L a Gente d e
para
los
pueblos
de
a z t l á n
las
américas
Governor Schwarzenegger's refusal to sign the California Dream Act continues to keep higher education out of the reach of many undocumented students
Volume 38 Issue 2 Winter 2008
Also in this issue: —UC workers fight for labor rights —Racism in soccer —Maiz crisis in Mexico
CONTENTS
La Gente de Aztlán
Editorial 3
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118 Kerckhoff Hall 308 Westwood Plaza Los Angeles, CA 90024
Notiraza
4-5
universidad
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Telephone: 310. 825. 9836 Fax: 310. 206. 3165 lagente@media.ucla.edu
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Pendejo del mes
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Know your Revolucionario
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editors Melissa Lambarena Héctor Peña Rosy Torres Brenda Yancor
¡Viva la Mujer!
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Nuestra Joteria Village People
design and layout Maria Esmeralda Renteria Sandra Arévalo
comunidad
Raices
staff writers Elizabeth Carrera Sandra Arévalo Misael Díaz Ricardo Elorza Ivette Jimenez Melissa Lambarena Katherine Laura Stephanie Maldonado Héctor Peña Misael Peraza Maria Esmeralda Renteria Athena Reyes Atzimba Reyes Ernesto Ruiz Priscilla González Sainz Amy Sánchez Rosy Torres Ester Trujillo Brenda Yancor
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¡Topen Esto!
Copy Editor Jessica Nazar
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Sigan Luchando
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Cover story: CAlifornia Dreaming Deportes
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Arte y Cultura Expresiones
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25-29
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media director Arvli Ward media advisor Amy Emmert ABOUT THE COVER “Mestizo educado, diablo colorado” by Judith M. Baca. Baca is also a UCLA Professor and Artistic Director of the Social and Public Art Resource Center (SPARC). This Mexican refrán (“An educated Mestizo is a devil incarnate”) was coined by Spanish missionaries in the 16th century. The Spanish employed this tactic to encourage barring Mestizos from access to education. “I always encourage my students to be diablos,” Professor Baca declares proudly. 2
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La Gente de Aztlán is one of the oldest Chicana/o, Latina/o, Native American newsmagazines, holding strong over 30 years of civic journalism and chingadazos de la pluma written for our gente. La Gente seeks out and reports the truth about current or long-standing issues that affect people of color. La Gente is one UCLA Student Media publication that is not afraid to discuss the race, sex, and class inequalities that exist at UCLA and in the world in general. We seek out students of color, both on and off this campus, such as high school youth and community college students. We recognize that most of us come from working class families and must therefore make an effort to reach our familias in the barrios of California. La Gente serves as a space to shed light on the many injustices we face as a community, as well as give information on how to get involved in the pursuit of social equality. La Gente also provides a space for incarcerated Raza, both young and old, because we believe that those in an institution of higher learning are not the only ones with something important to say. La Gente was created out of a need to give power to the often-silenced Latino community and allow our voices to inform, guide, and empower our futures. Que Viva Nuestra Gente! Unsigned editorials represent a majority opinion of the La Gente Editorial Board. All other columns, cartoons, and letters represent the opinion of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Editorial Board. The UCLA Communications Board has a media grievance procedure for resolving grievances against any of its media. For a copy of the complete procedure, contact UCLA Student Media at 310. 825. 2787. Copyright 2007 ASUCLA Communications Board
M
estizo Educado, Diablo Colorado” is the title of the artwork on this issue’s cover. Historically, it was a refrain used by Spanish missionaries that expressed their views over educating the mestizo population. Today, our communities still struggle to obtain an education, and rising tuition prices only make it harder for undocumented AB 540 students to finance higher education. We’ve dedicated this quarter’s magazine to decoding the California Dream Act in order to educate ourselves on this pertinent matter and come together as Raza to advocate for fellow students. This issue also introduces two new sections, ‘Village People’ and ‘Deportes.’ ‘Village People’ will voice the stories of the familiar strangers we encounter around the UCLA campus and Westwood Village (p. 13). We know that Diddy Riese and the Fox Theatre are Westwood landmarks, but we’re more interested in the story of the people we usually brush off on our way to class. After 38 years of publishing, La Gente finally recognizes that fútbol is a big part of our communities’ culture. While some may argue that sports are more entertainment than newsworthy, ‘Deportes’ makes its debut by exposing racism within one of the most played sports in the world (pg. 24). Although still not completely up and running, we’d also like to invite you to visit our website in the upcoming weeks: www.lagente.org. We’ll be adding some fun stuff for all of you, so keep checking back for updates. --La Gente de Aztlán Newsmagazine
T
hree years ago, members of the Raza Graduate Student Association attended a La Gente meeting with the intention of making it clear that the magazine, which had recently introduced a new section called Nuestra Joteria, had become too queer. When La Gente staff debated the publication of a specific poem within a compilation submitted for the Nuestra Joteria section this quarter, the La Gente staff was accused of being homophobic when the nature of the debate was actually misunderstood. While this debate, and its subsequent consequences are currently being handled through open communication, we at La Gente feel that we should further consider such conflicts. There have been disagreements between La Gente and with other campus groups throughout the 38 years the magazine has existed, as every organization has their own beliefs and opinions. These problems are a necessary part in helping the groups grow, change, and better address the varied issues our communities face. These disagreements, which will always exist, do not have to result in a rift among our campus organizations. We can learn from them, and move forward, improving and building the solidarity between our campus organizations. Through communicating our disagreements and having a willingness to understand those with which we disagree, or disagree with us, we may understand more, learn more, and advance more as a community—even when we do not agree on certain issues. La Gente, claiming to be a magazine for the Chicano/a and Latino/a community on campus and beyond, must remain accountable to that community. What that means changes from year to year, as leadership changes. This magazine belongs to the community, and we hope that in years to come, the community continues to take responsibility for its content and its quality. We hope that dedicated, involved, and passionate individuals continue to take part in the publication of La Gente, for if not them, who? Just like with any cause, it is important to become involved in those things we wish to see change and improve. As is also the case with other causes, however, La Gente is not now, and hopefully will not ever be, an exclusive group who only accepts individuals with certain characteristics or qualities. As it stands now, La Gente welcomes all who have a passion for positive change and wish to express it through printed media. We want to make clear, however, that this does not permit others to impose certain things on an organization whose inner struggles or obstacles they have not had to deal with. As we strive to report on the different issues within our community and provide a voice to those often silenced, we at La Gente continually try to keep the magazine a part of the community— a task that takes much time and effort but which is ultimately necessary. In the name of progress, we hope that open dialogue continues to be a way of resolving conflict concerning the diverse range of opinions within our own community. We must not forget that at the end of the day, it is necessary to unite in order to overcome the problems that affect us all as Raza. --In Struggle and Solidarity, La Gente de Aztlán Newsmagazine
La Gente is yours, hers, his, theirs, your abuelita’s and Tio Chuy’s. La Gente belongs to the people. We write for you, but what do you have to say? In the spirit of keeping ourselves accountable to you, we want to hear your voice. We welcome submissions, letters, complaints, artwork, and chisme to be sent to our office or emailed to us. Please include your name and contact information. Also, please note that every submission is subject to editorial approval and we reserve the right to edit submissions for length and clarity. Drop-off/Mail to: La Gente de Aztlán Newsmagazine 118 Kerckhoff Hall 308 Westwood Plaza Los Angeles, CA. 90024 E-mail: lagente@media.ucla.edu
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Notiraza
Notiraza
Narcotrafico en J
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efes de policía estan muertos en la calle. Mientras barre su patio, un vecino encuetra un cuerpo echo trizas cuando mira hacia el barranco. Quizas más peor que esto es lo del compa, que va a la taquería de la esquina y se involucra en una discusión sobre limón... y termina muerto. Y no hay que olvidar a la joven que fue a la discoteca con sus amigas, y que vio cuando mataron a un muchacho con veinte balazos por defender a su novia. Encontrar confianza y estabilidad en Tijuana o en otras partes de la frontera es cosa rara hoy en dia. La noticia que sale de Tijuana indica un aumento de 300 porciento en secuestros en los últimos dos años. Los 120 mil adictos a metanfetaminas se vuelven agresivos mientras las 20 mil narcotienditas se han convertido en una de las estructuras más violentas del crimen organizado, siendo una guerra fatal entre el gobierno y varios sicarios. Muchos saben que los Arrellano Felix, el grupo que recientemente tenía el contol sobre el narcotrafico en Tijuana, era uno de los carteles froterizos más sangrientos y violentos de todos. El cartel se formo bajo el liderazgo de Ramon Eduardo Arellano Felix, quien con la ayuda de sus seis hermanos y la colaboración del Cartel Sonorece Caro-Quintero elevó al cartel a su maxima intensidad en 1998. Durante esta epoca, la jierarquía narcotraficante que imponían los Arrellano Felix no interrumpía con el control, ya que los policias mendados bajo los Arellano patrullaban y coperaban con ellos y los vendedores de narcoticos. La pobresa extensa en Tijuana causa que muchos de los residentes acudan al cartel, causando que la mayoría de los residentes tengan algo que
The Politics of Rain By Amy Sánchez
By Lidia Galisia
ver con el cartel, incluyendo los policías. Esto produce una red sumamante complicada que aumenta la desconfianza entre los miembros del cartel. Esto contribuye a las revanchas y ajustes de cuenta que son a lo que se ha debido la violencia en los últimos años. Varios elementos han contribuido a la desintegración del cartel. Las traiciones que terminaron en la detención de Francisco Javier Arellano Felix (alias “El Tigrillo”), el incremento de la presencia militaria, la desconfianza interna, y la competencia con otras bandas también han contribuido a la perdida de control en Tijuana. Ahora Tijuana es el campo de batalla en donde muchos inocentes son asesinados a sangre fría. Los vecinos de la delegación La Mesa fueron víctimas de esta violencia el pasado 19 de enero. Después de un tiroteo, los residentes tuvieron que barrer los casquillos y las balas de las calles. Niños menor de cinco años fueron deslojados por los militares de un centro comunitario ironicamente llamado Alegría; un lugar que hasta ese día habia sido el sitio donde los niños aprendian el alfabeto, pero que se convirtio en un campo de guerra a causa de la instabilidad de la región. Ahora va incluido gente muerta y sangre derramada con el viaje turístico a Tijuana. Si el turista quiere ir a ver el paisaje, los monumentos historicos, o la cultura tijuanense va tener que empacar su chaleco antibalas y tener cuidado por su alrededor, no sea que el taxista involucrado en los carteles de droga lo asalte.
WORK at THE
CALL CENTER!
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f it keeps on raining the levee’s gonna break, but what if there was no levee in the first place? The magnitude of the devastation in Tabasco, Mexico wrought by the recent floods has largely been blamed on the mismanagement of funds allotted toward disaster prevention in that Mexican state. By looking at the present condition of Tabasco, one of Mexico’s most petroleum-rich states, one would not know that the government had put in place a $190 million levee project to prevent against severe flooding, as was previously seen in 1999. One would also be oblivious to the fact that those levees should have been built by 2006. What would be painfully conspicuous though, is the utter ruin that the state and its inhabitants have been left in. While relief efforts have been made and conditions have gone from unbearable to almost livable, the fact remains that 100,000 residents of Tabasco were affected by this crisis because their government forgot about them. President Felipe Calderon has expressed the intention to create a $670 million reconstruction fund, but with almost 72 percent of the previous budget coming from the federal government. All that the citizens of Tabasco can presently do is wait, just like they waited for their levees and just as they’ll continue to wait for their government to react. 4
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Looking for enthusiastic, bilingual UCLA students who want to make a difference! **make connections ** communication skills ** work with your peers**
Starting wage $9.82 with opportunity for incentives. Call 310-797-0277 or e-mail mhurley@support.ucla.edu TODAY
El futuro incierto del Notiraza Notiraza
MAÍZ
en México By Misael Diaz
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l cultivo del maíz ha dado sustento a las masas mexicanas desde tiempos pre-hispanos, pero lamentablemente su futuro se ve amenzado por la agropolitica de una economía que sufre por el libre comercio. Debido al tratado conocido como Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (NAFTA), agricultores mexicanos han tenido que competir en el mercado con corporaciones estadounidenses desde 1994. La injusticia reside en el hecho de que los cultivadores de maiz en estados unidos reciben subsidios federales - sumando mas de $164 billones desde 1995 de acuerdo al Environmental Working Group - que les permite sembrarlo y procesarlo a un costo menor al que deben pagar campesinos mexicanos. Al llegar al mercado, este maíz extranjero tiene un precio de aproximadamente $2.00 por bushel (25.4kg) comparandose con el maíz mexicano que asciende a los $7.00 por bushel. Esto resulta al mayor consumo de maíz estadounidense, y la devastación de la economía agricultora del maíz en México. Esto a su vez forza a campesinos a buscar formas distintas de sosten economico, incluyendo la migración a Estados Unidos. Los campesinos han sido forzados al norte y a mandar dinero en forma de remesas a sus familias impactando tanto a familias como a la demografía de campos urbanos y rurales en México. Pero la producción de maíz en México esta siendo afectada no solo en su cultivación y venta, sino que recientemente también su esencia genetica esta bajo ataque. La revolución de la bio-tecnologia en Estados Unidos ha dado a luz un sinumero de alteraciones geneticas al maíz hechas con el proposito de combatir insectos dañinos y plagas. Aunque la importación de tal tecnología a México pareceria indicar algo positivo para campesinos en necesidad de cultivar el maíz al nivel de agricultores estadounidenses, varios factores indican lo contrario; esto solo trairia mas devastación al maíz mexicano. El primer factor es que la presencia de maíz transgenico en México pone en riesgo el futuro de las más de 60 especies y variedades de maíz mexicano. La polinización cruzada de tipos alterados y locales de maíz alteraria la composición de especies que han evolucionado naturalmente desde tiempos pre-hispano. Por esta razón el Servicio Nacional de Inocuidad y Calidad Agroalimentaria (SENASICA) reitero la prohibición (establecida por el gobierno mexicano en 1998) a sembrar maíz transgenico a las compañias multinacionales como Monsanto al final del termino del Presidente Fox. Aun así estudios conducidos por investigadores independientes y publicados en la revista scientifica Nature, indican que especies mexicanas de maíz en los lugares más remotos de México (especificamente la Sierra Juarez de Oaxaca) han sido contaminadas con genes de maíz transgenico. Esto ha causdo la eliminación de variedades de maíz que se han generado después de milenios de evolución natural, y que jamás podran ser recreadas. Esto quizas no parezca significante para la mayoria de personas que piensan que el maíz solo se distingue por color. Sin embargo, para campesinos que lo cultivan y para culturas que lo veneran como parte de su culto religioso, las implicaciones son mayores. Comunidades agricultoras sostienen una relación
muy intima con el maíz, el cual ven como más que sosten. El maíz para ellos, es un simbolo por el cual se preservan tradiciones indigenas y culturales. Estas conecciones desaparecen al ser eradicadas las distintas variedades de maíz. La interrupción de el desarollamente natural de su maíz va en contra de su modo de ver el mundo, en si de su religion. El deshonrar esto no solo conlleva efectos de lo que se puede considerer inmoral, pero la eliminación de la variedad de maíz por el mestizaje de especies nativas con las transgenicas presenta peligros para su cultivo. Esto se debe al hecho de que entre menos variedad existe en la siembras de maíz, mas se presenta la posibilidad de que una plaga asote a la variedad predominante y destruya grandes porciones de milpas alrededor del país. Obviamente esto supondria una escaces de alimento devastadora para la población mexicana cuya dieta depende del consumo de productos derivados del maíz – de acuerdo con Carlos Salazar, secretario general de la Confederación de Productores Agrícolas de Maíz de México, la tortilla de maíz representa el 47 porciento de la ingesta calorica de todos los mexicanos. La presencia de tal contaminación también representa una treta a los sembradores mexicanos porque las grandes compañias como Monsanto, Pioneer y Dow Agrosciences tienen los derechos legales sobre los genes que distinguen sus variedas trasgenicas de las variedades mexicanas de maíz. Al estar estas presentes entre el material genetico de siembras ajenas, tienen la capacidad de demandar a campesinos y agrarios por infrigimiento de propiedad registrada. Todo esto representa una clara treta a la población mexicana. La contaminación de especies mexicanas de maíz por variedades transgenicas, supone un ataque a la soberania mexicana y a la habilidad de especialmente los sectores rurales más pobres de autoalimentarse sin tener que depender de grandes agro-corporaciones. La cuestión representa una forma nueva de imperialismo, en este caso agricultoral, al que solo organizaciones ONG y ecologistas han retado. Mas se tiene que hacer aun para proteger el maíz de México: la historia, cultura, y supervivencia de un país entero.
JOIN LA GENTE OR DIE!!!
Just kidding. But seriously, you really should join La Gente. We're looking for dedicated writers, editors, graphic designers, metiches, chismosa/os, and artists to be a part of UCLA'S only student-run Latina/o & Chicana/o magazine. Come join us and help continue the legacy of 38 years of student-run alternative media...OR DIE!!! Contact us at: lagente@media.ucla.edu 310.825.9836 www.myspace.com/ lagente_newsmagazine
Or pay us a visit: Kerckhoff Hall 149E
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NAHJ: Student Chapter By Melissa Lambarena Vice president, NAHJ
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tudents gather at a mixer talking about their current projects, and the difficulties they encounter at their colleges or universities. It is not too long before a professional enters the conversation to offer advice as to how to achieve a more successful career, and learn from these difficulties. Many students and professionals have gotten together nationwide to increase the representation of Hispanic or Latino journalists in the media. Recently a group has come together to be a part of the cause. The National Association of Hispanic Journalists (NAHJ) has become an official chapter here at UCLA as Feb. 19. It is one of the first chapters to open up on the West Coast, and one of the first at a UC institution. The chapter began with Sociology major and current NAHJ president Enrique Chiabra. Chiabra had been a member of the NAHJ and had found the membership to be useful in his line of work outside of UCLA, where he interned with broadcasting stations. "The main goal of NAHJ is to increase the influence of latinos in the media, since UCLA does not offer a journalism major, I felt that this group would give the necessary resources to Latinos to professionally pursue this career," said Chiabra. The UCLA chapter will bring together the Latino journalist community here at UCLA to make connections with the professional world outside of the university. Other aspirations for the chapter include educating high school communities in the Los Angeles and surrounding areas about journalism, educating one another about different media, and working together to open doors for college journalism and the professional world. The chapter aims to illustrate Latino representation in the media. "Our school is located in an area mostly composed of minorities and as a group, I feel that they are under-represented in this field," said Chiabra. Students that come to join this chapter are from various different organizations on campus such as La Gente, UCLAradio, DBTV, LASA, sororities, fraternities, and other organizations. Students that work with media off campus have also joined the NAHJ. Applications are available online. Membership for students last a year and costs $25. The money covers various NAHJ expenses, and most of it is returned to the student chapter on campus to fund activities. The NAHJ is dedicated to the recognition and professional advancement of Hispanic and Latino journalists in the news industry. It was established in 1984 to create a national expression and unified vision for the Hispanic/Latino journalists. Programs that the NAHJ offers are regional workshops and seminars, national convention and career expo, mid-career and professional development programs, access to an online job bank, journalism awards, internship and fellowship opportunities, student journalism workshops, and scholarships. The goals of the NAHJ are to provide support to its community in the gathering or distribution of news. It aims to foster and promote a fair treatment of Latino members in media. It stresses the need for the careers and development of Latino representation in media, and it promotes a greater understanding of the specific cultural identity, interests, and concerns of the Latino community.
The Academic Advancement Program (AAP) is a multi-ethnic, multiracial program that represents the best of what United States society aspires to: access, equity, opportunity, and excellence. AAP has a three-fold mission – to ensure the academic success, retention, and graduation of its more than 6,000 students; to increase the number of these students entering graduate and professional schools; and to develop the academic, political, scientific, economic, and community leadership necessary to transform our society in the twenty-first century. AAP encourages and promotes academic achievement and excellence by providing students an array of academic services.
The following is more information about AAP services and their office location.
AAP Peer Counseling – 1228 Campbell Hall
AAP Tutoring – 1214 Campbell Hall
AAP Peer Counselors are undergraduate AAP students who work closely with you to facilitate your transition to the university. They have been trained to listen and be sensitive to whatever you want to talk about, offering you a student’s perspective on courses, study strategies, educational goals, and stress management.
AAP offers you free tutoring in more than 450 courses to strengthen your abilities to think critically and independently, read analytically, write well, reason quantitatively, and study effectively while mastering course materials. Every quarter, during week 1-3, you can sign-up for tutoring in Campbell Hall.
AAP Counseling – 1209 Campbell Hall AAP Full-Time Counselors work with you to plan your academic programs, monitor your progress toward the bachelor’s degree, handle all academic petitions, and provide information about requirements and prerequisites for different majors. AAP Counselors also offer information about internships, undergraduate research, and scholarship opportunities, and can address all of your academic and personal concerns and issues. Appointments are made at 1209 Campbell Hall.
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AAP’s Program Leading to Undergraduate Success – 1229 Campbell Hall The Program Leading to Undergraduate Success (PLUS) provides intensive personalized services, including tutoring, counseling and peer counseling, as well as workshops and social and cultural events.
AAP Graduate Mentoring – 1202 Campbell Hall Graduate Mentors are graduate and professional school students who help you prepare for, select, and
apply to graduate and professional programs. Mentors also offer information about internships, undergraduate research, and scholarship opportunities. AAP Computer Lab – B118 Campbell Hall The computer lab has 22 work stations and offers Microsoft Office, and Internet and E-mail access. It is open from 9am – 9pm, Monday-Friday.
AAP Scholarships – 1232 Campbell Hall Every year, AAP awards around 25 merit-based scholarships ranging from $1,500-$5,000. Applications become available in the first week of November in 1232 Campbell. The application deadline is midJanuary. Please visit our website at http://www.ugeducation. ucla.edu/aap/default.html
TAMERICA
Is Teach for America really the best way to fix a rotting school system? By Atzimba Reyes
{
{
Universidad Universidad
4
EACH
19:1 student to teacher ratio. Lynwood High School 35:1 student to teacher ratio. Median Family Income Rancho Palos Verdes $158,000 Median Family Income Lynwood California $40,000 Palos Verdes High School
P
alos Verdes and Lynwood High School are only 22 miles apart, but ask the students and they would say the distance feels like a lot more. Students at Palos Verdes High graduate in larger numbers and go on to four-year universities in greater percentages than the students at Lynwood—an inner city school. Educational inequality is a problem that is facing Chicano youth and causing them to drop out of high school or not pursue higher education. Teach for America (TFA) is a program that claims to have found the answer to our inner-city worries. According to their website, they believe “that the gap in educational outcomes that persists along socio-economic lines is our nation’s greatest domestic challenge... education inequality must be our generation’s civil rights issue.” While this gap continues to grow, it becomes evident that TFA is not a cure-all that will give our schools the change they need or significantly increase the likelihood of our children’s success. Instead, it serves as a band-aid for a system too broken for such a simple solution. TFA recruits recent college grads to teach in low-income inner-city schools for two years, without going through an accreditation program. The only training they receive is a five-week summer “boot camp” before they begin teaching in the fall. The teachers are not certified and do not have preparation that is comparable to that obtained through a certification process. Linda Darling-Hammond, a professor of education at Stanford University, has done extensive studies on the performance of non-certified teachers in the classroom. In a 2005 interview with the Stanford News Service, Darling-Hammond had this to say concerning her research: “The study suggests that investments in well-prepared teachers are critically important to closing the achievement gap and improving learning.” She went on to to say that in all of her studies, non-accredited teachers always underperformed compared to accredited teachers. The overwhelming problem that TFA faces is the creation of an excuse for government officials shirking responsibility for the state of inner city school systems. By supporting TFA, some politicians feel they don’t have to fund these schools properly and tackle one of the most pressing problems in our community. They divert the responsibility of fixing our education system away from the government and towards private companies and individuals instead. This rhetoric is very familiar to the praise for volunteerism that former President George H. W. Bush made in his inaugural address. He encouraged Americans to change the problems that they felt were not being addressed, the concept being that it is the individuals and
not the government’s responsibility to fix or change the failures of society. This concept allows government officials to just pass their responsibility off to someone else. Politicians who should be making tough decisions to appropriately fund these low income schools instead simply espouse TFA and pass on the responsibility to them. TFA does not address a long-term solution to problems facing our youth today; it provides only temporary staffing to children who need real attention. Problems need to be addressed within administrations, teaching practices, and the entire system of education. Rotating teachers every two years into a school is not a solution. The problem is that we have a broken system that allows children from more affluent schools to have better tools and denies these tools to schools in lower income communities. TFA runs on the idealistic hope that young college graduates can change the flawed system of educational inequality. The truth is that idealism is not enough; without adequate state and national funding, long term qualified teachers, and better administrations, our public schools are not going to get any better.
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UNDERGRADS UNDERGROUND Universidad Universidad
By Atzimba Reyes
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CLA has a long history of student activism, yet as student apathy rises, one has to wonder if that’s all student activism is anymore: merely a history — a tradition from the past to be read about in textbooks. Amidst this apathy, some students at UCLA are trying to keep that activist tradition alive. Through the Immigration and Higher Education class offered through the UCLA Labor Center, the students are organizing to expand the rights of their fellow classmates, who are currently able to attend UCLA paying in-state tuition because of Assembly Bill 540. The bill allows certain undocumented students to pay in-state tuition at public California colleges and universities. This bill does not provide access to financial aid. It is limited to allowing undocumented students more equal access into public universities as it extends them the right as state residents to pay in-state fees. So what does a student do when they have earned their place at a top university through hard work and determination, but are unable to afford it? According to the UCLA Labor Center, “approximately 65,000 undocumented students graduate from U.S. high schools each year. They are honor students, athletes, leaders, and aspiring professionals.” Students enrolled in Professors Kent Wong and Janna Shadduck Hernandez's Winter and Spring 2007 classes at UCLA have been organizing for change regarding higher education. This class began with the aim of having students become ethnographers by using their own family immigration stories. This vehicle of ethnography gives students a means to personalize the current immigration debate and see it as something more than facts and figures—it allows them to see the actual individuals involved. Not only did the issue become personalized through family ethnographies, but some students in the class also had private connections with the issue, as some of them benefit from AB 540 and deal with immigration on an individual and personal level. These ethnographies, combined with class discussion and guest speakers, turned these individuals from students to student activists. Half of the class focused on organizing a conference where this information and personalized stories would be publicized, while the other half worked on selecting and editing a group of stories for publication that details the histories of undocumented students. The publication, titled Underground Undergrads, is the sum of the work that these students did for two quarters, and the sum of their struggle to educate the public — not with statistics and findings, but with real people. The publication tells stories of students taking the bus for hours just to get to class, of taking time off to pay for a quarter, and of countless other personal struggles to become educated. Stories like that of Tam, a UCLA graduate, who G E N T E W I N T E R 2 0 0 8
was forced to decline a Ph.D program. “Even with these two fellowships, I don’t have the money to cover the $50,000 tuition and living expenses,” said Tam who chose not do disclose her full name. Another student who chose to remain anonymous, Grace, describes having high hopes of attending UC Berkeley, but she could not afford the tuition and living expenses. Instead she chose UCLA so that she could live at home and her parents could help with expenses. She commutes up to four hours every day. This class did interviews, fieldwork, and research with the aim of providing “a riveting look inside the lives of UCLA undocumented immigrant students who have struggled throughout their education because of the broken U.S immigration system,” as stated by the publication. Students at UCLA have put together a publication written by UCLA students, students whose daily lives are much more difficult than we realize. This publication is an ideal way for individuals to inform themselves on how issues regarding immigration affect students on a dayto-day basis. Legislative change needs to happen, and although the California Dream Act and the Federal D.R.E.A.M. (Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors) Act have failed to be enacted thus far, the right for these students to have a future should not be denied them. Besides participating in social activism by producing a publication, UCLA students also traveled to the state legislature to tell their personal stories to those who would be voting on the California Dream Act. They also went on to speak before the House Judiciary Committee’s
subcommittee on Immigration, Citizenship, Refugees, Border Security, and International Law. These students were also able to go before the U.S. Congress and provide their testimonies of the struggles that they must face as undocumented students pursuing a higher education. They spoke to those people who had the legislative power to make change that could impact their lives. Looking back, these students look at this classroom experience, and don’t remember going to lectures or cramming for finals. They instead remember fighting for change and becoming activists while doing it. They remember having continued the tradition of student activism that UCLA is known for, instead of allowing activism to become just another part of history. The publication Undergrads Underground is available for purchase beginning early March for $10 though the UCLA Labor Center.
Cartoon by Moses Lopez
Note to our English-speaking friends: "Pendejo" can be translated as an idiot, dumbass, asshole or any other similar term that gets this point across. This month, the honor goes to...
The Governator:
Arnold Schwarzenegger budget increased by 27 percent without taxes rising. They also point out that college tuition fees increased. College tuition for public schools in California has increased by 85 percent within the last five years. Students who receive Cal Grants are finding it hard to afford college. Can you imagine what undocumented students have to do to be able to stay in school? I’ve heard of everything, from taking out loans to raffling off electronics to selling magazine subscriptions. Why should intelligent and deserving students have to hustle so hard to pay for increasing tuition fees? College fees are rising to an unprecedented high and Schwarzenegger is at fault for that. Not only is it his fault, but he has also denied undocumented AB540 students the opportunity to become eligible for much needed financial aid, twice. This is why Governor Arnie is a pendejo, for a second time, if not continuously. Let it be remembered that the provisions of the California Dream Act are fair and intelligible to any person of reason and compassion. By vetoing SB 160 twice, “Mr. Governator” has shown his lack of the aforementioned qualities two-fold. Thank you for nothing, Arnold. Thank you.
Pendejo del Mes
ecently he was featured in a new tourism commerical, “California: Find Yourself Here.” In the commercial, he is at the peak of a snowy white mountain expressing how wonderful California is and how if you’re lucky, you can find yourself here. However, the romantic atmosphere of a plentiful California is still nothing more than a dream to undocumented AB540 college students today. Why is this, you might ask? This is because Governor 'Arnie' vetoed the California Dream Act (SB 160) for the second time. The very photogenic and pseudo-firefighting Schwarzenegger participated in Southern California wildfire relief-efforts during the last days of October and many saw him as a hero, sure. But let us not overlook this measure for investment into the future of California; or in this case, Schwarzenegger’s lack thereof. In 2006, Governor Schwarzenegger vetoed SB 160 on the grounds that the passing of the bill would enlarge the pool of competitors for competitive Cal Grants. However, the language of the bill was changed this time around to prevent a veto on those grounds. Even though the language of the bill was changed, this menso “governator” felt the need to veto the bill once more this past October. The grounds he claimed for the veto, you will not believe: he claimed he could not help make it easier for students to afford their tuition because tuition prices are rising. Now, go back and re-read the previous sentence. Did you notice that it is a complete oxymoron? That’s what we thought. Sure there is a drain on the state education fund, but that is not the fault of the students. It may actually be pinpointed back to Schwarzenegger himself. Remember the series of “special” elections that he held in 2005? California outright denied Schwarzenegger his requests. From public employee pensions, to California teacher tenure, to redistricting covered in the special elections with a price tag of $38 million, Schwarzenegger failed us all. The media claims that under his governorship, the California state
PEndejo Del Mes
R
���������������������������������� ����������������� Would like to welcome our Winter 2008 Distinguished Community Scholar
DAN GUERRERO
(son of legendary Lalo Guerrero) ¡Bienvenido, Señor Dan!
The Chicana/o Studies Department will be hosting a special campus performance of Dan Guerrero’s “Gaytino” in March. Free and open to the public. Specifics TBA.
Chicana/o Studies Summer Courses: CS M102 (Same as Education M102) MEX-AM & THE SCHOOLS MW 10:45-12:50 pm
CS M105B (Same as English M105B) RECENT CHICANO LITERATURE MW 1:00-3:05 PM CS M122 (Same as Urban Planning M171) PLANNING ISSUES IN LATINA/O COMMUNITIES TR 10:45-12:50 PM
CS M127 (Same as Labor & Workplace Studies) FARMWORKER MOVEMENTS,SOCIAL JUSTICE, & AFL-CIO MW 3:15-5:20 PM W I N T E R 2 0 0 8 L A
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Evo Morales By Jessica Nazar
Know Knowyour your RevoLucionario RevoLucionario
F
rontrunner of the Movimiento al Socialismo and leader of the Cocalero movement, President Evo Morales has swept through Bolivia with revolutionary change and marked development. Elected in 2006 as the country’s first indigenous president in centuries, he has thus far successfully executed two out of his three major campaign initiatives, including nationalization of the energy industry and formation of a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. His next step is to legalize the growth of coca, a plant considered an integral part of Bolivian culture for its traditional dietary and medicinal uses. Each of these measures is expected to foster economic growth as well as the general welfare of Bolivia’s population. Born Juan Evo Morales Ayma in 1959, President Morales lived in poverty throughout his childhood in a rural region of Bolivia, where he worked as a llama herder and a coca farmer. President Evo Morales lost most of his family as an adolescent. “These are the terms of life for families or children in rural communities. More than half die and, luckily, three of the seven of us were spared.” In the 1970’s and 80’s, Morales became a politically active defender of the coca leaf, a symbol of Bolivian culture. Imprisoned, confined, and tortured, Evo Morales carried on relentlessly to preserve the right to cultivate the coca plant. Self-proclaimed the United States’ “biggest nightmare,” Morales vigorously opposes American capitalism in favor of a socialist system that he deems more beneficial and humane. In addition, he has challenged the Roman Catholic Church and its incursion on public education in Bolivia. According to a report from the National Secular Society, “[t]he proposed educational reform calls for ‘secular education that respects the beliefs, the spirituality of indigenous and native nations and of the Bolivian nations as the basis of individual and communitarian rights.” An outspoken and distinctive activist, Morales is particularly noteworthy for his lucrative approach to government and his unique style. In 2005, the activist embarked upon an international tour to garner support for his plan to ameliorate political and economic conditions in Bolivia. Throughout this tour, he was often pictured sporting a striped chompa (sweater), raising suspicions that he would wear this to his inauguration on January 21, 2006. Instead, Morales stunned spectators when he appeared in a white shirt without a tie and an unconventional black jacket, sending the message to the people of Bolivia that he is one of them. As president, he has cut his own salary by half and beseeched his cabinet to follow his lead. Rarely abiding by stagnant customs, Evo Morales represents a promising step forward for one of South America’s poorest countries.
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a staff of Board Certified physicians and licensed nurse practitioners? Here’s what the Ashe Center has to offer you. . . personal clinician laboratory
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Remembering
Yolanda Retter-Vargas
By Gregory Hom Chicano Studies Library Interim Librarian
would like to note that this short piece is written by a man, and as Yolanda was clear to me that she would never put up with being interviewed by a man, I’m not entirely sure how different this is. We were friends, though, and I am taking this opportunity to honor her.
UCLA’s Chicano Studies Research Center (CSRC) suffered the loss of our friend Yolanda Retter Vargas this past summer. Yolanda came to work for the center in 2003, and I met her in 2006, while I was working on my Master’s in Library and Information Studies. We participated in a small study-group together on oppressed communities and their relationship to libraries and archives. Retter also volunteered with the ONE National Archives, the nation’s largest collection of LGBT research materials, and the Mazer archives, a strictly lesbian/feminist archive and the largest on the West Coast. That work in the archive was an extension of her longtime activism in the Los Angeles lesbian community. Her Ph.D. thesis was an insider’s account entitled “On the Side of Angels: Lesbian Activism in Los Angeles, 1970-1990.” As a Latina lesbian, she worked to make sure that the marginalized within marginalized communities were visible. She often said to me that “with the people of color, I have to talk about LGBT issues; with the LGBT folks, I have to talk about people of color”. When we both attended the first ever “Joint Conference for Librarians of Color” (where all the ethnic caucuses of the American Library Association came together) she was incensed that she was one of two or three overall discussions on queer people of color and library collections. Retter’s professional legacy for the Chicano Studies Library includes an initiative to preserve the history of LGBTIQ Latinas and Latinos in the United States. This project was meant to be a model for other archives, with the goal of exemplifying how to identify, acquire, and process Latino/a LGBTIQ collections in a culturally knowledgeable manner. By the beginning of this year, the CSRC had already received more than ten collections for this initiative, including the work of the photographer Laura Aguilar, and VIVA!, a Los Angeles organization active during the 1980s and 1990s.
¡VIvA LA Mujer!
I
As a long-term activist, Retter supported the work of student organizations like UCLA’s Joteria and Mujeres Activas en Letras y Cambio Social (MALCS). These groups were welcomed into Yolanda’s office and allowed to use the library space for meetings and events. She identified with the struggles that students of color (especially female and queer students of color) had in being at a large university (and their struggles outside of the academy) and set out to make the library/archive a safe space for those students. Retter’s example was what inspired me to focus on archives in my MLIS program- to see the importance of preserving the history of the oppressed, to truly bring my activism into my work. It is somewhat overwhelming to temporarily be in her position at the center, but I know she would want for the space to be open, to continue to be a space for inspiration and conscientizacion. Her legacy continues on in another way as well, student groups she gave support to are now donating papers to the archive, meaning that their work on campus and in the community will be preserved. Retter- had a nickname: “Yolanda the Terrible” (a name with which she proudly ended her correspondences with me and others). Many others than me have stories of her stinging criticism (almost always valid), or other ways instances of conflict with her. At the same time there are moments many of us had laughing with her, or moments of sweetness. There was a moment I had in graduate school when it seemed my future in my program rested on a bad path, and she gave me an Albert Camus quote: “In the midst of winter, I finally learned that there was in me an invincible summer.” When I finally started working in her office, I saw that quote on her own office wall, and knew she had needed that quote for herself at some point as well. She reminded us that we can keep evolving. A quote of hers that someone related at one of her memorials was “don’t be sorry, be different”. To all those of us who knew her, the work of Yolanda will always touch us, and be a base of strength in our work as scholars, artists, and activists. I only knew Yolanda for a short time. It was an instructive time, but still short. Too short.
¡VivA La Mujer!
Yolanda Retter-Vargas, the Chicano Studies Research Center's librarian for five years, passed away Summer of 2007.
If you want to read about Yolanda’s life from her own pen, I recommend you read her essay “Sisterhood is Possible” from the anthology Time It Was: American Stories from the Sixties (Prentice Hall; 2007). There is a copy of the essay on hand at the Chicano Studies Library.
In Memoriam 1947-2007 "You think I look hostile? Maybe it has to do with a passion for and an impatience with a vision. Maybe it comes from comparing what could be with what is. ¿¡Y que?!" - Y the T This quote by Retter-Vargas, part of a memorial to honor her work at the Chicano Studies Research Center, exemplifies her attitude towards her work as a defendor of the "marginalized within the marginalized." Photo Courtesy of Brenda Yancor
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Poets of
nuestra joteria Nuestra Joteria
The
QueerAztlan INMIGRANTE DESPIERTA Dormida esta el inmigrante De donde soy y a donde voy? Vengo de la Sierra Y con Ángeles me mezclo. Nepantla dime mi Lugar my life has been “living in between”. Frontera es Mujer/Hombre Macha/Macho Cual soy Yo? La Macha escondida clandestinamente rumba en la ciudad El Macho tratando de evitarla por la podrida ciudad Anzaldua, tu la Queen of Queer La poderosa y alma gemela de dos. Queer, Mujer, Hija, Hermana, Compañera, Soldadera, Chicana, Mexicana soy—pero En si I don’t fit in all.
Inmigrante en mi despierta mi Ser Sigue la lucha, sigue el amor La pluma que descarta cada poder Inmigrante en mi despierta mi Ser Te he llevado en mí, Cruzando los ríos en llanto sin mas que hacer Inmigrante en mi despierta mi Ser Emplumada anero volver al Mestizaje de mi Gente que aunque no se, con tinta negra mancha mi ser. La mancha que se rehúsa a salir porque vivo en between— Indígena/Mexicana Cual soy Yo? “Ni de aquí ni de allá” mi comadre la India Maria con sus chistes y más Me recuerdan que SOY De Aquí Y de Allá
L A
MÍ By Adilia
Inmigrante en Mi despierta la lucha a seguir De crear la igualdad polarizada bajo el sol celeste Colonizada ante la sociedad, Marcada con “L” De Love Lesbiana—Quien soy Yo? So much I wish Nepantla would speak in my thundering ears. Rayo de luz traspasa mi ser
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When the time comes to finally leave this little place called Westwood, there are going to be certain things that we remember from our years living in the Village and attending UCLA — the guy in front of Whole Foods who sells t-shirts and incense, the elderly man who aggressively passes out flyers for an Italian restaurant, or the Jesus-obsessed preachers with giant signs denouncing the evils of Liberalism. What’s the deal with all these people? Where are they from? What brought them to Los Angeles, and why do they do what they do? Many of us here at La Gente recognize the diversity these people bring to an area where shopping is considered a recreational activity. And so, for this reason, we are pleased to introduce to you a new section — Village People. With this, we celebrate the Westwood inhabitants who have made our experience at UCLA a little more interesting.
Village village people people
Connecting with Nature One Light Bulb at a Time By Brenda Yancor
Photo courtesy of Brett Baker
T
his quarter's stranger is Terry Lovell, the man you can often see selling his wares in front of Whole Foods or along the streets of Weswood. Thirty years ago, Terry Lovell had his first view of Los Angeles from highway 10 in San Bernardino. When he looked over in the city’s direction and saw it covered in a gigantic brown crust, his first thoughts were “Holy cow, there’s no way I’m going to live in a town like that.” For the past 25 years, however, Lovell, who prefers to be called Terry, has found himself repeatedly coming back to LA, where he sells imported goods and educates people about global warming, all the while fostering his connection with what he calls the human thread. Born and raised in Indiana, Terry’s questions about life remained unanswered throughout the early part of his life. His continued search, however, introduced him to people involved in the counter-culture movement of the 1960s, where he began to learn the importance of meditation and one’s connection to nature. Terry began living his life according to the teachings of Macrobiotics, which applies the principles of Yin and Yang to one’s diet. The effect of this, Terry says, was a heightened sense of awareness to what was going on around him and enhanced his focus on the balance of nature. For three years, Terry traveled the country’s varied landscapes in search of what it meant to be involved with life. One of the most important things he learned was that although people may all seem different on the surface, “basically we’re all the same.” Having this knowledge- that we all have common needs, wants, and desires- helps Terry interact, and most importantly, relax with other people. “If you just relax,” he says, “others will tend to relax as well. It’s easier to communicate.” This is one of the reasons Terry has chosen to sell things such as
incense, bracelets, and t-shirts in front of Westwood’s Whole Foods every evening. It gives him a chance to interact with people of different walks of life, as well as spread a little global knowledge with his latest project: CareWear&Share. The main aspect of this project is the global-friendly t-shirts that Terry himself designed. Advocating the use of energy-saving light bulbs, the shirts stress the importance of the individual in the prevention of global warming. According to Terry, replacing a regular bulb with one of the energy-saving ones is like taking 7.5 million cars off the road. By doing something as simple as replacing a light bulb, one person can contribute to the reduction of green house gases affecting our world. And why has Terry taken such an interest in fighting global warming? “As one evolves,” he says, “you begin to realize that nature and man are one; to treat the planet as though it were something separate from me is to lessen love for myself.” This love for the self that has led Terry to care deeply for the planet comes from years of careful meditation. According to Terry, meditation is what leads to true spirituality. Although religions provide a compass for people to act spiritually, meditation is what allows us to reach the “depth of spirituality people crave.” Not only does Terry feel that meditation relieves the stress we carry around with us every day, but it also paves the way for the unification of mind, body, and spirit. This unification has been instrumental in Terry’s communication with nature. This communication, he says, has made it “only natural for me to want to end these natural calamities that are being created.” For more information on Terry, visit www.carewearshare.com for more info on Terry and his globally-conscious t-shirts. W I N T E R 2 0 0 8 L A
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Comunidad Comunidad
IF
YOU'RE
FOR AN EDUCATION,
TRY
BUT
UCLA.
IF YOU'RE LOOKING FOR A CAREER, TRY
SOME PLACE ELSE.
The UC system has long been criticized for failing to provide a living wage to its workers. While students feel their pockets emptied through fee increases, workers feel the strain at home and at work.
W
hen Jamal Moore first looked into working for UCLA, he thought he was getting himself into a career that would help him advance and make a good living. After only a year and a half as a patient transporter at the UCLA hospital, Moore has realized that something really can’t be called a career when the pay isn’t enough to afford your rent. “They stress that word ‘career’ so widely,” says Moore, who was attracted to employment at UCLA for the benefits they offer. But, as is the case for many others who work for the UC system, Moore’s benefits don’t provide the money to pay the bills. According to Nicole Moore, lead organizer of American Federation of State, Country, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) local 3299 — the union that represents 20,000 UC workers — the wages currently offered for many UC employees are creating poverty in Los Angeles. By having to take second jobs or dig through trash cans collecting cans, these workers are forced to spend more time surviving than living. “This is the workers’ fight,” said Nicole Moore, as she marched and rallied along with other AFSCME members in a rally in front of the UCLA Medical Center on Feb. 28th. The rally, which was coordinated with other actions across the state, brought together UC workers, union organizers, and student activists. Earlier in the day, students in Bruin Plaza brought the struggle of UC workers to the UCLA community. At the call of a whistle, students ran to the center of the plaza and poured cans and bottles onto a mat, with the intent of representing the many recyclables workers have to collect in order to meet their rent each month, since UC pay isn’t enough to cover their cost of living. Afterwards, students met up with rallying workers both at Covel Commons and in front of the Medical Plaza, where AFSCME had been rallying since 6:30 a.m. and planned to continue until 6:30 p.m.
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LOOKING
By Brenda Yancor
According to Pam Salter, a senior Licensed Vocational Nurse (LVM) and volunteer union activist, this 12-hour rally was meant to cover all worker shifts in order to better inform UC workers about what the union is bargaining for with the UC system. At the bargaining table, AFSCME and the University of California are trying to achieve a compromise on several main issues: advancement opportunities, wage increases to meet the wages of other hospital and community college workers, a minimum wage starting at an hourly rate of $15 for all UC workers, healthcare and pension protection, guaranteed parking rates, and the conditions and rates for those who work overtime. For many workers, however, what it really boils down to is respect. “We’re basically the scum of the hospital to some people just because we’re not educated,” said Ricardo Lopez, another patient transporter at the UCLA Medical Center. With one son and another child on the way, Lopez and his wife both work hard in order to meet the demands of raising a family. According to Lopez, workers get a 3 or 4 percent raise every so often. When the pay is small to begin with, a small percentage increase doesn’t contribute much to your paycheck, especially when combined with the rising prices of parking and food at UCLA. The small pay not only affects life at home. “We got good workers,” says Lopez, “[but] a lot of people in my department end up leaving.” Worker turnover, he indicates, is very high in his line of work, since the low pay makes it hard for the UCs to retain their current staff that is constantly looking for a higher-paying job. According to Nicole Moore, it’s not only the workers who suffer from the low wages and lack of respect, “students suffer because services go down and fees go up, and patients suffer too…patient care is suffering because of retention.” Workers are organizing. Union leaders are bargaining. Students are outreaching. Salter contemplates her experience with the union. “Things have truly truly changed,” said Salter. “Maybe not as fast as I’d like to see, but they have changed. And I believe the university is quite aware of that.”
Military or Bust
By Brenda Yancor
S
itting around a modest kitchen table, a young man begs his father to talk some sense into his mother so that she’ll let him join the army. The desperation on the boy’s face, the reassurance of his father, and the ultimately proud look of his mother as she secretly looks on, are all positive images of a family having a hopeful conversation about the future. Not only does this U.S. Army recruiting commercial strive to paint a positive light of the military, but it also shows parents the proper way to act when their child wants to join the army: look on proudly. Commercials such as this one have been permeating the air waves lately, and they all seem to target fresh out of high school young men of color with no money for college. Many of these commercials stress the relationship between military enlistment and a college education. An advertisement across many billboards and buses in Los Angeles even stresses the importance of the military and high school graduation by stating in bold letters “My friend doesn’t know how her words helped me graduate,” with a 'Go Army' logo subtly near the bottom. These commercials are but one aspect of the increased pressure the military is placing on low-income communities of color by encouraging its youth to enlist in the military. Not only are youth exposed to the beckoning of military enlistment on street advertisements and in their own homes through television, but the federal government has made it easier for youth to be exposed to military enlistment in schools as well. In 2001, President Bush pushed forward the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB). With its wholesome title, the law seems to be something every child and educator should support. With innumerable titles, parts, subparts, and sections, the act’s lengthy text includes many provisions that are far from being wholesome. Section 9528 of the act, for example, states that schools are required to provide the names, addresses, and phone numbers of all of its high school students to military recruiters upon request. It also states that schools must provide the same access to military recruiters as they do to college and job recruiters. If schools fail to do this, they risk losing federal aid given through the act. The same section does provide parents the option of withholding their child’s name from release, but leaves the conditions required for “opting-out” up to the discretion of each local school district. According to Arlene Inouye, the founder and lead activist of CAMS, the
Coalition Against Militarism in our Schools, the opting-out process for some school districts makes it so that if a parent wants to withhold information from military recruiters, they also withhold their child’s information from college and job recruiters. The Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD), however, does allow parents to withhold their child’s information from military recruiters without keeping their information away from college and job recruiters. However, one of Inouye’s greatest concerns lies in the deadline LAUSD gives parents for opting out. Last year, the deadline fell on Oct. 27. Many schools in low-income neighborhoods run year-round on a track system due to the high population of students attending a single school. In LAUSD, Track B is on vacation from September 28 until November 13, or from August 28 – October 29 in some schools, meaning that students are not in classes when the deadline to turn in the opt-out form expires. This makes it all the more difficult for some parents to become aware of the October deadline and withhold their child’s information from military recruiters if they wish to do so. Although NCLB has eased military recruiter access to student information since 2001, LAUSD handing over student info to the military, isn’t something new. LAUSD has a history of handing over lists of student names to the military in exchange for 2¢ a head. The only thing that changed with NCLB is that handing over these names is no longer optional, but mandated under federal law. When asked what students can do in order to change the military culture of their schools, Inouye points out that although they are required under NCLB to give military recruiters the same access as college and job recruiters, principals are still the ones who can decide the parameters of military recruitment. In one school, for example, students, parents, and organizers were able to have their principal decide that military recruiters would not be allowed to speak with students individually. Not only is CAMS working to change the attitudes principals have toward military recruiters, but as part of their Student Privacy Campaign, they are also working to increase the opt-out rate in schools and provide students with more options after high school graduation than to join the military. With Operation Opt-Out, a campaign CAMS has been working on for the last four years, the organization works to pass out LAUSD opt-out forms and inform students and parents of the deadlines. LAUSD has seen a 13 percent opt-out rate since the campaign began, and CAMS hopes to make this year’s opt-out rate 35 percent. With their new project called Project Great Futures, CAMS is striving to not only increase the opt-out rate, but to give high school youth alternatives that will help them with their careers, even when college isn’t an option. Even with all the efforts that CAMS and other organizations are putting into the Student Privacy Campaign, Inouye says that there are still many other ways for military recruiters to get access to student information. This, she says, is because “there’s really no dividing line between military and education. It’s infused in every single class.” Still, although it may be difficult to completely reverse the military culture engrained in the LAUSD, CAMS can serve as an example of how the collective effort of principals, students, teachers, parents, and community activists has the power to make a meaningful change in the way our youth will understand and be exposed to the United States military. W I N T E R 2 0 0 8 L A
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Comunidad Comunidad
As military recruiters continue to agressively recruit high school students, activists work to provide post-graduation alternatives
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Comunidad Comunidad
Talk with
DOLORES HUERTA By Berta Mora
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midst festive mariachi music and the smell of authentic Mexican food, Dolores Huerta sat at the center of a long table flanked by Hillary Clinton supporters at both sides. At a Jan. 28, 2008 event, each supporter represented a Latin American country, and each raised questions regarding Hillary Clinton’s propositions towards aiding the Chicana/o community. As journalists from the Washington Post, unidentified cameramen, and spokespeople from Spanish-language media company Univision got shots of the well-spoken icon, questions revolved heavily around the issue of immigration reform. Clinton supporters wanted to ensure that if elected, Clinton would provide “a generous and ample immigration reform with naturalization opportunities.” In response, Huerta confidently claimed that Clinton would address immigration in a humane manner. Also, as an endorser of Clinton, Huerta stated that Clinton planned to create environmentally friendly jobs and was one of the first supporters of the D.R.E.A.M. Act. Huerta also emphasized that Clinton was against the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) (even as her husband and former President Bill Clinton signed it). The crowd of Latino supporters simultaneously placed their hope in Huerta and Clinton. One voice particularly articulated the underlying sentiment of the crowd: “If Dolores Huerta is telling us to support Hillary Clinton, why shouldn’t we?” La Gente had the opportunity to explore that question and many others with Huerta herself. LG: You are a great role model for Chicanos and especially Chicanas. As a woman, what do you believe has given your voice such an enduring resonance? DH: In our family, my mother was always the dominant figure. She raised us, she divorced my dad. She always pushed me to be active, like in Girl Scouts and my church organizations. I call my mother an “equal opportunity mother,” because my brothers also had house chores. In the farmworker’s movement, women went to jail like everybody else and they were on the picket lines like everybody else. Many women hold themselves back, but I got women to run for positions and executive boards. Women have to understand that they have a place at the table, and men have to
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understand that women have that place. That’s why I call myself a “born again feminist.” We women can’t let others take credit for our work. The farmworkers saw me as a leader. I did negotiations and organizing and I felt fortunate. [Although sometimes men tried to take the credit for negotiations or boycotts, I made sure I received the credit I deserved]. LG: Do you feel the political arena takes a woman’s voice seriously today? DH: [No.] Nancy Pelosi, who is the first woman to be the Speaker of the House, has not been featured on the cover of Time Magazine or Newsweek. The presidency is the same. With Hillary Clinton, the support of her husband is seen as a weakness. We don’t need people to like us [women in leadership positions]. We want them to respect us. Sometimes people don’t like it when women stand up for themselves because we are supposed to be docile and nice. If there is not a conflict---sometimes you have to create one to achieve change. When women are young, they are taught not to get their white dress dirty, not to climb trees, [not to] wrestle with [their] brothers. We are never taught to defend ourselves. Women are taught to be defenseless. We have to teach women how to defend themselves, even if it means using their fingernails, elbows, knees, anything that they can. We have to change the way we educate our women and men. Women are not servants. We need to teach women that they are intellectually equal to men. LG: On May 18, 2007, you announced your endorsement of Hillary Clinton for president. What do you feel she can do for the Chicano community? DH: I told her to go to the Latino press; we must take the Latino press and Latinos into consideration. I have talked to her about deportation issues, NAFTA, CAFTA, and about immigration reform. Hillary has said she is going to support immigration reform. After 9/11, people talk about securing the bor-
ders, but the wall has to come down. LG: If you had two minutes to campaign on behalf of Hillary Clinton, what would you say? DH: I believe she has the leadership qualities. She is willing to take risks, has the courage, is intelligent, and has the experience. LG: What are your thoughts on Senator Edward Kennedy’s and Caroline Kennedy’s endorsement of Obama? DH: Well, Kathleen and her brother Bobby announced the support of Hillary soon after. LG: Do you think this endorsement will gain Latino support for Obama? DH: No, I don’t think so. Kathleen Kennedy is supporting Hillary. Also, Hillary has always been a supporter of farmworkers. In addition, she has participated in many of the immigrant rights marches, something Obama has not. He never even visited Elvira Arellano (a Mexican national who received notice of deportation) who was in sanctuary in Obama’s own state of Illinois. LG: What are your thoughts on Sergio Bendixen’s [a Clinton pollster and Latino expert] comment to the New Yorker that “the Hispanic vote...has not shown a lot of willingness or affinity to support black candidates?” DH: The media twists everything. Corporate media is always telling us that there is a division between black and brown. LG: But you’ve seen otherwise – you’ve had so much success advocating for farmworker rights. You know firsthand how there’s no simple split in how people vote or act. DH: It takes a long time to get people to organize and work together-- convincing people that they have power and to have faith in themselves. It’s a process and the little victories matter.
¿Como se llama,
OBAMA?
By Héctor Peña
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istorically, leaders of color, backed by Anglo-dominant American society have been more likely to overlook or deny the daily importance of racism in American society. This blindness to the issue of race, whether subconscious, deliberate, or a mix of both, has often lead to the betrayal of these same “blind” leaders and their communities by the so-called, democratic American public. Today another prominent leader in the Chicano community, United Farm Workers (UFW) co-founder and organizer-activist Dolores Huerta, seems poised to repeat this fate. Huerta shows the same telltale signs: she not only evades race issues and is reluctant to openly discuss racism in American politics and leadership, but she is also relying on
established members in the upper levels of Anglo-American society for support and notoriety. Huerta has made a costly gamble in trusting 2008 Democratic, presidential, hopeful, Hillary Clinton, to better the lives of members of the Chicano/ Latino community with her presidential power although there is no substantial evidence this will be the case. Huerta, for all her outspoken, fierce feminism, remains in denial of racism in American society, politics and leadership. ‘Como se llama, Obama?’ or ‘Obama, who?’ is a slogan used by Huerta in her smear campaign against presidential candidate Barack Obama in the upcoming 2008 Democratic primary. In a Hillary Clinton rally organized by Huerta for several Latino-community orga-
nizations, Huerta cited Obama’s unfamiliarity with Latino voters as the main reason she uses that epithet, but the origins and implications of Huerta’s slogan are far more complex. By questioning Obama’s doubly exotic name – exotic both in its novelty to the Latino community and its African background – Huerta slyly implies that he is unreliable and therefore unelectable as a culturally unfamiliar and un-American candidate. Huerta shows an understanding of the power of language and uses her language strategically. Ironically, Huerta, who coined the rallying UFW cry, ‘Si se puede! (Its English translation,‘Yes we can!’) has, in another ironic twist, been appropriated as Obama’s campaign slogan. Huerta now urges Latinos through her misguiding, oversimplified question, ‘Como Se Llama, Obama?’ to unite in xenophobic suspicion and to examine Obama’s racial origins and name, rather than his politics or public record. Yet Clinton may as well be as distanced and unfamiliar to race issues as Huerta alleges Obama to be. According to Mark Leibovich’s Feb. 2, 2008 article in The New York Times, Hillary Clinton reached her “coming of age” on race issues through “field trips” to the “inner city.” In the national media, she describes her crowning achievements across racial divides as the forma-
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Photos courtesy of Ricardo Elorza
tion of a “baby-sitting brigade” for the children of migrant workers and the coordinating of voter registration in the Rio Grande district, one of the nation’s most impoverished regions. Both these supposedly race-conscious efforts occurred in her youth and college years, and significantly, not during her much more powerful, experienced and capable years as First Lady or Senator. Clinton’s involvement in the civil rights movement of the 1960’s is relatively bland and uneventful, except for her brief stint as a “Goldwater Girl,” volunteering for Republican Barry Goldwater, who strongly opposed the Civil Rights Movement. Like many Latino leaders, Huerta rashly places trust in Hillary Clinton, hoping to gain backing for the Chicano community from Clinton in return. The immediate benefits evident in Huerta and Clinton’s current well-publicized partnership seem to exist for Clinton only. The use of another person of color (Huerta) to further bludgeon Barack Obama’s reputation deflects racial tensions away from Clinton. Because both Huerta and Obama are people of color, the American public sees no problem with Huerta spreading phrases like ‘Barack Obama, Como Se llama?’ However, had Clinton herself endorsed the phrase, she, as a Caucasian, would have been labeled a racist to repeat a slogan so suggestive of racial/cultural discrimination and critique. Undoubtedly, Huerta has suffered racial discrimination and won innumerable battles for the Chicano/ Latino community. And to this day is routinely faced with the same stubborn specter of race issues and racial discrimination. Huerta’s complicity in Clinton’s race-shy campaign, her denial of the constant underlying attitudes of racism in the American system, and the bureaucracies to which Clinton belongs to present gaping blind spots on the political path Huerta has chosen. In a nation where there is a dependency on deliberate blindness to perpetuate its claims of achieved democracy, a looking away from real social discrepancies, inequalities of race, class and gender—maneuvers like Huerta’s can only be expected.
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California
DREAMING
UCLA Speaks Up
Students give their opinion on the trials of undocumented students attending higher education. Iris Han
Second Year, Economics Major
“I had not really thought of this problem until one of my close friends could not go to college because of their illegal status, I just wished this problem could be fixed.”
As students pursue higher education, Governor Schwarzenegger gives them the cold shoulder.
By Ivette Jimenez and Brenda Yancor
"T
hat place was a sweatshop. We were in a factory; we had to make jeans that are expensive at department stores and the pay the employees received was terrible." This is how UCLA undergraduate Juan describes his recent summer job— one of the many hardships he has had to overcome while living in the United States without legal documentation. Juan chooses to withhold his full name for fear of deportation. Juan arrived in California in November of 1993. His difficult journey to Los Angeles is similar to the stories of many other students who were brought to California by their parents as children, “I hid underneath seats, in the back of a van. Border patrol checked the back of the van, but thankfully they did not find my mom and I,” Juan recalls. “I was aware of my surroundings, for my mom had told me [that] we are going somewhere and we might not make it.” Today, Juan is a history major at UCLA; he makes the two-hour commute to campus and back everyday. He dedicates his time to giving speeches in order to educate individuals, and make them aware of the presence of students like him in need help from the community. Juan also finds the time to work at a job where he has to make sure he isn’t hassled for a social security number. As an AB 540 student, Juan is able to slightly ease the financial burden of having to come up with enough money each year to cover tuition. Assembly Bill 540 states that students that have attended a California high school for at least 3 years and have graduated from one qualify for in-state tuition at a California public college or university. This means that AB 540 students can pay the rate of a California resident without having any documents that show that they legally 18
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reside in California when applying to institutions like UCLA. The bill spares AB 540 students the extra few thousand dollars each year that out-of-state tuition would entail. For undocumented students who benefit from AB 540 at
high school] knew they were not going to be able to afford college, they didn’t even try to perform well in school. Their intelligence goes to waste.” For Juan, however, his father motivated him to pursue a better life. A chemical engineer
Cartoon By Moses Lopez
UCLA, $23,000 each year for four years is no easy amount to come up with, and being eligible for financial aid would significantly ease the financial strain they face. Sometimes this strain poses a significant deterrent for many undocumented high school students because they become discouraged from performing well in school due to the financial obstacles that come with college. “Because many of my undocumented friends [in
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in Mexico, Juan’s father has worked from one blue-collar job to another since his arrival to the United States. “My father would always give me talks about having to excel in life. My goal is to become either a history teacher or a high school counselor, since my high school didn’t have informative counselors.” Legislation has been in the works for the past few years since it recognized the hardships that undocumented students and their families face in trying to pur-
sue a college education. In California, the latest version of such legislation came in the form of the DREAM Act, which would have made AB 540 students attending a California public university or college eligible for financial aid. Although the act passed in the state legislature, the bill was vetoed when it arrived at the governor’s desk last October. On his website, the governor claims that quality education is a “strong foundation in the fundamental skills necessary for a successful future.” Yet, he seems to believe that this potentially thriving future should be limited to those who can afford it, and not those who often work the most or try the hardest. According to Fabiola Inunza, cochair of IDEAS at UCLA, (Improving Dreams, Equality, Access and Success), a group which lends support to undocumented students pursuing a higher education, the veto in October was especially distressing since proponents of the act had tried to address the issues that were cited as a reason for a veto the year before. However, Inunza has hope that change can be made. “You have to keep in mind that AB 540 took ten years to pass. It’s a very slow process.” Inunza recognizes that the California DREAM Act as it stands now, is not a cure-all for the obstacles that undocumented students face. As of now, the DREAM Act still excludes non-AB 540 students who go to college. While the passage of the act would be of help to many students, there would still be a sizeable number of undocumented students who continue to be left on their own to find ways to fund their education. Proponents of the act will continue to push forward in their drive to attain more affordable education to some undocumented students.
Inunza sums up the importance of supporting the California Dream Act by asserting; “California could lead the way on this issue.” While many students would still need more financial support towards higher education, the Golden State’s acceptance of this legislature would definitely be a step in the right direction. Whether or not the State Assembly chooses to ease these student’s journeys through higher education, remains to be seen later this year when the DREAM Act appears on the agenda once again. Hungry for some Dreams? IDEAS is having a delicious fundraiser at Chili's Tuesday, March 4, 2008 6pm-9pm 1056 Westwood Blvd Los Angeles, CA 90024
Alfred Isais
Freshman, Psychology Major
“It’s simply amazing how AB 540 students have the will power to persistently find ways to continue pursuing a higher education, no matter what may obstruct their path. And here I am complaining about my financial status for school.”
Yazmin Lugo
Third Year, Sociology Major with double minor in Education and Chicana/o Studies
Ustedes los Ricos, Nosotros los Pobres
“AB 540 Students are admiring, they are really hardworking. They do so much more than regular students.”
A La Gente staff writer gives his opinion on the DREAM Act By Ricardo Elorza La propuesta DREAM ACT, que por varios años ha sido introducida en la cámara de Senadores de los Estados Unidos, ha tratado de darles a estudiantes universitarios indocumentados una posibilidad de conseguir legalización. Desafortunadamente, bajo esta propuesta se encuentran explicita y implícitamente varias indisposiciones que afectan a nuestras comunidades inmigrantes indocumentadas. Comunidades que no solo son compuestas de estudiantes, pero también de aquellos jóvenes indocumentados que no tuvieron y no tienen facilidad ni oportunidad de atender un colegio o universidad. Estas indisposiciones son las consiguientes: Privilegio Estudiantil, la otra retorica oculta del DREAM ACT, y el ceñidismo de la visión de los líderes que apoyan el DREAM ACT. El privilegio estudiantil se refiere al privilegio que todos los estudiantes indocumentados tienen al asistir un colegio comunitario, universidades estatales, el sistema de universidades de California, y universidades privadas.
Peter Seller First year, Global Studies Major
“If I were one of those students, I would feel cheated because to be essentially denied the right of a higher education based on that is not American.”
Continued on p. 32, see La propuesta DREAM ACT W I N T E R 2 0 0 8 L A
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Topen Topen Esto! Esto!
FIGHTING FOR HOW
MAINSTREAM MEDIA HELPS PIT MINORITY COMMUNITIES AGAINST EACH OTHER? By Elizabeth Carrera
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tudents ran in all directions as milk flew across the field and trash bins lay fallen on the floor. Amidst the chaos, students abandoned their textbooks in an attempt to seek safety or help friends who were being jumped by others. The riot, which happened during my while I was a student at Thomas Jefferson High School, was described by the media as one of the race riots overtaking inner-city schools. As more riots erupted over the next few weeks, the news cameras rushed to the scene, expecting the riots like hungry wolves. The news of race riots in prison only added to the idea of a black vs. brown tension. As the media continued to report on this tension, it seemed to legitimize this divide between black and brown communities, perpetuating stereotypes that unconsciously become ingrained in us. The news seems to only emphasize the crime associated with people of color, particularly Latinos and African Americans. As these stereotypes gain legitimacy through the media, public officials, teachers, and police officers act according to what they see on the news. Some say that Latinos are incapable of discrimination because we don’t have the institutional power to practice racism. Yet while los bigotes se nos paran when we feel discriminated against, we continue to retain the stereotypes given to us by the media. An elderly Latina woman, who wished to remain anonymous, explained that African Americans are involved in crime because “por naturaleza son mas violentos,” meaning that they are naturally more violent. Yet, her primary knowledge of African American culture comes from “last noticias,” the nightly news she watches on television. While this may be the case for a great number of Latinos, for others this discrimination may be passed down by family members, hidden and entwined within the values, wisdom, and traditions that are handed down to the next generation. Failing to question the reasons why crime among marginalized groups is so
high, or the role that poverty plays in this crime, some African Americans as well as Latinos come to accept the stereotypes given by the news as fact. This is how Latinos become active participants in enforcing the negative stereotypes that help feed the idea of a black vs. brown tension. Sergio Bendixen, a Clinton pollster and a self-proclaimed expert in Hispanic public opinion reseach,, recently stated that “the Hispanic voter -- and I want to say this very carefully -- has not shown a lot of willingness or affinity to support black candidates.” Inmmediately, Gregory Rodriguez from the LA times responded showing various historical examples that contradicted the claim. Some people feel that claims like the one Sergio Bendixen used exist only to divide and create a rift between African Americans and Latinos that does not exists. By making statements like Bendixen’s on popular media gives the idea to Latinos and Africans that they should be fighting each other. In a panel hosted by The Public Education Committee, Gloria J. Browne-Marshall, an author of several books on government and race, shed some light on the matter stating that this conflict was just “Latinos, Africans, [and] Asians fighting each other for the crumbs.” She mentioned the creation of “artificial divisions” made to keep people looking for crumbs. Browne-Marshall explains that “as long as our eyes are seeing the crumbs they don’t see the stars”. As Latinos are growing in number and are said to become the biggest minority, if not the new majority, the question remains: will we reject the negative images we are fed? As Latinos start to gain power in the political arena and in social institutions, we are faced with the decision on how to exercise that power. When we finally have institutional power, will we use it to promote or end racism? Con gran poder viene gran responsabilidad.
Can't Buy Me Love...except By Amy Sánchez
W
ONLINE
hile she may be foreign, the tale of the mail order bride is not. And, while the common perception might be that the mail-order bride market is composed of sweet girls named Anastasia with blonde hair, seeking asylum from a life of peeling potatoes somewhere in eastern Europe, this is not so. More and more websites that facilitate “international dating” (and marriage) now cater to a demand for Latin American brides that are “…naturally beautiful, inside and out, with natural rich tanned skin, long silky hair, big brown eyes, adoring smiles, and blessed with non-domineering personalities.” This quote taken from “Brides 4 U” illustrates the type of selling points that apparently make the Latin American Bride so appealing, along with of course the allure of every “ethnic” beauty: her “exoticism.” Women on “Brides 4 U” and other sites like it display profiles of various women— who have each been generously given an ID number so they can rightfully feel like part of the catalogue—specifying their age, height, weight, hair color and on some sites like “Brazilintro.com”—a site that dedicates itself solely to Brazilian women— skin color. Paired with this profile is a picture of the woman and a personal message describing her interests. Men can then contact these women via the agency which the men have contracted—love is not free, my friends—and pursue serious, meaningful and personal relationships…that are mediated by a translator over the phone or online. There is also a choice for the more romantic types— those who don’t like using a virtual catalogue to find the woman of their dreams. Catering to the lovers of South America, Latin Dream Tours provides an essentially live catalogue of women just itching to leave their native country, with an essential stranger to become the old ball and chain in the good ole’ land of opportunity we call home. Latin Dream Tours, which is based out of Barranquilla, Colombia, offers tours of South America to lonely singles searching for that “non-domineering” someone. During a “dream tour” clients, or as I prefer to call them, love shoppers, are taken on a series of social outings. These cultured events, such as clubbing and strip-club visits, surely exemplify Latin American heritage and customs, while the shoppers are accompanied by women of the area searching for a husband. On the Latin Dream tours website shoppers are informed that 85 percent of the participants in these tours become engaged or married during one of these tours. You might be thinking, “now that is romance,” and I can’t say I disagree. Because although the men that decide to get into the business of procuring a mail-order bride are objectifying and exotifying the super cool souvenir they get to pick up in South America, their future wives surely do it out of love. Right? 20
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Nothing wrong with By Misael Peraza
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to introduce myself as Misael to Latinos and “Miss-aye-elle” to others. Only in LA do I encounter these problematic situations. From this I raise and answer the following question: does being “whitewashed” draw me away from my “gente”? ¡Claro que no! I feel like I have to bust out the Spanish to prove that I haven’t abandoned my culture. Then I realized, screw it. I know where I come from and I don’t have to prove anything. There shouldn’t be a standard I’m supposed to live up to in order to qualify as a Latino. Many people I’ve talked to get the feeling that “whitewashed” kids are ashamed of their heritage. I’m here to tell you that is nonsense. Just because some of us didn’t grow up in places like East LA, doesn’t mean we avoid tortillas and hate Los Bukis. It’s even safe to say that most are damn proud of being Latinos. Don’t jump to conclusions when you see a Mexican guy wearing Hollister and Rainbow flip-flops saying 'Sup, dude' left and right. Just take into consideration that maybe he’s more comfortable in those clothes and the way he talks. Who knows? Maybe that guy had beans and tortillas for lunch and has Banda Machos on his iPod.
AIDS Walk I
n 1991, Baulio Garcia’s brother died of AIDS. Nearly 16 years later, Garcia and his family remember his brother at the Los Angeles AIDS Walk that took plce on Oct. 21. Garcia’s mother, wife and three kids all walk by his side despite the sun and the distance. They have been walking for 16 years in remembrance, sharing the pain of others who have also lost loved ones. The kids, who seem no more than 12years old, wear T-shirts with their uncle’s face on them. “They never knew their uncle,” Garcia laments. The AIDS walk is hosted in different U.S. locations every year. This year, it managed to raise a total of $39 million in Los Angeles alone. This money goes to AIDS Project Los Angeles (APLA), an organization which supports prevention programs, and bilingual services. APLA allows continued treatment for AIDS victims through more than twenty programs. The Necessities of Life Program (NOLP) Food Pantries, one of APLA’s programs, provides food assistance to low-income HIV/AIDS victims. Another of APLA’s programs, Acción Mutua, “shared action,” focuses on promoting prevention strategies and aiding those inflicted by HIV and AIDS in the Latino community. The AIDS walk not only raises money for community awareness and services for those who suffer from HIV and AIDS, but it also provides hope for those inflicted and families, as many come together to fight for a cause and a cure. According to the Los Angeles County Department of Health Services, with more than 15,000 AIDS cases, the Latino community ranks second within AIDSaffected groups in Los Angeles. As the population for Latinos with HIV and AIDS dangerously continues to increase, Bienestar, a non profit community program dedicated to increasing services for HIV and AIDS in the Latino community, takes direction. Although the Latino community participated in the AIDS walk through sponsorship by Univision, overall acceptance of AIDS in Latino culture is severely lacking. Male-to-male sexual contact is known to be a factor in exposure of AIDS. Many associate having AIDS with being gay. Admitting a sexual orientation other than heterosexuality in the Latino culture is difficult, therefore many homosexuals are obligated to remain closeted and assume a heterosexual lifestyle. Since sexual orientation is taboo, AIDS, which is believed to be a “joto”
Topen Esto! Topen Esto!
es LA people, there are Latinos in the Bay Area. Many people have asked me if there are any Latinos in the Bay. Well guess what… there’s HELLA! You’d be surprised by places like Richmond and Concord where “brown folk” roam the streets dressed in their Oakland Raiders jerseys and Dickies slacks. And yes, they do use “spanglish” words in their vocabulary too. However, not all Latinos fall under that stereotype. Many of us are in fact considered “whitewashed,” whatever that means. Why is this a stupid term? Because there shouldn’t be a specific characteristic we have to live up to. There shouldn’t be features that make some people more Latino than others. The word Latino defines an ethnic group that people are born into, not stereotypes. You can’t “unlatinize” yourself no matter how much you try. Speaking and dressing a certain way shouldn’t rob you of your identity. Coming here from the Bay was a huge change for me. Not because of the streets and landmarks I was unfamiliar with, but because of the Latinos that make me question my identity. I don’t know whether to introduce myself as “Miss-aye-elle” or just Misael. I’ve now decided
WHITE WASHED ...is there?
By Elizabeth Carrera
disease, is silenced. In doing so, AIDS is transmitted to both heterosexual and homosexual couples. Stigmas like this hurt our society. By associating AIDS with homosexuality, we ignore the growing number of AIDS victims, especially those in the Latino community. Although the AIDS walk, which has now been going on for twenty-three years, is not enough. According to Mr. Garcia, the information is there but it’s not in the right places. “If you can’t stop social exclusion and ignorance of AIDS in high school then you can’t stop it anywhere.” said Garcia. Myrna Ortiz, spokesperson of the Latino Student Union at a local high school believes that social inclusion or mere acceptance is the main problem when it comes to AIDS prevention. This makes it hard for somebody affected with AIDS to come forward and seek medical attention or get tested. When UCLA alumnus Jose was watching TV during the same sex marriage debate, his parents commented that homosexuals are just spreading “joto” diseases, meaning AIDS and other sexual diseases. Upon hearing this Jose became angry and disappointed, and although he felt the need to say something it was hard for him to “verbalize and inform them” because he still hadn’t told them that he was gay. The negative stigmas his parents had about homosexuals fed by television and local superstitious beliefs made it harder for him to “come out” to his family since he was going to be associated with these false beliefs. The stigmas associated with AIDS have made victims fear family exclusion and social rejection more than the disease itself. In order for their to be a better understanding of AIDS and its prevention, we need to become more informed on homosexuality as well. False assumptions will only promote the spread of stigma and prevent others from wanting to get tested or take care of themselves when it comes to AIDS and other sexual diseases.
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The Honorable Mother
Tlalcihuatl Raíces
Raíces
By Sandra Arévalo
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n October 2, 2006, the world was privileged to set sight once again upon the largest Mexica stone found yet. Not until last March, however, had someone suggested who this stone slab was meant to represent. UCLA art historian Dr. Cecelia Klein says that this andesite stone of the feminine Mesoamerican deity Tlaltecuhtli “represents one of the most important and spectacular archaeological finds of this century. It weighs over 12 tons and is the largest Aztec sculpture we have, exceeding in size both the famous Calendar Stone and the equally famous relief of the mythical Coyolxauhqui,” says Klein. Referring to the relief on the bottom of the idol, Dr. Klein says that “the figure carved on the upper surface of the slab, measuring in at 4m x 3.57m, is puzzling… since most examples of this kind of figure that were previously known to us appear on the underside of a sculpture.” This figure, known as Coatlicue, stresses ties to the earth and Mictlán (“that which is below us”). The size of the slab may indicate the deep religious importance of this deity to the Aztecs. Since her (re)discovery in the 1970s, we have come to recognize Coatlicue as the supreme image of the venerable mother earth. There is more familiarity with the feminine figures of Coyolxauhqui, Zihuacoatl, Tlazoteotl, Zitlalicue and Xóchiquetzal. Also known as the tzinzinime, these are the creative and destructive forces, the mythical stars that arose from the consumption of the sun. You may even recall the centermost image of the Tonalmachiotl (Piedra del Sol) and not know that it represents the dual force of Tlalcihuatl, the masculine energy Tlaltecuhtli (lord of the earth). All these forces are equally significant to our understanding of our origins as people. Last March, archaeologist Dr. Leonardo López Luján presented a lecture at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art about the excavations in downtown Mexico City. As Senior Researcher and Director of the Templo Mayor Project at Mexico’s National Anthropology and History Institute (INAH), Luján has provided evidence that identifies the idol as Tlalcihuatl based on her resemblance to images in the Nahua codices and past excavations. The slides clearly indicate a female: she is depicted giving birth, portrayed with curly hair (often associated with female energies) and wears a skirt of alternating skulls and bones, similar to that of Coatlicue. The long spurt of blood flowing from her fleshless open mouth represents the sacrifice of human energy while providing sustenance to her as well. It is this link, like an umbilical cord, that feeds us the precious knowledge of our ancestors. Luján and Mexico’s other leading archaeologist, Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, have now scanned the site only to reveal that there may be at least one tomb (up to 22
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four chambers) found beneath the Tlalcihuatl slab, which is thought to have been the cover of the entrance. The tomb could possibly belong to tlatoani Ahuítzotl, the last “speaker” and ruler who reigned from 1486 to 1502, before the Spanish conquest of 1521. The date carved on the feminine Tlaltecuhtli slab depicts the year mahtlactli tochtli (10 rabbit), the year of Ahuítzotl’s death. Kim Richter, an art history doctoral candidate at UCLA, explains how The feminine Tlaltecuhtli “likens the ruler’s reign to the sun: much like when the sun sets and disappears into the earth, the ruler’s reign concludes with his death and with his funerary interment into the earth, which is symbolized by the representation of the blood-thirsty earth goddess,” explains UCLA art history doctoral candidate The feminine and masculine forms of Tlalcihuatl/ Tlaltecuhtli ought not to be confused as a bisexual entity but seen as the natural duality and the balance necessary for creation and destruction. Even as a feminine energy, Tlalcihuatl has a dual role in Nahua culture and thought. For one, she is the giver of life, the one who brings forth the sun every morning and gives life to all creatures. Secondly, she consumes the sun at the end of the day and feeds on the vitality of bodies and the precious substance that carries within it our inheritance, yeztli (sangre). She belongs to the forces we know only as tonantzin, our mother. Our mother, who signifies, as Luján says, “el doble papel de las diosas, las que… dan todo y nos quitan todo.” They are the ones who take us in, consume us, and return us to life on tlalli (earth). We come from the earth and return to our earth, transformed in this cycle of regeneration. Just as the destruction of Tenochtitlan was underway in 1521, the venerable tlatoani Cuauhtémoc (eagle that descends) said in his last mandate, “let us conceal all that is dear to our heart/ let us consider our true wealth/ that which is like a precious emerald.” Cuauhtémoc’s words instruct the Nahuas to conceal the precious knowledge of the ancestors and all the once widely cherished traditions. 486 years later, we now come to know more of the precious knowledge of which he spoke. The (re)discovery of Tlalcihuatl promises a new understanding of our past. The sun has indeed risen again to remove the smoke from our memories, to bring clarity. It is as though this Tlalcihuatl lid uncovers a new dawn. This will remind us, as Cuauhtémoc said, to “respect and admire our venerable ancestors [and that] our venerable Mother Earth, Anahuak will recognize her forces to fulfill the promise of this great destiny!”
Sigan Luchando is a space where our brothers and sisters behind bars can have their material published. It is part of a bigger project La Gente carries out called "Free the Mind," in which we send and receive correspondence from our gente currently in prisons. We do this in the hopes that we will not forget each other as we work toward the betterment of our people.
Reviving "La Gente" I
have used the term “Revival” or “Reviving” when it comes to the people-our people. To revive means to bring it back to life, to give it a new strength. Truly, the time has come for us to be revived. At the very tips of our fingers lies our ability to change the world. Millions of us, if unified and organized under the command of selected leadership, could move and direct this country. Mexicans, Chicanos, Latinos, and Hispanics, if united, we could direct the course of our history. Today is where we start. By studying in the areas of leadership, economics, and other social areas of importance, we will ready ourselves for such a revival. The author if this article is not far behind. Unlike many prisoners who will never get out, even though they could be a valuable asset to society, I am soon to get out. Therefore, while in prison, I am trying to motivate others to ready themselves for my return. They say Moses had to wander forty years in the desert because the people following him were not ready to, and were not willing to enter the promised land. I’m not going to be wandering around no where. How about you? So what are the social problems that need to be addressed? It doesn’t matter right now because we don’t have politicians to address them. We have to vote on what we’re stuck with because we have not created an organization that creates our own politicians. We call politicians “sellouts.” They were never from among us. I’m going to tell you, the time is coming when a new organization will address every area on the social scale. What this group will need is brothers and sisters who are dedicated to the cause of the masses. Don’t be a “sellout.” Political power is what is acknowledged and respected in this country and abroad. Sad to say, we don’t really have none. Sure, we got [sic] community groups, but we’ve been up to our necks with community orgs since the 60s. Where has that really gotten us? There are more and more of our gente in prison today than there was forty years ago. Why? Because these groups lacked (and still do) the ability to rally support and direct our communities. I sit in this cage and study everything and try to understand the flaws in every issue. Sure, we have seen some success through some of these groups, but we’re not pushing for “some” success, we’re pushing for total-complete success. My brothers and sisters, La Gente, the time for revival has come. Prepare yourselves.
SIGAN SIGAN LUCHANDO LUCHANDO
By Augustine Diaz
A La Gente reader contributed "Recuerdo," a piece which depicts three activists important to the Chicana/o community. W I N T E R 2 0 0 8 L A
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Show Racism the DEPORTES
DEPORTES
REDCard By Ernesto Ruiz
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henever 24 year-old Adebowale Ogungbure steps onto the pitch, soccer fans in the stands greet him with loud monkey chants. During one match, Ogungbure even had to dodge bananas being thrown at him from the stands. A twotime cap winner for Nigeria, Ogunubure now plays for Germany’s fourth division FC Sachen Leipzig, where his encounters with racism are part of a larger trend in professional soccer. The feeling that a soccer player gets after scoring a goal is one of excitement, exhilaration and even ecstasy. However, throughout the world, fans are using this opportunity to belittle players and taunt them with personal attacks to get under their skin in the hopes of influencing their game. Across Europe, as well as in many Latin American countries, some spectators have degraded and brought shame to the world’s most popular sport. Intricacy, precision and carefully orchestrated passing has been tainted and replaced by the ruthless, inconsiderate, racist chants against players, particularly those of color. In an age where international players have come to dominate the sport helping to establish it’s worldwide popularity, racist acts seriously threaten the future of the game. Yet taunting of opposing players is not new when it comes to sports. These popular acts are a form of enjoyment at baseball, basketball and football games in the United States. However, they contrast to what occurs in Europe in that they do not aim to bring a player down because of his skin color. If history has taught us anything is that these types of incidents and behaviors can be overcome, but it takes a huge effort by society. Take Jackie Robinson for example. When he first broke into Major League Baseball, he too experienced similar degrading behavior by fans because of the color of his skin. However, fans, as well as the rest of society learned to accept the differences that existed between people of all colors and grew to appreciate him for his athleticism rather than for what race he was. The civil rights movement was a major factor in helping ease the transition of colored people into the professional sports world. In Europe, as well as in some Latin American countries, xenophobia has deeply been ingrained in their national ideologies, going back as far as with the Moors and Jews being expelled from their territories on the basis of their race and culture. One reason for this is that these countries may have a mono-ethnic national makeup and have a lower tolerance for racial diversity. This is the complete opposite of what the U.S. and countries like Brazil have experienced over the years as they have diversified in overall total population. Nevertheless, the fact that fans intentionally and maliciously focus on a particular player’s race is taking the situation too far and sending a message of hate and racism rather than one of playful bantering. The awful reality, in regards to the underbelly of the soccer world, is that racism still exists and is alive even though many refuse to acknowledge it. Racist behavior and events in the sport have brought global attention to this issue. Ogunubre isn’t the only one to have been a victim of this behavior. Two seasons ago, Barcelona’s Cameroonese striker Samuel Eto’o, experienced a similar situation when he too was greeted with monkey chants by Zaragoza fans. This time they went even further by throwing peanuts at him after he scored a goal. Abuse has also occurred in the Mexican soccer league when Mexican first division club Santos Laguna was fined and given a warning after fans directed racist insults at a black Panamanian player on the opposing Monterrey team. Defender 24
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Felipe Baloy was greeted with monkey chants whenever he touched the ball during a match in Aug. 6, 2006. Ultimately the club was fined the equivalent of $25, 268. The club also was ordered to install a closed-circuit television screen in its stadium by the end of the year in order to help identify possible offenders. The Fédération Internationale de Football Association’s (FIFA), discusses possible ways of combating the problems of racism on its website. According to FIFA guidelines, the disciplinary action after a racist act has taken place can be “the closure of a stadium, deduction of points or even elimination from the championship.” FIFA President Joseph S. Blatter went even further by stating “the solution to this problem, as in any other, lies firstly in identifying it and acknowledging it’s existence… anyone who complacently maintains that racism is impossible in their territory is not only wrong but irresponsible.” With the rise of international players, particularly those of color and the decrease of home players throughout the world, the problem looks to persist if not taken seriously. The second edition of the Annual Review of the European Football Players Labor Market shows these recent trends. According to the review, the market shows a decrease in homegrown players and an increase of foreign players. The percentages of foreigners in clubs squads in Europe have reached 38.9 percent (+ 0.5) compared to 24.3 percent of homegrown players. England’s Premier League is the most international of the leagues with more than half of its players being foreign. According to the review, Brazil (with a largely black population) is the most represented nation. The solution to the problem of racism in soccer is not easy or clear cut. However, if we, as a society and as soccer fans, can accept that it does exist and that things need to change when it comes to treatment of colored players, then it is a positive step in the right direction. Perhaps, acknowledging the problem’s existence may lead to cheers and applause being hurled at players in the future, instead of bananas, peanuts or monkey chants.
Primer Festival del Cine Chicano
Mexico City Honors
Chicano Contributions to Film and Song
By Romeo Guzman
mariachi belted out Mexico’s unofficial anthem, “Canción Mexicana,” beneath a sprawling green banner depicting a man in baggy clothes, clutching his huevos in his left hand and a video camera in his right. In plazas throughout Mexico and the United States, male and female singers honor Mexico with the following words: Hoy que lleno de emociones me encuentro con mi jarana Voy a rendir homenaje a la canción mexicana. Voy a rendir homenaje A la canción mas galana, La canción mas primorosa Que es la canción mexicana Pa’ hacer pesos de a montones No hay como el americano Pa’ conquistar corazones No hay mejor que un mexicano Y como es que lo consiguen Si no cantando canciones Como es el “Cielito lindo” Que alegra los corazones…
On this day, however, the mariachi sang “Canción Mexicana” in homage to its composer, Lalo Guerrero, whom many have considered the “first Chicano Musician.” Longtime legendary Chicano
Yo soy chicano señores, Nací al lado Americano. Para México soy pocho,
No me aceptan mis hermanos. Los queros me discriminan, Como si fuera extranjero, A pesar de que esta tierra Fue de México primero. Este país es mis tierra, México es la de mis padres, Pero la sangre que llevo Es la de Benito Juárez Yo soy puro chicano De raza que no se raja….. Me da mucho sentimiento Que en México no me quieran, Porque a México lo quiero, Como si fuera mi tierra… The Mexican press at the film festival obsessed over Lalo Guerrero’s experience with Mexico. Dan Guerrero was repeatedly asked how Chicanos feel that Mexico has never embraced them. He responded, “it’s hurtful because [Mexicans] are our brothers.” Lalo Guerrero, although posthumously, was finally embraced by Mexico, something to be celebrated. However, the image of the pocho remains a popular trope. When asked about the choice of image for the banner, Dan Guerrero responded, “I was not happy with the image at all. They took us up on stage to cut the ribbon and [Edward James Olmos] spoke, then I spoke. When I spoke, the image was behind us, huge, blown up on the screen, and of course I’m wearing a suit and tie and looking marvelous. Eddie is in his standard black…They introduced me and I said…in Spanish, ‘I want to apologize, because I had no idea that that’s how we dress. You see, I would never have worn a suit and tie if I had known this is what Chicanos wear.’ The audience roared. There isn’t anything wrong
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actor and director Edward James Olmos confirms, “Lalo gave us voice—para todos los Chicanos—that we never had before. He’s a national treasure.” The Primer Festival del Cine Chicano in Mexico City sought to understand the experiences of Chicanos in the United States through film. Lalo Guerrerro composed the song “Canción Mexicana,” but as his son Dan Guerrero laments, “so many Mexicans have no idea that it was written by a Chicano.” For Dan Guerrero, also the producer of the documentary Lalo Guerrero: the Original Chicano, the film festival was a “double edged sword.” “It used to piss [Lalo Guerrero] off…that there are so many of us up here that dedicate our careers and our lives to celebrating Mexican, ergo Chicano culture, [yet], [the Mexican public]…could care less. And it pisses me off.” As many Chicano and Mexican intellectuals have noted, Mexican representations of Mexicans on the other side of the US border have often been reduced to that of the pocho: a Mexican who does not speak Spanish and is embarrassed about his Mexican heritage. Ironically, even the author of what has been considered the unofficial anthem of Mexico and whose songs were covered by no other than Los Panchos, the famous bolero trio of Mexico; was rejected by Mexico. On two separate occasions, Lalo Guerrero attempted to record songs in Mexico, only to be denied because he was a Mexican from the United States. Lalo Guerrero captures these moments of betrayal in his song, “El Chicano”:
with that image, but it’s not the [Chicano] image.” Although the Mexican state has expressed concern for its diaspora throughout the twentieth century, the last twenty years have signaled a drastic change. Through economic policies such as the 3x1 program and the extension of Mexican citizenship to the sons and daughters of Mexican migrants the state has sought to foster ties with Mexicans residing in the United States. President Fox and Calderon asserted that wherever there are Mexicans is Mexico. The recent attention to Chicano cultural production as well Mexico’s historic betrayal of Chicanos is part of reconceptualizing Mexico’s borders. Hopefully, these cultural and political relationships will create a space for the Mexican government to listen to and reflect Chicanos criticism and concerns with Mexico’s economic and political policies. To learn more about Lalo Guerrero’s music visit: www.markguerrero.net/8.php or www.originalchicano.com
Dan Guerrero currently lectures at UCLA and will be performing his play Gaytino at UCLA’s Royce Hall this spring.
AAP35
Congratulations La Gente wishes to offer its congratulations to the Academic Advancement Program for providing a space for the past 35 years where students of color can feel like a part of the greater UCLA community. Keep up the good work!
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Still from "When Faith Moves the Mountains," 2002
Francis Alÿs: Politics of Rehearsal
By Maria Esmeralda Renteria
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Above: Still from Rehearsal,1994-2004 Below: Still from Paradox Parxis 1, 1997
Photos courtesy of The Hammer Museum
step into a room of confusing sounds and scenes. None of his artwork makes sense to me. Some of his artwork is ripped into pieces and then put back together with tape. What artist does this to their work? I just don’t get it. What is the point? In the end of the exhibit, I realize that each work relates to another--to understand the meaning you have to go through the whole exhibit. The Hammer Museum held an exhibit ending February 10, 2008 on contemporary artist Francis Alÿs. Born in Belgium, Alÿs adopted Mexico City as his home in order to express himself artistically. The Alÿs exhibit, “Politics of Rehearsal,” consists of films, drawings, paintings, and sculptures. The title says it all: the “rehearsal” and “politics” of Mexico. Alÿs believes the audience is as important as the art itself. Out of all his artwork, one made a lasting impression on me. It was a film of Alÿs pushing a huge ice block throughout Mexico City. As I watch his struggle, the giant ice block melts into a tiny puddle of water. I realize what his point is--all the effort we do turns out to be nothing. At the end of the short video, a quote appeared: “Something making something leads to nothing.” He had taken hours filming himself pushing the ice block, and in the end it was a five-minute film that most people will not stop to watch. Another film, called “When Faith Moves the Mountains,” features 500 volunteers using shovels to move a sand dune located outside of Lima. The end result didn’t even look like they had moved the sand dune at all, but in fact they moved it by a few inches. Alÿs demonstrates that although some actions may not cause a great physical difference, they do have the power to cause a spiritual change. Throughout his exhibit, seeing the same artwork over and over confuses me, as if experiencing déjà vu. As I stare into one of the paintings, I begin to feel uncomfortable. Then a question came to me: What is his point? Alÿs’ purpose for the exhibit is rehearsal, just as the title describes. Rehearsal, practicing until the point of near perfection, was precisely what Alÿs was doing to his audience � practicing his points on us. Now, the ripped pieces of art make sense. He tore them into pieces and added more to the original artwork until it was perfected. He applied his rehearsal theory to Mexico in many of his artworks. He believes Mexico practices modernism, but is incapable of perfecting it, and thus goes back to its traditional ways. In a film called Rehearsal 1, a red Volkswagen kept trying to go to the top of the hill as the band in the background played perfectly. Once the band starts to unsynchronize, the red Volkswagen slips to the bottom. The red Volkswagen represents Mexico trying to overcome the modern age (the Hill), but is brought down by tradition-- the band. As I step out of the exhibit a question came to mind: Does our life consist of rehearsal for the future? Is our life a pattern that repeats over and over again, like the experience of déjà vu? Or is déjà vu a form of rehearsal?
RATING SCALE a toda m@*$ ! a toda m@*$! chido! chido! dos tres
chale! 26
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Las Danzas de Graciela Iturbide Mexican photographer's exhibit dances its way into the Getty By Gabriela Jiménez
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the composition as she journeys forward while we, the viewers, stay behind as witnesses to her trek. Her placement is neither in the immediate foreground nor in the middleground; instead, this spatial uncertainty creates the illusion of transition allowing Iturbide to focus on the woman’s onward migration. La mujer ángel emerges from a rocky terrain and now faces the task of traversing a hot desert plain. After that, a hill and another unfathomable plain await her. Mujer Ángel, desierto de Sonora, México (Woman Angel, Sonora Desert, Mexico) exemplifies how Iturbide’s work can be seen as a ritual practice. The photograph’s historical specificity situates us in the midst of the late 1970s influx of (illegal) immigration into the United States--a social reality that continues to prevail today. In lieu of idealizing or demonizing the woman depicted in the photograph, Iturbide performs her customary ritual and humanizes la mujer ángel. Looking at the picture, we do not feel sorry for the immigrant nor do we condemn her; we do, however, connect with her on a human level. The juxtaposition between the woman’s dress, the ghetto blaster that she carries and the terrain where this all takes place completes this danza. Rituals’ symbolic nature depends on multiple specificities—time, location, purpose, etc –and their preservation relies on both their adaptability to external changes and their capacity to resonate with its participants. Iturbide has found an enduring formula that makes her rituals still relevant and still strong.
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anzas (ritual dances) aesthetically embody the socio-cultural spirit of a particular time and place. Graciela Iturbide’s photography functions as such. In effect, the way she goes about her art form can be compared to someone performing a ritual. “Danza de la Cabrita (The Goat’s Dance),” currently on view at the J. Paul Getty Museum, provides a locale for Iturbide’s photographs. The exhibition also acknowledges her contributions to both the art world and the people and places of her native Mexico and the United States. Arranged thematically, the exhibition is a clearly defined retrospective as it limits itself to work done in Mexico and the United States. The show exhibits Iturbide’s prolific portfolio principally through black and white photographs. Six of her series—“Juchitán,” “Cuaderno de Viaje (Travel Journal),” “East L.A,” “La Frontera (The Border),” “El Jardín (The Garden)” and “Danza de la Cabrita (The Goat’s Dance)” —from which the exhibition draws its name— dominate and expose a customary approach to unconventional representations of otherwise marginal subjects. For over 30 years, Graciela Iturbide has managed to transform the art of photography into a ceremonial one. This Mexican photographer captures invisible and/or misrepresented social groups and regional landscapes in a ritualized manner. Esta fotógrafa performs several aestheticized actions at once: she dignifies her subjects by presenting them as beautiful and complex individuals, she links the past with the present and asks us to reconsider the problematics of thinking in dialectics (tradition versus modernity, for example) and she celebrates the often-overlooked relationship between nature and her prodigal children—humans. One of the first photographs you encounter is Mujer Ángel, desierto de Sonora, México (Woman Angel, Sonora Desert, Mexico). Taken in 1979, the photograph details a Mexican woman crossing the border through the Sonora Desert with a ghetto blaster in hand. The woman commands the center-left of
“Danza de la Cabrita (The Goat’s Dance)” is currently on exhibit at the J. Paul Getty Museum through April 13, 2008. Rating:
TRADE
By Stephanie Maldonado
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eronika (Alicja Bachleda-Curus) stands at the edge of a cliff facing the sunset and its beautiful hues. She has two distinctive choices; surrender into a world of sexual slavery or descend into the sun’s sublime abyss. Thus begins one of the scenes in “Trade,” a film about a thirteen-year-old girl named Adriana (Paulina Gaitan) who gets kidnapped by local sex traffickers and is taken to the Unites States to be sold as a sex slave. At the same time, her brother Jorge (Cesar Ramos) teams up with Texas Cop Ray Sheridan (Kevin Kline) as they attempt to locate and save Adriana from forced prostitution. The movie takes the audience from the slums of Mexico City to a New Jersey suburb where a Madam named Laura (Kate del Castillo) keeps her flock of women and children ready to sell and lend to the highest bidder. “Trade” compels us to look at our neighbors in a different light. It is supposed to be a movie about a boy who attempts to rescue his sister from sex traffickers, but it transcends that. Although it takes place mainly on the road from Mexico City to New Jersey, the main stage for this movie is on the audience’s very own street. The film was adapted from a New York Times article by Peter Landesman entitled “The Girls Next Door.” In the article Landesman investigates the inner workings of the worldwide sex trade through the house on 1212 1⁄2 West Front Street, where police expected to find a brothel and instead found a “stash house” holding “sex slaves.” According to Landesman, this is an international issue that begins in other parts of the world and continues in the United States. In 2000, President Bush signed the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, but other than that little has been done to help women and children internationally from becoming slaves. As Landesman states, however, the “sex trafficking epidemic might suggest that this is a global problem but not particularly an American one.” To an extent it is not an American problem because the victims are not American citizens but the demand for victims comes from the United States and this is what makes the problem American and global. The president may have passed legislation, but enforcing this legislation is the beginning of at least curbing the problem. This problem also brings up issues of corruption in all forms of government throughout the world. As seen in the movie, there are officials that are willing to look the other way for a price or a specified amount of time. Gary Haugen, president of the International Justice Mission, an organization based in Arlington, Va., asserts that “sex trafficking isn’t a poverty issue but a law-enforcement issue.” It is with the help of law enforcement that sex traffickers are allowed to travel throughout countries, forge documents and pass minors into the hands of not only the captors but their aggressors as well. These people choose to look the other way or take moments of free time and allow heinous crimes against women and children to thrive. Director Marco Kreuzpainter and writers Peter Landesman and Jose Rivera have looked at the issue of illegal immigration and have found a dark side. Through their article, screenplay and film, these men are making the public aware of what is happening in their own back yards. 'Trade' is rated R and is playing in select theaters throughout Southern California. Rating:
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¡Llegamos a Sundance! ARTE ARTEYY CULTURA CULTURA
Columbian film sends progressive message
A scene from Perro Como Perro featuring Marlon Moreno, Oscar Borda, Alvaro Rodriguez. Photo Courtesy of Sacks & Co.
By Priscilla Gonzalez
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he Columbian film Perro Come Perro (“Dog Eat Dog”) premiered this January The film represents a stepping-stone for Columbia, but Borda proposed that all of at the Sundance Film Festival and is serving to expedite Columbia’s growing Latin America unite and stand up against segregation as the next step. film industry as well as challenge traditional Latin American self–representation in Borda’s involvement in this film has no doubt opened doors for other Afro– film. Columbian actors who have the talent but have lacked in opportunities. “[This film] makes tangible or at least hints at the problem of inequality and “May the doors open for those [black Latin American actors] who want to purthe lack of solution over the issue of racism,” director Carlos Moreno said. “Perro sue film,” Borda said. “This film goes out to them with open arms.” Come Perro is the first Columbian film to have a The actor never hinted resentment towards the black protagonist.” industry and was only positive in his message. “Siento que vamos para adelante, que vamos para Set in the Columbian crime world, vicious crime “Siento que vamos para adelante, boss El Orejón (Blas Jaramillo) asks Iris (Paulina arriba, y que viva Colombia!” Rivas), a voodoo priestess, to enact revenge on Perro Come Perro is as progressive artistically as que vamos para arriba, y que viva his godson’s killer. Meanwhile, Víctor Peñaranda it is socially. It represents the building accumulation Colombia!” (Marlon Moreno) decides to steal the money he and acknowledgement of talent and resources in the --Óscar Borda, actor is sent to collect. Violence and disaster follow, as development of Columbian film. Perro Come Perro Victor tries to escape and the crime boss searches for “The Columbian Film Industry is in one of it’s his lost money. most important moments because since the decree This was the first time a Columbian film was of the film law, as developed by the Ministry of selected to screen at the festival. It competed with other films in the World Dramatic Culture, filmmakers that have always been doing this have more possibilities to crecategory. Director and co-writer Carlos Moreno, actor Óscar Borda, director of pho- ate works [of art],” Moreno said. “I believe that if we cultivate, care for, and honor tography Juan C. Gil, executive producers Diego F. Ramírez and Carolina Barrera the film law the future will be good. I would say that this is a good time, but it could as well as others from the crew attended the screening. be better.” The Ley General de Cultura (General Culture Law) was approved in 1997, creat“I am proud to be able to honor this type of production, the actors, the producers, our city, our investors, and everyone who has always believed and supported us, I ing Proimágenes en Movimiento, a new entity that united private and public efforts to promote and assist Columbian film production. thank you today,” said Moreno at the premiere. “It seems like now the world is attentive to Latin America,” said Moreno. “I think Casting an Afro–Columbian actor in a lead will no doubt challenge Columbia and Latin America in the way they have historically represented themselves in the that in Latin America we have been quiet most of [the] time and that now that we media. The actors chosen to represent the Latin American protagonists on screen speak it is an important time.” There are many new young Columbian directors, both male and female, gaining have historically not included blacks. “[Santiago de] Cali (where the film was shot), is a city with about a fifty percent recognition. Said Moreno, “Apenas estamos saliendo del cuello de la botella en black population. It was paradoxical that a film had not been made where [a black que estámos.” actor plays a lead],” Moreno said to depict onscreen disparity. La Gente's “Es para mi un orgullo,” Borda said about his role in the film. Borda was also the Priscilla first Afro–Columbian to play a lead role on Columbian television. Gonzalez speaking with director For Columbia’s diverse and multi-ethnic culture, it is unfortunate that only a Carlos Moreno. part of it is represented in film. Columbia’s ethnic groups include mestizo, mulatto, Photo courAmerindian, white, black, and others, as well as mixtures of them all. Yet, there tesy of Priscilla is a dominant perception in Latin America that beauty consists of light skin and Gonzalez European features. “It is an identity problem. We don’t have an identity. We think that what is pretty is [on the screen], what is talent [is on screen],” Borda said. “Here, it doesn’t matter if you are short, fat, small, white, black; what maters is if you have the talent,” Borda said. “Danny DeVito is this big, Al Pacino isn’t pretty, Robert De Niro isn’t either, and they are huge actors.” 28
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{
{
'Muerto' livens up Big Screen By Katherine Laura
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avier Hernandez’s comic series "El Muerto" was brought to life with the imagination of director Brian Cox and has made it to Hollywood as a film adaptation titled The Dead One. With star actors such as Wilmer Valderrama, Angie Cepeda, Tony Plana, and Maria Conchita Alonso, the story of El Muerto was released on DVD this past September 18, 2007. Based on the comics of El Muerto and the rich history of the ancient civilization of the Aztecs, The Dead One is the story of Juan Diego de la Muerte, a boy chosen by the Aztec god of death, Mictlantecuhtli, to fulfill an ancient prophecy. In a car accident on his way to a Día De Los Muertos festival this prophecy becomes reality. Diego, played by Valderrama, has to struggle with being neither dead nor alive in a world where he must fight between good and evil. His girlfriend Maria, played by Angie Cepeda, is Diego’s only hope to survive this struggle. Brian Cox has taken Hernandez’s comics and created a unique film mixing suspenseful struggle and a tremendous love force that breaks through many barriers. Actor Tony Plana, who plays the part of the cemetery caretaker Aparicio, adds that the struggle between good and evil in the film can also be seen as the struggle within us individually as well as within our cultures. The dual nature of El Muerto is described by Plana as an “overt struggle between good and evil.” It is a battle that we all struggle with through acts of greed and selfishness. Plana describes the film as a “wonderful personification of the character who wrestles with both his cultural traditions...old and new.” For Plana, the film is “moved by the struggle between good and evil but also within the good and evil within our cultures. [There are] good and bad aspects of both cultures; the Aztec and the American. [We need to] observe and integrate those powers and qualities in each of the cultures which lead to love.” Plana’s character, Aparicio, is a spiritual man who visits his deceased wife’s tomb consistently. He also acts as a spiritual advisor and mentor to El Muerto, because he sees in El Muerto not only his healing powers but also the hope for an afterlife and the hope to see his wife again. Plana describes the film as a wonderful accomplishment produced by the collaboration of the director Brian Cox, great actors such as Wilmer Valderrama, and comic creator Javier Hernandez, whose work is an unusual expression of the comic genre. Plana believes it challenges us to take a look at ourselves, to lead more conscious lives, and to have more pride in the culture we come from while integrating the culture we live in to create our own new, third world — like the one El Muerto lives in, between the living and the dead.
DOCUMENTARY UNCOVERS SWEATSHOP INJUSTICES By Athena Reyes
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hen a film screening draws so many people that a number of them are left standing in the aisles (even after a second room has been opened to try to accommodate everyone), you know the film must have promised its audience a compelling story. Made in LA lives up to its promise. Screened at UCLA this past January 29, Made in LA tells the story of Lupe Hernandez, Maura Colorado, and Maria Pineda – three immigrant garment workers who for three years, from 2001 to 2004, fought and struggled
to obtain basic labor rights from fashion chain Forever 21. With the help of LA’s Garment Worker Center (a non-profit organization dedicated to assisting garment workers in their fight for justice), these three women, and other workers like them, organized a boycott and filed a lawsuit against the retailer for the deplorable conditions, below-minimum-wage pay, and excessive hours of work they endured during their employment. For example, workers typically labor for 12 hours or more a day in factories riddled with rats and roaches. Employers often lock them up and do not allow them to take breaks to eat or go to the bathroom. Maura’s employer even spat at her the day he fired her for asking for her rights. And workers endure all of this and more for a meager $200 a week. In the film, moments of distress and uncertainty, together with moments of laughter and perseverance, spotlight these workers’
long journey towards justice, creating a beautiful portrait of what the human spirit can achieve. By focusing on the personal lives of only three of the garment workers (Lupe, Maura, and Maria) and by telling the story through their eyes, director Almudena Carracedo highlights these immigrant workers’ humanity – an element often missing in today’s media portrayal of immigrants. Lupe Hernandez, a dynamic force within a petite frame, emerges as a leader during the campaign. She articulates one of the most insightful moments in the film when she visits Ellis Island and the Lower East Side Tenement Museum in New York City, realizing that the exploitation of immigrants has been going on for ages. “Nothing has changed,” she muses as she learns of the plight of European immigrants in America at the beginning of the 20th century. Later, she earnestly writes down the words she sees on a protest sign in an old picture: “Unity is Strength: ORGANIZE.” Moments like these place these women’s struggles in a larger context, underscor-
ing that their particular battle against Forever 21 is a part of an ongoing campaign in the fight for human rights that's been going on for years. The film also follows the story of Maura Colorado, a mother of three who left her children with her parents in El Salvador when she came to the United States to find work. At the time of filming, 18 years had passed since she had last seen them. Audiences will find it hard not to tear up as Maura watches an almost-worn-out videocassette from 1987 of her children and the rest of her family back in El Salvador, which she plays whenever she wants to remember them. Maria Pineda must not only strive against the abuses of her job, but also with those of her alcoholic husband. He eventually does not even allow her to go to the protests. Her story is one of finding the strength to assert herself and claim her rights as a human being. All of the women undergo significant transformations throughout the course of the film.
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Government EXPRESIONES EXPRESIONES
By Elizabeth Carrera You told me not to pollute Despite the fact that the air I breathe contains the deadly toxins your capitalistic industries release and my playground is littered with the broken bottles and the trash you promised to clean, but your current military investments as well as your spoiled children didn’t leave time for your colored stepchildren in your busy schedule And god forbid you take out money and time from your important campaign and new office
You told me not to do drugs Despite the fact that I could barely put something in my stomach and that life on the streets was sometimes better than life at home. That no one cared and neither did you, you just didn’t want me to make you look bad. And that you prefer me to waste away my life to drugs just so you can say that you were right all along and make empty promises of cleaning up the streets on your next campaign
You told me not to get involved in gangs and violence Despite the fact that my streets are filled with abandoned teenagers and a clash between the righteous, superior police and their blind discrimination against my people. And then you had the nerve to shift the blame toward undocumented immigrants knowing full well that it was your bastard children you tend to ignore.
You told me not to drop out of school Despite your belief that I would fail in the decaying building of a school, despite of the segregation and the fact we were just money to you, they way you smile thinking you had given charity and then left us there to rot in what you call your education system.
But now you tell me that my people are the ones to blame, you claim national security knowing that the Canadian border is as much of a threat and the suicide bombers of 9/11 came here LEGALLY through the Canadian border. You need our labor and so you propose a plan that will squeeze all the life of those across the imaginary border and then toss them back lifeless as a spoiled child tosses the used toy and begs for more. And you expect me to listen? And you expect me to stay quiet and look the other way? And you expect me to ignore the cries of humiliation, poverty and injustices?
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Congratulations to the winners of the Spanish and Portuguese Department's 2008 Short Story Contest.
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Por Eden E. Fairweather Aún recuerdo aquella mañana templada con olor a sierra, cuando nos bajamos del bus y una niña de mi edad con el pelo rizado corrió a recibirnos a la orilla de la carretera. Traía a sus dos hermanitos atrás, cansados, faltos de aire, pero curiosos por conocer a las invitadas. “Me llamo Yanesi”, nos dijo la mayor, “mi ‘amá nos mandó p’ayudarlas a cargar las maletas”. Durante esa época, mi mamá caminaba con dos bultos rosados bajo sus ojos, y de vez en cuando le brotaba un líquido cristalino sin aparente razón. No sé qué pensamientos pasaban por su cabeza, pero su agonía era contagiosa. Yo inhalaba cada uno de sus suspiros y a veces, al exhalar, el aire rozaba aquel maldito nudo que se expandía en mi garganta. Caminamos por la única calle pavimentada del pueblo, poblada de casas coloridas y vendedores de lotería, hasta llegar a la casa de Meidys. “Anda Marlén, pensé que nunca ibas a llegar, apúrate quel sancocho se enfría”, nos decía, mientras nos rodeaba a mí y a mi hermana con sus cálidos brazos. “Con que éstas son tus hijas, mira ve, la mona y la morena, qué maravilla. Echen pa’ dentro peladas que ya es hora de comer”, decía mientras Yanesi y su hermana menor, María Cata, nos jalaban de la mano hacia dentro. En la sala, había un enorme cuadro del Sagrado Corazón de Jesús que daba la bienvenida, un arreglo de muebles cubiertos de plástico y un montón de inútiles figuritas de porcelana que se esparcían por la habitación como hierba mala. Pusimos las maletas en el piso, y nos sentamos a comer. En ese rincón del mundo, el tiempo hacía piruetas en el aire y se movía con la misma lentitud que el humo ascendiente del incienso encendido. Después del almuerzo mi hermana se perdió en el patio, jugando con los demás niños
del barrio. No sabía por qué estábamos en ese pueblo, y seguramente le daba igual. “Marlén, ¿trajiste lo que te dije?”, le preguntó Meidys a mi mamá mientras ella asentía con la cabeza. Al rato, sacó una bolsa azul de su maleta y ambas se dirigieron al cuarto que quedaba en el fondo de la casa. Si alguna vez me lo preguntan, diría que lo más hermosos de mi madre son sus ojos. Tiene una mirada impactante, ojos perfectamente simétricos e inmensamente expresivos, una mirada que cuando la sigues, te sumerges en ella, y cuando no lo haces, sientes que te observa. Por un instante, antes de perderse tras la cortina rajada, dio vuelta y me clavó esas dos esferas cristalinas a punto de estallar. Había confirmado mis sospechas. Estábamos ahí, para traerlo de vuelta. Él nos había arruinado la vida, y quería que regresara. Las madrugadas que las tres amanecimos juntas después de haberlo echado de la casa, abrazadas en la cama, desgastadas en el sabor salado de las almohadas después de una larga noche de gritos y patadas, puertas tumbadas y juguetes rotos no eran suficientes para acabar con ese sentimiento enfermizo que tenía por él. Las seguí después de que entraron al cuarto. La puerta estaba cerrada, pero había un huequito sobre el candado. “Escribe su nombre en este papel y el de ella en aquél. Después los meteremos aquí”, explicaba Meidys mientras sacaba dos sapos muertos de la bolsa azul. A su izquierda había cuatro velas que alumbraban un altar con santitos anónimos, y a su derecha, una fila de curiosas botellitas púrpuras. Escogió una al azar y luego vació su contenido dentro de la boca de los sapos antes de embutir los papelitos en cada orificio. Yo estaba presionando la oreja contra el hueco para oír lo que decían cuando, de repente, sentí una mano caliente sobre mi espalda y brinqué del
susto. “Tu mamá está aquí para el conjuro del quitamarido; es lo más popular que hay. Van a enterrar los sapos en el patio a media noche, si quieres te llevo” murmuraba Yanesi con un tono orgulloso, como si la información que me daba fuese esencial para mi existencia y la hubiese aprendido en la escuela de brujas, como todas las mujeres de su familia. Esa noche, mientras permanecía acostada en una bola de pesares, contemplando el vaivén de las piezas que se unían para marcar el retorno de aquel despreciable ser, el traqueteo del ventilador que se esforzaba para dar vuelta era lo único que me distraía. A las doce, Yanesi vino a buscarme como lo había prometido. Atravesamos el pasillo de puntillas hacia la puerta del patio, y alumbradas por la luz de la luna y una vela chueca vi a esas dos mujeres tapando un agujero al pie de la palmera. No pude contener el impulso y corrí hacia ellas. Pero mi mamá y aquella mujer, ya habían terminado la primera parte. Sincronizadamente dieron vuelta hacia mi, ambas con el conjuro en la boca, resueltas para hacer lo que fuera con tal que no arruinara la hechicería. De repente mis piernas empezaron a derretirse, el coraje que había armado se me escurría por los poros. Mamá me azotaba con la mirada. Era demasiado tarde, ya no importaba. Me quedé ahí, descalza, unida al barro que cubría ese cementerio de indefensas almas, haciendo el último intento por respirar, para que ella también pudiera
EXPRESIONES EXPRESIONES
QUITAMARIDO
inhalar el atormentado aliento.
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Melodía EXPRESIONES EXPRESIONES
Por José Esteban Córdoba de la Barrera
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El olor sofocante del cigarrillo de Andrés me había despertado. Eran apenas ocho de la mañana y este pendejo ya había comenzado con su cagante vicio. -¡No mames guey...ya deja de fumar esa madre!-¡por el amor de dios! deja de chingarme Damián!Un par de horas mas y partiríamos para la hacienda del abuelo de Rodrigo en Tepoztlán, su familia tiene un chingo de dinero ya que en los ochenta compraron un montón de empresas nacionales que hoy en día valen millones de dólares. Me pare al baño pare lavarme la boca ya que el olor de jagermeister que tome ayer me estaba dando nauseas. Me mire al espejo, y note que por fin me estaba saliendo mi bigote. Me emocione, ya soy todo un hombre. Siempre he querido tener un bigote como el de Pedro Infante. Los gritos eufóricos de la sirvienta no tardaron en despertar a los demás. -¡Niño Rodrigo! teléfono!-¡Maria carajo! ¡No ves que estamos dormidos!- le grito -¡Es su madre!Rodrigo agarra el teléfono inalámbrico con enojo -¿que onda ma?-Rodrigo no se te vaya a olvidar checarle el aceite al carro, ya que si le paso algo al mercedes de tu papa te mata-No ma, ya me lo has repetido mil veces...se lo checo antes de irme-Okay llámame cuando estén en la carreteraEl papá de Rodrigo esta de viaje en Suecia y si supiera que nos íbamos a llevar su mercedes a Tepoztáln nos descuartiza. Tengo un buen presentimiento de este viaje y ansias de salir lo más antes posible. Ya se nos hacia tarde y me decidí en despertar al muy huevon de Santiago. -Oye güey ya párate, se nos va a hacer tarde-hmmmmm-¡Santiago!-¿How you doin’? - Santiago bostezando Lo que más me caga del Santiago es que el muy mamón se siente gringo, el güey cree que es Joey Tribiani de “Friends.” Su gran sueño es vivir en un estudio en Mahattan, pero el pobre pendejo en su vida ha tomado una clase de ingles. Ya teníamos todo listo para comenzar nuestra aventura loca. Metí la ultima maleta en el carro cuando me di cuenta que no estaba mi CD de Queen. -¿Oye Andrés has visto mi CD de Queen?-no güey, no le dejaste en la casa de la Mari ayer en la noche?Lo que me faltaba, me voy a tener que aguantar dos putas horas escuchando los Red Hot chili Peppers. Siempre que Rodrigo maneja nos tortura con las repetitivas canciones de “Californication.” No me sorprendería que me sepa de memoria todas las rolas de ese álbum. Habíamos emprendido en nuestra aventura loca, y para nuestra fortuna no había tráfico en la autopista. Me agradaba la idea de alejarme por una semana de la cuidad. La verdad, lo único que me molesta de la cuidad es el trafico. Santiago no tardo en expresar sus fantasías hollywoodenses. -¿no estaría de pocas que nos consiguiéramos una Españolita como en “Y tu mama también”?El calor era insoportable, el carro se transformaba lentamente en L A
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una sauna. Me hubiera bañado, ya ni modo. La melodía de “scar tissue” penetraba mi oído y se convertía en un sonido agudo. Por suerte me acorde que tenia en mi bolsillo izquierdo el toque que Paulina me había dado ayer en la fiesta. Ya me salve. -¿alguien quiere?-no güey ya no puedo, no ves que Jenny se enoja conmigo- Santiago con voz baja -bueno más para miLo prendo y me quedo dormido. El olor de sudor que plaga el Mercedes del año me despierta. El pegajoso calor y el denso aire me desesperan. Muero por un trago de agua. El letrero “Bienvenidos al estado de Morelos” nos indicaba que pronto arribaríamos a nuestro destino. Unos 40 minutos más y llegaríamos a Tepoztlan. Me muero por subir al Tepozteco. Siempre he tenido una rara fascinación con las pirámides desde que era chico. Ayer en la noche Paulina me contaba que la energía espiritual que se siente cuando llegas al tope del Tepozteco es inexplicable. Me lo imagino. -¡lo primero que vamos a hacer cuando lleguemos es subir la pirámide! - les hago saber a los demás -¡primero unas chelas!- grito Andrés con entusiasmo Por fin habíamos llegado, y como predijimos no nos íbamos a escapar de las elecciones. “Vota por un México mejor, vota por Felipe Calderón.” Que hueva, ni nos podemos librar de este cabron en nuestras vacaciones. Caminamos por el colorido pueblo hasta encontrar un bar. Entramos a un lugar llamado “Los Colorines” y la rola “I will survive” de Gloria Gaynor estaba tocando a todo volumen haciendo vibrar al establecimiento. Ordenamos unas bohemias cuando me percate de un tipo parecido al papá de Rodrigo estaba bailando con una rubia alta voluptuosa. -¡no mames Damián, ese es mi papá!-¿no que estaba en Suecia?- le pregunta Andrés Rodrigo rojo como un jitomate rápidamente se acerca a su papá para enfrentarlo. Como odio el drama familiar, decido salir lo más antes posible del bar para emprender en mi aventura al Tepozteco. No dejare que el drama de Rodrigo arruine mis planes. Empiezo a caminar hacia el cerro, cuando me doy cuenta que no va a hacer tan fácil subirlo como me le esperaba. El camino estaba lleno de lodo y de piedras gigantescas bastante resbalosas. Pero lo que mas me incomodaba era el insoportable calor húmedo parecido al de Acapulco. El sudor de mi frente se resbala lentamente sobre mi cara y no tardaba en hacer arder una cortada que tenia en mi mejilla izquierda. Camine y escale por una hora hasta llegar al tope del cerro. Ahí estaba la bella pirámide. Lo único que me separa de ella era los treinta pesos que le tenía que pagar a la INAH. Los pagué rápidamente para poder disfrutar la bellísima vista del valle de México. Era realmente espectacular, el paisaje me dejo mudo. Paulina tenia razón, la vibra que se sienta aquí arriba es inexplicable. Esto era la lo que necesitaba, el silencio y la paz de la naturaleza para pensar en mi futuro. Tenía mis ojos cerrados disfrutando de la refrescante brisa cuando una melodía conocida me llamo la atención. Abrí los ojos y me di cuenta que un niñito del pueblo estaba cargando un mini estéreo. La melodía de “scar tissue” penetraba mis oídos como alfileres. Nunca podré escapar de la cuidad. -¡Oye niño! ¿Como conoces a los Red Hot Chili Peppers?-
Made in LA...continued from page 29 To see how the campaign against Forever 21 changes their lives is both captivating and thrilling. At times, it feels as if the audience accompanies them on their journey and shares their emotions. The only drawback to this film is its short 70-minute running time. I would have liked to see the women’s stories developed more fully. At the end of the film, I left wishing I could have seen more. However, the film’s ultimate strong point is that it portrays these women not as victims without agency, but fighters who take action. This powerful story is able to move and inspire audiences. The filmmakers are currently embarking on a yearlong outreach tour to bring this film to as wide an audience as possible. If there's a screening near you, remember to arrive early. Unlike the one at UCLA, the next screening may not offer an extra room, and you don't want to be left without a seat! If you would like to learn more about Made in LA, upcoming screenings, and how you can host your own screening at your community organization or school, go to www. madeinla.com. Rating:
La propuesta DREAM ACT... continued from page 23
De los más de 65,000 estudiantes indocumentados de High School que se gradúan anualmente en los Estados Unidos, solo de 5 -10% van a un tipo de educación superior, de acuerdo con el reporte de Roberto Gonzalez titulado, “Wasted Talent and Broken Dreams: The Lost Potential of Undocumented Students.” De acuerdo con el Current Population Surveys, en California, solo del 15-20% de estudiantes indocumentados asisten a una escuela de educación superior. Esto dicho, me pregunto, que derecho tienen estudiantes indocumentados de exigir e invertir gran parte de capital, ya sea tiempo o dinero, para demandar igualdad para una mínima parte de la comunidad indocumentada en los Estados Unidos. Basada en tres privilegios, estos estudiantes exigen una reforma migratoria exclusiva. Primero, se encuentra las hostilidades entre aquellos estudiantes indocumentados que llegaron legal o ilegalmente hace 5 o mas años, contra aquellos que llegaron recientemente y que no han tenido las oportunidades que el tiempo ofrece en este país. La ola de estudiantes indocumentados que llegaron a instituciones educativas después de la aprobada ley en California AB 540 en el 2001 son estudiantes que por la mayoría tienen 5 o mas años de estadía en California. De acuerdo con el Current Population Surveys, Urban Institute research, y Census del 2000, cada año 80,000 jóvenes indocumentados cumplen 18 años y que tienen 5 o mas años viviendo en los Estados Unidos. Al parecer los estudiantes con mayor tiempo en este país, que consecuentemente tienen mayor voz popular, buscan el beneficio propio y creen que por ser estudiantes merecen legalización. Desafortunadamente, también existen esos jóvenes que no tienen la oportunidad de asistir al colegio por que tienen que trabajar para poder comer y pagar las altas rentas. Octavio, un joven de 17 años con nombre ficticio para evitar repercusiones, comenta, “Llegue a Los Ángeles hace como 2 años, con solo un primo de México… y ahorita estoy trabajando en la costura por las noches.” Octavio establece que como no tiene familiares en Los Ángeles el tiene que pagar por su renta y comida. “No voy a la escuela pues porque tengo que trabajar, a eso vine,” comento Octavio. Jóvenes como Octavio sobrepasan numéricamente a jóvenes estudiantes indocumentados y a un así estos jóvenes van hacer dejados sin un sueño. Segundo, la mayoría de estudiantes que asisten al colegio ha sido porque alguien, ya sea un maestro, consejero, familiar, u otra persona los a alentado a seguir. Lamentablemente, demasiados estudiantes no tienen ese apoyo y deciden invertir su tiempo trabajando en empleos que pagan solo el salario mínimo. Muchos
jóvenes pierden el interés de asistir a un colegio por el alto costo, beneficios económicos no inmediatos, y un futuro migratorio incierto. Octavio dice que, “He escuchado del famoso Dream Act por la tele, pero no le he puesto mucha atención pues como no me ayudara, no se mucho de eso y tampoco estoy interesado en ir al colegio. Tercero, y finalmente, de una manera u otra los estudiantes indocumentados tienen una fuente de ingreso suficiente para pagar su colegiatura. Muchos trabajan, otros obtienen becas, otros son ayudados por familiares o amigos, y otros usan un sin numero de combinaciones para pagar. El punto es que en algún tiempo de su colegiatura y, por supuesto anteriormente, estos estudiantes tuvieron el acceso a este dinero para pagar su colegiatura. Tenemos que comprender que muchos jóvenes no tienen la facilidad de conseguir un trabajo, no tienen una familia que los apoyen moral o económicamente, ni tampoco tienen ese guía que les muestre el camino de cómo solicitar becas. Varios de los jóvenes indocumentados no saben de leyes estatales como la AB 540 o el proyecto de ley DREAM ACT y si tienen esa información no saben el camino adecuado de cómo explotar, a su benefició, esas leyes y propuestas. Estas tres razones elevan a estudiantes indocumentados a una esfera de poder donde tienen la facilidad de exigir cambio para ellos. Desdichadamente, la sociedad capitalista Estadunidense ha creado una barrera donde establece que el tiempo es dinero y que jóvenes que no estudian están perdiendo el tiempo. El DREAM ACT también tiene otra retorica oculta, la cual condena a esos jóvenes que no asistieran un colegio a añadirse a las columnas de soldados Estadounidenses. Después de los ataques del 11 de Septiembre, 2001 y la guerra contra Afganistán e Irak, la rama militar de los Estados Unidos necesitaba reclutar más soldados. En un articulo del New York Times titulado, “Army Effort to Enlist Hispanics Draws Recruits, and Criticism”, Lizette Alvarez reporta que entre el 2001-2005 el alistamiento de soldados Latinos creció un 26%. Dentro del ejercito la población Latina que esta activa en alguna parte del mundo es aproximadamente 10.8%, mientras en total representan un 14% en todas las fuerzas armadas Estadounidenses. También el ejercito a incrementado por $55 millones su programa para reclutar Latinos. El DREAM ACT, consecuentemente, ayudaría al ejército incrementando la población de jóvenes disponibles para reclutamiento. Pero, también esta clausula puede servir como un puente para poder asistir a la universidad, sin embargo muchos no lo ven como tal. De acuerdo con Octavio el, “Tal vez entraría a la militar para ganar mas dinero, pero no creo que mi objetivo seria para después ir a la escuela.” Es cierto que esta clausula del ejercito
sirve como una maniobra política para poder pasar el DREAM ACT, pero a que costo. Los estudiantes indocumentados tienen que pelear contra este reclutamiento y pedir una legalización más inclusiva y equitativa. Como Octavio varios otros jóvenes se encontrarían en esa misma situación. Finalmente, los lideres inmigrantes y organizaciones pro-inmigrantes que apoyan al DREAM ACT están siguiendo una retorica de vencimiento y no están confrontando a los creadores de la propuesta con otra propuesta mas general, que apoyen a los mas desafortunados. La visión estrecha que estos grupos han tomado, está dejando que los perpetradores de la propuesta dicten el camino de una legalización limitada y no vean el lado humanitario de la comunidad inmigrante indocumentada. Estos grupos también están perdiendo el enfoque, en el cual representan a la comunidad en general, una comunidad que sigue llegando ilegalmente. Estos son los que también necesitan una voz y un lugar en la mesa de negociaciones. Organizaciones pro-inmigrantes, consecuentemente, necesitan ver que la comunidad Latina no es homogénea, pero esta compuesta de diferentes poblaciones con diferentes objetivos y necesidades. Una ley como el DREAM ACT no cubriría ni siquiera la cuarta parte de todos los jóvenes que también sueñan con una vida mejor y mucho menos cubriría a los más de 12 millones de indocumentados. No estoy condenando a estos estudiantes que sueñan con una mejor vida, pero si quiero que se den cuenta que mas halla de las cuatro paredes de un salón, existen miles de personas de su misma edad, que no tienen ese privilegio de asistir algún colegio. ¿Que pasara con ellos, quien es su voz, quienes son sus guías, y en que momento decidiremos que ellos también merecen un sueño? Esta lucha por legalización tiene que ser mas comprensiva con los que no tienen voz dentro de nuestras comunidades inmigrantes. Estamos peleando por igualdad y equidad para todos, no solo para unos cuantos. Hay que pelear por una ley que sea más comprensiva y universal.
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��������������������� Wednesday, March 5, 2008 from 6:30 pm - 8:30 pm @ Silver Lake Wine (www.silverlakewine.com) 2395 Glendale Blvd. Los Angeles CA 90039 (323) 662-9024 Cost: $20 per person 21 & over event Tasting will include sampling of 3 featured wines and cheese. Part of the proceeds will go towards our ULAA Scholarship Programs.
��������������������������������������������������� Thursday, October 16, 2008 @ 6pm @ The Walt Disney Concert Hall 111 South Grand Avenue Los Angeles, CA 90012 To RSVP for any of our ULAA events, obtain information or to be added to our elist, please contact us directly at ulaa@uclalumni.net. Please visit our website @ www.uclalatinoalumni.net for more information on the organization & other scheduled events. Donate to the UCLA Latino Alumni Association at any time. Please visit this link for details: ������������������������������������������ Thanks to all for your help and support! Andrea Arias President UCLA Latino Alumni Association ��������������������������
W I N T E R 2 0 0 8 L A
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El Calendario
pa’ los que quieren un poco más de acción en sus vidas Conciertos
3/11 – Aventura Gibson Ampitheater 100 Universal City Plaza Universal City 91608 tickets @ LiveNation.com 818-622-4440
3/14 – 3/16 – Joan Sebastian Gibson Ampitheater 3/18 – Kinky The House of Blues 1530 Disneyland Drive Anaheim CA 92802 3/22 – Paquita la del Barrio Gibson Ampitheater 3/28 – Los Tigres del Norte Gibson Ampitheater
Conferences
4/2 – The Cure Hollywood Bowl 2301 N. Highland Ave. Los Angeles
4/17 – 4/18 - Breakthrough Strategies to Teach and Counsel Troubled Youth Website: http://www.youthchg.com Contact name: Ruth Wells Got problem kids? This class is the problem-kid problem-solver for counselors, child protection workers, social workers, justice workers, foster parents, psychologists, residential care workers, teachers, special educators
4/11 – Tego Calderon The Wiltern 3790 Wilshire Boulevard Los Angeles, CA 90010 213-388-1400 4/16 – Jay-Z , Mary J. Blige The Hollywood Bowl
4/2 - Latinos for Hire Los Angeles Convention Center West Hall B Info: 888-550-3777 www.LatinosForHire.com
4/18 – Alejandra Guzman Gibson Ampitheater 4/21 - Kanye West Nokia Theatre
Live Performances
Community Events 4/19 - Féria Árbol de la Vida – 12PM – 10PM http://www.selfhelpgraphics.com/events The overall mission of Feria Árbol de la Vida will be to emphasize that Todos somos de la misma raiz/We are all from the same root, through the themes of regeneration, rebirth and renewal. This new celebration is for the whole family, with something for all ages. Feria Árbol de la Vida will feature afternoon children’s workshops and entertainment, a variety of new organic foods and refreshments, live art and top local performers. Fiesta de Arte, Música, Danza y en Primavera: “Azul, Verde y Colorado” SolArt Gallery and Cafe Opening March 9, 2008 at 2 pm (Runs through April) www.solartgallerycafe.com Featuring art by Magú, Sergio Hernandez and many more. Among performers are Son del Centro with Caro Sarmiento and Zack de la Rocha.
3/21 – Margaret Cho, Kelly Orpheum Theatre 842 S. Broadway, Los Angeles 90014 213-749-5171 Monday’s are Latino Nights @ The Laugh Factory 8001 W. Sunset Blvd. Tickets: $12-15, show begins at 8PM Info and reservations: 323-588-7373
Arte 2/23 – 4/5 – “Reinterpretation: A New Generation’s Commentary on Iraq” Exhibition presented by SPARC 685 Venice Blvd. Venice, CA. 90291 Gallery Hours: M-F: 10am-4pm, Sat: 1pm-4pm Info: (310) 822-9560 x15 http://www.sparcmurals.org 3/8- 3/9 – Leaps of Faith Japanese American National Museum 369 E. First Street Los Angeles, CA. 90012 Ten artists of different faiths and spiritual paths jump into the waters of interfaith collaboration in this work-in-progress performance of personal stories, dance, poetry and song. RSVP: (213) 250-8800, http://www.janm.org 3/2-3/26 - The Raw Arts Festival The Infusion Gallery
719 South Spring Street Los Angeles CA. 90014 www.infusiongallery.com Miguel Osuna, Sam Seawright Lawrence Asher Gallery, through March 8 5820 Wilshire Blvd., Ste. 100 Los Angeles, CA 90036 Info: 323-935-9100 http://www.lawrenceasher.com Graciela Iturbide – ‘The Goat’s Dance’ J. Paul Getty Museum, through April 13 1200 Getty Center Drive Los Angeles, CA 90049 Info: 310-440-7330, http://www.getty.edu Classic Mexico: 3 Films by Gabriel Figueroa When: Sunday, March 9, 2008 J. Paul Getty Museum
Figueroa was one of the most prominent cinematographers during Mexico’s Golden Age of Cinema (1930s- 1950s). Screenings are free, but call to reserve space. Films selected: “Nazarín,” “Enamorada” and “The Fugitive.” A Conversation on Curating Ethnically Specific Exhibitions Wednesday, April 23, 7 pm Hammer Museum 10899 Wilshire Blvd. Los Angeles CA. 90024 UCLA professor and Chicano Studies Research Center director Chon Noriega moderates a discussion on curating ethnic exhibitions. Also featuring Malik Gaines, Rita Gonzalez, and Karin Higa.