I will start off by identifying why China could eventually become a threat, give a detailed summary of what we can do to 20 - PLCY 70

counteract their threats, and finish by explaining how we must go about getting the policies laid out in this plan into action.

China and the United States are currently extremely economically intertwined. Unfortunately, this poses a bit of a problem when we begin to discuss what would happen in the two countries were to suddenly become enemies. For one, China has so much invested in the US that it would be hard to imagine them attacking us for any reason.

However, as a military consultant on this issue, it is not my

job to speculate what if or why China would attack us. It is, however, my utmost responsibility to develop plans on what to do to make sure that the United States military is ready,

at any time, for a possible conflict, and not just a physical one. For one, China poses as an immense technological threat. Their research and development of new technologies is moving at a rate that blows the United States away. As it may or may not be known to most, China and the US spy on each other all the time.

This is not the old school, James Bond type of spying though. What we are concerned with today is advance computer hacking, which involves using normally public sites (like your common .gov, and .mil sites) to gain access to servers and ultimately secret information about a country‘s actions. Agree that the most classified information is safeguarded behind the most wellengineered firewalls to date, it is still a step in the wrong direction if you are the US government, as it is our job to insure the security of our people, and this starts at this level of obtaining records that are not supposed to be available for public viewing. In fact, when it comes to the cyber spy element of warfare altogether,

―many experts believe China may have the upper hand;‖1 Secondly, and perhaps following a more classical approach, China is advancing their hardware about as fast as they are advancing their software. Because they currently own so much US debt money, they are currently pouring it into additional military equipment. We, as Americans, must understand that it would be an absolute catastrophe to engage in a man-to -man fight with a nation who, every year, has almost 4 times the number of people become available for military service than we do.2 While we currently are superior militarily to the Chinese, we must do all we can to ensure that we stay superior, and moreover, not allow them the close the gap in military strength. Also, it must be understood that China does have sufficient nuclear capabilities to be able to effectively strike and destroy areas in the US, as well as the US‘s allies. At this point, nukes are nukes. One nuclear warhead, if successfully launched and not effectively destroyed, can wipe out all of New York City, with the ability to kill 8+ million people in around 1020 seconds. What Brendan will do in his area of foreign policy will be to describe in more detail, what an effective strategy is for the US in regards to developing sufficient missile defense systems to ensure that we, and our allies, will not be under-

protected in the event of major nuclear warfare. What I will mainly focus on will be our current air superiority, and how we can effectively maintain our superiority.

Currently, has an immense number of aircraft at its disposal, each with its own specific purpose, and each very effective at accomplishing its mission. However, after carefully examining the current defense budget, as well as future expected expenditures, I have found some points worth noting. First, it needs to be noted that there is not much wiggle room in the current budget, where additional funds can be garnered. The only money I could realistically see available would be in the category of military personnel. Since this is an area that is of lesser importance in a conflict with China (since they have a serious upper hand in this area), I believe that we have less to gain from expanding the military personnel as much as we are. After reviewing the budget changes from 20102011, I noticed that there was a 5.0% increase in spending on military personnel. However, the 2011 base pay raise was the lowest in 50 years, a meager 1.4%3. Even if we did allow for the 1.4% base pay increase, this is an extra $5.55 billion that is going towards increasing the size of the active military personnel. One of my proposals is to allow for the 1.4% base

pay increase, and approximately $900 million of additional funding for military personnel increases. What this would effectively do is free up $4.626 billion a year to devote to additional US research and development programs such as continuing to develop better stealth technology, improve and implement more advanced missile defense systems, and continue to advance our entire military capacity and strength. Secondly, as we wind things down in Afghanistan, where we currently spend approximately $9 billion every month, we aim to use portions of this saved money to devote towards more R&D efforts. Next, and here is where I aim to get into specifics, is the analyzing of the F-35 JSF/ Lightning II project. When the US government originally jumped on board as a supporter and chef funder of the then named F-35 Joint Strike Fighter (JSF) program, all three branches of the military which operate fighter aircraft immediately signed up and placed orders. The Air Force placed the most orders, a planned 1763 F35As, a conventional take off and landing (CTOL) version of the F-35 to replace much of its aging A-10 Thunderbolt and F16 Fighting Falcon aircraft fleet.

What this means is they the aircraft requires a sizeable runway in order to take off and land effectively. The Navy then ordered 260 F-35C to replace part of its PLCY 70 - 21

F/A-18 Hornet fleet, a carrier based version of the aircraft capable of CATOBAR, which stands for Catapult Assisted Take Off But Arrested Recovery.

What this means is that the aircraft is specifically designed to be launched via a steam powered catapult off of an air craft carrier, and then be fitted with a hook at the end of a pole attached to the aircraft allowing it to grab a wire on the aircraft carrier runway, allowing it to stop in very short distances. Finally, the Marine Corps ordered 80 F-35Bs, a Short Take Off and Landing (STOL) or Vertical Take Off and Landing (VTOL), to replace part of its F/A-18 attack squadrons as well as all of its Harrier fleet.

When each branch originally placed their orders, the entire program cost was estimated to be around $200 billion, with each individual aircraft having a flyaway cost of roughly $4045 million per plane. However, as the years progressed, and the program continued, costs kept increasing, and as of 2010, the current estimated program cost is now approaching a staggering $1 trillion4, with flyaway costs averaging between $122150 million per plane5. This supposed ―budget fighter‖ is has now become anything but, and I have some policy recommendations for an effective reallocation of funds that would 22 - PLCY 70

best support our preparation for a potential conflict with China. Since flyaway costs have risen so steeply in only 9 years, and since the F-35 is not even currently in full production, what‘s to say costs will not rise even further? My main point is proposing a

change to the Air Force‘s order for such a large amount of F-35As, the conventional take off and landing version. A large part of these aircraft will go to replace the F-16 Fighting Falcon, an aircraft that is currently faster than the aircraft specified to replace it. Not only that, but it has the ability to supercruise, which means it can cruise above the speed of sound without the use of afterburner, which are an extremely inefficient way of providing thrust. A fighter jet than can supercruise has immensely greater aerial prowess and superiority. Unfortunately, the F35 does not have the engine capacity to supercruise, making it much less capable if it were to have to go toe-to-toe against other Chinese aircraft in aerial combat, aka a dogfight. With China pumping funds into new aircraft, this may become as big an issue as we saw in WWII,

where major battles were won based on who controlled the air.

My proposal is for the Air Force to re-appropriate some of its orders for F-35s to orders for F22 Raptors. What I believe should be done is that of the 1,763 orders for F-35As, the 1,262 that will be used to replace the F-16 should be cancelled and the Air Force should reorder the same amount of F-22s, ensuring that no level of aerial performance, which is a major asset of the F-16, be lost by replacing it with a slower aircraft with lower levels of performance. Made by the same company as the F-35 (Lockheed Martin), the F-22 has numerous advantages to its little brother, and there would be less complication since the contract is still with Lockheed Martin, and in the end, the money goes to the same people. For one, the F-22 costs almost the exact same as current projected flyaway costs of the F-35A, evening the budget playing field and allowing the two aircraft to be compared for their simple physical attributes, and once this is done, it becomes clear that the F-22, when compared to the F-35, is a better replacement for the F16. The F-22 is faster than the F-35, with a top speed over 300mph faster, but it also has to ability to cruise at 1,200mph, far above the speed of sound, without the use of afterburners.

This is something the F-35 can-

not do, and because of this, greatly hinders its effectiveness in the event it must escape enemy aircraft. Also, in today‘s modern age, the need for the most advanced stealth capability is a must for our pilots to accomplish their missions while incurring the least amount of harm. With that being said, the F-22 has a more advanced stealth system, including a better laser jammer and better stealth characteristics inherently designed into its body. This allows for easier implementation into the war zone, and will greatly improve its effectiveness for the Air Force. In all fairness though, we cannot afford to completely cancel all of our orders for F-35s, especially when it comes to the Navy and the Marine Corps, as these branches of the military are ordering F-35s that have specific capabilities that the F22 is just not engineered for. For example, the Marines are ordering F35Bs to replace part of their F/A18 fleet, which is a very smart move.

The F-35B is slightly better in the category of aerial superiority, much better in the category of armament, and as an added bonus, the F-35B can take off

and land on a runway ¼ the size of that needed for an F/A18, or if necessary, can take off and land with no runway at all.

Also, when compared to the AV8 Harrier, (the Marine Corps‘ current VTOL fighter) the F-35B offers the same VTOL capabilities, but with the modern updates like improved stealth and radar jamming abilities, as well as improved aerial ability. This makes it a great replacement for the Harrier, since it is much closer to production than a VTOL F-22, which isn‘t being, nor has any plans of being built anyway. In the end, as I have shown, there is much to be examined when it comes to cur-

tion possible if we were to have a conflict with China. We must remember that if we do end up in conflict, our way of winning will depend on everything other than man power, and we must take this time before hand to prepare as much as possible, both with current technologies, and in our efforts to try and engineer the best future technologies we can.

Finally, I come to my last point of concern, how we will go about getting the aforementioned policies into action. This will depend heavily on our Bureaucratic leader of defense, Brendan Cooley. Whereas I have touched on the nuclear aspect, and specified on the needs for improvement and restructuring of our air power, Brendan will focus more on land and sea based defense systems, as well as explain how to get all of these policies through the bureaucracy and ensure that they rent air power of our armed make it into law. Nonetheless I forces, and I believe I have must stress that it is extremely shown that there is room for important to get everybody on improvement in order to ensure board in order to make sure that we are in the best condithis goes off without a hitch. It PLCY 70 - 23

is of the utmost importance that we follow Kingdon‘s three streams necessary for policy to be successfully implemented.

We must make it clear to the American public that China is not a country that should be taken lightly. However, we must be sure to balance our media coverage to as to not cause another Red Scare. While China does in many ways compare to the old Soviet Russia, we cannot instill the idea of another cold war into the minds of the American people, or else this bill will have no support, and thus, no chance of success.

Secondly, we must make sure

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every solution and alternative has been addressed in our bill before it even goes to the public, which I believe we will do, as it is our job and responsibility to do nothing less. Lastly we must effectively use the advice and opinions of our experts, as well as our people inside the bureaucracy to make sure we gain the final stream, the political support and fortitude to ensure that we can get this bill through congress.

For I believe we have the three streams John Kingdon mentioned. We have clearly identified China‘s increasing military strength as an immi-

nent problem for the US if we do not also step up our progression in military fortitude. Secondly, we undoubtedly have the detailed, but straight forward policies that will guide government action, and with the help of our skilled bureaucratic team and congressional experts, I categorically believe that we have the politics to take this entire foreign policy all the way through to law, and as I have hoped to show you today in this report, the military side of this policy is one that will require much funding, but in the end be one of the most important aspects of the entire bill. â—™

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n today‘s world, the United States has built up the perspective of China that they are the up and coming new ―super power‖.

The United States, being a long time super power has had all kinds of relations with China.

The United States‘ culture, however, is much different than China‘s in many different ways.

The United States has a very strong perspective and view on human rights. Human rights, in the United States, means that all people are treated equally and have the same rights and opportunities. China, on the other hand, has been experiencing human rights issues that the United States has not agreed with as it goes against our beliefs of human rights. Another cultural difference is our government system. The Beijing Consensus and Washington Consensus have many different ideas for the way their country should be run. Last, but not least, education, is a major topic that has been brought up many times in Washington, D.C. These are many issues that come up about China. How will the United States be able to handle the pressure of China‘s dominating power and conflicting issues?

Human rights are the ―rights and freedoms to which all humans are entitled‖. This definition of human rights is what the United States lives by and holds up to. However, this is not the case in China. China has human rights in their country, but it would be hard for one to believe they did with a serious topic and

issue around the world that is has been happening and occurring in China for a while now.

Gendercide is a huge human rights problem that is currently going on in China. What this is also known as is the ―war on baby girls‖.

Many females in China have disappeared, been kidnapped, aborted, or even neglected. In China, rather than the United Sates, they find it socially acceptable that boys are preferred over girls. Before technology became advanced, women in China were not able to see the sex of their child, so the ratio of males to females was at a more equal scale.

However, when the ultrasound was invented, this enabled the Chinese women to determine the birth of their child. In today‘s world, abortion for the Chinese people is common and acceptable.

If the ultrasound detected the sex of the baby was female, then abortion was the immediate answer. In the United States, some would see this as murder. When Bill Clinton was in office he stated that abortion should be ―safe, legal, and rare‖. This does go against many morals of Americans, but some argue the same idea as Bill Clinton. Clinton does mention in his quote, ―rare‖, almost implying it should almost never happen on rare occasion or certain incidents such as rape.3 There are several problems that have occurred with cultural perspective in China. The crime rates have gone up, China has one of the worst sex rates in the world, sexual violence, PLCY 70 - 25

trafficking (also known as prostitution) and suicides of women. The government and people do not see it as a major problem to address or see it rising as a serious problem. The ratio of men to women is outstanding and will continue to move apart even more if the gendercide continues and the One-Child policy holds in place. Some recent statistics that were done in China showed that ―over 120 boys are being born for every 100 girls‖. What the government and people of the United States are probably wondering is why the Chinese government is continuing to let this happen and what are the reasons for the destruction of these young girls and women. One major human rights issue that still holds in place and will for a while is the One Child Policy.

This is one Chinese policy that the United States would like to see get permanently taken away.

The major reason as to why the Chinese government won‘t get rid of the policy is because they do not want the population of China to grow anymore since it is already growing at a steady rate. By keeping the One Child Policy, this will prevent the population of China to grow and cause overpopulation since it already has one of the largest populations in the world. The Chinese government does not care enough about

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States would refer to as the One Child Policy.

These are all old traditions and beliefs that have been reinforced today in Chinese society..3 We can‘t just look at the parents of the families causing the problem, but the central government of China is a huge problem with this human rights issue. The central government of China leaves the local government the responsibility for distributing the money to different orphanages in China. The problem is the local government cannot provide the aid that the orphans needs. This is another reason why adopting a child from China is so difficult. What the United States wants the Chinese government to do is to look at Western ideas about human rights about women such as removing abortion laws, educating women, allowing them to join the work force and even have their own home to themselves. The reason why gendercide has not been taken under control is because the world does not know enough about it to help prevent it. Around the world and even in China it is not acknowledged or brought up enough. In the year 2005, only five words were said in the United States State Department report. Since then, not many reports have been made. If the word

If the ultrasound detected the sex of the baby was female, then abortion was the immediate answer. In the United States, some would see this as murder.

the United States opinion on human rights to get rid of it. Another reason why there is a continuation of the destruction of younger girls is because of old traditions. One old tradition is favoring sons over daughters. This tradition has especially been reinforced with new technological innovation of the ultrasound. Another reason for this continuation of gendercide is the idea of having a small family, which the United 26 - PLCY 70

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does not get around then how will we be ever to do anything about it? Once a great leader of China Mao Zedong stated, ―Women hold up half the sky‖. If the United States wants to change human rights policies in China, then we are going to have to start taking an initiative to know and understand the problems that are occurring before they get out of hand. Gendercide will continue to be a problem and until the world will

acknowledge it and try to stop it is estimated consensus is that there will be no constant soluthat 133,610,000 million girls will go missing. It tions for situations, they will innovate, defend is time to take an initiative to change.2 national borders, experience new ideas, go back to pragmatic and ideological traditions like the ancient times. The United States does emphaAnother culture issue that is occurring is size defending national borders and open for the government ideas of the Chinese vs. the new innovations, however, the Chinese have United States. As we know, the United States been on the rise with their new technological inbelieves in a democracy. However, the Chinese novations. One idea that the Chinese have is government has a different idea on how China finding the best way towards modernism. What will and should be run. Something not only the they believe is the best path for modernism is United States, but other large countries worry the ―groping for stones to cross the river‖. They about is the fear of China becoming the next su- want to improve their society because for years perpower in the years to come. This is someother countries saw China in a darker light in thing that the United States for a long time has the way that the society was run and now they stressed about and has been are finally pushing themcovered throughout the media, selves into a better light. This which has caused many Americonsensus is all about ecocans to fear that China will once nomic and social change power over us. However, China which is for the basis of imcan be said and it does hold true proving society in China. that they can become the next This same idea was in the superpower and becoming a Washington Consensus, but model for many other countries slowly disappeared over time.1 on ways to develop. One thing The main difference of the Beijing Conthat has been compared is the Beijing Consensensus is that it is more politically based. It fosus and the Washington Consensus. Both concuses on providing a better quality of life and a sensus‘s have many different ideas about their global balance of power. However, the Washingcountry and ways they each individually want to ton Consensus‘s ideas had a different target of go about running their country and what they interest. Theirs was based more on the idea of find important to maintain as a dominating sueconomics. Why is this? China is a growing superpower. per power and becoming very wealthy each decThe Washington Consensus and the Bei- ade. Their economy is doubling in size at least jing consensus differ in several ways. What has every ten years. The main difference between been said about the Washington Consensus is the two consensuses is that China gets away that this consensus will not notice failing econo- from values that the Washington Consensus mies and it has left bad feelings around the contains. The Beijing Consensus consists of world with many countries. Because of these two three different theories: innovation, a set of new issues that have been noticed of the Washington tools, and self-determination. For innovation, Consensus, it is now said that the Beijing Conthey want to be a model for other countries and sensus will end up replacing the Washington want to have the newest technology, like copper one with its new ideas. The Beijing consensus is wire, in order to produce products at a much different than the Washington Consensus in sev- quicker pace. For the theory of sets of new tools eral ways. Some main aspects of the Beijing focuses on the idea of the people of China and PLCY 70 - 27

their quality of life and the equality of the people. This theory is to attempt to get rid of the history and view from other countries that they had of China in past times. However, in order for this theory to work, the government of China must find a way of handling the population size of China and the chaos that surrounds it. Also, try not to stray away from the idea of equality and quality of life and go back to old traditions of the past. Self-determination can relate back to the idea of the quality of life and new set of morals and values.1

to change their image to the world. This can become a problem for many. Through the Washington and Beijing Consensus, it shows the cultural differences in the way in which the government runs their country and what they find important.1

What has been most recently talked about and mentioned in several of Obama‘s speeches is education. Education has been a controversial issue in the United States, however, now we are looking at our competitor, China. China has topped many countries in the academic area of What a common questions is whether the science, math and reading. In an international Chinese will get away from communism finally. study of at least 65 countries, the three top Through this consensus, the Chinese are trying countries contained Confucian schools. The top to get away from the practices of the comthree were Hong Kong, Singapore, and South munism and try to start ―globalizing‖ but with Korea. Where did the United States come in the some of their own characteristics without mixing rankings? Not at the end, but definitely not at in any communism. Through the globalizing, the top. In reading, the U.S. ranked 15th, in scithe Chinese however, are starting to challenge ence 23rd, and where the United States was other countries including the United States. In ranked the lowest was math at 31st. The reason the consensus it talks about how the Chinese why these Confucian schools were at the top of wants to challenge the United States control of the rankings is because school and academics ―The Commons‖ which includes the sea, space, are the one and only priority. They have very and air. Since the United States is a top super- strict rules for academics whereas in the United power, the Chinese are trying to pass us, but in States, we have seen the drop-out rates on the ways to try to do this, they want the United rise. 4 States to pay more to control ―The Commons‖.

One main difference in education in ChiThrough this, we see that the Chinese are up na than in America is that the Chinese school and coming to challenge anyone and are trying system has done a better job at working with teachers who are not as affective in the teaching area, whereas in the United States, they would have probably been fired at the start. Since China is in a socialist system, they cannot automatically fire the teachers so they offer them more training to see if there is any improvement within that teacher. Instead of firing that teacher, they can always push them to a different job or put them at a teaching position 28 - PLCY 70

that doesn‘t require the education aspect such as physical education. In China, P.E. is not a big deal and no one really cares about it. Whereas in the United States, we push for physical activity and it is required as a class you must take before even graduating. However, one problem in China is that school is very strict and not taken lightly. What the people of the Chinese system complain is that it is so strict that the students cannot be creative, be involved in clubs, sports, or independent activities such as art. This is something that the Chinese do envy of the United States. However, the Chinese school system pushes for the commitment towards school, the passion, and desire to do

well and succeed. Another main difference is that teachers get the proper respect and the most well thought of kids in school are the most prestigious kids in the class, not the goofy kid in the class, the prettiest girl, or the football quarterback. 4 The United States and China have many culture differences whether it‘s human rights, government laws, or even education systems. However, China is moving towards being a superpower of the world and a model for many other countries. In time, hopefully China and the United States will come to common agreements on these three major cultural differences.◙

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he relationship between the United States and China is a delicate balancing act, and its manifestations in congressional policy and the issues that matter to members of Congress reflect this uncertainty and complexity. The state of U.S. interactions with the Chinese government is perhaps best summed up in the statement by Rep. Howard Berman (D-California) that ―China is neither an ally, nor an enemy; it is both a competitor, and a partner.‖1 While there are many members of Congress that see China as more of a threat than Berman does, his words encapsulate the challenges of making congressional policy towards that nation that offers many opportunities for American success yet also threatens America‘s future as the world‘s dominant power. For members of Congress, there are concerns motivated by extrinsic issues such as human rights, but also issues that very directly affect their constituents such as intellectual property law. The Congress has the power to address some of these issues, and in other cases, a strong 32 - PLCY 70

desire to see these cases addressed by the executive branch when appropriate. The issues that stand out as most important to Congress and will likely be presented by the executive branch as part of any China policy before the Congress are security and defense concerns, human rights issues, currency fluctuation, trade policy, and intellectual property issues.

Chinese currency fluctuation is an issue that faces an uncertain future in the 112th Congress after the failure of legislation to address this problem in the 111th Congress.

In September 2010, the U.S. House overwhelmingly (348 for, 79 against) voted in favor of a bill sponsored by Rep. Tim Ryan (D-Ohio), H.R. 2378, the Currency Reform for Fair Trade Act, which would have addressed the issue of the Chinese government deliberately undervaluing its currency, a practice that essentially subsidizes Chinese exports to the detriment of U.S. domestic manufacturers.2 A wideranging coalition of nearly all House Democrats and many

House Republicans, even some of the most conservative members of the Republican caucus, voted in favor of the legislation.3 Opposition was largely confined to ultraconservative Republicans from the West, Midwest, and Texas—of the 79 members who voted no, 58 of them were or are members of the Republican Study Committee, the most conservative faction within the House Republican caucus.4,5,6 Some of the members who opposed the legislation felt as though while there was a valid issue with devaluation, the problem was not being addressed in a proper way, as was stated by conservative Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas), who said that it would lead to higher prices on products.7 In this vote also lies a clue to the bill‘s potential future, as three members who voted no—Rep. John Boehner (R-Ohio), Rep. Eric Cantor (RVirginia), and Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-California)—are now the Speaker of the House, House Majority Leader, and House Majority Whip, respectively.8 With these three members, who had opposed such a provision in the past, now es-

sentially dictating which bills come to the floor and pass the House, it would be extremely difficult for such a provision to become law in the 112th Congress. The Senate proved fatal for this legislative effort as well in the 111th Congress. S. 1254, the Currency Exchange Rate Oversight Reform Act, was introduced by Sen. Charles Schumer (D-New York) in 2009 and even co-sponsored by Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-South Carolina), yet it never emerged out of the Senate Banking Committee.9 A similar measure had not yet been introduced by Sen. Schumer in the 112th Congress as of April 2011.

10 There are still a number of Republicans in the 112th Congress that feel strongly about currency devaluation, such as Rep. Jim Gerlach (RPennsylvania), who questioned U.S. Trade Representative Ron Kirk about the issue at a House Ways and Means Committee hearing on February 9, 2011 (C -SPAN), citing the negative impact of the practice upon manufacturers and businesses located in his southeastern Pennsylvania congressional district.11 However, Republican congressional leaders appear unlikely to change positions on this issue, in large part due to the political influence of large manufacturers and American business interests with facilities in China that profit from currency devaluation.12 For these

reasons, addressing currency devaluation in the 112th Congress will be a difficult proposition and one that faces a tenuous path to legislative success.

One issue that there is broad bipartisan agreement upon in Congress is the condemnation of China‘s human rights record on a number of issues such as the treatment of political prisoners and North Korean refugees, and minority groups such as the Falun Gong and Tibetans. At a hearing of the House Foreign Affairs Committee held on January 19, 2011 chaired by Rep. Ileana RosLehtinen (R-Florida), a CubanAmerican and vocal critic of human rights abuses around the world, members of Congress from both parties decried China‘s poor human rights record.13 One of the strongest statements at the hearing came from Rep. Dana Rohrabacher (RCalifornia), who called Chinese President Hu Jintao ―the world‘s worst human rights abuser‖ and heavily criticized President Obama for hosting Hu at a state dinner at the White House.14 Rep. Chris Smith (R-

New Jersey) went as far as to say that Hu ―ought to be at The Hague being held to account‖ for the actions of the Chinese government.15 Democrats also expressed concerns about human rights issues, such as the ranking member of the committee, Rep. Howard Berman (DCalifornia), who stated that China‘s ―record in this area remains deplorable.‖16 Existing legislative action in this area has remained largely confined to resolutions and speeches however, such as a March 2010 resolution sponsored by RosLehtinen condemning the persecution of the Falun Gong religious group that passed the House overwhelmingly, 412-1.17 However, members of Congress such as Smith have urged executive action on human rights issues, encouraging the President to discuss specific cases of political prisoners in meetings with Hu.18 As a result, Congress may have a limited direct impact upon human rights in China, though it is essential to many members of Congress, both Republican and Democratic, that any legislative action on China policy is correspondingly tied to specific reforms by the Chinese government on human rights issues and that there be a PLCY 70 - 33

strong push by the President to have such reforms implemented in China through his diplomatic negotiations. Human rights issues are one of the most important focuses in Congress with regard to China policy, and any executive initiative must include progress on these issues in order for other provisions to move forward through Congress.

An economic aspect of China policy that is personally important to many members of Congress is the treatment of intellectual property belonging to American companies. Over the past few years, violations of intellectual property law in China have become widespread, with many American companies producing items as varied as DVDs and railcar wheels facing theft of their designs and authorship by Chinese companies, whom it is often difficult to target quickly within China or through the World Trade Organization.19 Numerous members of Congress represent companies and individuals with similar problems, which makes this an important issue to be addressed for their constituents‘ well-being. Rep. Don Manzullo (R-Illinois) represents a congressional district in northern Illinois based around a manufacturing economy, and many of the manufacturers in his district, with products ranging from paper shredders to wastewater treatment systems, 34 - PLCY 70

have struggled with theft of inOne issue that relates to tellectual property by Chinese congressional China policy up20 companies. While occasionally on which there appears to be Manzullo is able to personally broad bipartisan agreement is intervene, often American com- the creation of a new trade panies struggle to get the govagreement among several counernment to bring such cases tries in the Pacific Rim known before the WTO because of the as the TPP (Trans-Pacific Partlogistical difficulties and the fre- nership).23 The agreement, quency of the offenses.21 Anoth- which would potentially include er member of Congress, Sen. Australia, Brunei, Malaysia, Robert Menendez (D-New JerNew Zealand, Vietnam, Japan, sey), noted in a hearing before the United States, Peru, and the Senate Finance Committee Chile, would create more agreein June 2010 that there was able trade conditions between frequent plagiarism by Chinese the nations involved and lead to individuals of scientific and a free-trade zone along the Pamedical cific Rim.24 journals “China is neither an ally, nor an For some originally members enemy; it is both a published in of Conhis home competitor, and a partner.” gress, the state of New -Rep. Howard Berman (D-CA) agreement 22 Jersey. is imThis is an issue that must portant because it presents an largely be addressed outside of opportunity to replace the growCongress, however, by the exec- ing rise of Chinese economic utive branch taking more cases influence in East Asia with forward against China in the American economic power. TheWTO, although it is imperative se sentiments can be summed that the executive branch takes up in a statement by the powerthis action in order to satisfy ful Chair of the House Ways Congress. For members of Con- and Means Committee, Rep. gress, intellectual property Dave Camp (R-Michigan), who rights is a highly personal issue has stated that the TPP would that affect their constituents in help the United States with direct ways, and as a result the ―becoming an effective counteradministration would be wise to weight to China in that reincrease prosecution through gion.‖25 The TPP also has Demthe WTO of intellectual rights ocratic support, such as from violations in order to satisfy the Senate Finance Committee members of Congress—and Chair, Sen. Max Baucus (Dtheir constituents.

Montana), who told Commerce Secretary Gary Locke and U.S.

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”

Trade Representative Ron Kirk at a Senate Finance Committee hearing on June 23, 2010 that the TPP could be a useful way to engage other nations in Asia such as Vietnam.26 While the agreement must first be negotiated by Kirk with the nations in question, to become law it will eventually have to come before Congress for passage, which appears very possible given the fact that it has support from key Republicans and Democrats from both houses of Congress. For this reason, the Trans-Pacific Partnership is likely to be a key part of congressional action on economic policy in East Asia and a way to deal with Chinese economic power.

equipped and increasingly powerful Chinese military, especially in the Pacific and the maritime areas around China‘s coasts.28 The Chair of the House Armed Services Committee, Rep. Howard ―Buck‖ McKeon (R-California), has stated that ―China‘s anti-access capabilities present a challenge to the U.S…. the need for more dollars going to defense becomes critical.‖29 This sense of confrontation with China is an important background to many lawmakers‘ desire to see more funds spent on defense as a means of retaining the upper hand in Asian military affairs.

While increased spending on defense has been a key Republican talking point since the days of Ronald Reagan in the 1980s, One of the serious issues for lawmakers such McKeon, that is likely to arise in congresthere is another aspect to the sional China policy is the defense funding issues that hits amount of money spent on miliclose to home: there are facilitary funding and research and ties from Lockheed Martin and development in the federal Boeing located in McKeon‘s budget. For a number of memsouthern California congresbers of Congress, especially in sional district, so he has a perthe new Republican majority, sonal interest in ensuring that there is a growing sense that federal dollars go to funding China is a military threat that military research jobs in his must be countered through indistrict.30 These personal faccreased spending on military tors, as well as the desire of projects.27 Hearings held in many in the new Republican March 2011 by the House majority in the House in the Armed Services Committee‘s 112th Congress to ramp up deSubcommittee on Readiness, fense spending, make increases chaired by Rep. Randy Forbes seem more likely than not.

(R-Virginia), examined the poHowever, any increases in militential for conflict with China tary spending or spending of and whether or not the U.S. is any kind must take place in the prepared to address a well-

context of the federal deficit which currently exists, a deficit in part due to the huge amount of military spending that already exists ($693 billion and nearly 4% of GDP in 2010).31 Therefore, it would be feasible and more practical politically for any increases in a specific type of spending on defense (such as research and development, or sea power in the Pacific) within the congressional budget to come from cuts in other types of defense spending, such as winding down the war in Iraq that is already coming to a close or looking at specific projects to cut or foreign bases to redeploy soldiers from. Cuts to other discretionary programs could also be re-funneled into various types of defense spending. The challenge as any new or redirected spending moves through Congress is to make sure that it is justified and wellexplained by congressional leaders as an important part of keeping America safe and protecting American interests in Asia, and that it will not very significantly add to the deficit.

Because of personal concerns about defense jobs and a longstanding Republican commitment to elevated defense spending, it is likely that there will be more funds allocated to defense in the federal budget in order to come to terms with China.

In the 112th Congress, members of the House and SenPLCY 70 - 35

ate stand at a crossroads as they move forward on China policy and decide which paths to follow. In some ways such as military spending, the TransPacific Partnership, and the potential for action on Chinese currency devaluation, Congress can pursue legislative action, although it is still unclear what choices they will make as the legislation progresses and partisan tensions progress. Other policies, such as human rights in China and intellectual property rights remain largely in the court of the executive branch, although it is imperative to

36 - PLCY 70

Congress that such issues be addressed speedily and effectively. The climate in Congress remains more than open to swift action being taken on these issues, as there is in many cases bipartisan agreement on matters such as the TransPacific Partnership trade agreement is present, leaving the door to legislative accomplishment widely open. The challenge for the executive branch in working with members of Congress is to ensure that they adequately address issues that Congress has little control over (such as human rights in Chi-

na), but that are still important to members of Congress nonetheless. The potential for an effective policy on U.S.-China relations cannot occur without the support of the U.S. Congress and it is imperative that moving forward, the President take great stock in the concerns of members of Congress and work with them in crafting a well-reasoned and thoughtful policy as it relates to our shared future with the nation Rep. Berman so aptly termed ―both a competitor and a partner.‖◙

A

s Middle-Eastern crises and domestic political battles take center stage in today‘s media coverage and public discussion, perhaps the most important American policy decision of the century lies to the East. The United States‘ foreign relations with China is likely be the most influential bilateral relationship of the 21st century. The decades to come, and could be the difference between a century of prosperity and one of War.1 Madame President has recently proposed to create a policy that will ensure a peaceful, mutually advantageous relationship with China in the years to come.

This document will show key Congressional interests as well as precautions concerning foreign policy with China. While many issues receive strong bipartisan attention, such as Chinese human rights violations, China‘s cooperation with the international effort to stop nuclear proliferation, and numerous economic concerns, several significant issues are stressed more by one party than the other. Republican concentrations include maintaining a strong

military presence in Southeast Asia, countering potential Chinese plans for increasing power and territory, and protecting U.S. business interests.

Democrat‘s concerns lie mostly in cutting defense spending, while the Tea Party‘s primary concerns are asserting U.S. authority and protecting America‘s international standing. Some of these motions are nearly unanimous while some are deadlocked in disagreement. Steering a new foreign policy with China through a divided congress is no easy task, but with careful attention paid to key interests and fears, it is most certainly possible.

tians and followers of Falun Gong. Many religious leaders and political dissidents face lengthy imprisonments and torture for entirely peaceful actions. Yang Chunlin, for example was arrested and tortured for months following his aid in the circulation of a legal action brought by 40,000 rural farmers against the government protesting the seizure of their land without compensation.2 As a bastion for freedom and equality, The United States congress feels very strongly that these actions must be sanctioned, or at the very least publicly denounced. Iliana Ros-Lehtinen R -FL, chairman of the House committee on foreign affairs, Bipartisan concerns form states human rights as her the majority of the significant number one concern regarding issues surrounding a new ChiU.S.-China relations.3 When nese foreign policy. The most Chinese citizens step up to important matter across the combat these repressive pracboard is the repeated violation tices, they are either physically of human rights by the Chinese beaten, jailed, put on house argovernment. The communist rest, or simply made to party employs strict control of ―disappear.‖ In the face of these information in China, practicaldisturbing government actions, ly eliminating free speech, freeCongress has introduced severdom of the press, and the right al resolutions voicing their conto assemble. In addition, they demnation. H.CON.RES.151 unabashedly persecute relienjoys broad bipartisan support gious adherents such as ChrisPLCY 70 - 37

as a call to release Liu Xiaobo, Nobel Peace prize winner, from imprisonment. He and others are commended for their efforts to create Charter 08 in S.RES.24, and Congress implores the Chinese government to cease repressing the Uyghur people‘s native culture and beliefs through resolution S.RES.155.4 These resolutions are of course merely symbolic, as they are not accompanied by any executive repercussions, but they do clearly show the stance Congress has taken on human rights in China. In order for this new foreign policy to be a success in Congress, it must pacify at least to some degree the overwhelming desire for better human rights. While direct action pressuring China to govern its own people ―the American way‖ would undoubtedly procure a negative response, the President could publicly denounce Chinese violations of basic human rights, and show the people suffering in the mainland this nation cares about their plight. Privately, government action should be taken to convince the Chinese that a satisfied public and a positive international image would far outweigh the costs any drop-off in persecution may incur.

The next major point of contention shared by Republicans and Democrats alike is a desire to see China become more of an active partner in the 38 - PLCY 70

completion of international goals, specifically nuclear nonproliferation in rogue nations such as North Korea and Iran.

Within the last couple years, China has retreated into its shell of noncooperation though.

Wang Jisi theorizes this is due to strong nationalistic feelings becoming pervasive throughout the Chinese public, leading to a more belligerent China that seems to view any goal shared with the U.S. as a goal to be ignored or hobbled.5 For instance, recently China allowed materials necessary to make a nuclear bomb pass through its airports on its way from North Korea to Iran.6 This blatant disregard for UN policy shows an apparent confidence in foreign affairs coupled with a new domestic sense of unease. The U.S. foreign policy in this area needs to focus on mutual advantages for the United States and China. With American soldiers so heavily involved in many Middle-Eastern affairs and a traditionally antagonistic relationship, an Iran with full nuclear capability is clearly a problem for the U.S. China also has a lot to lose, however. China is a net exporter of manufactured goods, but it is a net importer of energy, and Iran happens to be one of China‘s largest suppliers of this precious energy. If Iran becomes politically unstable though, or the subject of Israeli military attack, China will lose much of its

energy supply, causing a potentially disastrous effect on their economy.7 The U.S. congress needs to understand some seemingly threatening behavior may just be bravado to satisfy an increasingly nationalistic public body, and that Chinese noncooperation can hopefully be cured by including China in multilateral programs and emphasizing its advantages rather than the United States‘.

Economic concerns are by far the most diverse and numerous of the issues regarding a new Chinese policy. While there is an array of pertinent issues, first and foremost is the U.S. debt that China holds in the form of U.S. Treasury bills.

At last count, China owned roughly $1 trillion in U.S. debt.

While this is certainly an exorbitant number, it still only amounts to about 7.5% of the entire national debt. The majority of the debt, 62%, is owned

by American individuals and institutions. In addition, American debt currently sits at about 97% of the GDP. While this disturbs many casual observers, it should be noted that the Eurozone has a debt that sits at 120% of its GDP.8 While China does hold a disproportionate amount of U.S. national debt, its economic interdependence with the United States means it would require a lot of Chinese self-sacrifice and economic loss in order to drop all their U.S. treasury bills at one time. All of

China‘s actions under communist rule point to an overriding principle of preserving the state above all else, meaning the desire for domestic stability will almost certainly trump any desire to cripple the United States.9

Members of Congress are growing increasingly concerned when it comes to the American trade deficit with China, which reached $227 billion in 2009, roughly two thirds of America‘s total trade deficit. They have concocted various ways to deal with this problem, including Congress also disapprotectionist bills such as H.R. proves of China‘s currency ma375, which would legally prenipulation in order to perpetuvent American companies from ate a mercantilist, export-heavy buying Chinese goods if the economic system, as shown by Chinese government prevents the passage of the Currency ReChinese companies (aka the form for Fair Trade Act, which states that when any nation fundamentally undervalues its currency in order to gain a trade advantage over the United States, the U.S. must respond with a countervailing, or antidumping, duty.

Specific defining characteristics of an undervalued currency are listed in the bill, and while it does not mention China by name, it is clearly in state) from procuring American response to that country‘s ecogoods.11 Perhaps the most effecnomic tactics. Tim Ryan (OH), a tive manner in which to counter democrat, sponsored the bill growing Chinese exports is to but it still received 99 Republiexport more American goods. can votes.10 This bill seems reYet in today‘s modern age, theactionary and isolationist at se goods would consist mostly first glance, but in reality it is a of services and IT, not manufacreasonable economic defense tured products. Congress memmeasure against a foreign ecobers such as Kevin Brady, a renomic system that blatantly republican from Texas and Melisfuses to play by everyone else‘s sa Dean, a Chicago democrat, rules.

united to form the Congressional Services Caucus, a group representing service-rich districts that attempts to further American service exports, particularly to the primarily manufacturing nation of China.12 Shifting perceptions of trade away from the traditional export -import model will not be easy, but it would be advantageous for the United States.

Republican issues focus more on maintaining a strong military and economic presence in order to check a growing China. Despite the call to cut government spending, many republicans insist on increased Defense expenditures for troops in the Pacific. U.S. representatives Buck McKeon and Todd Akin are both in this camp.

They provide compelling statistics, such as China‘s evergrowing contingent of submarines and missiles, but both are surely influenced by their local districts as well.

Akin‘s district in Missouri for instance is home to a Boeing plant, which employs a large number of citizens.13 The best way to appease this contingent of Congressmen is to prove that China only has peaceful intentions and is not the military threat it may seem. As far as PLCY 70 - 39

intent goes, currently the United States has over seventy ships circulating the seas close

by China. It really is no small wonder the Chinese would want a more balanced Pacific ocean in their trading lanes. Their interests are limited to selfpreservation and continuation of trade, not world domination.

Andrew Krepinevich, director of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, summed it up when he said ―The Chinese are looking to establish themselves as the dominant power in East Asia, but they are not looking for war‖ during his talk at the congressional hearings concerning China.14

U.S.S.R. with plans to take over the world. Rep. Albio Sires espoused just this type of ignorant viewpoint during the a congressional Foreign Affairs Committee. ―I do think that the Chinese have a hidden agenda.

And their agenda, in my eyes, is more like world domination.

Somehow they want to go back to 2,000 years ago, and I think they never lost that. But we seem to help them in their goals. They just fill the void wherever we are not.‖15 If this were true, then the new Chinese foreign policy would not just fail- it would deserve to fail.

Most of China‘s foreign policy, in fact though, points right back to home. Because China has an entirely unrepresentaMany Republicans contive government, they must ensider it very important for the courage popular contentment U.S. to increase commitment to through other means-most reAmerica‘s East Asian allies cently those means are unbrisuch as Japan, Taiwan, and dled economic development and South Korea. This includes a bravado in international relathorough amount of both militions. As soon as the economy tary and economic measures in China slows down, so does hoping to limit China‘s influpolitical stability.16 China‘s ence. While these are worthy blustering on the international goals, the most important step field is much more likely a rethat needs to be taken to ensult of internal pressures than sure a new policy with China is specific plans to increase global not completion of prohibitive, influence. While greater internon-inclusive deals such as the TPP, but rather a transformation in perspective back in Washington.

Some politicians see China as a nefarious pseudo40 - PLCY 70

national influence is certainly a long-term goal of the Chinese, for now they seem content to focus on the domestic issues that threaten so much in their nation without ever leaving the borders.17 On the opposite side of the coin, democrats want to cut Defense spending. Their argument is that domestic spending should not be sacrificed if foreign spending is not. It is the age-old adage of ―if I can‘t have it no one can‖ portrayed onto national politics and billions of dollars. However, the points made are valid. The Sustainable Defense taskforce, a group of defense and budgetary analysts contracted by the U.S. government, stated that America could cut up to $960 billion dollars over the next ten years without putting any American soldier or ally in unnecessary danger. The general consensus amongst Democrats and even Republicans such as Ron Paul is that American defense spending has been so inflated over the last several decades, a decrease in expenditures now would only mean relying on current infrastructure, which is far ahead of anything China can out on the field or sea.18 The U.S. may seem a waning power to China, but its military prowess is still undeniable. Domestically, however, defense spending in Southeast Asia may be

the most difficult foreign policy compromise the U.S. Congress has to make this year. The best course of action is probably to simply ensure equality of cuts across the board, reducing expenditures for the Defense department, but also lowering American social services, Finally, the new players on the scene, the Tea Party, cannot be ignored. When it comes to foreign policy, Tea party Jacksonians are first and foremost nationalists. They have great pride in their country, which is a good thing, but can sometimes lead to dangerous actions. While they remain skeptical about the U.S. government‘s ability to handle domestic issues, particularly in the realm of spending, they for the most part firmly believe the U.S. has the high ground in any foreign conflict. Their general attitude is not extremely important in the realm of Congress, where they are vastly outnumbered by Democrats and moderate Republicans, but rather in the realm of the nation as a whole.

The Tea Party represents a new movement of the America people, a return to populism in

many ways. And despite the relatively small numbers compared to the two major parties, they demonstrate a powerful force sweeping through the American populace. Gaining support of the American populists has been the most difficult part of passing foreign policy for presidents since FDR had to convince his nation to welcome interventional policy before WWII. Third party influences such as the WTO and UN are frowned upon by Tea Party supporters, as are limited wars and excessive diplomacy.19 This contingent of representatives, more than any other, marks the most difficult hurdle this new policy is going to face. Like emphasizing China‘s advantages with this new policy while talking to them, the U.S. needs to emphasize American advantages to the new policy domestically. These advantages are numerous, from increased Pacific trade to hopefully another all-important ally in the fight against rogue nations with nuclear weapons. If the Tea Party activists are shown the policy from a perspective that all that is good for China is not necessarily bad for

the U.S. then their support is very possible.

Creating an entirely different foreign policy with China is a difficult task, and will no doubt run into numerous roadblocks not even perceived in this document. But if care is taken to ensure certain demographics of Congress are appeased, it should pass. Members of Congress in general must be given reason to believe the U.S. administrative branch cares about foreign human rights, Chinese international cooperation, and competing with China economically. The Republicans need to realize China is not a dangerous military threat, while the democrats must be pacified with at least a small budgetary concession in today‘s age of cut, cut, cut. Finally, the Tea Party must be held in check and convinced that this policy will help the United States more than it will any other nation in the world.

With these considerations in mind, the U.S. can look forward to a new future of partnership and competition with an emerging China.◙

PLCY 70 - 41

T

he role of the media in dealing with SinoAmerican relations is to promote a positive public opinion of China and to end the American perception of China as an enemy or a threat, both militarily and economically. In order to push the president‘s proposed Sino-American policy to the top of the national agenda, the media is of the utmost importance, for it defines what is important to the American public, and subsequently to Congress and those who set the agenda into action. Therefore, we will need the press to designate a significant portion of its coverage to China and our relations with the nation.1 The importance of rhetoric cannot be stressed enough in media reports on China; news reports will need to portray China as a friendly competitor to the American public. The media must stress the importance of increased cooperation between the two nations and the importance of consistency in the United States‘ dealings with China. It is also the role of the media to instill in the American public confidence and the sense of American strength and pride in order to 42 - PLCY 70

lessen the sense of a Chinese In our meetings with threat to the United States and various editorial boards, we to the world. will suggest airing interviews with key individuals such as In order to achieve this government officials involved in goal, we will have to meet with policymaking and experts and penetrate every major meheavily involved in China‘s hudia source/outlet in the United man rights policy. Because the States and attempt to expose American people generally view certain Chinese news outlets, these people to be political particularly bloggers, who have elites, their credibility is high circumvented the Chinese govand therefore the public is ernment‘s censorship. In addimore likely to align themselves tion, we will create and foster a with what these people say and media campaign illustrating suggest.1 With that said, it is the benefits of friendly compeextremely important for the tition with China through somedia to regularly host these cial networking sites such as people on their shows, blogs, Twitter. Lastly, we will encoureditorials and so on. For the age media outlets to conduct more exposure an issue gets, polls on public opinion in Chithe more importance the Amerna to instill a more positive ican public places on that isview of the nation and to resue. ceive feedback on the president‘s proposed policy.

We will start with the issue of human rights. Today, Our first step in dealing the Chinese government puts with the media is to set up emphasis on economic human meetings with the editorial rights but places little to no boards of all major news value on social rights, a policy sources in the United States – the American government we must reach out to partisan steadfastly and openly conoutlets, nonpartisan outlets, demns. The Chinese governand so on in order to reach the ment strictly controls the memaximum number of Ameridia in the country and therecans. We must clearly outline fore decides what information to these boards how we want to is distributed to the public, frame coverage of China.

both in China and around the world.3 Because the United States government cannot directly force the Chinese to stop their ignorance of human

“

These guidelines varied from the expected ban on negative headlines to the seemingly ridiculous censorship of news covering a certain flower.4 Ex-

[we will] attempt to expose certain Chinese news outlets, particularly bloggers, who have circumvented the Chinese government’s censorship.

rights, the most we can do is consistently oppose this policy and try to persuade China to change and place greater emphasis on human rights. The media plays an extremely large role in shedding light on this issue, for it can cause public opinion to favor the American government‘s stance on this issue by illustrating specific instances of the Chinese government‘s suspension of rights.

The media must illustrate to the American public that the administration in no way accepts China‘s policy toward human rights.

”

posure like this may seem of little importance, but by drawing attention to instances that illustrate China‘s human rights policy – or lack thereof – the American public‘s awareness increases, as does its support for United States policy. Furthermore, increasing public awareness will help to encourage change in China, as American pressure on the nation will increase as a result.

In our meetings with various editorial boards, we also will discuss airing personal interviews with members of the so -called political elite – governAnother approach to in- mental officials, senators, repcreasing public awareness and resentatives, relevant experts, tailoring public opinion is to journalists, and so on. These leak to major American media interviews must paint the presioutlets specific stories in which dent‘s policy in a positive light, China has covered up or hidden for it has been found that when important stories from their ―domestic elites‖ favor a policy/ people and from the world. For opinion, the public, in turn, is example, a list of Chinese cen- more likely to support it as well. sorship guidelines was recently 5 In these interviews, these exleaked to the Internet, exposing perts should talk specifically of some of the inner workings of our relations with China – they Chinese propaganda officials. should focus on our strength in

innovation and technology, assuring the American public that we are not weak against China.

These interviews should instill confidence in the people. Experts should stress how important a ―friendly competition‖ with China is and how beneficial it will be to both the United States and the world as a whole. They should reiterate our mutual relationship with China, emphasizing the fact that neither is planning to ―take over‖ the other economically, militarily, politically, etc.

Similarly, in discussing the United States‘ economic relationship with China, the media again must emphasize and promote positive competition.

And once more, there should be no mention of one power ―taking over‖ the other economically, for we are trying to change the American public‘s negative attitude toward China.

We should encourage news outlets to air discussions between economic and Chinese experts; these dialogues should include the United States‘ involvement in the Trans-Pacific Partnership and how this Pacific Rim trade agreement will counter China‘s growing economic power in the region and in the world. Reports should also mention this agreement has bipartisan support, for the American public will be more likely to support something both ideologies support.

PLCY 70 - 43

Social media sites, particularly Twitter and various blogs, are extremely useful tools in promoting the president‘s policy. As of February 2011, Twitter had 200 million users, making this site an indispensable tool in reaching out to the public, both in America and worldwide.6 Twitter is more helpful in appealing to the public because tweets are more real-time and seem closer to the public than media reports, interviews, or articles. Plus, Twitter is more accessible to those who are on the go or do not necessarily have time to sit down and read the paper or watch the news on the television. Drawing on the importance of social media sites like Twitter, The Wall Street Journal‘s Loretta Chao reported that ―all it takes is a retweet by a ‗spreader,‘ like a famous journalist…and you have tens of thousands or more who see it almost immediately.‖7 In order to take advantage of this resource, we will create and maintain Twitter accounts for the US State Department, members of the administration, and other relevant governmental officials. We will encourage political experts, journalists, large media outlets, and so on to do the same. We will devote much of our Twitter volume to the China issue. In fact, we can 44 - PLCY 70

create a separate account devoted exclusively to updates on China and our relations with the nation, focusing again on our friendly competition and the benefits of this relationship.

Along the lines of Twitter, a central media resource is the Chinese bloggers who have been able to circumvent China‘s censorship laws. These so-called ―microblogs‖ are the newest source of discussion and information sharing because they are too fast-paced for the government‘s censors to keep up with. These blogs offer a wealth of information and insight into the nation unlike anything we have seen before; therefore, the administration must seek to increase the use of this social media. In its review of the Chinese blogosphere, the CIA portrays these bloggers as ―alert, engaged and influential in shaping government policy‖8 One issue Americans have had with China is the lack of transparency caused by the government‘s censorship of the media and its selection of what information is disclosed. This newly formed blogosphere has been a significant step in solving this problem, for it has given the American public and the rest of the world a more personal and intimate view of the people of China. That being said, our role is

to give these bloggers more exposure to the American public through our own media outlets.

We should encourage American media outlets to post links to these blogs on their websites, refer to them in television interviews, ―re-tweet‖ them on Twitter, and refer to them in their articles.

As it has been found, the more coverage an issue receives, the more importance the public places on that issue.

Therefore, we must give the media a significant reason to report on China and our relations with the nation; we must provide them with something interesting enough to attract the public‘s attention. From within the administration, we can set up talks with Chinese officials in order to draw the media‘s – and the public‘s – attention to Sino-American relations. Talks like these give the media a wealth of information on which to report; plus, these talks create much discussion among the aforementioned political elites.

This discussion, in turn, must be propagated by the media, further exposing the American public to the facts about China and the president‘s policy toward the country.

In these discussions, it is important that the elites focus on why these talks are a positive step in Sino-American relations and how they are beneficial to international relations as

a whole. In talking about our relationship with the country militarily, these discussions should stress our relative strength, instilling a sense of confidence in the American people. These experts and journalists must make it clear to the public that the likelihood of a land war with China is practically nonexistent. They should also stress to the public that the administration has no intention of raising the military budget, so as not to upset any Americans who openly oppose a budget increase. The media

should mention that the president intends to reallocate funds instead and intends to tone down one of the two wars we are now involved in, a policy that should please a number of American citizens. The discussions should not, however, talk about China as if it is a military threat or enemy, for we want to suppress the American public‘s fear of the nation.

ble. Therefore, it is important to instill this sense of friendly competition in the American public by improving the public opinion of China as a whole.

That being said, the most effective way to measure and affect public opinion is polling. In our meetings with the major media outlets, we will suggest that they put out polls about Americans‘ view of China, particularly following events like US-China One tenet of the presitalks. These polls must be dent‘s policy is to play off the worded so as to lead the public competition between the United to answer the question in a way States and China in every dothat would suggest the public mestically beneficial way possi-

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opinion is changing positively.

The questions asked should mention phrases like ―friendly competition,‖ ―economic partner,‖ and so on, and should not mention ―allies,‖ ―threat,‖ ―enemies,‖ etc.

Finally, an extremely useful tool in promoting the president‘s policy through the media is the use of American blogs or specialized news re-

and it is imperative that we stress this fact to the American public. We must only talk about China as a ―friendly competitor,‖ so as not to implant or enhance the American public‘s view of China as a threat.

In order to implement the president‘s policy on China, the media is crucial as a tool to gain public support. The more time and coverage the media ports. Most news outlets – The devotes to Sino-American relations, the more important the New York Times and The Wall American public will believe the Street Journal for example – have experts blog on their web- issue to be. Therefore, we must sites about their respective sub- provide the media with material jects or host online questionto talk about regarding our reand-answers with the public. lations with China, leading the These blogs are indispensable news sources to devote more because they time to the isare specialsue. The underized, highly lying message of credible, and all coverage of very accessiChina should be ble. Like the the importance other media sources, we should of friendly cooperation between stress to these bloggers the im- the two world powers, and that portance of promoting a positive China is not a threat to Ameripublic opinion of China. ca. We will infiltrate as many news mediums as possible, Generally, in dealing from major television networks with the media, rhetoric is of to newspapers and their respecthe utmost importance. China is neither an enemy nor an ally,

46 - PLCY 70

tive websites to blogs to social media sites and the rest.

Social media sites are a vital tool for affecting public opinion because they reach a much larger audience and are more accessible than traditional news sources. For example, one tweet can reach as many as 200 million people almost immediately, whereas fewer Americans actually read the newspaper, watch the news on television or read online articles regularly. The media must air interviews with or host blogs written by experts on the issue of Sino-American relations; these experts and government officials should explain to the American public how the president‘s proposed policy is beneficial. They also should stress the fact that China is not our enemy. Finally, the use of polls to measure and the affect public opinion on China is crucial. The media should poll the American public regularly on their view of China, wording questions so as to avoid mention of negative words like threat, etc. If we successfully capture the media, the president‘s policy should be pushed to the top of the agenda.◙

I

f the United States of

America is to develop a new sort of partnership with the People‘s Republic of China, the government must make major changes to the state of media coverage of the Asian country. Without a change in the media representation of China, the American public will not come to support this effort to change the interactions of the two countries – the current mood of fearfulness toward the everincreasing international power of China will undermine that effort.1 Intrinsic alterations must be made in the opinions of the citizens of each country, and media is the way to create the proper attitudes to foster the changes we wish to make.

This influencing of the public will begin with changing the media attitude toward China by presenting those facts which convinced us that a new relationship with China is a viable, positive policy decision for the United States of America to various media outlets.

Changing media attitudes toward China will take a concerted effort on the part of the

United States government and cooperation between the U.S., American media outlets and journalists, and the Chinese themselves. There is plenty of information available to convince journalists that a healthy partnership with China is both feasible and necessary; this information must be presented to journalists through a variety of sources: interviews with knowledgeable members of the government and experts across party lines; studies about the benefits of a new economic and political relationship with China; and interaction with the Chinese people that demonstrates their willingness and enthusiasm toward this new partnership.

We must make sure this information is available to media outlets on either side of the party divide and spread across many sources: national, local, and even international. Once this information is prevalent in the major media, it will filter down to bloggers and other types of interactive journalism, such as citizen journalism, social media. American attitudes toward China will shift in the

desired direction once this controlled, policy-positive news begins spreading. We must work with the Chinese, who control their media very tightly and beyond the bounds of any democracy,2 to encourage journalism to support the new initiative within their country and to allow American journalists to contact the Chinese people and report on China itself. We will obviously continue to pressure China to align their stance on human rights with ours, and as it follows, can continue to support freedom of the press within the People‘s Republic of China with the encouragement that, to fully support this partnership, the American people must have access to certain types of information directly from China. Media from within the country will be crucial to convincing American voters that our confidence in the stability of an affiliation with China is well-founded. Also, China allowing our reporters more journalistic freedom within its borders would be a great signal to Americans that our interactions can have a positive PLCY 70 - 47

impact on China that we could potentially use to shape the country into a strong future ally.

major news networks such as FOX and CNN, famous for their commentaries on education, to spin the growing gap between China‘s education system and In terms of specific isour own as a motivating factor, sues that must be addressed something which will give and cultivated to form the imAmerica the push it needs to perative public opinion, educabecome a force in the world of tion is a major concern because education again. America can it is the first issue that can reuse this impetus to refocus on ally embody China‘s new role math and the sciences. This is as our friendly competitor and all part of developing with Chipartner. The United States na the sort of competition that government is proposing that the United States had with we can use China as an examRussia that spurred the United ple of a society which is sucStates‘ incredible technological ceeding in the fields of math developments during the Cold and science, and perhaps folWar, but without the nuclear low their lead in redesigning proliferation that came alongparts of our education system side of it. We must be able to such that we can have similar present concrete internal policy successes. Our children are

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The United States government must also present a compelling argument to the media that China is not a threat to our economy, and that increased economic involvement with the country will profit America. This will be a slightly more difficult task than putting a positive light on educational competition with China, because of the ready availability of various contradicting facts and studies. However, we must persevere to propagate the facts that our experts have found, which support our interaction with China and inform us that China is just as dependent on America economically as we are on them, or perhaps even more so. Fear-

There is plenty of information available to convince [people] that a healthy partnership with China is both feasible and necessary; this information must be presented to journalists

indisputably falling behind other countries, even those less developed, in the field of education. According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), American 15-year-olds rank 17th in the world in science and 25th in math,3 which is a sharp decline from past decades, when American education always ranked at the top of the list. We must encourage outlets like Time, as well as 48 - PLCY 70

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changes that can be made along with the evidence of our external motivation in order to convince these major news outlets that China‘s surpassing us in schooling can offer benefits, but once we convince these major news outlets to run those stories, the American public will be mostly convinced, and the stories will easily spread to smaller and independent news sources.

mongers have spread rumors that someday China will simply stop ―financing our debt‖ and other such drastic measures, but the truth is that would cripple their economy so it will never happen.4 It is crucial that we have many facts, sources, and experts on hand to discuss the ramifications of any new economic interactions with China. Without hard evidence, there will be no way to

adequately convince news sources of the sensibility of our new economic policy decisions.

It will be important to get news sources such as the Wall Street Journal, New York Times, and The Economist. The Economist, though not an American news source, is widely read in the United States, and has long been uncertain about China‘s motives and threat-level toward the United States, so it will be crucial to bring that publication around to our point of view and demonstrate the absolute necessity of an increase in trade with China. Television interviews with our experts on major news networks will be a great way to reach out to the public and broadcast facts to a huge audience. Bloggers with wide spheres of impact, such as The Becker-Posner Blog,5 Economic Principals,6 EconomistMom,7 and Freakonomics,8 contacted so that they can be provided with the information we have found pertaining to China.

These news sources will once again trickle down this positive impression to the American public so that there is less irrational fear about economic involvements with the People‘s Republic of China. We should also communicate articles that favor our involvement with China to both Chinese governmentapproved news outlets and illicit news outlets (unofficially and discretely), such as the Langzhong Hotline,9 that serve the

Chinese public; this will further foster cooperation on both sides of the Pacific. It is absolutely vital that we communicate our confidence in furthering economic ties with China – but we must also present our tactical decision to support the TransPacific Partnership without seeming hypocritical. We should describe our choice to enter the Trans-Pacific partnership as a type of collateral, to balance our power in the Pacific region with China‘s.10 This will show that our new economic policies toward China present a united front, and will be effective tools to help our economy and maintain an influence on China so that we can exert pressure to change their human rights policies.

In the media we also need to demonstrate a strong, unified front to the American public that shows we will not tolerate military offenses by China against the United States or other nations, but without causing alarm that suggests we foresee some military conflict.

While land war is not a real concern, we are aware of other types of threatening militant behavior that China has exhibited in the recent past, such as their maritime bullying of one of our intelligence-gathering ships. It is an absolute priority to discourage China from continuing to make threatening gestures toward other countries, so we must take a strong

public stand. Concerns about potential conflict over Taiwan have waned recently, and the United States is left mainly to deal with the fact that China is ―a prickly, insecure giant that does not, at least for the foreseeable future, seek confrontation with the United States‖ and the continued threat of cyber attacks.11 To raise American confidence in the security of our new relationship with China, we must convey to the news media the efforts we are taking to discourage China from conflict with vulnerable nearby countries and protect and secure our sensitive information from hack attempts. We must remind the American people that the American military is still number one in the world and we must demonstrate our confidence to the American public and beyond by providing media with the bare facts of our military power versus China‘s, as well as convey our selfassured knowledge of our military superiority through interviews with military personnel and lawmakers.12 It will be simple to arrange interviews on this subject, because when news outlets have questions about military power, tactics, and interests, they have no better source than the government itself, and therefore will get their information primarily from controlled, United States government sources. With more conservative television networks, PLCY 70 - 49

such as FOX, we can focus on the strength and firm position of our military, while with more liberal networks, such as CNN, we can discuss our desire to prevent conflict through this new partnership. This will ensure that the public is aware of our stance on China and their military – we must emphasize that were a not being ―soft‖ on China, but smart – and will be deemed reliable information by lower news sources and bloggers alike. Maintaining United States military power is important in continuing to pressure China into making internal policy changes to comply with the United States‘ interests. Therefore, we will make known through international news sources such as the London Times, the New York Times, and the aforementioned Chinese media outlets our desire to expand sea power in the region, but also educate the world about China‘s Center for Excellence on Nuclear Security13 50 - PLCY 70

and our overall devotion to reducing nuclear weaponry throughout the world. This sends a message of both our devotion to peace and protection, but also to using force when necessary, which is the best way for the world to perceive the United States military policy.

In summary, we must evolve many aspects of public opinion toward China; the news media is a very powerful tool for the United States government, and we must get all parties in line in order for this new Chinarelations policy to be successful. China has, up until now, often been portrayed as a sort

of shadowy danger to the United States, ready to usurp our role as the number one superpower in the world and any mo-

means that major news sources will get the information first and lesser news sources, such as local newspapers and blogs, ment. In Public Opinion, Walter will receive most of their inforLippmann discusses the many mation from these higher-level ways in which the government sources – but this is not to say can shape the media to suit its that these smaller media outlets policy needs; though the United are less important to cultivate.

States obviously does not prac- The government‘s main priority tice censorship, we can shape in molding public opinion on the views of the public by our new China foreign policy providing them with the inforwill be major international news mation to support our cause sources such as the New York and using wording and facts to Times, Wall Street Journal, the create the appropriate atmosLondon Times, The Economist, phere to further our policy initi- and Time magazine, and also atives.14 It is vital for there to major television networks; but be public support for governwe will not ignore the smaller ment foreign policies, and menews sources. Especially in the dia is the perfect weapon to gar- realm of economics, it will be ner that support. With the ad- absolutely necessary to comvent of new media, such as In- municate our facts and goals to ternet sources, civilian journal- certain bloggers, who are popuism, and social networking, me- lar sources for news for Ameridia has become an even more can public because of their potent way of communicating blogs‘ readability. To further the goals and initiatives of a inform both government emgovernment; however, without ployees and Americans, we proper handling, these new, col- must arrange a compromise laborative, highly independent with China to allow our journalmedia outlets can undermine ists some freedom of the press the governmental processes. and access within their counGenerally, there is a sort of try. The initiatives of our policy trickle-down effect, which as a whole must be communi-

cable and viable, with a great deal of facts from our experts and academics so that we present a compelling case for this new policy. Lastly, it is fundamentally important that we can dispel this pervasive attitude of fear toward China with these hard facts, and communication with the Chinese people themselves. Ignorance to the realities of the China‘s position in the world is currently eroding American confidence in our own government and economy.

There are many commonly-held notions about China that are simply incorrect, and they are the root of many of the American citizens‘ fears about the future of the world where China is a superpower. We truly believe that China and the United States can cooperate as both partners and friendly rivals, and using the media, we must prove to both America and the rest of the world that this new relationship will benefit the whole international community and not threaten any individual country‘s autonomy or economy. ◙

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W

hy?

Academics are the brain power behind policy. They sit behind the scenes, generating ideas and concepts that eventually become integral parts of our government, our policies, and our country. Their intellectual power and creativity ―have the most to offer in knowledge and insight‖ within policy.1 With this prestige comes power, the power to set, as well as influence, the future of a plan. Without their support and understanding, a plan can fail. To succeed, the academics must approve. Even thought members of the university community play an essential role in policy, they are ―not in the top rank‖ of players.2 So why bother persuading them? Are they truly essential, needed, or even wanted by those who matter? The answer lies in their reach their ability to be heard by many different audiences and influence the opinions of those listening.

Capitol Hill, the center of the policy world, listens to those academics. Congressmen, advisors, aids, and staffers are a few of the people who seek out the expert opinions of 52 - PLCY 70

professors, who sometimes spend their entire careers studying one specific topic.

Few other sources are available on the Hill which can provide such useful information.

This makes academics an indispensable part of the policy community. They become all the more valuable when their expertise directly affects decision making and agenda setting by working in the government. When academics and researchers choose to build ―inner-outer‖ careers, or when they choose to work at universities and within the government, their opinions are heard all the more, and therefore become all the more important.

Though they may not be the ones to make final decisions, academics make themselves heard on the hill, and decision makers carefully listen.

Other audiences, not as directly connected to policy, also pay careful attention to the positions and opinions of academics. These audiences are reached through the media, which interviews and features academics which are seen as experts on topics at hand. By presenting professors and researchers as credible sources of information, the

media sends a message to the public: listen to these experts.

Public opinions formed by that information then influences policy. Academia‘s ability to be heard by such a wide audience justifies their essential position in the world of policy.

Obviously, members of the academic community offer an enormous amount of information and sway on Capitol Hill, in media, and in the core of policy: the public. But what do all those groups, and other major players and playing fields in policy, have to offer in return? Policy formation is not the primary interest of professors, because they would rather focus on their studies.3 A deep suspicion of policy influencing groups, like the CIA or big business, provides less incentive to become involved with governmental plans.4 Neither of these reasons encourage academic involvement, but some reasons do motivate action from this rather selfcontained group. Some professors focus their research and theories on ideas which assist the government and directly affect the creation of policy.5 Others receive inspiration and innovation from their involvement with policy. They seek to

understand and be informed about policies and their processes. But a majority of academia join the government and become involved for one reason: prestige. Holding an advisory position in the executive branch, presenting to Congressmen and commenting on new policy all provide the publicity and recognition that could raise a professor‘s career out of the classroom and into the world. That is what Congress, the President and the policy community at large offer to academics: a chance to succeed, to be heard.

support for a new direction with those who live in such an acaChina. demically-focused area would be foolish. Academics who Who? choose to come and study at To create a successful the heart of policy hold more scheme of persuasion, the tar- influence, greatly due to their get audience must be well degeographic location. Who feeds fined. As previously mentioned, this sea of knowledge and inacademics are not limited to sight? The academics that live universities, but are present at and work there, those who remultiple sources in the policy search and study at Washingworld. With this information, ton D.C‘s major universities the academic community can and those who hold positions be segmented into three groups: within the government. Their those who work at major unidirect involvement with policy versities, those in the DC area makes them an indispensable (in other words, in the governasset for creating the strong ment), and those present in the support needed to make a new media. Ignoring any of these China policy accepted by all.

With an understanding factions could deter from the of why academics are valued, Determining which unimessage, and create a sense of who values them, and why theversities hold the most signifiinconsistency, which directly se intellectuals even desire to cance involves simply learning conflicts with this plan‘s wish be valued, a plan may be set to where persons and academics to be seen as consistent and influence the university comalready active in policy went to persistent. munity toward understandstudy in former years. ing and supporting this ChiSchools like Georgetown na policy plan. By providing which has three alumni a plethora of outlets – conferU.S. representatives to the ences, lectures, meetings, United Nations – and the speeches, round tables, and John F. Kennedy School of seminars – for academics to Government at Harvard – speak about and listen to the whose faculty members adparticulars of this plan, they vised government officials Washington D.C. stands can better understand exactly on many different topics – as the hub of policy, of governwhat it entails, be more instand as top institutions and ment and of academic involvevolved in its progression toinfluencers in the policy comment in policy and government. wards acceptance, stimulate munity.7 Other schools, espeThe area itself is a ―veritable their intellectual interest, and cially those in the D.C. area, citywide university with contingain the prestige and acknowlsuch as George Washington uing seminars, lectures, colloedgement they crave. By providand Johns Hopkins University, quia, and conferences for those ing academics with what they or Ivy League schools, including who want to be educated or to want, we can get what we want: Yale and Princeton, host top educate others‖.6 To not focus professors and programs, along major efforts on influencing PLCY 70 - 53

with top prestige. Gary Locke, who was nominated to be the next U.S. ambassador to China in March 2011, received his bachelor‘s degree in political science from Yale University.8 Focusing persuasive efforts on universities which have previously and will continue to produce major players in the government and policy will create support at the center of the academic world.

These three groups – academics in the Washington D.C. area, academics involved with prominent universities and academics in the media – hold the most influence over policy formation and acceptance. Discussion, understanding and acceptance of a large foreign policy plan by these segments of academia would improve the chance for success. But, this process must be jump started and guided in a Those major players strategic and comprehensive from universities also have a way. How can we get the conpresence in the media, which is versation about this policy plan a direct source of expert inforstarted and then direct it tomation and opinion for the wards approval? general public. Journalists and anchors interview and question How? professors to gain more official Many marketing camand expert information on cerpaigns in the fashion world tain policy issues. One example start off with a bang, with of this is Joseph Nye Jr., a prosome sort of reveal or large fessor of international relations event to create a sense of exat Harvard and also a former citement, anticipation or curiPentagon official, provided his osity. The newness of it all opinion on U.S. and China‘s brings about eagerness, which discussions of the South China translates into talk within the Sea in a New York Times artifashion community, approval cle.9 Those who read this artiof the new product and sales to cle would understand Nye to be the public. Revealing this plan a credible source, due to his specifically to the academic position as a professor and his community can be done in the former experience in policy. To same way. A major academic pass a policy, especially an amconvention in Washington D.C. bitious China foreign policy would kick off the new direcplan such as this, these acation with U.S.-China policy and demics present in the media, catch the attention of academwhich are deemed trustworthy, ics in the center of policy formust be speaking about this mation, and around the counpolicy in a positive light, or at try. And creating such a large least discussing it at all. event specifically for academics 54 - PLCY 70

would involve them more than a press conference or open-toall event. The more grandiose the convention, the better.

More attention will only increase the event‘s significance and importance, therefore increasing the new policy‘s status on the academic‘s agenda.

The conference should be divided into three topics, as is the policy plan itself: cultural, military and economic U.S.China policies. One day devoted to each subject provides enough time for major speakers to give a general outline of different policies within that subject. The speakers themselves should be prominent members in government who would be in charge of managing and implementing that part of the policy. For example, the current Secretary of Defense, Robert M. Gates, could give the keynote speech on the day focusing on military policy. His position would provide the prestige needed to gain attention and the credibility to be listened to. Also, having persons directly involved with policy speak to academics directly develops connectedness between the two communities.

Dividing the conference based on important discussion topics and featuring prominent speakers, will provide an excellent general introduction for academics to the new policy and create enough hype to get them all talking.

This same concept has already been used in politics by President Obama. Just like China foreign policy, health care reform did not hold a top stop in politics. Other issues, like the economy, dominated the agendas of policy makers and the public. To shift the focus in a direction more fitted to his priorities, the President held his own event: ―a White House forum to launch‖ health care reform efforts.10 At this event, President Obama‘s policy was personally introduced to major policy groups, like Congress and think tanks, along with specific goals and deadlines.

One substantial difference between that situation and this is that a ―detailed reform proposal‖ was not written or presented, but left to Congress to work out. Since a detailed and specific policy has already been prepared and is set for approval, this convention will carry even more weight, and also be much more comprehensive. As demonstrated with health care reform, when the President speaks, everyone listens. To really make sure that this conference and this policy is taken seriously and is understood to be of the upmost importance, the President should give an opening speech, generally outlining the policy as a whole. His

to be spoken to directly by the Pres- China relations” in November ident.

2010.11

Once the academic commuOne thing to note about this nity at large becomes aware of the specific lecture is that it was hosted new policy plan by attending and by the China Law Center at Yale. discussing the conference, more Instead of limiting lectures to one detailed conversation can begin, department, they should be open focusing on different segments of and promoted throughout the entire the academic community, especially university and community. The dethose located at universities, and on partment most applicable to the topthe different elements of the policy. ic should host the lecturer, but still Creating a lecture series would be promote it to other areas of academone way of beginning that dialogue. ic study, as to ensure as much attenA person with extensive knowledge tion and participation as possible. or involvement with one aspect of Lecture series focusing on key polithe policy, such as an academic or cy points, presented by major playgovernment official, would tour the ers in the China policy community, major universities mentioned previ- at prestigious and important univerously and any more deemed neces- sities would bring the plan straight sary, in order to explain, discuss into the academic community itself, and persuade university audiences and promote it at a more connected the details and the necessity of en- level. acting this policy. One example of To involve academics fursuch a person ther in the is Jeffrey A policy, other ...major players from universities Bader, an advialso have a presence in the media, more intimate sor to Presiwhich is a direct source of expert in- events with dent Obama on more emphaformation and opinion for the China and Disis on intergeneral public. rector of Asian personal disaffairs with the cussion could be organized at uniNational Security Council. His versities, but also with members of knowledge of U.S.-China relations Congress. One example of such an makes him a perfect candidate to be event would be a round table, for a speaker in the lecture series. In instance, at Georgetown or another addition to his general qualificauniversity. Professors specializing tions, he already has experience in topics included in the policy giving lectures at universities, inpresence will ensure maximum could lead discussions and answer cluding Yale where he discussed attention from and to the academic questions more insightfully, hopethe topic “Understanding U.S.community, for they would be infully guiding the academics in attrigued and hopefully a bit honored tendance towards understanding

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PLCY 70 - 55

and accepting the planned policy.

One example of a qualified candidate to lead such meetings is Dwight Perkins, the current Harold Hitchings Burbank Professor of Political Economy, Emeritus and previous Director of the Harvard University Asia Center. Focusing his career on Asia and economic subjects, Perkins’ background sets the standard for a round table focusing on economic relations with China.12 Other less formal meetings between academics and persons concerned with the policy, such as Congressmen, achieve the same goal of education, persuasion, connectedness and involvement by creating a dialogue between the two communities.

Influencing academics in the media, the final group, involves releasing information about the new policy into channels that are already observed by academics. Encouraging professors and researchers to write articles in support of the plan, or at least expressing an opinion on some of the policy, spreads the word, creates interest and assists those professors and researchers in their careers by including them in a major policy change and raising their prominence in the academic and policy communities. Academic

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magazines and journals, such as “Foreign Affairs” and “Foreign Policy”,13 features writers like Charles Glaser, a professor in the Elliot School of International Affairs and Department of Political Science,14 who studies issues included in the policy plan, and whose background in academics could qualify them to write such articles. Television networks, such as CSPAN and CNN, should also be included as critical outlets for promotion. To create anticipation, similar to that created with the conference, but on a smaller scale, special series or events featuring a mix of academics, Congressmen and other policy persons could be held periodically on networks. In addition to creating those programs, the same speakers included in the lecture series, round tables, and at the convention could appear on news network politics shows to discuss U.S.-China policy. For example, speakers like Dwight Perkins could appear on MSNBC’s “Meet the Press” before he hosts a round table at Harvard. This would promote the event itself along with promoting the policy as a whole. Also, appearing on a major news network would assist his career and increase his prestige, therefore being as use-

ful to him as to the policy. Bringing this new policy to the academic community through the media is only a matter of using channels that are already in place and bringing players already active in promotion of the policy into those channels.

When?

As noted by Kingdom in his book “Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policy,” academics are more involved in the long-term policy process and less involved in the short term.15 Efforts to inform and persuade this essential group of intellectuals should begin as quickly as possible, for overcoming obstacles, such as suspicion of the government and lack of interest, will be a long-term process in itself. But their participation in and their acceptance of this policy is essential for its complete success. To have the academic community, with all of its influence over policy, on the right side will assist in gaining the acceptance of other key groups, like Congress and the public. And just as much as academia’s acceptance of a new U.S.-China relations policy will support our goals, our inclusion of them in the process will support their goals. ◙

I

n order for this policy to be truly effective and to ensure the best possible methods of implementation, the research-analyst community of foreign policy experts must be recruited. Experts‘ effect on the agenda setting process is difficult to assess.

Think tanks do not have direct influence on the media, public opinion or the day-to-day functions of Congress like the military or significant economic turns might. The influence of policy experts falls more into the realm of alternative exploration and promotion rather than elevation of policies which are not already prevalent on the national agenda.1 As we are planning to essentially force our policy to the top of the national agenda through manipulation of the many players that contribute to the major topics of discussion and decision, we must remember that the manners and methods employed by our administration in the presentation of our policy will form the background for large amounts of critical academic research in the coming years.

Think tanks, or groups of experts that discuss at length and contribute to the development of governmental policy, are the primary intermediary step between the purely academic community of researchers and universities and those who deliberate over official governmental positions on important issues. Think tanks have clearly defined objectives related to influencing national policy, for example ―Carnegie experts produce commentary and analysis addressing the most important foreign policy issues of the day and the regions they affect.‖2,3 They accomplish these goals of education and persuasion by supplying information and ideas to decision makers through conferences, seminars, symposiums, and publications. Unlike the academic community, such groups of experts tend to focus on propositions and ideas that are realistically applicable to the current political climate. Their mission statements fluctuate and change in reaction to events in and around government as a means to remain current and influential in the policy for-

mation community. As David Newsom says in his book, The Public Dimension of Foreign Policy, ―To a remarkable degree the most effective [leaders of think tanks] have been able to shift the focus of their institutions to meet changing national and world conditions, thus insuring continued attention and funding.‖4 Given the grandeur of our policy and the implications across the diplomatic sphere, it is extremely likely that upon announcing our plan for the future of America‘s relationship with China the leading groups of experts on foreign policy, even if they have not been focusing on China until now, will begin dedicating more and more of their time toward discussion of Sino-American relations.

The term ―experts‖ as it pertains to the think tank community refers to a compilation of those with the most knowledge on a given topic, and those with the most experience in the policy making field. Attendees of conferences held by such groups include academics, current and former government officials, businessmen, consultants, members of PLCY 70 - 57

congress, congressional staffers, journalists, lobbyists, and equivalent ―experts‖ from various other pertinent fields.

There is a continuous back and forth movement of many of these participants between government positions and executive positions in these think tanks.5 Both the government and think tanks view individuals with experience in the other field as extremely valuable to their efforts, as knowledge of the other facilitates effectiveness of both.

Members of congress often call upon experts to speak at hearings and panels, and, according to John Kingdon, ―for the researcher who wants to have an effect in the short run, there is a premium on knowing what is on the minds of people in government.‖6 As a result of this, the strongest and mostly adamantly promoted ideas produced by think tanks often make their way into government by means of these individuals.

In presenting our policy to the research-analyst community, we must focus on groups led and/or constituted by those who are influential in both communities.

creased discussion of the issues that study, discuss, and atof national strategy. CSIS retempt to influence American mains one of the most imforeign policy, the vast majority portant and highly regarded of which operate in and around think tanks, and it stresses the Washington D.C. The Carnegie importance of providing Endowment for International ―strategic insights and policy Peace and the Brookings Instisolutions tute are the to decioldest of these The influence of policy experts sion groups, dating falls more into the realm of from 1910 and makers in gov1927, respecalternative exploration ernment, tively. After internaWorld War II, tional institutions, the private business leaders, journalists, 8 sector, and civil society.‖ Inscholars, and political leaders forming this institution of the saw the need for increased banature and pertinence of our ses of knowledge and discuspolicy and encouraging insion of key issues related to creased dialogue among its American responsibilities members about China, China‘s abroad. This gave rise to many role, and the nature of Sinomore, occasionally highly partist American relations in the 21 san think tanks that aim to century will thereby help to en- supply their benefactors with sure that the nation at large information that will help them and future government officials in their economic and/or politiin particular are informed and cal pursuits. Such post-war decisive about the issues covorganizations include the previered by our policy. In accordously mentioned Center for ance with the goals of our adStrategic and International ministration, this is a necessary Studies, the Institute for Policy step in guaranteeing the Studies, the Heritage Foundapresentation of an America that tion, the Cato Institute, the is confident and unwavering in Center for National Policy, and its stance toward issues such many others.9 Despite the recas maintaining a military pres- ognized need for such research The Center for International ence to protect our East-Asian and analysis groups, their inand Strategic Studies in particallies and putting pressure on puts and proposed alterations ular has contributed and conChina to meet standards for to policy are not always respecttinues to contribute officials to freedom of speech and press ed. In fact, many in Washingevery presidential administraprotected by both international ton feel that their work is too tion since the early 1960s.7 The and Chinese national law. academic and hopelessly disCSIS was founded by former connected from the machinery military leaders and advisors There are a plethora of of government. One respondent who saw a growing need for in- highly influential think tanks 58 - PLCY 70

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to John Kingdon‘s interviews stated, ―I‘ve never gotten very carried away with his plan or her plan and the details of it… by the time you get it through committees, floors of two bodies, and conference, the bill is [not] going to be written… by this elaborate staffing that goes into it ahead of time.‖10 Knowing this, we should keep in mind that failure to enlist the support of a particular group of experts is not likely to be catastrophic.

As many of these institutions were founded by active or formerly active government officials, and numerous current participants have been involved in government or will be, by acquiring the support of the bureaucracy and congress we will shape the nature of the discussions held by these institutions in the future. Those individuals who are most effective and influential within these research and analysis groups are those with strong personal mission statements and senses of purpose. Knowledge of power structures within government and methods of encouraging participation and gathering support are essential tools for those wishing to have significant impact on these communities.11 For this reason, our administration should encourage the most experienced and highly regarded officials who support our policy to attend and participate proactively in the

conferences, seminars, and symposiums held by these institutions. One voice we would do well to employ in the promotion of our policy is that of Edwin Meese III. Meese, is one of the senior members of the Heritage Foundation, and worked with Ronald Reagan during his presidential administration.

Meese has said that one of the things accomplished by Reagan‘s administration for which he is most proud was the maintenance of the American image and the limitation of the spread of communism from the Soviet Union.12 As such, Meese is likely to support our efforts to compete economically with China, and can use his leadership position in the Heritage Foundation to encourage discussion of related issues. Not only will he likely be able to influence the nature of discussion within his own organization, but also that of the increasingly frequent meetings of American and Chinese research institutes. Much the same way as think tanks in the U.S. emerged when the country was beginning its rise to global prominence, China is seeing a quickly growing number of think tanks being created to supply certain departments of the Chinese government with pertinent information.13 Unlike the public at large, the academics and experts of various fields who are engaged in these communities will not be easily swayed by television media.

Support for our policy will come only through rigorous critique and valid defense of our proposals. If we wish to garner such support in a timely manner, then we must initiate intellectual discourse among experts in the field of foreign policy immediately, and we must encourage the flow of ideas in the international context through efforts such as the Sino-American Strategic & Economic Dialogue.

One excellent upcoming forum for promoting discussion of our policy both domestically and abroad is the May 25 launch of the Global Peace Index, hosted by the CSIS.14 This event will focus on topics of crisis, cooperation, and forecasting through examination of international trends. This conference, and similar ones being hosted by the myriad other think tanks and research groups, will be a great opportunity for elucidation of the global academic community and discussion of aspects of our policy such as promotion of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and bolstering of our educational system through international competition. The Brookings Institute has two upcoming events that hold great promise for promotion of our administration‘s policy on bolstering the American educational system through competition with China.15 Promoting our policy in the context of talks focused on development of distance PLCY 70 - 59

learning and methods of teacher evaluation will serve to strengthen our base of support among experts in the field of education and further efforts to ensure the effectiveness of the American educational system. In order for our policy to rise to prominence in the minds of experts in the many fields involved, we must show that we understand the problems they are trying to address and that we are willing to find solutions to them.

have brought us to our current position. When experts representing our administration speak at the various gatherings mentioned previously, their best course of action is to couch our policy proposals in terms of the literature and mission statements produced by whatever group they are speaking to.

This presentation of our adminThe academic and expert istration‘s policy will facilitate community is highly reactionunderstanding and acceptance ary. One research administrarather than inadvertently protor told John Kingdon in an inmoting disapproval. terview, ―we are in the social policy research business. We The worst thing we could are trying to be reasonably redo by faulty presentation of our sponsive to the social issues.‖16 strategy would be to shift the After public announcement of focus of these communities our policy, the most important from developing and refining of the think tanks are likely to our plans to efforts to dismantle refocus much of their time and it. For this reason, those repremoney into studies of economic, sentatives of our administration military, social, and political that speak to the various comimplications both in the U.S. munities of experts must come and abroad. We must keep in from the liberal and conservamind when presenting this poli- tive sides of the political speccy and the motives behind each trum in accordance with the step that experts will be eager political leanings of the instituto dissect any minute detail tions to which they are speakthat could negatively impact ing. The Heritage Foundation, either the nation at large or the for example, is highly conservaprimary donors funding their tive, and probably the most blainstitutions. The proposal must tantly partisan think tank with emphasize the necessity of acsignificant influence in Washtion and the pressures both do- ington.17 In addition, it is possimestic and international that bly the most aggressive in pur60 - PLCY 70

suing those policy goals that it deems worthy of promotion.

For this reason, it will be very important to have Heritage Foundation leaders and participants believe that our policy accounts for their stated goals of continued American leadership worldwide and protection of enterprise and free markets. This will not only facilitate a refocusing of these think tanks onto the agenda items that we have deemed important, but will also be viewed by their participants as proof of their effectiveness in the policy making community.

Appealing to the idealistic leanings of various groups of experts through emphasizing certain aspects of our policy and encouraging the discussion to use a vocabulary that is familiar to each institution will greatly increase the likelihood of success. Furthermore, it will give legitimacy to media reports hailing the necessity and pertinence of our policy to the public. Policy entrepreneurs working on the side of our administration that appear on television media to discuss the policy in front of the American public will be perceived as greater bastions of authority if they can claim that their views and opinions represent not only the current executive administration but communities of experts and highly effective politicians as

well. People trust those that they feel they have personal experience with. If we can recruit experts from the various think tanks to support our policy on news shows after the initial release to the media, then we can use them as a tool to quell public backlash.

Most of the most important groups of experts aimed at influencing public policy deal wholly or in part with international affairs. This means that these think tanks are a very available and valuable resource for any administration wishing to alter or redefine American foreign policy. The influence of these communities on public opinion and national agenda is traditionally very secondary given that they usually supply information to a relatively small group of academics and politicians not currently in government. Experts will prove important to our administration‘s proposal of a comprehensive American strategy for handling China in the coming years.

Their research and analysis will compile the vocabulary used for the discussion of such strategy by future government officials, as well as forming the ―garbage can‖ of alternatives. ◙

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I

t‘s no secret that China will be the next great world power. As it shifts its economy to industry, China is becoming wealthier, and is gaining say on the international stage. While all of this might be good for China, there are those in the United States that fear a global shift in the power paradigm. For over a century the

affected by a working relationship with China, it is important to realize that there are issues that this administration cannot address. These issues are Chinese environmental policy, and the Chinese occupation of Tibet.

Both of these concerns have strong lobbying bodies that would take issue with U.S. indifference. However, they are minor issues when compared to United States has been the global hegemon, able to do as others (like human rights) that she pleases with little regard for are more prevalent and pressthe feelings of the rest of the ing. world. The emergence of China China‘s environmental would put a serious damper on policy is often brought under dominance by the United fire, and any attempt to expand States. But it would also have negotiations and trade with the its benefits. A working relationChinese will undoubtedly result ship between America and Chiin a surge of cries to push China, the two largest GDP‘s in the na towards ―greener‖ practices. world, would undoubtedly have Unfortunately, the United economic benefits, but many States has little leverage on this other issues between the two particular issue and is largely nations might be ironed out as unable to ―force‖ the developing well. Among these issues are Chinese to adopt more environhuman rights, and environmenmentally friendly practices, as tal protection. The United our own are just as (if not more) States and China have little in detrimental to the state of the common regarding these probenvironment. lems, and both nations have Similarly, those who supvery different ways of dealing port an end to Chinese occupawith each. tion of Tibet, the ―Free Tibet‖ Prior to addressing the movement, will be up in arms if groups that will be positively the issue is not addressed by 62 - PLCY 70

the administration‘s policy with China. This issue cannot be made a priority, and it is important to note that since occupation began, Tibet has seen an increase in tourism, infrastructure, standard of living, and per capita income. There is much debate regarding whether or not a freed Tibet would be any better off than a Tibet under Chinese occupation. Because of this, the issue of Tibet will not be brought up in regards to our relationship with China.

The ―Asian values‖ argument is often cited in regards to the humanitarian crisis in China. This ideology places the wellbeing of the community as a whole above the wellbeing of an individual. In the case of China, the ―wellbeing of the community‖ is more easily understood to mean the ―wellbeing of the Communist Party of China‖. Exploitation of Chinese workers is often responsible for intense debate in the United States. The concept of Asian values is not problematic until it comes in to conflict with the American conception of human rights. For collaboration to exist between America and China, the former must apply a degree of pressure

to the latter in regards to the treatment of the Chinese people. There are numerous organizations committed to the pursuit of human rights that would be highly supportive of any actions taken to improve the circumstances in China. Many small groups hold little sway, but advocacy groups like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Human Rights in China (HRIC) are large enough to hold legitimate lobbying power.

the media, and in fact ranks 171 out of 178 countries in the worldwide index of press freedom,2 though it is believed that the current commercialization of the Chinese media will bring about more investigative reporting. Recently, much attention has been drawn to internet censorship. The Chinese government began more intensive monitoring of internet content in response to the recent surge in Middle Eastern protests for fear of antigovernment sentiment among the people. The Amnesty International is methods of censorship used by ―a worldwide movement of peothe Chinese are inple who campaign tricate and require for internationally thousands of peorecognized human ple working full rights to be respecttime monitoring ed and protected for and deleting coneveryone‖.1 The ortent, going as far as ganization boasts hiring people to over three million pose as bloggers followers, and and write pro-government reaches over many national posts.3 Use is also made of borders. Amnesty Internamonitoring and filtering softtional‘s 2010 report on the state ware. All of this is done to preof Human Rights in China outvent Chinese citizens from viewlines the issues in China reing content that shows the Pargarding freedom of expression, ty in an unfavorable light, or (particularly regarding the intells an unauthorized version of ternet), detainment of human Chinese history. This blatant rights defenders, flaws in the restriction on information has Chinese justice system been the source of much criti(including detention without cism of the Party, and many trial, torture, and capital pungroups other than Amnesty Inishment), and religious perseternational take issue with it. cution.

The Chinese judicial sysThe Chinese government tem is also highly criticized. is notorious for censorship of Amnesty International takes

particular issue with China‘s disregard of what westerners consider due process. Access to a lawyer is limited, and fair trials are few and far between.

China also continues to hold prisoners without trial in Reeducation through Labor (RTL) facilities. As of 2010, the government reported 190,000 people held in such facilities, though the actual number is probably much higher. The Chinese are also avid users of torture- sleep deprivation, beatings, force feeding, use of picanas, etc. In some cases, the interrogator does not relent until the prisoner is dead.4 Assuming someone accused of a crime in China goes through the legal proceedings, and is convicted, they face the threat of the death penalty, even for nonviolent crimes.

Many of those persecuted and abused in this way are followers of Falun Gong, a religious practice founded in China. While followers of many religions, including Catholicism, Protestantism, and Tibetan Buddhism are also persecuted, the attack on Falun Gong exemplifies the Chinese Communist Party‘s desire to eliminate a religious practice. The crackdowns on Falun Gong began in 1999, and since then over 3,000 deaths and 63,000 instances of torture have been reported.5 Accusations of abuses of Falun Gong are particularPLCY 70 - 63

ly harrowing- it is alleged that many, living and dead, have been used for organ harvesting.

Once removed, these organs are sold. In order to further isolate and demonize Falun Gong, the Party has applied their censorship techniques to any literature that reflects the religion in

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a positive light. Anti-Falun Gong propaganda is also being utilized. Sadly, this is an issue that has received little to no attention internationally, but it is one that Amnesty International is fighting to bring into the spotlight.

Any leverage and pres-

sure the United States would be able to exercise on China in a working partnership in regards to human rights would bode well with Amnesty International. This organization is both financially and in terms of public opinion- particularly regarding the youth of the United States.

Their ability to reach the mass- Members sought respect for hues would be a valuable asset to man rights by the Communist any administration.

Party, and a multiparty democratic system. As one can imagIn a similar vein is Huine, the Communist Party of man Rights Watch. This organiChina did not take kindly to his zation is also committed to fight opposition and quickly began for human rights on an internaan orderly dismantling of the tional scale. They do this by organization. Members were ―focusing international attenrounded up and many sent to tion where human rights are prison. Others fled the country, violated‖.6 Amnesty Internationand those that remained are al and Human Rights Watch closely monitored by authoridiffer in that the latter tends to ties. Human Rights watch calls place more emphasis on policy. for the release of imprisoned They do not have the same CDP members, and bilateral manpower, but the pressure discussion regarding increased they are able to exercise is just freedom to petition and assemas significant. ble within the People‘s Republic Human Rights Watch of China.8 has openly expressed a desire While getting China to to see a ―more principled, highconsider the idea of increased profile approach to human human rights, persuading the rights in China‖.7 The group Party to entertain the idea of also supports displaying supadditional political parties is a port of human rights to the far reach, and it is likely that Chinese people, and making this particular goal of Human human rights a major focus of Rights watch will fall flat, and U.S.-China relations. They seek remain unachieved for many immediate Chinese ratification years to come, as broaching it of the International Covenant with the Chinese would be a on Civil and Political Rights as dangerous move. Because of well and action regarding the this, we must hope that a dediratified International Covenant cation to improving overall on Economic, Social, and Culstandard of living and less contural Rights. troversial human rights will be Human Rights Watch is enough to bring Human Rights a strong supporter of the China Watch into the fold in support Democracy Party (CDP). The of administrative goals.

CDP emerged in 1998, and was Human Rights in China the first attempt at registering (HRIC) was founded by Chinese an opposing political party students and academics in made since the formation of the 1989. The HRIC‘s mission in People‘s Republic of China.

China is built on three primary goals: 1) to ―advance the rule of law and foster the growth of civil society in China‖, 2) to ―strengthen the institutional protection of human rights through casework, policy advocacy, and electronic advocacy‖, and 3) to ―generate international pressure for social change in China and promote the Chinese government‘s compliance with its international human rights obligations‖.9 HRIC, more so than any other advocacy group, has a thorough understanding of the severity of the human rights crisis in China. The founders and members of this group are closer to the controversy than Amnesty International, or Human Rights Watch. While it might not be the most wellendowed, or boast the highest following, Human Rights in China can provide a closer look at the situation than other organizations. To the HRIC, gendercide, oppression of Falun Gong and detention in Reeducation through Labor facilities are more than just abstract ideas. The HRIC is able to put a face on the oppression. Human Rights in China is attempting to ―engage a broad cross section of citizens, activists, government officials, lawyers, scholars, corporate leaders and media sources inside and outside China through rigorous thematic research, advocacy and communications work‖10. They proPLCY 70 - 65

vide the best aid they can to prisoners and their families, and try to encourage international intervention. The sway they hold would be beneficial to the United States, and their intimate understanding of the situation. Were Human Rights in China to back a working relationship with China, members of the organization might be able to provide assistance to the State Department regarding how to best handle the issue within the People‘s Republic of China.

cy. Human Rights in China offers valuable insight into the workings of Chinese society.

Combined, these three organizations possess the tools needed to develop and push an agenda regarding human rights and a working U.S.-China relationship. Failure to utilize these special interest groups would be an opportunity wasted.

unacceptable action. It would harm America‘s credibility on issues of human rights, and send the message to the Chinese that we have no problem with holding citizens in custody indefinitely with no access to a lawyer, and harvesting organs from religious prisoners.

For any type of agreement to be reached beAs China continues to tween the world‘s most domigrow, the Chinese people will nant powers, issues of human continue to be exploited by a rights cannot continue to be government with little concern ignored. As a nation with a high for the wellbeing of average citi- standard of living, doing busiGroups advocating for zens. China‘s growth also plac- ness with a nation that operrecognition and expansion of es our own nation in a compro- ates with systems resembling human rights in China have a mising situation. Ultimately, slavery is unacceptable. A lot to offer any administration. both nations would benefit from strong stand must be taken by Amnesty International brings a economic collaboration. Howev- the administration to ensure mass following and the ability er, for the United States to en- that the liberties of the Chinese to reach the masses. Human ter in to any kind of beneficial people are addressed and reRights Watch is able to contrib- agreement without addressing spected. ◙ ute its lobbying ability, and af- the issue of continual human fect the shaping of public polirights violations would be an

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I

n order to maintain cordial relations with China several issues need to be addressed, several tasks need to be accomplished, and several lobbies need to be mobilized. The economic aspect of a continued relationship with China will be vital because the United States and China have arguably the two most powerful economies in the world.

Since both countries are economic powerhouses, it is important that their economic policies benefit each other, and have global benefits in mind.

Having confidence in the American economy will be critical as well, in hopes of our confidence and determination to turn our economy around will radiate to China so that they will have confidence in it as well. We should emphasize that we are innovators in research and have a very competitive attitude in the rejuvenation of the economy. The remainder of this segment of our policy proposal will discuss and evaluate the main objectives of our policies, the lobbies that need to be mobilized, and the methods in which we can mobilize them – all in order to get our policy atop the national agenda and

ensure that we will have a working and mutually productive relationship with China.

In agenda setting, many factors have to fall perfectly into place in order for a policy to find its way to the top of the national agenda. In John W. Kingdon‘s account of agenda setting, ―Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies‖ he asserts that when it comes to setting the national agenda, ―interest groups loom very large indeed.‖ (46). He describes the results of the various studies and interviews he conducted only to further prove his point.

These interviews revealed that interest groups are one of the most discussed ―actors‖ in the agenda setting process, as almost every congressman and other interviewees declared that interest groups are very important or at least somewhat important. Kingdon further advocates the importance of interest groups in agenda setting:1 ―When we say that interest groups are important in agenda setting, we might conclude that they are promoting new agenda items or advocating certain proposals.‖ (49).

Considering this information Kingdon reveals, the job of a lobbyist is of utmost im-

portance. Lobbying with interest groups and public organizations will become important as we attempt to persuade them to support our policy.

Marketing our policy to these organizations in a logical position will play an influential role in getting our policy atop the national agenda. We need to make sure that as lobbyists, we emphasize that there is a real need and urgency to maintain beneficial relations with China. Our pitch should condemn any other alternative to this. We need to handle their objections, and convince them that there is no better option than this logistically speaking. If we can accomplish this, and rally the support of various interest groups that will be discussed in this segment, our policy will inevitably make headlines and demand a large focus on the national agenda.

The Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership (TPP) is one of the lobbies we should look into mobilizing.

The goal of this partnership is to incorporate the economies of Asian countries. It would be beneficial for us to join this partnership because it would be a clear indicator that we are PLCY 70 - 67

a globally-oriented country and not just concerned with our own economy. It would become a symbol of our cooperation with Asian countries to improve the world economy. We could also use this new partnership to negotiate certain policies with Asian countries, and begin a collaborative analysis of which policies would have the greatest benefit for the world as a whole. There is already bipartisan support in congress to carry this out.

President Obama plans to have settled negotiations of joining concluded by the APEC summit on November 12th of this year.

Joining the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership will be influential in the lobbyist aspect of creating a lasting relationship with China: it will persuade China that their interests are our interests too, which will foster an amiable relationship in the future.

The issue of intellectual property rights needs to be addressed with China.

Our objective should be to force them to improve their system of intellectual property rights. The PRC (People‘s Republic of China) will be a key lobby to mobilize in this process since they create the laws regarding intellectual property. We will need to have a firm case for 68 - PLCY 70

China to improve this and make sure they stick to it in order to ensure that American businesses are protected. However, on the surface we do not want to come across to the Chinese as if we are forcing them to alter or completely re-polish their intellectual property laws.

We will have much more success in pursuing this if we even the playing field, and simply claim that the renewing of their intellectual property laws will benefit both countries, as opposed to appearing to be selfishly forcing them to change.

This will be key in the lobbying process and will be a more effective approach to improving China‘s system of intellectual property rights, thus protecting American businesses.2 Currency will be an important factor to discuss and tie into our policy proposal.

Our aim should be to allow the Chinese Yuan to appreciate,

and to keep constant pressure on this issue to force it to happen. Having said that, we need to be sure not to cause a drastic change in the currency and

not to keep it undervalued because that will not benefit either country. Yukon Huang claims in his article ―Incentives for U.S.-China Cooperation‖ that we need to focus on increasing China‘s imports because it will balance international trade.3 China‘s exports have been steadily rising and at times surging over the past few years, which has solely benefitted their economy as opposed the world economy as a whole.

We need to remain active partners with China so that we can persuade them to increase their imports to help minimize the trade deficit. This process will also help establish a mutual trust on economic issues between China and the United States. With these objectives concerning currency in mind, we need to steadily pressure China to follow through with these tasks since the United States has been criticized in the past for not maintaining consistency in regard to foreign policies with China. This approach will be more effective because China will be more likely to comply with our requests. However, we should carry this out without harassing them and thus decreasing the chances of their cooperation with us.

The Strategic and Economic Dialogue between the

In 2009, China and the U.S. celebrated 30 years of Sino-US Diplomatic Relations.

United States and China will be an important lobby to utilize in the process of getting our foreign policy on the national agenda. It was reestablished by Barack Obama on April 1st, 2009, replacing the former dialogue that was in place during the George W. Bush administration. The S&ED has the potential to stimulate political trust and cooperation between the United States and China.4 We have underutilized the S&ED in the past but now have an opportunity to use it to establish the frameworks for cooperation with China. As a lobbyist, it will be necessary to be in contact with important figureheads in both countries to ensure that the utilization of the S&ED can be a part of our foreign policy. This will involve lobbying through congress for the United States, and the Politburo for China. We need to make sure we do not appear to be pressuring China into agreeing to use the S&ED but need

to make a conscious effort to ensure they agree to it. We need to pressure them without harassing them. The Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade is another important lobby we can mobilize in hopes of getting our policy approved.

Similar to the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, the JCCT also deals with bilateral trade issues. Mobilizing these lobbies will help us create the framework for working with China.

Consumer safety is a factor to consider when discussing the economic portion of our policy proposal. Recent accusations of China not considering product safety before shipping have been surfacing in recent months. According to the article ―U.S. sets up consumer safety office in China‖ forty-five percent of all consumer products and ninety percent of the toys purchased in the United States are imported from China or Hong Kong. The article also re-

ports on China and their safety problems with toys – they have included faulty drywall and toxic metals in certain toys.5 This is obviously of huge concern for consumers in the United States.

The United States imports nearly six and a half billion dollars of products from China annually6, and our consumers expect to have products that are not harmful to use. We need to include in our policy a proposal that requires Chinese products to be thoroughly inspected before import, and ensure that the Chinese are making these products to perform safely. As a lobbyist, we will want to consult China‘s General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (AQSIQ), and keep a close relationship with them. We need to make sure their products are living up to our safety standards, and this will be an attainable goal if we can propose our policy to the leaders of the AQSIQ in a logistical manner. The United PLCY 70 - 69

States Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC) has already recognized this need, and it is our job as lobbyists to carry it out.

Another key economic aspect of our policy is to encourage China to open new markets. One of the main markets we should be promoting for them to expand is their agricultural market. United States senators are requesting that the Chinese government get rid of barriers and restraints on agricultural imports because of the great harm these barriers have on American farmers. Our farmers are losing billions of dollars annually because of this,7 and if the Chinese government can abolish the barriers it will open up a whole new market and benefit the economy of both of our countries. One of the lobbies we can mobilize to assist in this process is the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). This organization seeks to promote policies that will help to enhance and improve the overall standard of living of people all over the world, economically and socially.8 This is the perfect organization to help us convince the Chinese government to patch up their agricultural policies and help benefit the world economy in the process.

of illegal subsidies in the paper industry. China prospered at our expense because their paper industry became driven entirely on exports after the government put thirty-three billion dollars into stimulating the industry. This became detrimental for the United States paper industry as employment plummeted twenty-nine percent from 2002-2009 – the same time period it took China to become the leading exporter of paper products in the world.9 These unethical practices by the Chinese government cannot be tolerated if we except to have a lasting cordial relationship with China. Our relationship should be beneficial to both countries instead of China exploiting United States‘ industries for their own prosperity. Our next lobby to mobilize should be the Pulp and Paper Industry in China because they are in charge of creating policies relating to the production and exportation of paper products. We need to consistently pressure them to change their policies so that they do not harm American industry.

products such as glass, laundry detergent, and paper.10 This is another example of the Chinese government passed unethical business practices and ended up harming the United States‘ economy in the process. We should consider mobilizing the Republic of China (ROC) since it is one of the main governing bodies in China, and with our persuasion can begin monitoring business practices, ensuring that ethical policies are being passed. Again, we need to pressure this lobby into doing what we want them to without harassing them – consistent pressure is crucial in these negotiations. This will help with our goal of creating a mutually beneficial relationship between China and The United States as unethical business practices can potentially be reduced, hopefully entirely.

Another case of china harming the United States‘ economy is with their discrete importation of honey into our country. In particular this harms the beekeeping industry.

Reports claim that the New York economy has been hurt China has also harmed the most by this deceptive iman important part of the econo- portation, but it affects the my in Wyoming and California – country as a whole. It has also the trona, or natural soda ash been reported these Chinese mining. The Chinese governtraders mislabel their honey inment approved unethical trade tentionally in order to sneak practices in this industry as more of it into the states, and well, as they allowed for cheap then set up companies that alChina is hurting the production of synthetic soda most instantaneously disappear United States‘ economy because ash that in turn was used in to avoid paying fees. Further70 - PLCY 70

more, according to the article ―Illegal Chinese honey Hurting NY Economy, Says Schumer,‖ of The Epoch Times, ―Some Chinese honey is contaminated with antibiotics and can get into the United States easier.‖11 China took the illegal of importation of their honey to extremes in order to promote their own economic gains and exploit the United States‘ economy.

as long as we can convince them to be in it for the same reasons. Joining the TransPacific Strategic Economic will be a symbol of our globalmindedness and assist in creating a good relationship with China. Creating a relationship with the People‘s Republic of China will be beneficial in protecting the intellectual property rights of American products and ideas since they create the In conclusion, our policy laws regarding intellectual has a great chance of reaching property. Allowing the Chinese the top of the national agenda Yuan to appreciate will be proand being carried out with our ductive for the economies of lobbying techniques. Also both countries, and a drastic through though lobbying we change will not be productive can maintain a cordial relationfor either country. Minimizing ship with China that will benefit the trade gap is another ecothe economies of both powerful nomic aspect of our plan for nations.h Our negotiations will both countries to become more be productive as long as China economically efficient. Mobilizbelieves that we are being parting The Strategic and Economic ners for a mutual benefit, and Dialogue will help create a mu-

tual political trust between the United States and China. Communicating with General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine in China will be key in ensuring the safety of American consumers as we propose new laws requiring further inspection of Chinese products before they are exported. One aspect of our plan to eliminate Chinese exploitation of the American economy is to mobilize the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, since this organization will back us up on our proposals requesting ethical business practices in China. Following this lobbying plan, the United States and china will have a long lasting and mutually beneficial relationship. ◙

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Introduction The United States and China, sometimes considered the world‘s superpowers, have been under economic scrutiny for countless years as both countries constantly work to lessen their dependence on each other and boost their economies. China has been able to expand its economic powers exponentially for several decades because of the trade commitments it made prior to entering the World Trade Organization. In the mean time, the U.S. has been facing a colossal trade deficit that has created a tactless interdependence on China. Currently China has policies in place that poses a threat to U.S. economic interests and is erratic with the WTO‘s rules.

Our main concerns lie with Chinese policies regarding the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Intellectual Property Rights, and the Yuan currency. It is now that President Lindquist has taken a stand and asks for your patronage to make America a more potent and prosperous nation. The President has constituted a proposal and is asking the American bureaucracy to use its powers to im72 - PLCY 70

plement it in the most competent and applicable way.

Identification of Problem Prior to the Bilateral Trade Agreement in 1979, there was very little trade between the United States and China. It was after Deng Xiaoping was reinstated to his 11th party Congress in 1977 that China adopted new policies and practices that reformed and emphasized massive economic developments (Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs). He pushed for decentralized planning, rural and foreign direct investment, which led to the insourcing of companies and a greater agriculture development. In 1980, U.S.

and China trade, exports plus imports, was valued at $2 billion and has exponentially grown since. An estimated $459 billion worth of bilateral merchandise was traded in 2010, making U.S. the second largest trading partner with China and China the third largest U.S. exporter (Morrison).

As China‘s economy continues to spur, the U.S. faces an increasing trade deficit because Chinese imports have protruded into the U.S. economy. The U.S. imports a staggering $365 billion worth of merchandise and services while exporting only $93 billion. As seen in Table 1 and

Figure 1, total trade export plus imports has grown every year as well the trade deficit. In just 5 years, between 2000 and 2005 the deficit went from $83 billion to $201 billion creating inflation and the depreciation of the dollar (Foreign Trade Division). This trade deficit has not only caused hardship on the U.S. economy but also has taken a toll on politics and foreign policy in China. There are many reasons why this deficit continues to grow and why the Yuan remains fairly lower in value than the American dollar.

The Yuan currency has been a major factor in China‘s successful economy and its domination of any other. Unlike the American currency and many others, from 1994 to 2005, China has kept a consistent value of 8.28 Yuan for every dollar; where as most currencies fluctuate with the economy in terms of supply and demand. The Chinese government has been able to keep this value constant because of the buying and selling of dollardenominated assets for Yuan currency; this eliminates any excess or shortages respectively (Labonte). This method allows China to sell products for cheap, which explains their enormous GDP of $5.87 trillion in 2010 according to CNN. While the dollar and other currencies appreciate against the Yuan, the Yuan stays consistent making Chinese prod-

ucts relatively cheap. The U.S. and other countries continue to buy these cheap Chinese products because comparatively, many countries cannot make the same product for the same price.

It was not until 2005, that pressure from the WTO urged Chinese officials to reevaluate their policy regarding the Yuan currency. On July 21st, 2005, the Yuan appreciated by 2.1% and China has established a strategy that will allow the Yuan to vary 0.3% daily. Since then, the Yuan has been steadily appreciating but at an extremely slow rate. Estimates show that the Yuan is still approximately 40% undervalued to the Dollar (Labonte).

Many officials and indicators agree the Yuan is significantly undervalued causing an array of problems. An undervalued Yuan makes Chinese imports cheaper to the United States; however, it makes U.S. exports

more expensive to China. This impacts the U.S. economy negatively because it creates substantial job loss due to outsourcing, high trade deficits due to imbalance in trade, and the depreciation of the dollar.

Implementation of Policy As John Kingdon once said, the bureaucracy has little to no power to place an item on the agenda. However, it is the arduous job of the American bureaucracy to implement policy passed down from elected officials. The American bureaucracy has a long history filled with obstacles and difficulties; nonetheless, many success stories. The voting rights of 1964 were efficaciously implemented because there was a clear and concise goal and those carrying out the law had clear authority.

President Lindquist‘s policy comprises several factors that involve the joint effort of six PLCY 70 - 73

parent departments: Department of Treasury, Department of Commerce, Department of Agriculture, Department of State, and Department of Justice.

gressional and executive officers. L1 China has the goal to put pressure on the Chinese government to allow the Yuan‘s value to be determined solely on a floating market. This means the Yuan will adjust to supply President Lindquist‘s and demand pressures without policy calls for the creation of any pegging from the governthree agencies that work each ment. The purpose of having of the five departments above to the Yuan in a floating market is implement her goals. Lael to have a fair trading advantage Brainard, who is the current as China. China currently foUnder Secretary of the Treasury cuses on exports instead of imfor International Affairs, will ports, which creates a one-way lead the first agency, L1 China, trade advantage. This task is along with the current Under difficult because it is a policy Secretary of Political Affairs Wilthat needs to be established beliam J. Burns. The second yond U.S. soil. agency, L2 China, will be led by former Assistant Secretary of First, Lael and William State for International Organiwill need to work to intensify zational Affairs, Kim Holmes; diplomatic efforts. This method current Secretary of Agriculinvolves direct negotiations to ture, Tom Vilsack; and current persuade China to reform its Under Secretary of Commerce policy regarding the exchange for International Trade, Franrate. During the Bush Admincisco Sanchez. At last, Shaun istration, U.S. officials met with Donovan, who is the current Chinese officials to discuss how Secretary of Housing and Urban the current policy is not benefitDevelopment and United States ing China or its trading partAssociate Attorney General ners and instead hurting their Thomas J. Perrelli will lead L3 economy. China was invited to China. participate in the Strategic Economic Dialogue and G-7 finance L1 China meetings to inspire the country L1 China will be alloto lessen its dependence on excated $125 million from the De- ports and increase domestic partment of Treasury to carry consumption thus imports out it tasks and reach its goal (Labonte 37). These talks listed within a one year time-span. objectives for the Chinese govLael and William have the pow- ernment; however, they are not er to hire additional personnel fulfilling them in a timely manand meet with Chinese officials ner. L1 China will be responsiwith prior approval from conble for scheduling meetings and 74 - PLCY 70

negotiations and continue these talks.

Next, L1 China needs to strengthen the Treasury Department‘s report on currency.

This report has the ability to declare China as a currency manipulator but fails to because of the loose requirements. The treasury department attempted to pass laws such as the H.R. 782 and S. 1607 that allowed them, with the current conditions, to identify China as a currency manipulator but did not pass. S. 1677 could have allowed the Treasury department to recognize China as a manipulator regardless of their current policy goals; nonetheless, the bills never become law (Hilbert 29).

L1 China‘s job is to reevaluate these bills and pass them through Congress allowing the Treasury department to classify China as a currency manipulator.

Finally, L1 China can lead the filing of a 301 case within the WTO. The WTO will allow a U.S. trade representative to impose trade sanctions because of ―unreasonable and discriminatory practices that burden or restrict the Department of U.S Commerce‖ (Palmeter 114). Trade sanctions such as a tariff on imports can be placed with the backing of the 301 case. L1 China needs to push H.R. 1002 bill through Congress after the

301 case has been filed posing a 27.5% tariff on imports from China until the country appreciates the Yuan (Labonte 38).

This three-step process is fundamental in achieving L1 China‘s goal. L1 China will need to update executive and congressional officials monthly. The deadline for this task is January 2012.

ficers. L2 China‘s goal is to have the United States become apart of the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The Trans-Pacific Partnership is multi-lateral free trade agreement between Chile, Singapore, New Zealand, and Brunei. By joining this partnership, the U.S. will not only benefit from trade with the listed countries but also help with other diplomatic initiatives; for examL2 China ple, China. Currently negotiaL2 China will be allotions are underway for the Unitcated with $75 million from the ed States and Vietnam; howevDepartment of Commerce and er, the United States has a goal Department of Agriculture to to sign into the partnership pricarry out its tasks and reach its or to the Asian-Pacific Economgoal within a six-month timeic Cooperation Conference in span. Just like L1 China, Kim November 2011.

Holmes, Tom Vilsack, and L2 China will have to Francisco Sanchez will have the boosts the efforts of negotiapower to hire additional persontions by scheduling small connel and meet with Chinese offiferences with each individual cials with prior approval from country that is apart of the excongressional and executive ofTable 1 U.S. Goods Trade with TTP Countries, 2009 (in Millions of $)

isting partnership. The President and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton need to put consistent pressure on these individual countries to achieve American economic interests.

Negotiations need to be pushed and deadlines need to be set.

While negotiations are underway, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will need to schedule an Asian tour to reassure America‘s objective to countries with smaller economy‘s. We need to push the TPP because it has the possibility of reducing a trade deficit of $6 billion. Table 1 shows U.S. goods trade with TPP countries in 2009.

Some issues that are going to arise are with New Zealand and agriculture trade.

Currently the Dairy exports from New Zealand are believed to come from Fonterra, which is a monopoly and controls about 90% of the production. ―The National Milk Producer‘s Foundation has sought an exclusion…‖ (Fergusson and Vaughn). The NMPF believes that there will be an unfair trade advantage if the U.S. signs the TPP without addressing Fonterra. To prevent further conflicts from arising, the NMPF shall participate in the negotiations with New Zealand and work with officials and Fonterra. L2 China will need to expedite the conferences to ensure the TPP is joined by November 2011.

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L3 China

spread dissemination of new knowledge by encouraging (or L3 China will be allocatrequiring) rights holders to ed with $45 million from the place their inventions and ideas Department of Commerce to on the market‖ (Maskus 2). fulfill its goal within two years.

They will research IPR based on Just like L1 and L2 China, China‘s current economic conShaun Donovan and Thomas J. ditions and provide an in-depth Perrelli will have the power to analysis on the pros and cons. hire additional personnel and meet with Chinese officials with While the Department prior approval from congresof State is working on analyzing sional and executive officers. L3 the benefits of the IPR, the DeChina‘s job is to pressure China partment of Justice will work into establishing Intellectual with foreign governments to Property Rights by analyzing compose a sample bill that Chithe benefits to economy and na may use to implement the composing a sample bill for the newly proclaimed rights. This country. department will need to write out a bill that addresses the The Department of State laws and consequences of Intelwill work on analyzing the benlectual Property Rights comparefits of IPR. The following two atively to the U.S. and other benefits shall be emphasized in governments. This document this writing: 1) ―The first is to shall be used by the Chinese promote investments in judicial system to prosecute any knowledge creation and busiviolators. L3 China has a deadness innovation by establishing line of January 2013. exclusive rights to use and sell newly developed technologies, goods, and services‖ 2) ―The second goal is to promote wide-

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Recommendations and Conclusions President Lindquist‘s plan is an intense and difficult task to complete; however, the benefits that will come affect a broad spectrum of areas within the international community.

This ensures that America is attempting to build fair and successful relationships with pacific countries while fulfilling America‘s economic interests.

The United States is trying to build an agreeable relationship with China yet competitive. As stated before, the bureaucracy may not be able to place an item on the agenda but it is their job to implement any law passed by the government. The bureaucracy is desperately needed because the United States cannot afford to wait any longer to address these policy issues. President Lindquist demands that the bureaucracy dives into the tasks assigned and carry out the proposed plan diligently and with full force.◙

" He'll sit there all day saying do this, do that, and nothing will happen. Poor Ike, it wont be a bit like the military. He'll find it very frustrating."

-President Harry Truman upon the election of Dwight Eisenhower Introduction

P

residents, Congressmen, Academics, and Lobbyists envision lofty outcomes when they shape legislation and craft policy, but it is up to the American bureaucracy to implement their wishes. This process of carrying out executive or legislative orders is messy, and rarely occurs in the timeframe desired by politicians. Thus it is important that the Presidential administration, the leader of the bureaucracy, takes steps to ensure that their policy goals are actually implemented in practice. Our plan for a renewed relationship with China will require the mobilization of almost every executive department. I will lay out some of the bureaucratic problems that we will face in attempting to revitalize our relationship with China, and discuss the specifics of implementing our new policies in the State and Defense Departments.

It is imperative that we first outline the goals of our

policy that pertain to these departments. The State Department will be vital on numerous fronts. Diplomatic efforts with South Korea and Japan must stress our continued commitment to their security and economic development, as there is a significant incentive for them to fall into China‘s economic sphere. In addition, the State Department has the role of recruiting the international community to support our efforts to open up to China, and put pressure on them to reciprocate. Political pressure can also be used in an attempt to end China‘s consistent human rights abuses and soften their repression of political freedoms.

The Defense Department can serve to advance our security interests in the region and to protect our allies. The chief goal of our defense policy is to ensure that there is a credible deterrent against an attack on Taiwan. Conflict between Taiwan and the Chinese mainland (which claims Taiwan as its own) has been on-

going since the Communists took control of Beijing. Taiwan is a vital ally of the United States, but the Chinese government continues to threaten its neighbor. A military commitment to defend Taiwan by the United States has prevented China from acting on its threats. The Defense Department must also work to limit Chinese influence in the region through force projection. Our forces stationed in Japan and South Korea, as well as our carrier battle group assigned to the region (the Navy‘s 7th Fleet), must be supported to further our interests in East Asia.

Managing the Bureaucracy Accomplishing these goals will require the work of thousands of diplomats, officers, and civil servants, all of whom have their own unique views on how such goals should be pursued. The President cannot possibly manage every agency that falls under his jurisdiction, as he doesn‘t have the time or expertise to do so. Complicating matters PLCY 70 - 77

further is the fact that highlevel policy specialists tend to be skeptical of any Presidential initiatives, as they almost always have more working knowledge on their field of expertise than the President himself. Consequently the bureaucracy functions within the laws of inertia. When it is active, it tends to remain active, and when it is stagnant, it tends to stay stagnant.1 Changing bureaucratic tendencies is a formidable task for the President.

dent. In delineating responsibility for carrying out our policy on China, it will be very important to clearly assign responsibilities to these policy executives.

Competition within the bureaucracy can also be detrimental to policy efforts. Bureaucratic agencies are territorial. They fight to keep funding and responsibilities at all costs.

Our new policy will shift resources around the bureaucracy, and inevitably create winBureaucratic agencies ners and losers. Handling inter also often have goals that go -agency resentment and giving against national interests. assurances of continued supAgencies want to grow their port to groups that have smallbudgets, and strengthen their er roles in our work with China influence on governmental afwill be important to sustain bufairs, and they often pursue reaucratic morale. Bureaucratthese goals at the expense of ic competition is not always national objectives. Organiza- harmful, however. When agentions that are competing cies have a ―monopoly‖ on a against another nation (such as certain agenda item, they are ours will be against China) have stagnant.4 Competition between a tendency to overstate the ac- these agencies generally creates complishments of the other, as a more efficient and optimal retheir own survival depends on sult, as bureaucrats fret over 2 the success of their opponent. getting ―beat‖ by another agenTo manage these harmful incli- cy. Assigning tasks to multiple nations the President must rely people can thus motivate the on ―policy executives,‖ her apbureaucracy into moving out of pointees to lead bureaucratic stagnation. agencies. Their loyalties usualIt is essential that public ly lie with the President, but opinion remain supportive of they must be confirmed by our efforts with China. ConCongress and they care about gress and the President rely on the longevity of their own agena supportive public to pass cy.3 They are imperfect, but their initiatives, but bureaucrathey are the administrators who cy depends on continued public carry out the will of the Presisupport throughout their imple78 - PLCY 70

mentation. Bureaucratic morale suffers in the face of public opposition to their efforts.5 Agencies need to ensure that their press departments frame their efforts properly and continually keep U.S.-China relations at the forefront of the media‘s attention.

The State Department The main goal of the State Department is to ―sell‖ our plan to China, to the world at large, and to the American people. In effect, the job of the state department is to ensure that U.S.-China relations stay at the top of the world agenda.

This requires Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to make a number of high profile trips and speeches to ensure that her department and others continue to focus on implementing our new China policy, and that China, other countries, and international institutions cooperate with our efforts.

In order to bend China to our will diplomatically, the State Department must rely on the effective deployment of American ―soft power.‖ Joseph Nye, who coined the term, defines soft power as ―the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments.‖6 America often succeeds in the diplomatic arena because other countries believe that we, in general, take actions that benefit the world at large. This plan, to increase

economic ties and create a sort of détente, serves the interests of the U.S., but is also a responsible roadmap to sustained worldwide growth and cooperation. We will obviously need to make concessions in our negotiations with China, and invest militarily in the continued security of the East Asian region, but soft power allows us to accomplish many of our goals without assuming any costs. This is the job of the State Department.

Building an international consensus around our efforts will help in our negotiation efforts with Chinese leaders. It is important to get other states to publically support initiatives to tear down trade barriers between China and the United States and foster a more open world economic system. Because this plan is mutually beneficial, due to its inherent liberalizing effects, negotiating international support will not be a particularly difficult task.

Our ambassadors to the European Union (William Kennard) and India (Timothy Roemer),7 in particular will look to garner statements of support for U.S. efforts. Trips by Secretary of State Clinton to these countries will raise the profile of our negotiations and put pressure on

their leaders to support our ini- good faith. China‘s continual tiatives. refusal to end human rights abuses only strengthens our Another important role soft power in negotiations, as of the State Department is to we will be viewed as working for maintain our alliances in the the benefit of all mankind.

East Asian Theater. The President‘s policy executive in this The U.S. and China have area will be the East Asian and already shown a high level of Pacific Affairs Assistant Secre- cooperation with regards to Nutary, Kurt Campbell.8,9 His role clear Proliferation. Both are will be to make high proNon-Proliferation Treaty signafile commitments to tories, and just this year, the our allies in Japan, two agreed to establish a CenSouth Korea, and ter of Excellence on Nuclear SeTaiwan. A public curity in China.11 The Under assurance deters Secretary of State for Arms China from aggresControl and International Secusion by committing rity Affairs, Ellen Tauscher,12 American leaders to their will head efforts to negotiate defense. Maintaining these alli- continued reduction of nuclear ances will prevent China from stockpiles in both countries. attempting to establish an eco- The State Department must nomic bloc in East Asia, outcommit publically to cut our side of the influence of the stockpiles in exchange for ChiUnited States. na‘s agreement to reduce theirs as well.

Efforts to advocate for human rights and other politiAppealing to internationcal freedoms for the Chinese al audiences will help ensure will also be run by the State that our efforts are taken seriDepartment. Michael Posner, ously by foreign leaders. But in the Democracy, Human Rights, a democratic state it is equally and Labor Assistant Secretary important that domestic conwill lead this charge.10 The stituencies buy into our plans United States has been a as well. The Public Affairs Asstrong advocate for human sistant Secretary, Mike Hamrights around the world, and it mer,13 will lead a media blitz to is imperative for the sake of in- ensure that China rises to the ternational support that we top of the public‘s agenda as continue to take a strong stand well. This has a focusing effect. on this issue. Attempts to redi- With the public focused on the rect China‘s political system China issue, politicians, as well will assure that the world beas the bureaucracy respond lieves we are negotiating in and are mobilized to implement PLCY 70 - 79

our goals. Hammer and his aides will craft press releases that frame our efforts as those of a leader. We will be liberalizing the global economy, and accommodating China, but still serving as the global leader that we have been since World War II. These releases and other press conferences will focus relentlessly on China, turning the public‘s and the bureaucracy‘s eyes to our agenda item.

Woods system. With China, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan all vital trade partners of the United States, the importance of keeping the East Pacific open cannot be understated. Our allies in the region create a sort of containment barrier around China,16 ensuring that its influence is minimized and that we continue to enjoy military superiority in the Pacific.

strike a moving aircraft carrier, and short-range ballistic missiles (SRBMs) that could devastate Kadena.18 Without proper efforts to negate the effects of these weapons, China could very easily deny us access to the region.19

The Defense Department‘s current budget is close to $700 billion (much of which is tied down in Iraq and Afghanistan).20 An important part Defense Department The Untied States Pacific of our policy is recognizing that Command will be the vessel the character of a war with ChiOur defense policy will through which military orders na would be very different than need the cooperation of numerare carried out. Based in Pearl past wars. It would rely on alous leaders to be successful.

Harbor and headed by Admiral most zero ground troops, inThe Secretary of Defense, RobRobert Willard, the organization stead playing out in the skies ert Gates, will need to take an has jurisdiction over all U.S. (missiles and planes), and in organizational role to coordimilitary forces in the cyberspace. Recognizing nate efforts between civilians vast majority of the these changes means and soldiers, members of the Pacific Ocean and that Defense Departdifferent service branches, much of the Indiment budgeting members of the intelligence 17 an Ocean. Its must change with community, and defense conprimary goal will them. Primarily, tractors and researchers outbe the defense of this means shifting side of the government. WalTaiwan, but it must funding to the Navy at lace Gregson, the Assistant also keep our military the expense of the Army.

Secretary of Defense for Asian commitments to the security of The Army still receives more and Pacific Affairs will be vital Japan and South Korea. The funding than any other branch, in mobilizing the various parts U.S. 7th fleet polices the region but the Navy has been closing of the Defense Department that and currently serves as an efthe gap for years, and Army will be impacted by our new fofective deterrent against an at- Brass will not be happy further cus on China and the Pacific tack on Taiwan. Kadena Air cuts to their budget and prestheater.14,15 Base at Okinawa, the seat of tige. This is largely unavoidaThe U.S. military has, the Air Force‘s Pacific Comble, but Defense Department since World War II, been the mand, also has operational leaders must be prepared to guarantor of world peace. Its ability to protect the Taiwan diffuse inter-branch conflict.

11 carrier battle groups police straight. Unfortunately, China Specifically, we need to world sea lanes and enforce the now possesses anti-ship ballisstrengthen our support sysliberal ideals of free trade and tic missiles (ASBMs) that with tems for our forward-deployed freedom of the seas enshrined proper guidance systems can forces near China. This means in the post-WWII Bretton 80 - PLCY 70

redirecting Aegis Cruisers with anti-ballistic missile systems from the Middle East/European theatre to the 7th fleet. Currently, we are committing 13 ships to the defense of our allies in Europe and the Middle East from Iran and only 8 to protection of our allies from China.21 Our policy reflects shifting priorities, and necessitates that some of these ships be relocated. In addition, the newly developed Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) systems, used for ground-based missile defense, must be stationed in Kadena negate the threat of SRBMs.22 The Missile Defense Agency, headed by Lieutenant General Patrick

O‘Reilly, will coordinate efforts to deploy these systems to the Pacific theater.23

Like the State Department, the Defense Department has an important role in ―selling‖ its own efforts. DougWe must also shift fundlas Wilson, the Assistant Secreing into the realm of research tary of Defense for Public Afand development, particularly fairs,25 will sell research and for missile defense. We curdevelopment as part of the comrently spend $10 billion annupetitive atmosphere in which ally on missile defense reChina and we are now engaged. search,24 but given the threat But he must also limit the that Chinese missiles pose, this amount of information regardnumber should be increased in ing our efforts to strengthen our future Defense Department appresence near China‘s coastpropriations. In addition, we line. This runs counter to our must invest more into cybersemission of achieving détente curity and electronic warfare with China, and will cause the development, as this represents public and international states an entirely new area in which to question our true motivacountries can attack one anothtions. er.

Figuree Three The East China Sea

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Figuree Two The Office of the Secretary of Defense

National Security Council

and oversees no agency. Thus he is loyal to the President and Coordinating these efcan be counted on to serve his forts amongst the various ageninterests. cies that will be involved will be very difficult. The biggest tool Using the National Secuthe President has at her dispos- rity Advisor to advance policy is al is the use of the National Se- an effective way to ensure that curity Council. The Council bureaucratic politics don‘t get consists of the President, Vice in the way of accomplishing our President, Secretary of State, goals. In a bureaucracy that is Secretary of Defense, National usually very difficult to control, Security Advisor, and others if the National Security Advisor is needed. The National Security focused and impartial. AllowAdvisor (Thomas Donilon)26 is ing him to direct our diplomatic chosen by the President, but and defensive efforts is a way to does not have to go through the negate some of the inefficienSenate confirmation process 82 - PLCY 70

cies and complacencies of the American bureaucracy.

Conclusion Congress and the President are eternally frustrated that their efforts to implement ideal policy stall and flounder in the mess of bureaucracy.

Overcoming the sources of this frustration is key to the successful implementation of our policy. Presidential involvement and strategic assignment of duty can negate the inertial tendencies or the bureaucracy and can ensure that our envisioned policy becomes reality.â—™

Figuree One The U.S. State Department

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1 Clibbon, Jennifer. "Ai Weiwei: latest casualty of China's crackdown on dissent - World - CBC News."

2UCLA. "U.S.-China Media Brief."

3 Predictions suggest that China could surpass the US in research publications by 2013; however, the increase in quality does not guarantee quality. The UK remains above China for most-cited research, and number of citations in a key indicator of quality of research. Shukman, David. "BBC News- China‖.

4 Hornwall, Mark, and Brian Grow. "Special report: In cyberspy vs. cyberspy, China has the edge 5 President Obama in Stolberg, Sheryl Gay. "Obama and Hu Cite Mutual Aims Amid Trade Deals‖

1 This is an inaccurate way of looking at China‘s G.D.P. as China‘s exchange rate is flat and not influenced by market forces. A better estimation is given by factoring in Purchasing Power Parity ($9.872 trillion). However the G.D.P. (PPP) is rarely found in official statistics as it is an estimation of the real value of Chinese currency.

2 Central Intelligence Agency - Publications - World Factbook.

3 http://www.usdebtclock.org/ 4 US Department of Treasury – Resource Center 5Their currency also blurs official statistics and makes it hard for experts to gather correct facts and information on their economy.

6 http://www.economic-theory.com/uncategorized/american-hypocrisy-of-free-trade.html 7 Steven Rosefielde, ―China's Perplexing Foreign Trade Policy: Causes, Consequences and Solutions‖ 8 http://www.google.com/finance?q=USDCNY 9 http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2008/05/chinas-undervalued-currency-benefits-americans 10 Wayne M. Morrison, Marc Labontem Congressional Research Service, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RS21625.pdf 11 President Hu Jintao‘s speech – http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-04/15/c_13830786.htm 12The Chinese have announced a 5 year plan where they have stated that they would like to focus more of their economic power on innovation. This would mean that they expect to have less growth as their currency is being appreciated. Although some members advocate for pressures in rapid appreciation this is not the best methodology. Rapid appreciation may cause instability in both the United States and China. Prices will suddenly change which will cause firms to quickly divert to other substitutes of goods, services and money. This will cause large changes in the economy that neither of our countries would benefit from. Therefore we would be wise to pressure China to keep increasing the value of their currency at a steady rate in order to maximize our stability. We must not let down on this pressure as our concluding policy is to have their markets liberalized and their currency fairly equated by the market forces.

13 Steven Rosefielde, ―China's Perplexing Foreign Trade Policy: Causes, Consequences and Solutions‖ 14 European Union, Japan, Brazil, India.

1 Grow, Brian, and Mark Hosenball. "Special report: In cyberspy vs. cyberspy, China has the edge - Yahoo! News." The top news headlines on current events from Yahoo! News. N.p., n.d. Web. 15 Apr. 2011. < http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20110414/ts_nm/ us_china_usa_cyberespionage> 2 ―Military Strength of United States of America." World Military Strength Ranking. N.p., n.d. Web. 15 Apr. 2011. <http:// www.globalfirepower.com/country-military-strength-detail.asp?country_id=United-States-of-America>.

3 Shane III, Leo . " White House Offers 1.4% Pay Raise in 2011." Military.com Mobile | News. N.p., n.d. Web. 15 Apr. 2011. <http:// www.military.com/news/article/white-house-offers-14-pay-raise-in-2011.html>.

4 Associated Press. "GAO Says F-35 Costs to Hit $1 Trillion ." Military.com Mobile | News. N.p., n.d. Web. 15 Apr. 2011. <http:// www.military.com/NewsContent/0,13319,163800,00.html> 5 Schwellenbach, Nick. "JSF Likely Far More Expensive Than Aircraft They're Replacing - The Project On Government Oversight (POGO) Blog." The Project On Government Oversight (POGO) Blog. N.p., n.d. Web. 15 Apr. 2011. <http://pogoblog.typepad.com/pogo/2011/02/ jsf-likely-far-more-expensive-than-aircraft-theyre-replacing.html>.

1 Carner, Talia . ""Indifference or just silence? - Gendercide in China." Talia Carner. Talia Carner, n.d. Web. 13 Apr.2011. <www.taliacarner.com/gendericde.pdf>.

2 "Foreign Policy Centre: Publications / The Beijing Consensus." Foreign Policy Centre. N.p., n.d. Web. 14 Apr. 2011. <http:// fpc.org.uk/publications/TheBeijingConsensus>.

3 "The war on baby girls: Gendercide | The Economist." The Economist - World News, Politics, Economics, Business & Finance. N.p., n.d.

Web. 14 Apr. 2011. <http://www.economist.com/node/15606229? story_id=E1_TVGDGNNJ&CFID=167573668&CFTOKEN=52280604>.

4 KRISTOF, NICHOLAS D.. "China‘s Winning Schools? - NYTimes.com." The New York Times - Breaking News, World News & Multimedia. N.p., 15 Jan. 2011. Web. 14 Apr. 2011. <http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01

1 U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. U.S. China Relations: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 112th Cong., 1st sess., January 19, 2011.

2 Joseph J. Schatz and Ben Weyl. "China Currency Bill Gets Strong Backing." CQ Weekly, Oct. 4, 2010, 2294.

3"House Vote On Passage: H.R. 2378 [111th]: Currency Reform for Fair Trade Act." GovTrack, Sep. 29, 2010. http://www.govtrack.us congress/vote.xpd?vote=h2010-554 (accessed Apr. 14, 2011).

4 Ibid 5 Congressional Quarterly, CQ‘s Politics in America: 2010, the 111th Congress (Washington: Congressional Quarterly Inc., 2009), 1160.

6 Jim Jordan. "Republican Study Committee Members." Congressman Jim Jordan, Apr. 14, 2011. http://rsc.jordan.house.gov/ aboutrsc/memberlist.htm (accessed Apr. 14, 2011).

7 Joseph J. Schatz and Ben Weyl. "China Currency Bill Gets Strong Backing." CQ Weekly, Oct. 4, 2010, 2294.

8 "House Vote On Passage: H.R. 2378 [111th]: Currency Reform for Fair Trade Act." GovTrack, Sep. 29, 2010. http://www.govtrack.us/ congress/vote.xpd?vote=h2010-554 (accessed Apr. 14, 2011).

9 "S. 1254: Currency Exchange Rate Oversight Reform Act of 2009." GovTrack, Jun. 11, 2009. http://www.govtrack.us/congress/ bill.xpd?bill=s111-1254 (accessed Apr. 14, 2011).

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10 "Search Legislation.‖ GovTrack, Apr. 14, 2011. http://www.govtrack.us/congress/billsearch.xpd?sponsor=300087 (accessed Apr. 14, 2011).

11 U.S. Congress, House. Committee on Ways and Means, U.S. Trade Policy Issues: Hearing before the Committee on Ways and Means.

112th Cong., 1st sess., February 9, 2011.

12 Josh Harkinson. "The China Syndrome." Mother Jones, Mar. 14, 2011. http://motherjones.com/politics/2011/03/chinese-currencymanipulation-nam (accessed Apr. 14, 2011).

13 U.S. Congress, House. Committee on Foreign Affairs, U.S.-China Relations: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 112th Cong., 1st sess., January 19, 2011.

14 Ibid 15 Ibid 16 Ibid 17"House Vote On Passage: H. Res. 605 [111th]: Recognizing the continued persecution of Falun Gong practitioners in China."

GovTrack, Mar. 16, 2010.http://www.govtrack.us/congress/vote.xpd?vote=h2010-118 (accessed Apr. 14, 2011).

18 U.S. Congress, House. Committee on Foreign Affairs, U.S.-China Relations: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 112th Cong., 1st sess., January 19, 2011.

19 "China and Intellectual Property." The New York Times, Dec. 21, 2010, A22.

20 U.S. Congress, House. Committee on Foreign Affairs, U.S.-China Relations: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 112th Cong., 1st sess., January 19, 2011.

21 Ibid 22 U.S. Congress, Senate. Committee on Finance, U.S.-China Economic Relationship: Hearing before the Committee on Finance. 111th Cong., 2nd sess., June 23, 2010.

23 Joseph J. Schatz. "China Drives U.S. Role in Pacific Trade." CQ Weekly, Jan. 31, 2011, 250 24 Ibid 25 Ibid 26 U.S. Congress, Senate. Committee on Finance, U.S.-China Economic Relationship: Hearing before the Committee on Finance. 111th Cong., 2nd sess., June 23, 2010.

27 Jonathan Broder. "Taking Aim at a Rising China." CQ Weekly, Nov. 22, 2010, 2704.

28 U.S. Congress, House. Committee on Armed Services Subcommittee on Readiness, Military Readiness in the Pacific: Hearing before the Committee on Armed Services Subcommittee on Readiness. 112th Cong., 1st sess., March 15, 2011.

29 Jonathan Broder. "Taking Aim at a Rising China." CQ Weekly, Nov. 22, 2010, 2704.

30 Ibid 31 "Defence budgets: Military ranking," The Economist, Mar. 9, 2011. http://www.economist.com/blogs/dailychart/2011/03/ defence_budgets (accessed Apr. 14, 2011).

1At least partial credit for the overly dramatic language here must be given to the influence of general Tea Party sources, eg. Beck, Rorhabacher 2 "Human rights in China 2008." Amnesty International USA - Protect Human Rights. http://www.amnestyusa.org 3 U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs, Assessing China’s behavior and its impact on U.S. interests. 112th Cong., 1st Sess., 19 January 2011.

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4 "What Chinese Censors Don't Want You to Know." The New York Times. The New York Times Company, 21 Mar. 2010. Web. 14 Apr. 2011. <http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/22/world/asia/22banned.html?_r=3&scp=30&sq=china+internet&st=nyt> 5 Bennett, W. Lance, and David L. Paletz. Taken By Storm: The Media, Public Opinion, and U.S. Foreign Policy in the Gulf War. Chicago: University Of Chicago Press, 1994. Print.

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