Vele di Scampia

VELE DI SCAMPIA

failure and possible future of an emblematic housing project in Naples

Lavinia Scaletti Guglielmetti Registration number: 080197018 Third Year Dissertation 2010-2011

Acknowledgments I would like to thank my tutor Florian Kossak for his guidance and thoughts on the implementation of this study, and particularly for his support throughout the research.

A special thank you to my friends from home who accompanied me to visit Corviale and who have been a valuable source of inspiration.

I would also like to thank my parents for their constant support and for their help in sourcing materials for this study.

Finally, a thank you to Aleksandra, Corina and Ghina for the enthusiasm and motivation they manifested for my essay.

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Contents Acknowledgments 2 Contents 3

Introduction 7 Case studies

Chapter I. Vele di Scampia and Corviale: the architecture as a source of problems

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Chapter II. Vele di Scampia and Zen2: the complexities of the context at the origin of the failure

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1. Concepts and architectural language of the projects 2. Architectural failures?

3. Impact of the buildings on the quality of life

1. Fragility of the socioeconomic and political contexts 2. The context as an obstacle for the success of the projects

Chapter III. Corviale and Zen2: overcoming the failure 45 1. Physical interventions as a first step towards better living conditions 2. Importance of major social interventions for the resolution of problems

Conclusion 57 What future for Vele di Scampia?

Appendices 64 1. Population growth in Naples, Rome and Palermo from 1861 to 2009 2. Illustrations of the project Vele di Scampia 3. Illustrations of the project Corviale 4. Illustrations of the project Zen2 5. Newspaper articles about Vele di Scampia

Bibliography 70 Image Credits 73

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Fig. 1. Inside Vele di Scampia.

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INTRODUCTION

‘Demolishing Vele [di Scampia] would give a signal to everyone but would not be enough.

A lot needs to be done for this district, from the houses to employment’.

- Antonio Salvati 1

It was on the occasion of the publication of the book Gomorra in 2006 and of the movie inspired by it in 2008 that people were made aware of Vele di Scampia’s existence, a housing complex in the suburbs of Naples that was built in the early 1970s.2 Soon after, an increasing negative image of this council estate spread to a wider scale. Today Vele stands as an emblematic example of Italian post-war social housing, as a ‘rotten symbol of the architectural delirious’ that could not contrast the impact of criminal and illegal activities on the ‘social fabric of this place’.3 Words that are constantly associated with it are degradation, violence, criminality. If at the time of its conception the project represented a revolutionary piece of architecture for its innovative approach mixed with a social awareness of accomodating people, it is now considered to be a total failure.4 The reason behind the problems is still hard to determine and from Saviano’s quote it appears that the causes are multiple and of different nature; on one hand, the architecture of Vele, on the other, the context in which the project has been set. Therefore, if propositions of any sort are to be made for the requalification of this place, a better understanding of the complexities affecting it is a first crucial step to be undertaken.

1. A. Salvati, ‘Le Vele di Scampia sono un monumento nazionale’, in La Stampa 11/10/10, p. 21.

2. Vele di Scampia means ‘Sails of Scampia’. This name is used in relation to the sail-like shape of the buildings of this housing estate. The official name being ‘lots L and M of Scampia’, ‘Vele di Scampia’ will be used throughout the study as today it is widely employed in the everyday conversations. Also, the sail shape is applied to some of the buildings only. Others are in fact similar to towers. However, in this study, no distinction will be made between these two versions as there is no difference in terms of their concepts. (see appendix for illustration of project) 3. R. Saviano, 2006, Gomorra, Viaggio nell’impero economico e nel sogno di dominio della camorra, Milan: Piccola Biblioteca Oscar Mondadori, p.75.

4. ‘the place of utopia, of the dream and of social recovery became a place of abandonment, social and economic degrade, micro delinquency, drugs, prostitution, social marginalization.’

E. Sicignano, ‘Le Vele di Scampia ovvero il fallimento dell’utopia’, in Costruire in Laterizio n. 65, 1998, p. 370.

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What are the main reasons behind the problems of Vele di Scampia? Can the failure be attributed solely to architectural features or rather to wider socioeconomic and political determinants and does any interaction between these factors exist? And finally, is failure synonym of a permanently compromised future for Vele di Scampia?

5. Corviale is also called Nuovo Corviale. In this study the former will be used.

6. These questions will be pointed in bold throughout the essay.

This study will try to answer these questions in order to better understand the reasons that led to the situation the housing estate is currently experiencing. This will be done by analysing two further projects that share similarities with the complex of Vele and that faced analogous problems: Corviale in Rome and Zen2 in Palermo.5 The architectural project of the former is in fact closely linked with the one of Vele whereas the latter presents similar socioeconomic and political characteristics. Therefore the first chapter will approach the issue of whether the architecture may have played a determining role in the failure by comparing Corviale and Vele in terms of their architectural project and its related problems. The subsequent chapter will deal with the same approach but using Zen2 and Vele as case studies to discuss the possible relationship between the failure and their particular socioeconomic and political contexts. While this study pays particular attention to negative aspects, it does not negate the existence of positive factors and improvements for these buildings. The third chapter will therefore take into account various steps that have been undertaken in both Roman and Sicilian cases to overcome the problems affecting these places. A conclusion will then speculate upon the future of Vele di Scampia and suggest possible solutions. This study is both analytical and propositional. Part of the methodology employed will also allow the extensive use of questions as these will accentuate the emblematic and unresolved situation of these buildings.6

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Sourcing materials has been a critical task for this essay. Due to problems of accessibility of these buildings, except for Corviale, which stands as the less ‘dangerous’ one and which I have visited, direct research was not feasible. Consequently, this study relies entirely upon materials that have been sourced from books, journals, films and especially from websites and blogs. The latter have sometimes presented contradictory information which made the research task even harder but enhanced the fact that opinions about these places vary considerably from person to person and that objective writing on this subject is usually mixed with more subjective interpretations. Nonetheless web pages have been particularly useful for sourcing photos.

On a final note, the validity of this study needs to be explained. Although debates around Vele di Scampia and its related problems have considerably increased in Italy in the last years, this topic has never been totally ‘exported’ abroad. Therefore this essay will try to introduce such an emblematic example of Italian post-war social housing to the English context. Although housing estates in post-war Britain have also been massively developed and sometimes criticised, as it is the case of Park Hill in Sheffield, they are not entirely comparable to the ones introduced in the essay. The contexts are in fact very dissimilar.

Furthermore, by comparing Vele, Corviale and Zen2, this piece of work aims at elucidating connections between these three case studies, a task that has not been fully explored yet. If on one hand the themes that will be approached are far too broad to be fully explored in such a brief study, on the other hand the latter may constitute a first step towards further potential studies.

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Case studies The projects of Vele in Naples, Corviale in Rome and Zen2 in Palermo have all been conceived in conjonction with Law 167 of 1962, a law promoting the construction of economic housing complexes for low-income workers that were increasingly moving into Italian cities during the post-war period. This law is a further development of a previous one, Law 43 of 1949, also called Law Ina-Casa, which was established straight after the war to deal with the growing urban population and with an intention to provide worker employment as well as to facilitate the construction of labor housing.

Corviale, Rome Vele, Naples

Zen2, Palermo Fig. 2. Location of each project in Italy.

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Opposite page (from left to right): Fig. 3. One of the buildings of Vele di Scampia.

Fig. 4. Corviale in Rome.

Fig. 5. Zen2 in Palermo.

Vele di Scampia

Corviale

Zen2

Architect: Francesco Di Salvo Location: Naples Year of project: 1964 Year of construction: 1974-1982 Number of residents in original project: 6,500 Current number of residents: unknown

Architect: Mario Fiorentino Location: Rome Year of project: 1972-1974 Year of construction: 1975-1980 Number of residents in original project: 6,300 Current number of residents: 6,500 +

Architect: Vittorio Gregotti Location: Palermo Year of project: 1969-1970 Year of construction: 1971-1990 Number of residents in original project: 15,700 Current number of residents: 5,800 +?

Vele is located in the outskirts of Naples. It was part of a masterplan of 1962 for the creation of a new district, today called Scampia.

Originally composed of eight buildings, the complex of Vele counted only seven after its construction. Today only four are still standing, since three of them have been demolished. The typology adopted for this project was a series of large structures intended to accomodate the growing urban population. This choice was also related to the idea of creating a new center where accomodation and activities would co-exist and where a sense of community would subsequently arise. Each Vela (one Vela= one sail) is organised around fourteen floors. The architect adopted innovative and experimental principles of construction which initially generated enthusiasm amongst people.

Corviale is the Roman response to the housing emergency of those years. Located in the periphery of Rome, it was part of a larger programme of homing 8,500 people. The housing estate is mainly composed of a 956 metres long and 200 metres wide structure organised on eleven floors, the lower two allocated for parking). A smaller block is located in close proximity and connected to the main building. The typology of this project refers to the large scale structure which also, in this case, acts as a micro-city. The main building is in fact a ‘linear city’ where apartments and spaces for activities have been conceived together to express a ‘new urban way of living’.7

Zen2 is a complex of buildings that has also been located away from the city centre and that has its origin from a major masterplan of 1956 for a new district in Palermo: San Filippo Neri, formerly named ZEN. The housing estate stands as the major intervention of the programme as it was planned to accomodate the double of residents than the older complexes (Zen1 and Borgo Pallavicino). The typology adopted for Zen2 is the insula, a unit composed of four parallel rows of houses of different heights which are divided by three internal streets, two pedestrian while the other for limited car access. Originally, the entire complex was composed of three parallel rows of insulae and other three rows were allocated for collective services. Again, as Vele and Corviale, this project envisaged to re-create a new urban centre, manifesting a particular concern towards the concept of community.

7. S. Aprea, 2006, ‘Learning from Corviale’, in F. G. Santori and B. Pietromarchi (eds), Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Bruno Mondadori, p. 83.

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Vele Zen2 station

station

Corviale station

Fig. 6. Distance between Vele di Scampia and Naples’ Central Station: 8.5 km (left), Corviale and Rome’s Central Termini Station: 11km (middle), Zen2 and Palermo’s Central Station: 11km (right).

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Chapter I. Vele di Scampia and Corviale: the architecture as a source of problems

Vele in Naples and Corviale in Rome are two social housing projects that reflect the Italian architectural situation in the late post-war period. Although designed ten years apart- in 1964 and 1972 respectively, they share a similar conceptual approach and architectural language. Consequently they also present analogous outcomes as both are generally considered failures. To understand if the latter is the result of an inadequate architectural approach, this chapter will first analyse the main concepts and architectural qualities of these two projects and subsequently determine the problems at the roots of the various choices. Finally, the negative influence exerted by these projects on the quality of life inside the buildings will be discussed.

Concepts and architectural language of the projects

As a response to the growing urban population8, Corviale and Vele have been located on the outskirts of the city. [Fig. 6] In both projects, this physical distance from the main urban core could be translated into a more conceptual one. In fact, these buildings have been conceived as self-sufficient entities that would operate independently from the rest of the city. The inspirational model for them was taken from autonomous mechanisms such as ships, trains, planes which operate independently and where a range of communal services are provided.9 Hence, in architectural terms, Corviale and Vele included services and activi-

8. In Naples, from 1936 to 1951 population increased of 16.7%, from 1951 to 1961 of 17% and from 1961 to 1971 of 3.7% where peak population was reached (1, 226,594 inhabitants).

In Rome, from 1936 to 1951 population increased of 43.6%, from 1951 to 1961 of 32.5% and from 1961 to 1971 of 27.1% where population reached 2, 781, 385 inhabitants. (see Apendix 1 for graphs) 9. G. Ricci, 2003, ‘Le Vele di Scampia, cultura e progetto’, in G. Fusco (ed), Francesco Di Salvo, Opere e progetti, Naples: Clean Editions, p. 70.

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10. F.A., ‘Secondigliano once more’, in Casabella, n. 337, 1969, p.22.

11. S. Aprea, 2006, ‘Corviale, un’idea di citta’, in F. G. Santori and B. Pietromarchi, Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, p. 158.

12. A. Acierno, ‘Periferie napoletane: recinti di insicurezza’, in [www.planum.net/download/antonio_aciernopdf accessed 10/2/11].

ties which are usually found in grown urban contexts such as playground areas and schools, green spaces, ‘social centres’ for meetings and leisure, supermarkets or collective domestic equipment.10 However, the organisation of these services differs between the two projects due to their distinct typology. As Vele are composed of several buildings, the activites are distributed accordingly to these separate structures while Corviale stands as a ‘linear city’, a unique construction which contains all functions needed by a community of 6300 people.11 This relationship between private apartments and more public functions accentuates the concept of the city-building since private and public are inextricably linked and conceived as one.

The origin of this idea could be attributed to the then already tewnty-year old Unite d’habitation in Marseilles, a single structure in which Le Corbusier included apartments and a variety of communal spaces such as a rooftop for recreational and sport activities, shops, the so called rues interieures and many others. As a result, this coexistence of private and public was intended to promote the main concept of community at the heart of each

Fig. 7. Street axis towards centre around Vele. (not to scale)

Fig. 8. Block at 45 degrees projected towards existing buildings in Corviale. (not to scale)

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project.

If, on one hand, the aforementioned detachment from the city centre could be linked to the ‘rationalist decentralization’12 of the modernist planning ideology- a need of creating a new independent centre-, on the other Vele and Corviale manifest a concern towards their particular context by adopting local cultural features. This is where the detachment of these buildings from the Modern Movement lies. In both cases, there is an allusion to the Italian piazza: with the commercial fourth floor in Corviale or the communal areas located every six floors in each Vela. Although physically distant from the city core, a more symbolic link with the older urban context is also envisioned: in Scampia, large streets between and around Vele constitute a main axis towards the centre [Fig. 7]; in Corviale,

a smaller building located at 45 degrees from the main block is imagined as ‘an extended hand for an integration between old and new urban grain’.13 [Fig. 8]

The structural logic behind both projects represents a further aspect that can be related to the context of that time and augment the theory of unite d’habitation, of an independent structure where various functions are integrated. Vele and Corviale reflect the tendency of the 1960s where the belief was that technology dominates the modern days and scientific improvement should therefore be applied to the built environment. The architectural response to that requirement was the megastructure. Megastructures are described as large prefabricated structural constructions ‘to which smaller pods, capsules and partitions could be added or taken away’.14 This means they are composed of a static main structural framework which provides those smaller and flexible partitions. Vele and Corviale could be defined as megastructures as their main body is made of reinforced concrete, a heavy and inflexible material, and their apartments correspond to those interchangeable boxes. [Fig. 9] The flexible properties of steel made this material to be privilegied for these moveable and lighter parts of the constructions.

Furthermore, the increasing use of prefabrication in the built environment allowed major flexibility and adaptability of each of the building’s components. In fact, ‘the standardisation of individual components’ brought ‘an opportunity to provide the greatest possible variability in the floor plan’.15 Taking advantage of this potential, the flats were conceived as interchangeable in order to adapt to the changing times and needs. [Fig. 10] Thus, these ‘principles of flexible housing’ were adopted for users’ ‘empowerment and participation’.16 Philosophically, in his theoretical writings, Yona Friedman defines adaptability and flexibility of a city, and thereby of buildings, as a symbol of freedom and democracy.17 Such ideas were notably relevant to these projects.

13. N. Campanella, 1995, Roma: Nuovo Corviale, miti, utopie, valutazioni, Rome: Bulzoni, p.72.

14. J. Alison, M. Brayer, F. Migayrou, N. Spiller (eds), 2007, Future City, experiment and utopia in architecture, London: Thames and Hudson, p. 107.

15. T. Schneider, J. Till, 2007, Flexible Housing, Oxford: Architectural Press, p. 22.

16. Ibid., p. 28.

17. ‘The inhabitants should be free to choose the form of their city.’ Y. Friedman, ‘Teoria Generale della Mobilita’, in Casabella, n. 305, 1966, p. 15.

Fig. 9. Exposed concrete framework during the construction of Corviale.

Fig. 10. Axonometric showing flexibility of spaces in Vele.

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Fig. 11. Short sections showing the two side-by-side blocks with the corridors in between, the ‘unconventional’ system of suspended walks in Vele and the concept of free-standing block inspired by the modernist buildings such as l’Unite d’habitation in Marseilles.

corridor block

corridor block corridor block

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block

parking

parking

parking

Vele

Corviale

Unite d’habitation

Fumihiko Maki’s definition of a megastructure -‘a large frame in which all the functions of a city or part of a city are housed’- is also relevant here to explain that the structure contributes to physically reinforce the ideological parallel between city and building adopted for these projects.18 A parallel that is also reflected in the large scale of Corviale and Vele, although the former is a 956 metres long single structure, whereas Vele is a complex composed of seven buildings which are shorter in length.

A further concept driving both projects is the rational character conceived for their spatial organisation, which was again planned to reinforce the required sense of community.19 In terms of the general layout, Corviale and the Vele share similarities. They are composed of two side-by-side parallel blocks that follow the south-north axis for better lighting and that are occupied by the apartments organised on a linear array. [Fig. 11] Corridors inspired by the rues interieures run between them, allowing horizontal circulation and having the potential to strenghten the communal life. For instance, the streets in Vele are compared to the typical Napolitean alley where interaction is seen as a key feature.20 In both projects, these alleys are connected by central platforms where vertical circulation is made possible by means of lifts and staircases and where a range of shared services have been placed.

However, dissimilarly to the conventional use of levels in Corviale, Vele’s internal galleries are suspended walks placed at every two storeys and from which ‘one goes up or down about 1.50 metres to the level at which the flats are situated’.21 [Fig. 11] This move intended to bring a sense of lightness to the structure as well as to increase natural light and ventilation. Moreover, this need of light has also been translated into the sail-like shape of some Vele, an evidence of the rational approach undertaken for this project.22 [Fig. 12] From the sections it is also noticeable that both projects adopted the CIAM concept of the free- standing block to allow parking and running services at the lowest levels by using pilotis, a further element connecting these projects to the modern ideology. [Fig. 11]

18. F. Maki, 1964, Investigations in Collective Forms, St. Louis: Washington University, p. 8.

19. Here the term rational is related to the theories of the moderrn movement presented during CIAM conferences and particularly associated to Gropius’ thinking.

These tried to conciliate economic methods of construction with ‘the primordial biological and psychological needs’ of the inhabitants’ by promoting a highly functional and logical approach. This is therefore dissociated from the older Italian Rationalist architecture which was in part connected to the Fascist ideology.

CIAM, 1933, ‘Charter of Athens: tenets’, in U. Conrads (ed), Programs and manifestoes on 20th-century architecture’, Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1970, p. 137.

20. E. Sicignano, ‘Le Vele di Scampia ovvero il fallimento dell’utopia’, in Costruire in Laterizio n. 65, 1998, p. 372.

21. F. A., ‘Secondigliano once more’, in Casabella, n. 337, 1969, p.20.

22. G. Ricci, ‘Le Vele di Scampia di Secondigliano. Dalle matrici culturali del progetto alla realizzazione concreta’, in Progettazione Urbana, argomenti n.1, 1994, p. 26.

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Fig. 12. Sail-like shape of a Vela.

Fig. 13. Similarities between a flat in Vele (top) and in Corviale (bottom).

rooms services entrance from corridor views towards outside grid

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Finally, it can be argued that the typology and the functional nature of the single apartment are analogous in both Roman and Napolitean cases: a flat composed of two facades, one facing the outside of the building while the other connected to the internal corridor, the specific distribution of services and rooms, or the varying sizes which are deliberately following a system of proportions are some significant examples. [Fig. 13]

Architectural failures?

These two housing complexes follow concepts that may be interpreted as successfull by virtue of their highly rational character mixed with a certain social awareness. Yet, when one examines the actual state of these buildings, problems can be noticed. These correspond to the differences between the original projects and the final buildings as well as to the original architectural choices themselves and their ideology. After analysing them, it would be possible to determine if these buildings are the reflection of an architectural failure.

The large discrepancy between the original projects and the resulted outcomes are the main cause of the deficiency of Corviale and Vele. Hence, the idea of ‘interrupted architectures’ is appliable to these cases: the construction process has come to a halt several times before the actual completion of the buildings, and some original features have often not been included at all.23 As these building were conceived as closed autonomous and independent circuits, a minor deficiency of one of their components would result in an overall blackout of the structure. This partially happened in both projects. For instance, it can be

23. L. Margiotta, ‘Gallaratese/ Corviale/ Zen’, in [http://www.arch2.polimi.it/Eventi/Mostre/mostre_ italia_GCZ.htm accessed 25/10/10].

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Fig. 14. Difference between the structures of the original project of Vele (left) and the final building (right).

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argued that the buildings’ failure is the result of missing communal spaces and services that were originally planned, and on the inappropriateness of the infrastructure. In Vele and at a minor level in Corviale, the lack of primary infrastructure such as electricity, water or gas has manifested this difficult situation since the buildings were first occupied.24

In combination with this, changes in the architects’ instructions have altered the correct operation of both buildings. The almost entire abolition of steel in the galleries in favour of a major use of concrete has compromised the once envisaged lightness of structure and its consequent flexibility.25 [Fig. 14] A further example is the restriction from 10.8 to 8.42 meters of the distance between the two parallel blocks in each Vela which negates the correct light penetration and ventilation in the corridor-gallery.26 In the case of Corviale, this closeness of space was already detectable at the design stage, creating ‘dark and deep cloisters where proper courtyards could have been placed instead’.27 [Fig. 15]

Following on from above one can discuss whether besides the construction problem, the original design itself may have influenced the final result. That is to say, both Corviale and Vele present architectural problems. The most visible and slightly superficial one is the extensive adoption of concrete for both structure and external skin. This modernist feature has often been criticised.28 This is particularly true for Corviale where the 1 km long structure appears as a long artificial block in contrast with its surrounding landscape. [Fig. 16] Referring to Corviale, Francesco Careri in Immaginare Corviale states the ‘hostility’ of this building towards the landscape by mentioning the constant negation of views of the exterior from the internal communal spaces.29 This visual barrier can be noticed in the adoption of elevated walls in the rooftop terrace or in the gathering areas where benches and tables have been provided without the presence of windows. [Fig. 17] The same situation has happened in Vele where the ‘terraces are walled’ and without ‘windows nor balconies’ and

24. N. Campanella, 1995, Roma: Nuovo Corviale, miti, utopie, valutazioni, Rome: Bulzoni, p. 86.

25. G. Ricci, ‘Le Vele di Scampia di Secondigliano. Dalle matrici culturali del progetto alla realizzazione concreta’, Progettazione Urbana, argomenti n.1, 1994, p. 29.

26. E. Sicignano, ‘Le Vele di Scampia ovvero il fallimento dell’utopia’, in Costruire in Laterizio n. 65, 1998.

27. F. Careri, 2006, ‘Learning from Corviale’, in F. G. Santori and B. Pietromarchi (eds), Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, p. 83.

28. Many of the names attributed to these structures such as concrete monster for Corviale or cement utopia for Vele refer in fact to their intensely discussed materiality.

Critics towards the adoption of concrete have generally been addressed in relation to many modernist buildings which also privileged the extensive use of this material.

29. F. Careri, 2006, p. 83.

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Fig. 16. Contrast between Corviale and the surrounding landscape.

22 15. ‘Dark and deep cloister’ in Corviale.

Fig.

Fig. 18. Dark walkway in a Vela.

Fig. 17. External communal areas in Corviale.

where the suspended walkways allow no views towards the sky’.30 [Fig. 18.] Yet, could this choice of blocking the visual access to the exterior be a product of the modernist conceptual approach of tabula-rasa, of intentionally ignoring and negating the context, rather than just a purely architectural problem? As Corviale and Vele have deliberately adopted a modernist thinking, this might be a possibility.

Again, a further observation that could be made is that the supposed failure of these housing estates originated from the early conceptualisation stage of the projects.

Hence, the intentional peripheral location of both Corviale and Vele represents a physical detachment from the vivid centre of their respective cities. This made the connectivity of these places with the rest of the city hard to achieve from the very beginning. The marginal urban location has increasingly become a more social one. The question of this complex relationship between centre and periphery can not be fully analysed in such a study.

30. G. Orientale Caputo, 1999, ‘Storia e caratteristiche urbanistiche del quartiere’, in E. Pugliese, Oltre le Vele, Rapporto su Scampia, Naples: Fridericiana Editrice Universitaria, p. 34.

What could however be speculated upon is the reasons for such locations by taking

into account the aforementioned goal of self-sufficiency. In both projects, the question of autarky assumes a certain importance: is it really achievable for a single building or a modest complex of buildings to become entirely independent from the rest of the city? It is a monumental ambition. In order for a building to become an independent entity, it would have to satisfy complex urban characteristics, such as ‘formal, functional and symbolic relationships between residence, production and consume that are present in the historic city’.31 With the incomplete realisation of the spaces originally allocated for activities, notably the commercial fourth floor in Corviale which has instead been squatted or the planned green areas between each Vela, these two projects clearly failed to achieve this almost utopian aspiration.

31. Ibid., p. 25.

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The scale of both constructions, although supported by the need of accomodating thousands of people, also generated a series of problems. ‘External spaces too big to walk in and internal spaces too reduced to live in’ represent the missing equilibrium generated by the notable difference between the apartments’ and the main structures’ sizes.32 [Fig. 19] This move was nonetheless intentional in both projects as the architects kept the size of the apartments at a very minimum and instead they exaggerated the scale of external spaces to emphasize the sense of community.33 Could this ‘error’ have its origin in the wrong assumptions concerning the residential typology, and more specifically in the misunderstanding of the future residents of these housing complexes who were seen as consumers rather than users?

Fig. 19. Scale of external spaces in Corviale (looking up towards the corridors).

32. F. Careri, 2006, ‘Learning from Corviale’, in F. G. Santori and B. Pietromarchi (eds), Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, p. 83.

33. Here the concept of existenz minimum applied for the apartments can be contrasted to the scale of external spaces which were in fact much larger than the minimum required by the law.

34. S. Catucci, 2006, ‘Il colosso senza immaginazione’, in F. G. Santori and B. Pietromarchi (eds), Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, p. 15.

35. The end of Modernism was soon after declared by Charles Jencks in 1975: ‘happily, we can date the death of modern architecture to a precise moment in time.

It expired completely in 1972 when Pruitt-Igoe in St. Luois, Missouri was destroyed by dynamites.’

C. Jencks, 1977, ‘The Language of Postmodern Architecture’, in H. F. Mallgrave and C. Contandriopoulos (eds), 2008, Architectural Theory: An Anthology from 18712005, Vol. II, Oxford: Blackwell, p.431.

24 36. S. Cartucci, 2006, p. 15.

This highly rational approach undertaken by the architects of both Vele and Corviale can be linked with what Michel Foucault describes as ‘disciplinary architecture’, an architecture that specifies minutely and rigidly each function and location and which seems to go against the more human needs of the inhabitants.34 This further implies that the envisioned adaptation of these buildings to the dwellers’ requirements was not accomplished.

Additionally, the validity of these projects at their time of conception and construction should be raised into question. At an international level, following the demolition of the council estate of Pruitt Igoe in 1972 which shared similar concepts with Vele and Corviale, the failure of the modernist approach was already becoming more perceptible.35 Hence the ideas driving these Italian projects were considered already obsolete at that time.

They appeared when ‘the abstract ideal of social harmony [embedded in the modernist projects] was already long time gone’.36 However, due to their references to local and historical cultures, these projects were partly dissociated from the modern concept of tabula-rasa. A

parallel between their ideology and the one promoted by Aldo Rossi a few years later could thus be found: that is to accord importance to the existing urban fabric and therefore to link old and new architecture.37 This could have justified the validity of Vele and Corviale at a national scale.

Impact of the buildings on the quality of life

Finally, it is useful to consider how the architecture of these projects and its subsequent failure might have influenced the quality of life inside the settlements.

The aforementioned exaggerated scale of both structures, especially of Corviale, led to a sense of disorientation felt by people inside the building. Together with the constant repetition of elements of the buildings, the vast dimensions additionally played a role in the creation of anonymous spaces that Marc Auge terms ‘non-places’.38 [Fig. 20] This lack of vibrant and engaging places consequently put a permanent end to the acclaimed concept of community. The enclosure of spaces and the missing services also represent some of the numerous causes of this problem. Therefore, the reaction of the dwellers is noticeable: they either evade towards other parts of the city during the day or tend to stay in their own apartments.39 Moreover, both projects’ architectural typologies favored illegal occupation with their amount of unoccupied public spaces but paradoxically, the resulted squatters are the only inhabitants that share a sense of community.40

When considering the impact the projects of Vele and Corviale had on the the quality of life in these places, the concept of architectural utopias comes into play. Can the term utopia, ‘an imagined place or state of things in which everything is perfect’, be attributed

Fig. 20. Anonymous corridors in Vele (top) and Corviale (bottom).

37. This idea is explained throughout the entire book The architecture of the City by Aldo Rossi of 1984. Here, the architect criticises the utopian ambitions of the modern movement.

A. Rossi, 1982, The Architecture of the City, Cambridge: The MIT Press.

38. A non-place refers to thoses spaces where there is no particular interaction with others and is usually assimilated to waiting rooms, airports and other spaces of transience. ‘If a place can be defined as relational, historical and concerned with identity, then a space which cannot be defined as relational, or historical, or concerned with identity will be a non-place.’

M. Auge, 1995, Non-places, Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity, trans. by John Howe, London: Verso, pp. 77-78.

39. N. Campanella, 1995, Roma: Nuovo Corviale, miti, utopie, valutazioni, Rome: Bulzoni, p. 127.

40. S. Cartucci, 2006, p. 17.

25

41. Oxford dictionaries, [www.oxforddictionaries.com accessed 15/3/10].

42. M. Tafuri, 1973, ‘Architecture and Utopia’, in C. Jencks and K. Kropf (eds), Theories and Manifestos of Contemporary Architecture, 2006, Wiley-Academy, pp. 244-245.

to these projects?41 The association of the latter, and of the modernist ideology in general, with utopian ambitions is often made in relation to their vision of an innovative architecture that would contribute to a perfect society. This is particularly visible in the experimental methods of construction and of conceiving ‘new ways of living’ of these buildings which were meant to encourage social harmony amongst the residents. Such a goal was not achieved; instead, as formerly discussed, a reverse phenomenon happened. Thus, Manfredo Tafuri’s criticism on the utopian vision ‘for a liberated society’ is appliable to these projects.

He sustains that the failure of modern buildings was determined by the ‘choices of architects [who were] desperately attached to disciplinary ideologies’ and therefore promotes an ‘ideological criticism’ that has to do away with the ‘impotent and ineffectual myths’ of modern architecture.42 Vele and Corviale are in fact the product of this modernist thinking that was widely spread through Europe and that both Fiorentino and Di Salvo fully applied to these buildings.

43. E. N. Rogers, ‘Utopia della realta’, in Casabella, n.

259, 1962, p. 1.

26

In relation to the concept of utopia the architect Ernesto Rogers expresses a more

optimistic vision. He partly denies the common meaning of this word by conceiving it instead as a projection towards a better and ‘possible future’ motivated by a ‘pulse of achieving higher goals’.43 He subsequently affirms that ‘progress has never existed’ without this pulse. It could be argued that somehow he justifies the modernist (and these two buildings’) attempts of contributing to a better society through architecture. However, it is an arduous task to determine whether these projects led to any type of progress, especially when their negative influence on the quality of life of the residents is taken into account. Clearly, there is a prevailing idea of experimentation, which was a recurrent trend of the 60s and 70s, that obviously limits the certainty of these projects and that is easy to criticise today, once the consequences have been identified.

To conclude, could the architecture and the concepts driving the projects in Rome and Naples be considered the main contributors to the failure of these buildings? Could the outcome have been different if they would have been conceived alternatively? Again, questions that have conflicting answers. Taking into account the difference between the original projects and the completed buildings as well as the array of problems related to the design and solutions that were envisaged, it could be said that the architecture had an influential impact on the operation of Vele and Corviale.

‘If the original project of Fiorentino would have been mantained by a third,

the unease in Corviale would come to an end.’

- Nicoletta Campanella

44

44. N. Campanella, 1995, Roma: Nuovo Corviale, miti, utopie, valutazioni, Rome: Bulzoni, p. 28.

27

28

Chapter II. Vele di Scampia and Zen2: the complexities of the context at the origin of the failure ‘The blaming of physical form for social ills has to rest on the most vulgar kind of

environmental determinism that few would be prepared to accept in other circumstances.’

- David Harvey

45

In this quote, David Harvey denies the dependence of social problems of a place entirely on its original archiectural project. It would be useful to speculate on how this affirmation could be applied to the examples of Vele in Scampia and Zen2 in Palermo in order to define whether their problems depend not only on the architecture of these buildings, but also on their particular social and political context, which relates to the situation of the Mezzogiorno, the southern regions of Italy.

45. D. Harvey, 1990, The Condition of Postmodernity, Oxford: Blackwell, p. 116.

46. F. Antonilli, ‘Napoli, la decadenza di Scampia’, in Politicadomani [online], n. 54, 2006, [http://www.politicadomani.it/index.html?main=Pagine/Giornale/ Num54/Napoli%20la%20decadenza.htm accessed 15/1/10].

Fragility of the socioeconomic and political contexts

Although conceived almost ten years apart, both projects reflect the economically prosperous situation of the late post-war period in Italy. Opportunities presented by cities led to the densification of urban centres such as Naples and Palermo. [Fig. 21] As a response to this phenomenon, various laws encouraging massive but economic housing were established by the IACP, the Urban and Economic Planning Council.46 Following the implementation of Law Ina-Casa of 1949, it was Law 167 of 1962 that set the roots for

Fig. 21. People moving into cities of the Mezzogiorno.

29

Naples

Scampia

youth employment rate

14.1

8.9

unemployment rate youth unemployment rate male unemployment rate female unemployment rate

42.7 41.7 39.9 48.8

61.7 54.9 57.0 73.4

Comparison between the labor market in Naples and Scampia.*

Naples

Scampia

families

average number of components 3.4 % of numerous families (5 or more comp.) 23.7

4.5 46.0

Comparison between families of Naples and Scampia.*

Scampia

Vele

% of population under 14 years old old-age index

21.6 26.7

31.7 7.8

% of families with 6 or more components

25.9

35.2

low instruction index

18.3

24.5

Fig. 22. Statistics showing the ‘fragile’ social situation of Scampia and of the complex of Vele.

* These data are from 1991 as there was no possibility to access the ones from 2001 (the last census that has been done). However, as one can read in every text about Vele, the social and demographics context of today are still very similar.

** Data from 1995.

30

Comparison between residents of Scampia and Vele.**

both Vele of Scampia and Zen2 by further developing the idea of accomodating the growing population in the outskirts of expanding cities.47 Hence these two council estates had the duty of providing homes to workers’s families moving into the city but also to people who had lost their homes during the war or to those that could not afford the costs of living elsewhere. All of this contributed to high density inside these buildings. Moreover, some historical episodes such as the earthquakes in Naples in 1980 and in Palermo in 1990 led many people into a situation of homelessness and consequently of illegal occupation.

It could be argued that density became a primary problem affecting life conditions in the buildings. Today people living illegally represent 70% of the total number of inhabitants of both estates.48 How this particular situation affected these places will be discussed later in this chapter.

The decision of locating these buildings in the periphery also presented an immediate problem: a physical disconnection with the rest of the city. [Fig. 6] In addition, the lack of an adequate system of infrastructure such as public transport came to strentghen this detachment. Yet beyond this physical barrier lies a deeper one: a social fracture which reinforces the duality centre/periphery. Zen2 is often considered as ‘another world’ when compared to the rest of the city.49 The fact that Zen does not figure on the official maps of Palermo is the extreme example of social exclusion and of people’s disregard towards this social housing. Also, the expression ‘Going to Palermo’50 commonly employed by people from San Filippo Neri or the question ‘Are we Napolitean too?’51 expressed by an inhabitant of Scampia are evidence of similar social marginality and sense of detachment characterizing these suburbs. The social disparities between the city centre and these buildings’ neighbourhoods are even more detectable when numerical comparisons are taken into account.52 [Fig. 22] Hence, in contrast with the statistics of the city of Naples, Scampia is

47. For the description of these laws, see ‘Case studies’ in Introduction.

48. This is an approximate percentage as the exact number of people living illegally in both buildings is unknown and estimations considerably vary from source to source. Generally, in these places it is hard to get an exact picture of the socio-demographic situation as official information is missing and is mainly based upon suppositions.

49. Caritas Italiana, 2007, ‘Quartiere Zen: un mondo a parte’, presentation of the conference Il quartiere San Filippo Neri ‘Zen’ di Palermo, Palermo (1/4/07), in [http://www.caritasitaliana.it/pls/caritasitaliana/v3_ s2ew_consultazione.mostra_pagina?id_pagina=532 accessed 26/3/11].

50. C. Quartarone and F. Triolo, ‘Le periferie palermitane: percorsi per rinnovare il passato e tutelare il futuro’, in [www.planum.net/download/quartarone_triolo-pdf accessed 10/2/11].

51. G. Vanzanella, ‘Napoli, La citta-modello diventa ghetto’, in IC Italia Caritas, n. 3, April 2006, p.18.

52. The statistics are from 1991 as I could not find the ones from 2001 and the next census is taking place this year, 2011. Although the data is outdated, they are still appliable today as the situation has not changed much.

31

characterised by an extraordinary level of unemployment as well as by an important pres53. G. Laino and D. De Leo, 2002, ‘Le politiche pubbliche per il quartiere Scampia a Napoli’, Quinto Programma d’Azione 1998-2002, in [www.giovannilaino.it/ datipdf/Report%20Scampia%20Nehom.pdf accessed 15/2/11], p. 17.

54. E. Morlicchio, 1999, ‘Aspetti sociali e culturali’, in E. Pugliese (ed), Oltre le Vele, Rapporto su Scampia, Naples: Fridericiana Editrice Universitaria, p. 80.

55. Caritas Italiana, 2007, ‘Quartiere Zen: un mondo a parte’, presentation of the conference Il quartiere San Filippo Neri ‘Zen’ di Palermo, Palermo (1/4/07), in [http://www.caritasitaliana.it/pls/caritasitaliana/v3_ s2ew_consultazione.mostra_pagina?id_pagina=532 accessed 26/3/11].

56. G. Laino and D. De Leo, 2002, p. 21.

57. Ibid., p. 22.

58. Ibid., p. 22.

59. G. Bonafede and F. Lo Piccolo, ‘Palermo: lo ZEN e l’arte della negoziazione pubblico-privato’, in [http:// www.planum.net/archive/documents/bonafede_lopiccolo.pdf 10/11/10].

60. R. Saviano, 2006, Gomorra, Viaggio nell’impero economico e nel sogno di dominio della camorra, Milan: Piccola Biblioteca Oscar Mondadori, p.75.

32

ence of numerous families.53 These phenomena are even more significant for the complex of Vele itself where the social situation tends to be ‘poorer’ than in the rest of the district.54 Similarly, Zen 2 manifests higher percentages of the average number of people per family and of unemployed population than in the surrounding area, and generally in Palermo.55

Other problems that are generally found in districts facing difficult situations are also visible in both Scampia and San Filippo Neri, particularly ‘the economic poverty and the low level of education and formation’.56 The latter acquires extreme importance as young people suffer from high percentages of unemployment and thereby from a lack of prospectives of life.57 [Fig. 22] It is a difficult task to determine if a direct correlation exists between the problematic situation of the young and the development of vandalism, a recurrent type of violence which both Vele and Zen2 experience on a daily basis. [Fig. 23] What is more evident is that teenagers are ‘sollicitated and sustained by their families’ to get involved into informal markets, possibly as an alternative to the lack of education and working opportunities they are affected by.58

Consequently, illegal activities gain such importance that today they constitute a main source of economy for both the Palermitan and the Napolitean districts. Of particular relevance is the traffic of drugs which in San Filippo Neri stands as ‘the singular commercial axis’ while in Scampia it entirely dominates the everyday life.59 According to the Osservatorio sulla Camorra, in 1989, the number of drug dealers in relation to the inhabitants in this area of Naples was one of the highest in Italy, ‘fifteen years later this relation became the highest in Europe and one of the world’s top five’.60 These economic activites are inextricably linked with the role of criminal organisations such as Mafia in Sicily and Camorra

Fig. 23. Left: children behind a broken door in Vele as a symbol of ‘trap’; middle and right: scenes of youth violence and vandalism in Vele pictured in the movie Gomorra.

33

missing insulae

extra row of insulae

Fig. 24. Difference between the original project of Zen2 (left) and the final construction (right) of the complex.

34

in Naples. Both Vele and Zen2 are directly related to them to the point that Saviano, in his book Gomorra, changes the name of Camorra into ‘System’ to express the unavoidable control exerted by this organisation –or ‘mechanism’- on the everyday life.61 The reasons for such power are multiple but an appropriate explanation would be that the lack of interest on these suburban districts from the local authorities is interpreted as an opportunity for these illegal organisations to gain more power and control over activities and people.

61. Ibid, p. 46.

The context as an obstacle for the success of the projects

The analysis of the contexts of Scampia and San Filippo Neri depicts the complex and delicate situation these buildings deal with. Therefore, the question of their impact on the projects of Vele and Zen2 should be raised. This will be done by looking at these how various contextual complexities contributed to the previously discussed architectural problems first, followed by considerations on how they also compromised the good operation of these buildings once they have been completed.

Before starting this explanation it is worth mentioning that, similarly to Vele and Corviale, Zen2 has also been affected by changes made to the original proposal; the main ones being the various typological and dimensional transformations of the single insula as well as the passage from three parallel rows of 6 insulae to 4 parallel ones.62 [Fig. 24] In addition, these images show that various insulae have been left incomplete or not even built. The same has happened for the planned services, particularly for the community centre which originally represented the focal point of this housing estate but was left unbuilt.63 These facts could be linked to the concept of interrupted architectures which has been previously

62. For the description of an insula see ‘Case studies’ in Introduction.

For illustrations of insulae see Appendix 4.

63. A. Sciascia, 2003, Tra le modernita dell’architettura, Palermo: L’EPOS, p. 118.

35

described in relation to the project of Vele di Scampia and has deeply affected the once envisaged success of the building.

By affirming that this discrepancy between the original projects and the resultant architecture played an important role in the buildings’ failure, it becomes necessary to argue what reasons for such changes are. The final architecture of these buildings appears so dissimilar to the planned one bringing into question the actual responsibility of the architects for the outcome of these projects. Instead, the problems that are commonly attributed to the architects’ inability or mistakes could depend on other factors that particularly relate to the situation of the Southern regions of Italy.

64. A. Sciascia, 2003, Tra le modernita dell’architettura, Palermo: L’EPOS, p. 141.

65. G. Orientale Caputo, 1999, ‘Storia e caratteristiche urbanistiche del quartiere’, in E. Pugliese (ed), Oltre le Vele, Rapporto su Scampia, Naples: Fridericiana Editrice Universitaria, p. 35.

66. A. Sciascia, 2003, , pp. 78-98.

36

The main factor is bureaucracy. It is often considered to be a major political obstacle for the realisation of buildings in the Mezzogiorno. Andrea Sciascia believes the bureaucratic procedures affecting Zen2 are the result of the Palermitan impasse, of the ‘incapacity of transforming projects into reality’64 whereas Giustina Orientale Caputo supports that the ‘continuous bureaucratic hitches’65 are the principal cause of the complex situation characterising Vele. In both projects, bureaucracy has mainly manifested into slow times of construction. When this time becomes too lacunary, changes in both decisions and legislation are more likely to occur and affect the final architectural outcome. This particularly happened in Palermo where during the construction process of Zen2 many variations of the original project compromised the final building. The introduction of new requirements in the brief and the anti-sismic law of 1975 as well as the more radical variations of 1980 affecting typological and structural qualities at both the complex and the single insula scales are relevant examples.66 Other political issues such as the lack of transparency and good communication also acted as obstacles for a correct construction process. This can be seen

in a letter Vittorio Gregotti sent to the IACP of Palermo where he asked for more involvement in the construction works to ensure everything worked as expected.67 Later on, his team, which was responsible for the original design and control during its realisation was completely left out from the project. Again, could this last episode come to reinforce the idea of the architects not being fully responsible for the problems encountered at the outcome?

Nonetheless, the discrepancy between original projects and final buildings is also the result of a detrimental economic situation. During the construction of Vele and Zen2, many of the contractor companies faced bankruptcy and did not complete parts of the buildings they were assigned to. In addition, both projects ended up being more expensive than expected, causing essential changes in the designs. For the project of Vele, one of the seven buildings was initially built following exactly the original design but was later demolished because it resulted to be extremely expensive.68 Therefore, the extensive use of concrete instead of steel for the structure was an inevitable choice that compromised the main concept of flexibility of the project. The important communal services which were intended to be at the core of a communal life in both Vele and Zen2 were also left unrealised. Furthermore, these problems were the consequence of a policy that prioritised ‘economic advantages’ to the detriment of quality.69

A last major issue that arose during the construction of these housing complexes could be related to the inhabitants. Even before their completion, Vele and Zen2 have been occupied by people who were in a desperate need of accomodation. This caused several disruptions of the works that were in progress as well as left parts of the buildings and primary services such as water, gas or electricity unrealised. Besides this problem of

67. Ibid., p. 95.

68. E. Sicignano, ‘Le Vele di Scampia ovvero il fallimento dell’utopia’, in Costruire in Laterizio n. 65, 1998, p. 371.

69. A. Memoli and M. Memoli, ‘Situazione urbana e abitativa nelle Vele e riflessi sulla condizione sociale’, in Progettazione Urbana, argomenti n.1, 1994, p. 54.

37

Fig. 25. Broken lifts in Vele were already visible before the completion of the buildings.

38

occupation and its related high density, acts of vandalism whose origins have been mentioned earlier also compromised the efficiency of the buildings. In Vele, lifts installed in the various buildings have been either stolen or damaged straight after their completion, making the circulation through the fourteen floors in each Vela almost impossible.70 [Fig. 25] In Zen2, this social problem of vandalism was accompanied by a cultural hostility of the Sicilian population towards the modernist vision of the project, and more generally towards ‘any type of innovation’.71 This has manifested from the early stages of construction when a group of people camped on the building site as a sign of opposition. The causes for such a cultural detachment could be attributed to the location of the Mezzogiorno area, and particularly of Sicily as further South, in relation to the more innovative European regions as well as to the particular attachment to tradition in this Italian region.

The contexts of both Vele and Zen2 not only had a negative impact during the making of the buildings, but they also put a strain on the quality of life inside them. Once constructed, these housing complexes have been deprived from any attention and administration. This is reflected in the degraded built environment provoqued by the lack of adequate maintenance. Some examples of this physical deterioration are the non-operation of parts of the buildings such as lifts, the derelict aspects of the constructions or the precarious hygienic conditions such as the accumulation of rubbish. [Fig. 26, 27, 28, 29, 30] The economic situation can again be seen as a major reason for these inconvenients due to the lacking finances of the IACP, the main responsible for the maintenance of both Vele and Zen2.72 In Scampia this phenomenon becomes particularly visible when the complex of Vele is compared to the maintained surrounding areas which are ‘managed by private cooperatives’.73 A similar phenomenon is happening between Zen1 and Zen2, the former been better conserved. The envisaged manifestation of ‘the efficacy of the public answer’ to the ‘population emergency’ was therefore not achieved.74

70. E. Sicignano, ‘Le Vele di Scampia ovvero il fallimento dell’utopia’, in Costruire in Laterizio n. 65, 1998, p. 372.

71. A. Sciascia, 2003, Tra le modernita dell’architettura, Palermo: L’EPOS, p. 137.

72. G. Orientale Caputo, 1999, ‘Storia e caratteristiche urbanistiche del quartiere’, in E. Pugliese (ed), Oltre le Vele, Rapporto su Scampia, Naples: Fridericiana Editrice Universitaria, p. 29.

73. Ibid, 1999, p. 29.

74. F. Gennari Santori, 2006, ‘Il palazzo irragionevole’, in F. G. Santori and B. Pietromarchi (eds), Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, p. 33.

39

Fig. 26. Derelict staircase in Zen2.

40

Fig. 27. Abandoned classroom in Zen2.

Fig. : Accumulated rubbish outside the comples of Zen2.

Fig. 28. Accumulation of rubbish outside Zen2.

Fig. 29. Inside a derelict Vela 1.

Fig. 30. Inside a derelict Vela 2.

41

75. G. Bonafede and F. Lo Piccolo, ‘Palermo: lo ZEN e l’arte della negoziazione pubblico-privato’, in [http:// www.planum.net/archive/documents/bonafede_lopiccolo.pdf 10/11/10].

76. A. Cangemi, ‘Palermo ZEN: precisazioni dello IACP’, in Casabella, n. 367, 1972, p. 3.

77. G. Laino and D. De Leo, 2002, ‘Le politiche pubbliche per il quartiere Scampia a Napoli’, Quinto Programma d’Azione 1998-2002, in [www.giovannilaino.it/ datipdf/Report%20Scampia%20Nehom.pdf accessed 15/2/11], p. 14.

Additionally, the absence of political intervention and management further emphasizes the existing social problems of these places. For instance, the first police station in Scampia was created fifteen years after the residents moved into Vele, an action that came far too late to successfully avoid the problem of vandalism and criminality. If concern towards Vele and Zen2 is nonetheless expressed, this is only partially and temporarily. Interest generally appears in conjonction with electoral campaigns or withany other mediatic activity.75 As a consequence, the variety of propositions generally presented for the requalification of these settlements is later abandoned. Referring to Zen2, Antonio Cangemi, the president of the IACP of Palermo at that time, links the phenomenon of manipulation to a ‘lack of democracy of the local council’s attitudes’ which he considers not being ‘autonomous from the private interests’ and going against the ‘collective needs’.76

Vele

Furthermore, when some initiatives are actually put in action, they seem not particularly adequate. Planning decisions such as the construction of motorway-style roads around both areas of Vele and Zen2 only came to strengthen the segregation of the build-

Zen2

Fig. 31. Motorway-style roads (in red) around Vele (top) and Zen2 (bottom) have compromised their integration with 42 their surroundings.

ings in relation to their surrounding context. [Fig. 31] In San Filippo Neri, a physical and social fracture between Zen1 and Zen2 compromised their envisaged connection and the integration of the latter with its immediate context. In Scampia, the allocation of a prison in a nearby area made the association of the neighbourhood with a negative image even stronger.77 These various interventions show how planning decisions were not always carefully thought through and sometimes deeply discredited the good operation and integration of the buildings.

These considerations bring into question issues of informal activities and their meaning for Vele and Zen2. Mafia in Sicily and mainly Camorra in Naples are criminal organisations that took adavantage of the detrimental situation by favouring illegal activi-

ties. If on one hand they use these places for their own activities and for stocking goods, on the other they developed an ‘informal and illegal system’ as ‘at least it ensures an order and a survival which the State is failing to offer’.78 They manifest an apparent concern for the residents who nonetheless see this as the unique possibility for facing unemployment and precarious conditions of life. The power exerted by these criminal organisations on people works even more efficiently in Zen2 and Vele where the inhabitants live in difficult economic and social conditions. The residents are also illegally connected to various systems of infrastructure such as water, gas and electricity in order to satisfy the primary needs which would not be provided otherwise.

The question of the illegal almost becomes a philosophical one for both housing estates. Can the informal sector that occupies a central part in the regulation of life in these places be justified? Could illegal attitudes which act as a substitute to a failing State be legitimate? Paradoxically, it is the latter that ‘accepts’ them, especially the phenomenon of illegal occupation of these places.79 In the case of Vele, occupation was allowed soon after the earthquake of 1980 which left people without homes. Their consequent settlement inside the complex was legitimate as there was no possibility of accomodation in the city centre but mainly because they were seen as socially ‘dangerous for the public administration’.80 From ethical or more human points of view, informal attitudes aiming at the fullfilment of basic needs could be tolerated, particularly if alternatives are not feasible.

78. Caritas Italiana, 2007, ‘Quartiere Zen: un mondo a parte’, presentation of the conference Il quartiere San Filippo Neri ‘Zen’ di Palermo, Palermo (1/4/07), in [http://www.caritasitaliana.it/pls/caritasitaliana/v3_ s2ew_consultazione.mostra_pagina?id_pagina=532 accessed 26/3/11].

79. A. Sciascia, 2003, Tra le modernita dell’architettura, Palermo: L’EPOS, p.116.

80. G. Laino and D. De Leo, 2002, ‘Le politiche pubbliche per il quartiere Scampia a Napoli’, Quinto Programma d’Azione 1998-2002, in [www.giovannilaino.it/ datipdf/Report%20Scampia%20Nehom.pdf accessed 15/2/11], p. 14.

As a conclusion, it could be argued that the contexts of Scampia and San Filippo Neri present complexities at various levels which deeply affected the projects of Vele and Zen2. Particularly, the political situation can be read as the main cause of these housing estates’ failure due to the lack of attention manifested by the various entities and responsibles from the start of the projects. Therefore, from the beginning, could have the failure of these places been foreesable?

43

44

Chapter III. Corviale and Zen 2: overcoming the failure

This chapter analyses methods that Corviale and Zen2 adopted to overcome the complexities at the origin of their failure. This will be done by emphasizing the possibility of bringing life to these places and the ways this has been achieved. The first part will discuss the physical moves that have been undertaken to solve problems of both housing estates while social interventions will be susbsequently analysed.

Physical interventions as a first step towards better living conditions

Physical adaptation in response to the problems both Corviale and Zen2 are experiencing could be considered a first step to undertake for the requalification of these buildings. Various approaches have already been adopted in reaction to what these projects failed to fullfil.

Corviale and Zen had to deal with a first type of approach that is usually proposed everytime a project is considered to be a failure: demolition. This method of physically annihilating a building represents a priori a negation of future redevelopment which could result instead as the most adequate solution. Despite the usual and interminable debates around the issues of demolition and renovation, both Roman and Sicilian projects opted for the latter as an answer. The main reason behind such a decision could be the recognition of an historical and cultural value of these buildings. As paradoxically as it may ap-

45

Fig. 32. Macrotransformations: images of the occupied fourth floor.

Fig. 33. Microtransformations in Corviale. From left to right: the ‘appropriated’ facade of the building, a modified internal apartment, corridor with plants.

46

pear from the initial studies, the inhabitants are the ones that most see the importance of these places.81 This is particularly true for Corviale where people are said to have a ‘sense of pride’ in living in a place that is constantly an object of debate and attention from the media.82 In Zen2, the residents manifested their disapproval towards the proposition of 1995 of demolishing the insulae as they wanted to keep their homes to which they were attached.83 The decision not to destroy the buildings of Zen2 is also shared by Vittorio Gregotti, the architect of the original project who initially wished to demolish and rebuild differently but who later changed his mind after noticing that people were actually taking care of their own houses and the public spaces.84

It is this role of the inhabitants in the physical adaptations of Corviale and Zen2 that should be emphasized. The transformations exerted on these buildings can not be considered as major architectural interventions. Instead, the inhabitants are the main contributors of these changes and this is done through small scale spatial appropriation.85 From the beginning, people felt the need to respond to the various architectural problems in order to adapt spaces to their own requirements. This also corresponds to what Francesco Careri terms tactics for survival to show that these buildings did not offer enough possibilities to satisfy the needs of people living there.86

For instance, in Corviale, physical transformations are evident at different levels.

Macrotransformations stand as the larger ones.87 They are mainly undertaken by the squatters and are particularly visible on the fourth floor.88 The latter, failing to fullfil its planned role of commercial and social avenue, has been occupied and consequently modified. Here, spaces that were originally allocated to shops have been enclosed with concrete panels, various partitions have then been installed to demarcate different areas that are commonly

81. In 2004, a survey about the demolition of Corviale showed that out of 500 residents almost 50% were against the demolition of the building.

A. Capponi, ‘Corviale, la Regione blocca 220 milioni di euro’, in Corriere della Sera 15/10/04, p. 51.

82. Corviale.it, website for residents of Corviale, in [www.corviale.it accessed 20/2/11].

83. A. Sciascia, 2003, Tra le modernita dell’architettura, Palermo: L’EPOS, p. 74.

84. Ibid., p. 74.

85. Lefebvre defines appropriation as a space ‘modified in order to serve the needs and possibilities of a group’.

H. Lefebvre, 1991, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith, Oxford: Blackwell, p.165.

86. F. Careri, 2006, ‘Learning from Corviale’, in F. G. Santori and B. Pietromarchi (eds), Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, p. 83.

87. Ibid., p. 83.

88. Although not fully explained in this study, the phenomenon of illegal occupation is also present in Corviale, but at minor level than in Zen2.

47

Fig. 34. Satellite dishes in Zen2.

Fig. 35. Religious icons around Zen2.

89. N. Campanella, 1995, Roma: Nuovo Corviale, miti, utopie, valutazioni, Rome: Bulzoni, p. 116.

90. Ibid., p.26.

91. F. Careri, 2006, ‘Learning from Corviale’, in F. G. Santori and B. Pietromarchi (eds), Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Bruno Mondadori, p. 83.

92. F. Fava, 2008, Lo ZEN di Palermo, Antropologia dell’esclusione, Milan: FrancoAngeli, p. 337.

93. S. Catucci, 2006, ‘Il colosso senza immaginazione’, in F. G. Santori and B. Pietromarchi (eds), Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Bruno Mondadori, p. 15.

94. Ibid., p. 16.

48

found in houses, floor finishes have been installed.89 [Fig. 32] All moves that clearly manifest the failure of the planned fourth floor, and generally of the building, and the susbsequent spatial adaptation of the inhabitants who try to bring a ‘more human scale’ to the structure.90 Microtransformations represent the other method adopted by the residents of Corviale. They are more visible along the corridors as well as inside the assignees’ apartments and take various forms of expression: architecturally such as house extensions or the introduction of doors or windows, decoratively such as the use of lights, plants or benches, functionally with bells or satellite dishes, and in the way the manage spaces such as their maitenance or control.91 [Fig. 33]

Although at a minor level, the inhabitants of Zen2 have also created these physical adaptations. [Fig. 34] They try to give spaces a meaning by ‘restructing their homes with their own finances, transforming space into an inhabitable universe’.92 A further example of their spatial appropriation is the presence of religious statues and icons which can be read as the physical manifestation of a need of identity. [Fig. 35] Could these religious additions act as a cultural response to the lack of traditional identity that lies behind the rational nature of the insulae?

The physical responses undertaken by the inhabitants of Corviale and Zen2 are therefore the consequence of buildings that failed to offer an appropriate residential comfort. The term of disciplinary architecture which has been applied to the project in Rome in chapter I could be contrasted with the one of biopolitical architecture embedded in the residents’ actions. According to Foucault, biopolitical architecture relates to the notion of assuring the primary needs of people as well as giving them a sense of security.93 This is possible by means of regulation and reorganisation of existing spaces.94 However, it can be argued that

this concept was also adopted by the original project of Mario Fiorentino with the envisaged flexibility of spaces in relation to the changing needs of people or with the modernist approach which accorded particular importance to the biological requirements of man.

Since the building failed to achieve such goals and the inhabitants, instead, reacted similarly through spatial appropriation, could the original concept of flexibility envisaged for Corviale still be considered not realised at all? What can be learned from these physical manifestations is that the bottom-up approaches of people emerged in reaction to the rigidity of the building and that expectations and requirements vary considerably from one person to another. They could eventually act as a guideline for future interventions in both Corviale and Zen2.

Despite the physical adaptations undertaken by the inhabitants, a multiplication of major architectural projects have been presented for the requalification of these buildings.

Following a two-year workshop conduced in Corviale from 2004, the group Stalker/ Osservatorio Nomade came up with various propositions for the readaptation of the building and its surrounding area.95 [Fig. 36, 39] Generally, it seems that interest towards this building is constantly increasing as it can be seen from the large number of articles dedicated to it as well as from websites where many architectural projects for its renovation are displayed. [Fig. 37] There have also been propositions for the requalification of Zen2 such as a project in 2004 by the IACP, aiming at the recuperation and development of an insula which was left unbuilt and subsequently set on fire.96 [Fig. 38]

95. The group Stalker/ Osservatorio Nomade adopt approaches ‘conceived to catalyze and develop evolutionary and self-organizing processes through the social and environmental fabric specifically in the areas where through abandonment or impoverishment basic necessities are lacking.’

Osservatorio Nomade, in [http://www.osservatorionomade.net accessed 8/4/11].

96. Ciriminna M. and Stella E., ‘Forme e risorse della marginalita a Palermo’, in [www.planum.net/download/ ciriminna_stella-pdf accessed 10/2/11].

49

Fig. 36. Project Stile Libero by Osservatorio Nomade Corviale: rethinking the internal layout of each apartment.

Fig. 37. Project by T-studio for Corviale: requalification via introduction of green spaces and a new system of dimensions.

Fig. 38. Project for the requalification of Zen2 by the ICAP: rethinking the typology of an insula.

Figura 1 - Progetto Iacp per l’insula 3E

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Fig. 39. Project Orti Urbani by Osservatorio Nomade: urban allotments (rendering and plan).

Importance of major social interventions for the resolution of problems

Physical responses in reaction to the failures of Corviale and Zen2 certainly play a determining role in the resolution of the problems affecting life inside these buildings.

However they do not constitute the unique solution. Social interventions are of equivalent relevance in the processes of requalification of both places.

The role of the inhabitants in the improvement of these housing complexes is again a key feature that is worth analysing. Residents of Corviale and Zen2 represent in fact the social power driving each change. This is evident in the aforementioned physical modifications to adapt spaces to their own needs. However their driving force is not purely limited to spatial transformations which mostly affect the individual apartments or localised parts of the structures; it also contributes to major social changes. The latter is made possible through collaboration of people who realised they were sharing similar living conditions. As seen in chapter II, the analogous situation among the residents of Zen2 lies also in their social and economic status.

A relevant example of collective participation is the fight to obtain an adequate system of infrastructure. In Corviale the problem of the missing services has been solved throughout the time with interventions at various levels. The opening of schools, the correct operation of lifts or boilers, or the multiplication of buses connecting this place to the city centre are just few of the many achievements.97 What is important is that these positive changes have been made possible by the inhabitants themselves. After noting their disadvantaged situation, they reacted in order to gain their rights as citizens. The 窶話attles that

97. N. Campanella, 1995, Roma: Nuovo Corviale, miti, utopie, valutazioni, Rome: Bulzoni, p. 161.

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Fig. 40. ‘Corviale, the longest mistake in the world’ in L’Architecture d’Aujourd’hui in 1991. The size of the title aims at reinforcing the idea of the failure of Corviale.

98. Ibid., p. 124.

99. F. Fava, 2008, Lo ZEN di Palermo, Antropologia dell’esclusione, Milan: FrancoAngeli, p. 337.

100. F. Careri and D. La Roque, ‘Corviale: la plus longue erreur du monde’, in L’Architecture d’Aujourd’hui, n. 273, 1991, pp. 105-110.

101. N. Campanella, 1995, Roma: Nuovo Corviale, miti, utopie, valutazioni, Rome: Bulzoni, p. 94.

102. B. Pietromarchi, 2006, ‘Immaginare Corviale’, in F. G. Santori and B. Pietromarchi (eds), Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, p. 54.

103. N. Campanella, 1995, p. 94.

104. A. Sciascia, 2003, Tra le modernita dell’architettura, Palermo: L’EPOS, p. 75.

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have been undertaken’ for obtaining an adequate transport network is evidence of the collaboration between residents of the building.98 The resultant improvement is therefore a step towards the resolution of the physical and subsequent social fractures of this place with the rest of the city. Contrastingly, in Zen2 the problem related to the system of infrastructure is far from being resolved due to the illegal connections to water or electricity networks which at the moment still represent the only foreseeable solution.

However, collaboration among inhabitants is manifested in its greater power when it comes to the issue of the stereotypical image of these places. Both Corviale and Zen2 are affected by the stigmatization coming from the external world, especially from medias.

To mention a few, Zen2 is represented as ‘a ghetto, a hell, an urban area’ characterized by ‘criminality’ 99 only while Corviale is termed ‘the longest mistake in the world’ 100 or even assimilated to a ‘fourth world country’.101 [Fig. 40] Moreover, these places become an object of attention only when negative episodes such as crime happen. It is in opposition to this mass criminalization that social cohesion between the inhabitants becomes important. The residents develop a sense of ‘identity’ which in turn promotes their collective actions.102 In 1989, people living in Corviale protested against the constant criticisms coming from television programmes, newspapers, and other means of mass communication.103 Thanks to this kind of initiatives, the settlement is less criticised and better considered. Similarly, in Zen2 a sense of identity and subsequent reactions have arisen. Today some insulae are places where an ‘articulated communal life’ is happening.104 The inhabitants are becoming increasingly aware of their rights and possibilities of improvement as tacticts of collaboration and participation are frequently instaured.

Following on from the above, a further step undertaken by the residents of these

two housing estates to improve their situation could be stated: self-organisation. People from Corviale and Zen2 take initiatives in response to the lack of attention and concern from the outside world. Hence, many associations and groups have been established. In Corviale an ‘elderly centre with 800 subscribed people who take part in dancing and cooking classes, dancing parties and physical activities’ constitutes an important success for people living there.105 Corviale Tenants Committee is an entity that helps the regulation of life inside the building, thus acts as an essential platform for the self-regulation of the inhabitants. [Fig. 41] These are just a few examples of a list that considerably developed over the years. A number of groups and associations are also present in Zen2 such as Laboratorio Zen Insieme which is mainly dedicated to women and young people, the ones that suffer most from the lack of opportunities affecting this place. [Fig. 42] A further example is Progetto Zen, a social organisation that again places education as its main concern and whose aim is ‘the reduction of the risk of criminal activities for minors’.106 The activities going on in Zen2 seem to deal essentially with issues regarding the relationship of young people with their future. The possible reason behind it could be that criminal and illegal activities are

105. F. Fiorentino, ‘La Rinascita, Tv di palazzo biblioteca e tanto sport’, in Corriere della Sera 15.10.04, p. 51.

106. F. Fava, 2008, Lo ZEN di Palermo, Antropologia dell’esclusione, Milan: FrancoAngeli, p. 119.

Fig. 41. Corviale Tenants Committee.

seen as the main problem in the area of San Filippo Neri and therefore, by favouring education and good prospectives for the future, a first step towards a more normal life could be realised.

However, as efficiently as the residents of these buildings might act in the promotion of better living conditions, the achieved improvements come also from a certain help from external actors. This affirmation does not deny the importance of the inhabitants who are still the drivers of social changes. Instead, external forces facilitate their moves. The participation of Osservatorio Nomade in the requalification of Corviale perfectly pictures this role of mediator. Its project Immaginare Corviale put in action through collaboration

Fig. 42. Bags made by women from Zen2 in order to start their own activities, in conjonction with Laboratorio Zen Insieme.

53

Fig. 43. Corviale Network: the building represents the weapon as a symbol of strength and reaction against the negative image.

107. Osservatorio Nomade, in [http://www.osservatorionomade.net accessed 8/4/11].

108. M. Franzoso, A. Bassi, G. d’Ambrosio, ‘Corviale Network’, in F. G. Santori and B. Pietromarchi (eds), Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Bruno Mondadori, p. 147.

109. G. Bonafede and F. Lo Piccolo, ‘Palermo: lo ZEN e l’arte della negoziazione pubblico-privato’, in [http:// www.planum.net/archive/documents/bonafede_lopiccolo.pdf 10/11/10].

110. F. Fiorentino, ‘La Rinascita, Tv di palazzo biblioteca e tanto sport’, in Corriere della Sera 15.10.04, p. 51.

111. Italian Parliament, in [http://www.parlamento.it/ parlam/leggi/00328.htm accessed 2/4/11].

54

between architects and artists corresponded to a series of workshops aimed at contributing and promoting among the residents a ‘better self-awareness of their community and of their environment’ as well as fighting against the stereotypical image of the place.107 Particularly successful was the workshop Corviale Network, a local TV channel created with the active contribution of the inhabitants and whose intention was to ironically ‘invert the negative vision of Corviale diffused by media’ in order to create a new image of the place.108 [Fig. 43] Similarly in Zen2 some actions from the exterior are acting as vehicles for the residents. Various associations, local institutions and volunteering groups recently came together to constitute an ‘interistitutional network’ which encourages socio-cultural initiatives and empowerment of the residents.109 Social workers are the most active ones as they have more frequent and direct relations with the inhabitants of the complex. They adopt a bottom-up approach which is in contrast with interventions that still operate top-down and that are failing to understand the residents’ specific needs. The aforementioned Progetto Zen belongs to the list of projects that have been facilitated by these bottom-up actions.

Finally the role of more powerful entities such as the local council or even the government in the process of requalification should be clarified. In the last decade, particularly for Corviale, there has been a growing concern reflected in the large number of projects that have been realised. In 2004, the local Minister for the Peripheries in Rome declared ‘We want peripheries to become the new centres of cultural attraction’.110 The idea of organising public activities in such peripheral locations could help to put an end to their nature of purely commuter areas and favour an integration within the city. A first successfull step was taken with the opening of a communal library located in close proximity of Corviale which facilitates access to culture, information and education. In 2000 the government approved law 328, a law promoting ‘the realisation of the integrated system of social interventions and services’ which had a positive influence on the various initiatives for both buildings.111 The interinstitutional network that operates in Zen2 was created following this law.

The housing complexes of Corviale and Zen2 have increasingly been the object of interventions at both physical and social levels which aimed at the resolution of problems generated by the architecture and the context of these places. If taking into account the array of initiatives for Corviale, it seems that today this council estate is experiencing a better and more resolved situation than Zen2. It is in fact considered to be the ‘symbol of cultural regeneration of all the peripheries’.112 Nonetheless the various spatial transformations and the increasing architectural proposals as well as social and cultural activities for both places are first major steps towards an important requalification. This would not happen without the inhabitants.

112. V. Di Biase, 2009, ‘Tra utopia e realta... Corviale], in [http://www.corvialeurbanlab.it/home/item/9-trautopia-e-realt%C3%A0-corviale accessed 25/10/10].

55

56

Conclusion

One of the aims of this study was to determine whether the failure of Vele di Scampia depends on the architecture of this housing project or on the context in which it is located. This has been done by comparing it architecturally to Corviale in Rome and contextually to Zen2 in Palermo in the first two chapters. From the initial considerations the architecture of these housing complexes was considered to be the main cause of the problems as it partly compromised the once envisaged social harmony inside and around the buildings. Particularly, changes made to the original projects of Corviale and Vele negated the realisation of the acclaimed concept of community.

However, the failure of the projects is not primarily dependent on the architecture itself. After analysing the social and political contexts of Vele and Zen2 the conclusion slightgly changed. The contextual complexities affecting these areas of Naples and Palermo clearly determined, and still do, the failure of the projects. Particularly, the political situation in the Mezzoggiorno area heavily compromised the good operation and integration of these buildings with the rest of the city.

While this study speculated upon the reasons behind the failure of these housing estates, thus focusing on their purely negative aspects, it also allowed for a more optimistic vision. Chapter III approached the issue of requalification at both architectural and social levels for Corviale and Zen2. An important number of initiatives with an attempt to resolve their problems have been discussed. It resulted that residents of both buildings are the main source of positive initiatives and their actions have been partially mediated by external actors. A conclusion would be that these two places are not permanently compromised.

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BEFORE

AFTER

Fig. 44. Transformation of spaces between buildings of Vele: possibility of allotments. [photomontage by Lavinia Scaletti]

58

What future for Vele di Scampia?

On the other hand, Vele of Scampia is facing a less resolved situation. Could the various steps undertaken for Corviale and Zen2 be applied to this housing estate in the suburbs of Naples? What are the prospectives for its future?

A primary issue that Vele has to deal with is the question of its architectural requalification. As the future of these buildings is still uncertain, the dilemma between demolition and rehabilitation becomes a major concern. In the past years there has been much controversion around this question. The demolition of three of the seven buildings as well as part of the government’s redevelopment programme of re-using the remaining Vele illustrates the approach that has been prioritised.113 There are projects promoting the reconversion of the ‘survived’ buildings into spaces for the tertiary sector such as some University of Naples’ departments or the Centre for the civil protection.114 Generally, the introduction of specialised activites is seen as a positive solution to ‘stimulate an exchange of services with the exterior, breaking the actual isolation’ of the place.115 At a first glance, these could appear as appropriate answers for buildings whose typology, as seen on chapter I, seems to go against the residential requirements of the dwellers.

However, it could be argued that Vele can still be used to accomodate people if a careful requalification takes place. By taking inspiration from projects discussed in chapter III, some solutions can be envisaged. The workshop Stile Libero organised by Osservatorio Nomade which re-arranged the layout of the apartments of Corviale to suit its residents’ needs and to introduce new dimensions could be applied to the similar flats of Vele. [Fig. 45] Orti Urbani is another exemplary workshop for the development of allotments in and

113. G. Laino and D. De Leo, 2002, ‘Le politiche pubbliche per il quartiere Scampia a Napoli’, Quinto Programma d’Azione 1998-2002, in [www.giovannilaino.it/ datipdf/Report%20Scampia%20Nehom.pdf accessed 15/2/11], p. 15.

114. Ibid., pp. 15-16.

115. V. Andriello, ‘Criteri e indirizzi urbanistici per la riqualificazione nell’ambito dei lotti L e M di Scampia’, in Progettazione Urbana, argomenti n.1, 1994, p. 47.

BEFORE

AFTER

Fig. 45. Transformation of an apartment in Vele: changing the dimensions of the living room to make it more comfortable and liveable. [photomontage by Lavinia Scaletti]

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Fig. 46. Satirical comics about the stereotypical image of Scampia by Stof.

‘For the media, Scampia is like the moon.’

‘Why?’ ‘They always show the same side.’

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‘Are you from Scampia?!?’

‘Yes... but I swear I don’t take drugs, I don’t steal and I am not a dealer!’

around the council estate. [Fig. 44] This project could have an incredibile potential of bringing people together as well as valorising the area of Scampia, ‘The greenest district of the city’.116 [Fig. 47] After seing in chapter I that the built environment determines the living conditions of a place, all these possible adaptations for Vele can certainly contribute to reverse its difficult situation.

Nevertheless, interventions should not be limited to a ‘physical approach’ only.117 Instead, as with Zen2 and Corviale, other major changes need to be made. The inhabitants of Vele are also affected by the stereotypical image coming from media, especially since the pulications of the book Gomorra and the following movie which made the public aware of the buildings’ existence. [Fig. 48] Residents must therefore face this negative representation that causes more problems than solutions: the main inconvenients being the reaction of people who tend to stay away from this place or the extreme case of ‘auto-labelling’ of the inhabitants who sometimes employ the expression ‘I live in the Bronx’ to manifest their disadvantaged living condition, almost as a sign of resignation.118 [Fig. 46]

If a collective awareness arises in reaction to this stigmatization, collaboration and further improvements could be made. This would not only be of benefit for the image of Vele and its related effects but it could also lead to improvements at a variety of levels. For instance, as it is happening in Zen2, participation for an adequate system of education, and thereby for better prospectives of future, may partially solve the major problem of vandalism and criminal activities in Scampia. Obviously, residents on their own can not accomplish such a mission but help from others would be a valuable resource. Also, this would require an attenuation of the physical and social barriers between the complex of Vele and the rest of the neighbourhood.

Fig. 47. Green spaces around Scampia.

Fig. 48. One of the most represented scenes of Gomorra with Vele on the background.

116. A. Bifulco, 2010, ‘I crocicchi e la gru’, in C. Corona and D. Sanzone (eds), Scampia Trip, Naples: ad est dell’equatore, p. 139.

117. G. Laino and D. De Leo, 2002, ‘Le politiche pubbliche per il quartiere Scampia a Napoli’, Quinto Programma d’Azione 1998-2002, in [www.giovannilaino.it/ datipdf/Report%20Scampia%20Nehom.pdf accessed 15/2/11], p. 19.

118. G. Berruti and D. Lepore, ‘Fuori dal centro non c’e’ il Bronx. Un esercizio di descrizione delle periferie metronapoletane’, in [www.planum.net/download/berruti_lepore-pdf accessed 10/2/11].

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Fig. 49. Project by a group of architects for parks and routes around Vele (plan and rendering).

101. A. Memoli and M. Memoli, ‘Situazione urbana e abitativa nelle Vele e riflessi sulla condizione sociale’, in Progettazione Urbana, argomenti n.1, 1994, p. 57.

102. N. Campanella, 1995, Roma: Nuovo Corviale, miti, utopie, valutazioni, Rome: Bulzoni, p. 26.

103. From an interview with a resident of Scampia, in L. Pingitore (director), 2010, Scampia Trip, Italy: Polosud Records, DVD. 104. G. Berruti and D. Lepore, ‘Fuori dal centro non c’e’ il Bronx. Un esercizio di descrizione delle periferie metronapoletane’, in [www.planum.net/download/berruti_lepore-pdf accessed 10/2/11].

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What is taking place already? Some interest for the requalification of Vele has manifested. At an architectural level, in conjonction with the aforementioned plans of reconversion, further projects are taking into account both the building and the more urban scales.

Consideration for Scampia generally deals with the integration between its various parts as well as with its connectivity with the rest of the city, for instance by extending the underground transport network onto this district. For the complex of Vele itself, some examples are the development of greens spaces acting as parks around the buildings [Fig. 49] or the construction of 900 architecturally distinct dwellings adjacent to the remaining Vele which was suggested by the residents in 1988.101 This last project leads to clarify the presence and nature of social initiatives.

Again, the inhabitants, similarly to Corviale and Zen2, are the driving force behind them. Collaboration and active participation is undertaken by determined people who reacted against their precarious living environment as well as against the negative image transmitted by media. Between 1987 and 1989 the inhabitants of Vele already started protesting to improve their situation.102 Furthermore, every year residents of Scampia gather together and organise carnival celebrations. This pictures the cohesion and positive activities of people who wish to spread a positive image of this place and ‘temporarily forget about its related problems’.103 [Fig. 50] What should be noticed is that residents of Vele have a ‘diffused and creative capacity of proposing and imagining the future’ but a very limited ‘capacity of action’.104 The latter is usually supported by external actors who mediate between the dwellers and the institutions. Nonetheless, this intermediary is still fragile in Vele.

Despite these initiatives, Vele of Scampia is still an emblematic example of post-war housing in the Mezzoggiorno area that has been compromised by its architecture and as well as by its socioeconomic and political contexts. The awareness of the problems is increasing

nationally but today much talk and less action is still evident. The disinterest comes first from local and national authorities who manifest their concern partially and episodically only. Criminal and illegal organisations take advantage of this situation and present themselves as the unique alternative. Could this place ever overcome the System?

While this study is being written, a twenty-day workshop dedicated to Scampia and Vele is taking place in Milan to promote a better and realistic image of this area.119 Could this become a first wide scale opportunity to promote the idea that this place is not permanently compromised?

119. Event ‘Scampia, Italia. L’altra faccia di Gomorra’, Milan, April 2011, [www.scampiaitalia.it accessed 10/4/11].

Fig. 50. Carnival celebrations in Scampia 2011.

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Appendices 1. Population growth in Naples, Rome and Palermo from 1861 to 2009

2,800,000

1,200,000 1,000,000

700,00

2,000,000

500,000

500,00

1,000,000

200,00 100,00

0

0 1936

1961 1981 1951 1971

Fig. 51. Urban growth in Naples (left), Rome (middle), Palermo (right).

64

0 1936

1961 1981 1951 1971

1936

1961 1981 1951 1971

2. Illustrations of the project Vele di Scampia

Fig. 52. View of the model of the complex of Vele. Although it has not been discussed in this study, not all the buildings of the complex of Vele have a sail-like shape; in fact other buildings are more similar to towers. However, this does not mean both typologies present different ideas and concepts; everything that has been discussed about Vele can be applied to both ‘sail’ and ‘tower’ versions.

Fig. 53. Typical longitudinal section of a Vela showing the sail-like shape of the building and vertical circulation at the centre of the construction (not to scale).

Fig. 54. Original plan of the complex of Vele di Scampia (not to scale).

Initially, the number of buildings were planned to be 8 but only 7 have been completed.

65

3. Illustrations of the project Corviale

Fig. 55. General plan of Corviale in context (not to a specific scale).

Fig, 56. Typical floor plan in Corviale (not to a specific scale): the apartments are organised on a linear row, corridors divide the two blocks of apartments, vertical circulation is organised in blocks which are located in conjonction with the corridors.

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3. Illustrations of the project Zen2

Fig. 57. Aerial view of 2 insulae.

Borgo Pallavicino

Zen2

Zen1

Fig. 59. General plan of ZEN (now called San Filippo Neri): Borgo Pallavicino, Zen1 and Zen2.

Fig. 58. Ground floor (bottom) and first floor (top) plans of an insula (not to scale) : 4 parallel rows of houses with 3 parallel streets in between. In this insula, differently from the other ones, there is also a square.

Fig. 60. Original drawing of the pedestrian street inside the insula.

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5. Newspaper articles about Vele di Scampia

Fig. 61. ‘They are occupying the building site in Labriola. Scampia explodes.’ (2003) People from Scampia are manifesting against their difficult living conditions.

Fig. 62. ‘Man dies in the Vela he was demolishing.’ (1995) Tragic episode that has been published 68 in a newspaper and that shows the derelict state of Vele.

Fig. 63. ‘Dynamite against Vele, half of the ‘monster’ gives up.’ (1995) This article shows how dynamite has not been enough to demolish a Vela; this is interpreted as a symbol of strength and survival of the building.

69

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367, 1972, p.3 Capponi A., ‘Corviale, la Regione blocca 220 milioni di euro’, in Corriere della Sera 15/10/04, p. 51

Vanzanella G., ‘Napoli, La citta-modello diventa ghetto’, in IC Italia Caritas, n. 3, April 2006, pp. 18-19

Web-sourced publications

Careri F. and La Roque D., ‘Corviale: la plus longue erreur du monde’, in L’Architecture d’Aujourd’hui, n. 273, 1991, pp. 105-110

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Caritas Italiana, 2007, ‘Quartiere Zen: un mondo a parte’, presentation of the conference Il quartiere San Filippo Neri ‘Zen’ di Palermo, Palermo (1/4/07), in [http://www.caritasitaliana.it/pls/caritasitaliana/v3_s2ew_ consultazione.mostra_pagina?id_pagina=532 accessed 26/3/11]

Fiorentino F., ‘La Rinascita, Tv di palazzo biblioteca e tanto sport’, in Corriere della Sera 15.10.04, p. 51 Friedman Y., ‘Teoria Generale della Mobilita’, in Casabella, n. 305, 1966, pp.10-15 Memoli A. and Memoli M., ‘Situazione urbana e abitativa nelle Vele e riflessi sulla condizione sociale’, in Progettazione Urbana, n.1, 1994, pp.

54-57 Salvati A., ‘Le Vele di Scampia sono un monumento nazionale’, in La Stampa 11/10/10, p. 21 Rogers E. N., ‘Utopia della realta’, in Casabella, n. 259, 1962, p. 1.

Ricci G., ‘Le Vele di Scampia di Secondigliano. Dalle matrici culturali del progetto alla realizzazione concreta’, in Progettazione Urbana, n.1, 1994, pp. 19-31 Sicignano E. ‘Le Vele di Scampia ovvero il fallimento dell’utopia’, in Costruire in Laterizio, n. 65, 1998, pp. 368-373

Bonafede G. and Lo Piccolo F., ‘Palermo: lo ZEN e l’arte della negoziazione pubblico-privato’, in [http://www.planum.net/archive/documents/bonafede_lopiccolo.pdf accessed 10/11/10] Berruti G. and Lepore D., ‘Fuori dal centro non c’e’ il Bronx. Un esercizio di descrizione delle periferie metronapoletane’, in [www.planum. net/download/berruti_lepore-pdf accessed 10/2/11] Laino G. and De Leo D., 2002, ‘Le politiche pubbliche per il quartiere Scampia a Napoli’, Quinto Programma d’Azione 1998-2002, in [www. giovannilaino.it/datipdf/Report%20Scampia%20Nehom.pdf accessed 15/2/11] Ciriminna M. and Stella E., ‘Forme e risorse della marginalita a Palermo’, in [www.planum.net/download/ciriminna_stella-pdf accessed 10/2/11]

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Quartarone C. and Triolo F., ‘Le periferie palermitane: percorsi per rinnovare il passato e tutelare il futuro’, in [www.planum.net/download/ quartarone_triolo-pdf accessed 10/2/11]

Websites Corviale.it, website created by Mondo a Colori Media Network for people from Corviale, in [www.corviale.it accessed 20/2/11] Di Biase V., 2009, ‘Tra utopia e realta... Corviale’, in [http://www. corvialeurbanlab.it/home/item/9-tra-utopia-e-realt%C3%A0-corviale accessed 25/10/10].

Margiotta L., ‘Gallaratese/ Corviale/ Zen’, in [http://www.arch2. polimi.it/Eventi/Mostre/mostre_italia-GCZ.htm accessed 25/10/100] Parlamento Italiano, in [http://www.parlamento.it/parlam/leggi/00328.htm accessed 2/4/11] Stalker/ Osservatorio Nomade, in [http://www.osservatorionomade. net accessed 8/4/11]

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Image credits Fig. 1. Mauro Moschitti, [http://www.mauromoschitti.it/component/jo omgallery/?func=viewcategory&catid=19 accessed 26/4/11]

Introduction Fig. 2. Lavinia Scaletti

of Unite d’habitation [http://www.greatbuildings.com/buildings/ Unite_d_Habitation.html accessed 8/4/11] Fig. 12. F.A., ‘Secondigliano once more’, in Casabella, n. 337, 1969, p. 26 Fig. 13. Lavinia Scaletti, plans from: apartment in Vele (top) , F.A., ‘Secondigliano once more’, in Casabella, n. 337, 1969, p. 25; apartment in Corviale (bottom), ‘I piani di zona: 1964-1978’, in Casabella, n. 438, 1978, p. 38

Fig. 4. [www.flickr.com accessed 20/4/11], user Xavier de Jaureguibery

Fig. 14. Original project of Vele (left) , F.A., ‘Secondigliano once more’, in Casabella, n. 337, 1969, p. 29; final building (right) , [http://www. comic-soon.com/neronapoletano/archivio-fotografico/scampia-vele-2/ accessed 8/4/11]

Fig. 5. Mario Macaluso Photoblog, [http://mariomacaluso.blogspot. com/2007/01/zen2-un-sindaco-buontempone.html accessed 20/4/11]

Fig. 15. Careri F. and La Roque D., ‘Corviale: la plus longue erreur du monde’, in L’Architecture d’Aujourd’hui, n. 273, 1991, p. 107

Chapter I

Fig. 16. Santori F. G. and Pietromarchi B., 2006, Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, pp. 74-75

Fig. 3. [http://ki.noblogs.org/?p=1750 accessed 20/4/11]

Fig. 6. Lavinia Scaletti, images taken from Google Earth, 2011 Fig. 7. Sicignano E., ‘Le Vele di Scampia ovvero il fallimento dell’utopia’, in Costruire in Laterizio, n. 65, 1998, pp. 369 Fig. 8. ‘I piani di zona: 1964-1978’, in Casabella, n. 438, 1978, p. 37 Fig. 9. Ibid., p. 39 Fig. 10. F.A., ‘Secondigliano once more’, in Casabella, n. 337, 1969, p. 28 Fig. 11. Lavinia Scaletti, re-drawn from: diagram of Vele, F.A., ‘Secondigliano once more’, in Casabella, n. 337, 1969, p. 24; diagram of Corviale, ‘I piani di zona: 1964-1978’, in Casabella, n. 438, 1978, p. 38; diagram

Fig. 17. Lavinia Scaletti, 2011 Fig. 18. [http://www.mxpress.eu/?p=3226 accessed 8/4/11] Fig. 19. Lavinia Scaletti, 2011 Fig. 20. Top photo, Mauro Moschitti, [http://www.mauromoschitti. it/component/joomgallery/?func=viewcategory&catid=19 accessed 26/4/11]; bottom photo, Lavinia Scaletti 2011

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Chapter II

Chapter III

Fig. 21. [http://www.vocedimegaride.it/Politica.htm accessed 20/4/11]

Fig. 32. Photos Armin Linke, ‘5900 neighbours. Corviale Roma’, in Domus, n. 886, November 2005, pp. 76-77

Fig. 22. Lavinia Scaletti, data from Pugliese E. (ed), 1999, Oltre le Vele, Rapporto su Scampia, Naples: Fridericiana Editrice Universitaria, p. 61, 47, 55 Fig. 23. From left to right: photo Mauro Moschitti [http://www.fotocommunity.it/pc/pc/cat/16402/display/17407831 accessed 15/4/11]; [http://www.minimaetmoralia.it/wp/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/ gomorra.jpg accessed 25/4/11]; [http://www.nonsolocinema.com/ Gomorra-di-Matteo-Garrone.html accessed 8/4/11]

Fig. 33. From left to right: [www.flickr.com accessed 17/4/11], user (Des)Ordem e Progresso; Santori F. G. and Pietromarchi B., 2006, Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, p. 97; Photo Armin Linke, ‘5900 neighbours. Corviale Roma’, in Domus, n. 886, November 2005, p. 78 Fig. 34. [http://freedomlibertadiparola.blogspot.com/2009/03/il-fuquartiere-zenora-sfilippo-nerima.html accessed 10/4/11]

Fig. 24. Left: Sciascia A., 2003, Tra le modernita dell’architettura, Palermo: L’EPOS, p. 83; right: Ibid, p. 39

Fig. 35. Sciascia A., 2003, Tra le modernita dell’architettura, Palermo: L’EPOS, p. 126

Fig. 25. Photo Mauro Moschitti, [http://www.fotocommunity.it/pc/pc/ cat/16402/display/17464491 accessed 26/4/11]

Fig. 36. Santori F. G. and Pietromarchi B., 2006, Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, p. 129

Fig. 26. Left: Sciascia A., 2003, Tra le modernita dell’architettura, Palermo: L’EPOS, p. 115

Fig. 37. Corviale.it, [http://corviale.it/2010/05/12/abbattere-corvialemeglio-la-rigenerazione-della-proposta-buontempo/ accessed 17/4/11]

Fig. 27. [www.flickr.com accessed 8/4/11], user Comitato Marino Fig. 28. [http://freedomlibertadiparola.blogspot.com/2009/03/il-fuquartiere-zenora-sfilippo-nerima.html accessed 10/4/11] Fig. 29. Brera A., ‘Scampia: ieri, oggi e... domani?’ [http://www.scampiaitalia.it/131/scampia-ieri-oggi-e-domani/ accessed 17/4/11] Fig. 30. Ibid.

Fig. 31. Lavinia Scaletti, image taken from Google Earth, 2011 74

Fig. 38. Ciriminna M. and Stella E., ‘Forme e risorse della marginalita a Palermo’, in [www.planum.net/download/ciriminna_stella-pdf accessed 10/2/11] Fig. 39. Left: Photo Armin Linke, ‘5900 neighbours. Corviale Roma’, in Domus, n. 886, November 2005, p. 84; right: Santori F. G. and Pietromarchi B., 2006, Osservatorio Nomade, Immaginare Corviale, Pratiche ed estetiche per la citta contemporanea, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, p. 134 Fig. 40. Fig. 15. Careri F. and La Roque D., ‘Corviale: la plus longue er-

reur du monde’, in L’Architecture d’Aujourd’hui, n. 273, 1991, p. 105 Fig. 41. Lavinia Scaletti, 2011 Fig. 42. La Repubblica, [http://palermo.repubblica.it/dettaglio/ Le-casalinghe-si-trasformano-in-sarte-e-lanciano-borse-col-marchioZen-2/1503802 accessed 8/4/11] Fig. 43. [http://www.izmo.it/Wikizmo/Articoli/Corviale_Network accessed 10/4/11]

Fig. 50. Photo Andrea Ranalli, [www.flickr.com accessed 23/4/11], user Andrea Ranalli

Appendices Fig. 51. Re-elaboration of graphs, Lavinia Scaletti, data from [http:// www.comuni-italiani.it/ accessed 20/4/11] Fig. 52. F.A., ‘Secondigliano once more’, Casabella, n. 337, 1969, p. 21 Fig. 53. Ibid., 23

Conclusion

Fig. 54. Ibid., p.22

Fig. 44. Top: [http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Vele_di_Scampia.jpg accessed 21/4/11]; bottom: re-elaboration of image, Lavinia Scaletti

Fig. 55. Original drawing of M. Fiorentino, [http://w3.uniroma1.it/ todaro/didattica/sintesi/materiali/disegni%20corviale/planimetria%20 generale.jpg accessed 10/4/11]

Fig. 45. Top: F.A., ‘Secondigliano once more’, in Casabella, n. 337, 1969, p. 26; bottom: re-elaboration of image, Lavinia Scaletti Fig. 46. Author Stof, [http://www.scampiaitalia.it/981/susetta-spinoladi-scampia/ accessed 17/4/11] Fig. 47. Google Earth, 2011 Fig. 48. [http://www.mymovies.it/gomorra/photogallery/ accessed 15/10/10] Fig. 49. Project for the Retraining of Scampia in 2004 by V. Corvino, A. Iacomoni, L. Loffredo, A. G. Marinelli, G. Multari, R. Piccolo, M. Vassallo, in Iacomoni A., ‘Periferie e grandi interventi residenziali’, Macrame n.3 , 2009, p. 75

Fig. 56 Original drawing of M. Fiorentino, [http://w3.uniroma1.it/ todaro/didattica/sintesi/materiali/disegni%20corviale/piante%20ai%20 diversi%20livelli.jpg accessed 10/4/11] Fig. 57. Sciascia A., 2003, Tra le modernita dell’architettura, Palermo: L’EPOS, p. 134 Fig. 58. Ibid., 107 Fig. 59. Ibid., 171 Fig. 60. Ibid., 89 Fig. 61. [http://www.avog.it/Vele%202/03/7.htm accessed 26/4/11] Fig. 62. [http://www.avog.it/Vele%202/97/12.htm accessed 26/4/11] 75

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Fig. 64. Painting by a group of German artists: a bird painted on one Vela with people sitting on top. It is a sign of freedom and hope for this place.

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