2.2.2.2. Gender inclusion in urban planning

urban space, and the right to everyday life explores urban planning through a practical approach, it explores gendered mediation of space in everyday life.

A Gender Agenda gives an introduction to the key concepts of feminist methodology of research, planning theory, feminist theory, and the application of feminist theory on planning theory in arenas of (i)spatial, economic, social relationships, (ii)language and communication, (iii)epistemology and methodology, (iv)ethics, (v)nature of public domain, and gender sensitive theory on urban planning research (Sandercock and Forsyth, 1992). Gender, urban space, and the right to everyday life focuses on everyday life to understand the gendered mediation of space. In order to explain the gendered mediation of space, gender, urban space and the right to normal life are based on daily life. The study suggests that a broader variety of urban environments are deserving of consideration, and daily spaces are often ignored when debating gender inclusion (Beebeejaun, 2017).

The above studies give theory and praxis of gender in urban spaces with its roots in feminist theory. Both the studies narrow down the feminist political struggles associated with urban planning into three components. According to Gender, urban space, and the right to everyday life, the reasons for women’s unequal position in society are rooted in:

Firstly, there is women’s economic inequality in the labor market, along with the continuing burden of unpaid labor disproportionately falling on women; secondly there is women’s underrepresentation across a range of political and leadership roles; and thirdly, there is the persistence of widespread violence against women. (Beebeejaun, 2017, p. 323)

The solutions for the same points are discussed by Sandercock and Forsyth (1992),

(i)women’s participation in public domain and spaces, (ii)create and protect public space for women, (iii)redefining nature and extent of public domain.

However, both the studies reinforced cisnormativity by failing to mention other non-binary groups oppressed by gender. The tyranny of gendered spaces – reflections

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from beyond the gender dichotomy is an autoethnographic study of gendered division of spaces centered on gender variants. The autoethnographic methodology of the paper challenges the norm of objectivity that assumes that the subject and object of research can be separated and that personal experiences are unscientific, and thereby follows a basic principle of feminist methodology (Butler, 2006; VandenBos, 2015). According to Doan (2010), the tyranny of gender operates in public spaces because people are empowered to act as heteronormatively structured gender enforcers in public spaces. The meaning of these implications is discussed by the author's living experience of this tyranny across a spectrum of public to private environments, including: parking lots, public bathrooms, shopping centres, the office and the home. Her personal experiences of harassment in public transport, elevators draw attention to the vulnerability of congested public spaces, in contrast to the known insecurity of isolated spaces. This suggests the severity of ubiquitous nature of the heteronormative gender tyranny. Yet, the number of studies done on spatial relations and non-binary gender is very limited (Doan, 2010).

2.2.3. Gender-inclusion initiatives

● UN SDG goals - Goal 5(gender equality), Goal 11(sustainable cities):

Goal number 11 of UN SDG aims to make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable. In goal 11, different targets aim to achieve adequate, safe and affordable housing and basic services and upgrade slums, provide access to safe, affordable, accessible and sustainable transport systems to all, sustainable urbanization, sustainable human settlement planning and management in all countries, provide universal access to safe, inclusive and accessible, green and public spaces, in particular for women and children, rural areas by strengthening national and regional development planning, and, to support least developed countries in building sustainable and resilient buildings (UNITED NATIONS, 2016).

UN SDG Target 5 seeks to achieve gender inequality and encourage all women and girls through the provision of public facilities, infrastructure and social security

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policies to consider and respect unpaid care and domestic labour (UNITED NATIONS, 2016).

● Some of the initiatives in India for gender-inclusive planning, 1. UNICEF, UN-Habitat and UN Women in 2011 launched ‘Safe and Friendly Cities for All,’ in few Indian cities such as Delhi, Mumbai, Thiruvananthapuram; a five year program that aims at making women and children feel safer in their local neighbourhoods, while improving their quality of life (“UN Launches Initiative to

Make Cities Safer for Women and Children,” 2011). 2. JNNURM (Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission) dealing with reform and good governance suggests guidelines for gender mainstreaming into planning and decision making process, transportation and crime prevention through environmental design. Urban development focused on gender is about promoting cities which respond to men and women equally. Nevertheless, because women experience cities differently, addressing the needs of women is key to fostering sustainable/equitable urban growth. Women's interests have conventionally been under-represented in politics and projected growth in patriarchal economies such as India. In building inclusive communities, improving the role and involvement of women in urban government is crucial and will be a key indicator of JNNURM 's progress. (Mahimkar and Gokhale, 2015) 3. To attain equitable development, Indian government has initiated various policies for economic and political development with the aim of inclusion of women in the development process as per the 11th Five year Plan of 2007-12. 11th Five year

Plan of 2007-12 created mechanisms for safe and sensitive support services, shelter homes for women and girls; free legal aid cells counselling centres, and trauma units for victims and survivors of violence, in collaboration with NGOs in every district and many other actions supporting gender inclusiveness in planning, was implemented (Government of India, 2007).

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2.3. Gender and consumption

2.3.1. Separation of consumption from production

How do these economists who formulated the contemporary definitions of the terms define consumption? It is ‘consumption proper’ when nothing of value is created in a process and ‘productive consumption’ if something of value is created while some value is used, devoured, destroyed (Sandercock and Forsyth, 1992). Was consumption of food at home, at that point, a productive demonstration? According to Marx, in capitalism such consumption would not be accounted as production because exchange-value for labor-power entered the capital equation merely as a cost and therefore the capitalist could not afford any surplus value to the realization and production of wealth (Marx and Nicolaus, 1973).

While we have consistently consumed since the beginning of time, the idea of consumption isolated from production is rooted in separations: separation of home from the working environment, separation of time for (work) from time for leisure, separation of the public from the private. The distinction of consumption from output in concept arrived with these separations. Progressively, acts at home, leisure, in the private space came to be viewed as considered consumptive and production was done in the public area, office, workplace. (Flrat, 1991).

2.3.1.1. Gender perceptions of consumption In societies which later formed the western civilizations women came to primarily occupy the private domain and men the public domain (Flrat, 1991). As explained in earlier section, Sex identified biological features, but in short, gender gave them their definitions, positions and status, their society. Feminine (female) was the consumer, in the home, the private domain. The producer, in the workplace, the offices, the political realm, the public sphere, was masculine (male). Given this mentality, masculine activities in the public domain were worthwhile, therefore, meriting payment. Feminine activity at home did not contribute to national income, therefore, did not merit to be paid.

A paradoxical circumstance in the private domain was that while women were praised for undertaking their important social tasks of childrearing and taking care of

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men, they were belittled for being such consumers. Consuming, after all, was valueless; a profane and banal act (Flrat, 1991).

Another explanation comes from the concept that if women influence financial decisions, households would be more secure is based on data from several different contexts, showing that women invest more carefully than men, spend more on household security and less on personal products (Raju and Lahiri-Dutt, 2012). The whole family is more likely to benefit from credit targeted at women, compared with credit targeted at men (Kabeer, 1998; Khandker, 1998; Nations, 1995; Raju and Lahiri-Dutt, 2012). Kelkar (2005) explained the reason behind this trend in the following words:

Perhaps because of women’s gender responsibility of provisioning the household (acquiring and processing food) women tend to spend more of the income they control for household consumption goods. This is in contrast to the behaviour of men who tend to spend more of the income they control, on themselves, alcohol, entertainment, etc, and consequently neglect the consumption needs of children and others in the household. (Kelkar, 2005, p. 4695)

2.3.1.2. Gendered consumption and leisure In the contemporary postmodern society, consumption is equated with leisure, and leisure by consumption is associated with women as shopping is seen as a part of domestic labour and the hard work associated with it, and hence, ‘feminine’ and gendered (2017). Leisure spaces act as ‘third spaces’ between home and work, where women interact for sociability and are free to stroll around in public (Paul, 2017). The pertaining to the male domination of public leisure space, differences among women in relation to their access to leisure, and control of public leisure space has been discussed in Mapping gendered spatialities in leisure.

2.3.2. Perception of consumption spaces based on gender

Within the public spaces of consumption in a city, ‘urban consumption spaces’ in the scope of the study shall consist of shopping malls and retail shops in informal shopping streets.

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Consumption lies at the ideological core of the contemporary city, central in the economy, politics and culture (Marskamp, 2012; Miles, 2010). It bridges the communal and the individual, and the city represents the foremost visible and uncovering expression of this process. In the contemporary postmodern society, consumption is equated with leisure, and leisure by consumption is associated with women as shopping is seen as a part of domestic labour and the hard work associated with it, and hence, ‘feminine’ and gendered (Paul, 2017). ‘A department store, which is an interiorized public street transformed into a private space’, becomes an acceptable space for women to enter alone (Paul, 2017). This perhaps clarifies why the regular gendered limitations to practicing leisure proceed to apply. One key observation by Paul:

Women’s access to leisure even within NCSs continues to be linked to factors sustaining gender inequalities in society such as domestic work, reproductive and care roles, the engendered labour market, gender relations in the household, and public/private and unsafe/safe dichotomies (2017).

Modern consumption spaces appeal to ‘feminine’ sensibilities, and provide ‘safe’ hang out locations for women and in this way, the public life is contained in private spaces. But, accessibility to the modern consumption spaces, which offer a safe environment compared to crowded markets, are limited by the dependence on purchasing power and socio-economic backgrounds.

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3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1. Selection criteria for case studies

Through the initial literature review and examples of studies, it was found that qualitative aspects of space can be studied better with participant observations, activity mapping, on-site interviews with users, substantial emphasis has been given on the identification and analysis of case studies. Case studies which have mapped the above mentioned aspects in relation to gender were selected based on the following criteria,

● Location- Consumption spaces of Tier 1 cities of India ● Time period of study- To analyze (any possible) differences and similarities in patterns of usage, studies conducted in different time periods from early 2000s to present shall be selected. ● Data collection method(s)a. Mapping of details of built-environment, other users of space, dynamics of space with time, any other influences using drawings. b. Photo documentation c. Survey method ● Both usage and experience by different genders should be clearly marked. ● Sample size- Minimum 50 women. Majority or all of the respondents/subjects of study should be women.

3.2. Identification of case studies

4.2.1. Gender and Space project by PUKAR- study of public spaces of Mumbai, India (2003) 4.2.2. Safety audits by Jagori- study of public spaces of Delhi, India (2007) 4.2.3. Safety audits by Jagori- study of public spaces of Delhi, India (2013) 4.2.4. Mapping gendered spatialities in leisure- study of new urban consumption spaces of Kolkata, India by Tanusree Paul (2017)

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3.3. Primary survey study

The primary study is based on an online survey to understand the spatial accessibility by a specific gender, level of inclusion of urban consumption spaces and spatial attributes which provides for that.

3.4. Parameters of study

Parameters for the study and criteria for analysis was arrived at through literature review and preliminary analysis of case studies. It has been divided into,

1. User background 2. Context 3. Accessibility 4. Dynamics with time 5. Social influence 6. Safety 7. Built-environment- Walkability, Openness, Visibility, Lighting, Physical infrastructure, Common amenities

3.5. Framework for analysis

Criteria of study

User background Age

Marital status

No. of children

Gender of children

Average amount spent on consumption Average leisure hours/day How user background affects the usage, perception and experience of urban consumption spaces Socio-economic conditions as a differentiating factor

Questions Possible analysis

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Context Location of city/town Regional and cultural influence, if any

Type of consumption space within the city/town

Accessibility Mode of transportation to consumption space

Usage hours and timings of public transport

Avoidance of certain spaces primarily because of one’s gender- travel options

Dynamics of time Usage hours and timings of public transport

Usage hours and social constraints Comparative analysis of different typologies

Analyze gendered constraints on mobility, if any

Analyze participation by different gender with dynamics of time; Spatial accessibility of consumption spaces by each gender

Social influence Location of city/town Regional and cultural influence, if any

Usage hours and social constraints

Avoidance of certain spaces due to social constraints Spatial accessibility of consumption spaces by each gender

No., gender and relation to accompanier(s)

Judgements towards outfit/actions Social perception of women as legitimate users of public space;

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Safety

Built-environme nt Usage and experience due to presence/absence of one’s gender

Usage and experience due to the no. of other users of space

Usage and experience due to the gender of other users of space Study the extent of influence of other users of space on usage and experience of urban consumption spaces by each gender

Judgements towards outfit/actions Social perception of women as legitimate users of public space;

Usage and experience due to the no. of other users of space

Usage and experience due to the gender of other users of space

Avoidance of certain spaces due to one’s gender- lack of people from same gender

Usage and experience due to perception of safety Perceived safety of consumption spaces by each gender; Perceived safety for women in consumption spaces by each gender; Influence of perceived safety on the usage and experience of urban consumption spaces by each gender

Perception of safety for women

Experience of harassment Experienced safety of consumption spaces by each Avoidance of certain spaces due gender to one’s gender- lighting

Usage/Avoidance of spacesamenities like washrooms, ATMs, etc. Analysis of the influence of built environment on the usage and experience of urban consumption spaces by each gender;

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Avoidance of certain spaces due to one’s gender- lighting

Visibility of space To replace participant observation and on-site activity mapping

Type of consumption space within the city/town

Usage/Avoidance of certain spaces due to one’s genderhygiene

Usage of consumptions spaceOverall ambience/atmosphere

Table 1. Criteria of study and possible analysis (Source: Author)

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4. CASE STUDIES

Gender and Space project by PUKAR

Safety audits by Jagori

Mapping gendered spatialities in leisure

Location Mumbai, India Delhi, India Kolkata, India

Year 2003 2007 2017

Source PUKAR (Partners for Urban Knowledge, Action and Research), an independent research collective, and urban knowledge production center Jagori- a women's training, communication and research center

Data collection method

Primary survey Mapping of details of built-environment, activities of other users of space, dynamics of space with time, any other influences using drawings. Primary survey,

Activity mapping through photo documentation

Independent research by Tanusree Paul

Categories of study

Context Context Context

NA Accessibility NA

NA Dynamics of time Dynamics of time

Social influence Social influence Social influence

Safety Safety Safety

Built- environment Built- environment Built- environment

Table 2. Case studies (Source: Author)

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4.1. Consumption spaces, Mumbai, India

● Location- Public spaces of Mumbai, India ● Year of study- 2003-2006 ● Method of data collection- Mapping of activities and physical details through drawings ● Source- Gender and Space project by PUKAR ● Sample size- 86 (11 men, 75 women)

In order to analyse the order and experience of the city and its diverse spaces, particularly public spaces, PUKAR focused on gender as a category. The project discussed problems relating to gendered spaces with regard to the state, the market, cultural standards and activities and, ultimately, with regard to the aesthetics of the architecture of urban public spaces and the visions of urban planners for urban structures. At a macro stage, this was a reaction to the ways in which various ideologies, cultural practices and narratives imagine and create public spaces.

Four public spaces in Mumbai were mapped with subtle features of the environment, detailed land use patterns, informal structures, amenities, street furniture, trees, light posts, transportation hubs to document the dynamics of space. Gender and Space project primarily uses two methods to study the patterns of inhabitation of space,

(i) ‘Putting people in place’ which maps the location and number of people, (ii) ‘Tracing peoples paths’ which maps the patterns of movement in space.

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4.2. Consumption spaces of Delhi, India

● Location- India Gate, Nehru Place, Connaught Place ● Year of study- 2007 ● Method of data collection- Participant observation, Mapping of details as drawings ● Source- Jagori, Delhi ● Sample size- 500 women

In order to understand the gendered nature of access to public spaces and its effect on women’s mobility, Jagori conducted over 30 “safety audits” around the city. These audits, along with the findings from a survey of 500 women across the city and several group discussions, provide the data which this paper uses to explore the ways in which public spaces are viewed and accessed by men and women.

As a first step, safety audits aimed at identifying factors that cause safety and unsafety for women were conducted in different parts of the city. The following were mapped in the areas of Nehru Place, Connaught Place and India Gate,

1. Physical infrastructure or the built environment – streetlights, the state of pavements, bus stops, how tall the trees are, whether they cover the streetlights, the maintenance of parks, dark/abandoned buildings or areas, the state of car parking areas. 2. Location of amenities- police booths, public telephones, shops and other vendors. In the case of shops, we also noted the kind of shops as certain shops such as auto parts or liquor have primarily male customers. 3. Spatial accessibility according to gender. 4. Women users’ perceptions of safety.

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Figure 4. Mapping at Connaught Place (2007) (JAGORI team, 2007)

Figure 5. Mapping at India Gate (2007) (JAGORI team, 2007)

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4.3. Consumption spaces of Kolkata, India

● Location- New Consumption Spaces of Kolkata, India ● Year of study- 2017 ● Method of data collection- Primary survey, participant observation, photography documentation ● Source- Mapping gendered spatialities in leisure: the case of new consumption spaces in the city of Kolkata by Tanusree Paul

● Sample size- 270 women, 100 men

The study follows a mixed method of study with participant observation in a variety of shopping malls, departmental stores, and coffee and tea shops, and a primary survey to understand their experiences and perceptions of the new urban consumption spaces (NCS) of Kolkata. to understand the spatial attributes of the new urban consumption spaces (NCS) which gives a perceived safety to women.

Respondents of survey: From Information Technology (IT) sector- About 100 women, 30 men. From Other Retail (OR) sector- About 100 women, 30 men. From traditional sectors (TS) sector- About 70 women, 30 men. Total sample size-370

Although the sample thus drawn is not a representative one, it does offer valuable insight into perceptions of leisure and consumption spaces.

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5. PRIMARY SURVEY STUDY

Since the onset of the global pandemic has imposed restrictions on movement and accessibility, it would be beyond the scope of the study to conduct extensive site studies, activity mappings, participant observation, interact with real-time users of the shopping malls/market streets. Hence, a primary study was conducted based on an online survey to provide for similar data on usage and experience of urban consumption spaces.

Respondents have been identified by referral from friends of theirs who are known to the author, and then by snowballing from one referral to another. Although the sample thus drawn is not a representative one, it does offer valuable insight into perceptions and leisure behaviour.

Type of respondent

Unmarried men

Married men

Total men

Unmarried women

Married women

Total women

Nos. (%)

39 29.10%

9 6.72%

48 35.82%

59 44.03%

27 20.15%

86 64.18%

Non-binary/Gender variants

Total sample size

0 0.00%

134

Table 3. General information of survey sample (Source: Author)

The questionnaires for Online survey in English and Online survey in regional language are attached under Annexure.

5.1. Categories of study

The categories of the study are: User background, Context, Accessibility, Social influence, Dynamics with time, Safety, Built-environment.

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6. ANALYSIS

6.1. Case studies

6.1.1. Consumption spaces, Mumbai, India

In a drawing showing a mixed use urban street (residences, shopping, restaurant, park, industries) participants of the survey were asked to mark, 1. the possible position of women and men in that space 2. the path they would take from point A to B considering all the built-unbuilt factors

The image below shows the most likely positions and activities of users of space at about 6.30-7.00 PM on a pleasant spring weekday

Figure 6. ‘Putting people in place’ map (Ranade, 2007)

The image below shows the typical response to ‘path taken by women to traverse from

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point A to B on a weekday evening’.

Figure 7. ‘Tracing people’s path’ map- Typical path by a woman (Ranade, 2007)

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Category of study Analysis

User background Areas of study are not starkly contrasting in socio-cultural composition.

Context

Accessibility Transport hubs A typical mixed use urban street with residences, retail, public park, industry.

When asked to separately locate a woman and a man in their mid-20s, waiting to meet a friend, in most of the cases, the woman is located on the bus-stop; the man on the other hand most often is either standing at the street corner or in the tea-shop.

Parking for private vehicles No proper provisions for parking; Trucks, and cars parked on the road reduced the walkability of the space.

Social influence Other users of space

Safety Other users of space

Perception of safety Men were located sitting and hanging out on low walls adjoining the playground, standing near the paan shops, newspaper stands or just sitting around in the middle of the playground. Women tend to consistently avoid these male-dominated spaces esp. next to lottery shops and paan shops (Figure. 7). More women were located near hawkers and informal vendors.

Builtenvironment Lighting NA

Visibility Visibility of the street was enhanced by residences in between the commercial area.

Visibility of the street was enhanced by hawkers and informal vendors.

Openness Women chose the route next to the edge of the park, but not the space between parked trucks and dead, high wall adjacent to the factory.

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Walkability Broken footpath, trucks and cars parked on the road reduced the walkability of the space.

Physical infrastructure Typically, women chose to cross the road to avoid the paan shop.

Amenities Women were found to choose routes which have essentials like grocery shops, chemists etc. in comparison to wine shops, paan shops and lottery shops.

No available data on other amenities.

Landscape Periphery of the park was dominated by men resting in groups. Women were found next to the vendors in the park.

Table 4. Analysis of Case study- Consumption spaces, Mumbai (Source: Author)

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6.1.2. Consumption spaces, Delhi, India

For analysing the gender-space relations, the survey studied the state of the built environment, such as the location and condition of streetlights, the state of pavements, bus stops, the availability and condition of public toilets, the maintenance of parks, obstructions caused by overgrown trees and bushes, the presence of empty lots and waste dumps, abandoned or demolished buildings, dark lanes and the location and condition of car parking areas and common spaces. The location of amenities-police booths, public telephones, shops and other vendors. The predominant users of space and their perceptions of safety and patterns of usage of the space was also noted.

Figure 8. Activity mapping at India Gate. (JAGORI team, 2007)

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Figure 8. Activity mapping at Connaught Place. (JAGORI team, 2007)

Figure 9. Activity mapping at Nehru Place. (JAGORI team, 2007)

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Comparative analysis of India Gate, Connaught place and Nehru Place:

Category of study India Gate Connaught place Nehru Place

Context Location within the city

Accessibility Transport hubs High security zone because of its proximity to Rashtrapati Bhawan/other important buildings

Auto-stand, bus stops in walking distance; Several approaches to Parliament Street, Baba Kharak Singh Marg, Connaught PlaceJanpath, Chelmsford Road, Panchkuian Road, Barakhamba Road, Minto Road, and Kasturba Gandhi Marg.

Autos, taxi stands, and subway are available in walking distance (radial roads and along the outer circle). Busy commercial complex, with a large number of multistoried buildings with offices, informal commercial activities.

There are crowded bus stops with heavy traffic on the Outer Ring Road and on Lala Lajpat Rai Path;

Parking for private vehicles Parking options provided Compounded in underground car parks;

Surrounded by paid parking areas;

2 to 3 attendants in all car parks;

Compounded in underground car parks; Men drinking alcohol in cars;

Ramp leading to parking dimly lit.

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Dynamics of time Usage hours

Social influence Usage hours and social constraints

No. and gender of accompani er(s)

Other users of space

Safety Other users of space Women are seen mostly with family/male members after dark. After 8 p m, all women were either accompanied by a man or were in a group. Being a commercial area, the area is crowded during the day and relatively deserted early in the mornings and late in the evenings

Hardly came across women, especially on their own, after late evening.

Street vendors, family, other women More women were present in comparison to other markets (Nehru place). Vendors and service-providers such as cobbler; Tea and food stall run by women.

Women tend to avoid spaces within park where men are lying/sleeping

Street vendors, family, other women Few homeless men

Hardly came across women in the office areas, especially on their own, after late evening. Men drinking alcohol in cars.

Hardly came across women, especially on their own, after late evening.

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Builtenvironment Perception of safety Police patrol area, Presence of police personnels Closest Police Station is on Baba Kharak Singh Marg, in walking distance.

Interaction with women confirmed the perceived safety level Guards are present at all entrances of Palika bazar.

Large numbers of vendors in the subway.

Lighting Well-lit, pedestrian zone with large parks (including a children's park) on either side of Rajpath provides visual connectivity and Visibility improves the perceived safety Openness of the space.

Area lit by lights from shops and lamps of vendors

Well lit underground market.

Yes

Yes

Not in case of Palika bazarunderground market The Nehru Place Police Station is across the road from the main commercial complex.

Men drinking alcohol in cars.

Compounded in underground car parks;

Shops in the subway remain open as long as the subway is open.

Yes

Yes

Yes

Walkability Yes Mostly pedestrianized; Some sections of

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the pavement are broken.

Physical infrastructu re

Amenities Benches, proper pedestrian pathways

Police patrol area, Mobile phone booths. Dark entrance and exit points at some subways Some sections of the pavement is broken

Public toilets, Mobile phone booths, ATMs Dhabas and food stalls, ATMs

Few public toilets (few are locked and dimly lit)

Landscape Large park on either side of Rajpath, proper pedestrian pathways Central park in the centre of the site Mostly pedestrianized;

Some sections of the pavement are broken.

Table 5. Analysis of Case study- Consumption spaces, Delhi (Source: Author)

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6.1.3. Consumption spaces, Kolkata, India

Category of study Analysis

User background Profession The study notes that profession is also a significant factor among respondents. Although about 54 percent of women employed in NGSs only participate in leisure and chores with NCSs (New Consumption Spaces), only about 24 percent of those working in TS have done so, regardless of age.

Age Around 46% of those working in NGSs who only visited NCSs were over 41 years of age, while only about 17% of those working in TS who visited NCSs were over 41 years of age. On the other hand, about 54% of the younger respondents (<30 years) working in NGSs and only about 35% of those working in the TS are regularly associated with NCSs.

Context During colonial rule, the division of Indian space into public and private was exacerbated and postcolonial urban public space in India (also in Kolkata) became an ongoing competition between 'civil society'-an elite public domain that serves the bourgeois collective interest in promoting the colonial legacy-and' democratic society 'developed around the framework of modern political association. Civil society, which has increasingly been marginalised from the public domain, first by European rulers and, subsequently, by political society in post-independent India, is now attempting to regain its control over the urban public

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sphere through urban regeneration and gentrification programmes, which often involve the creation of new enclaves and rustic consumption spaces (Paul, 2017).

Dynamics of time

Social influence Usage hours These areas are overwhelmingly populated during the day by groups of young people, as well as old ladies, often with male friends, only hanging out and enjoying Usage hours their spare time. But women claim the nights at and social consumption spaces almost exclusively with families constraints (see Illustrations 3, 4), contrary to the occupancy patterns at daytime (see Illustrations 1,2).

No. and gender of accompanier (s)

Other users of space

Safety Other users of space Participant observation in the stores within shopping malls indicates that these places are mostly frequented by women in comparison to roadside open tea stalls (see Illustration 5) which are exclusively occupied by men.

Perception of safety NCSs do provide a new setting for social interaction for shaping lifestyles and needs for consumption, a space for the youth and the new professionals, but they operate as rather private spaces, by being surveilled and regulated by socially accepted codes of behaviour. As discussed in the section ‘Dynamics with time’, inclusivity, access, and safety are

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dynamically produced through space and are not equally inclusive at all times.

NCSs are deemed by most respondents to be safe to hang out even alone, as they are normally placed in safe areas and frequented by advanced society and so-called bhadrolok or civil crowds. Participant observation in the department stores further shows that these sites are mostly frequented by women.

Builtenvironment Visibility Participant observation in the stores within shopping malls indicates that NCSs are mostly frequented by Openness women in comparison to roadside open tea stalls (see Illustration 5) which are exclusively occupied by men.

Physical infrastructure In the study, more than 65% of women suggested that NCSs are convenient because all items of use are under one roof and therefore safe. Consequently, these specialty shops give them a convenient and healthier environment compared to the dusty and chaotic markets, as well as making repetitive tasks a liberating leisure experience, albeit at the cost of rising their burden of doing domestic chores.

Table 6. Analysis of Case study- Consumption spaces, Kolkata (Source: Author)

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Illustration 1. Women engaged in leisurely chat in the shopping malls during the day (Paul, 2017). Illustration 2. Women engaged in leisurely chat in the shopping malls during the day (Paul, 2017).

Illustration 3. Leisure in the shopping mall with the family in the evening (Paul, 2017) Illustration 4. Leisure in the shopping mall with the family in the evening (Paul, 2017)

Illustration 5. Roadside tea stalls exclusively occupied by men (Paul, 2017)

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6.2. Primary survey study

6.2.1. Context

Major regions of study:

1. Kochi, Kerala 2. Delhi NCR 3. Trivandrum, Kerala

The respondents of the survey majorly reside in Tier 1 and Tier 2 cities of India. From the survey data, not much disparity in purchasing power was observed between women consumers at local markets/streets and NCSs. 46.1% of women at local markets/streets and 52.5% women at NCSs spent less than Rs. 5000/month. But in comparison, 58.4% of men spent less than Rs.5000/month at local markets/streets, and 37% at NCSs. Men tend to spend more at NCSs than local markets/streets, while women’s expenditure is similar in both cases.

Figure 10. Major regions (Source: Author)

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