Sweet Songs and Soft Hearts: Metaphors in Cuzco Quechua 1

Rosalind Owen

1 Introduction 1.1 Quechuan Culture

With a history rich in mythology, poetry, and unique forms of arithmetic, Quechuan culture lends itself to a transdisciplinary approach to modeling the world, based in its mythopoetic roots (Urton and Llanos 1997; Almeida and Haidar 2012). In a case study of Ecuadorian Quechua, Almeida and Haidar argue that these roots create a cognitive continuity between nature, culture, science and religion not found in Indo-European languages (2012). Traditionally, space and time have been conceptualized as a spatiotemporal unit, and in (Almeida and Haidar 2012). Nature terms have infused metaphorical and spiritual meanings in addition to their literal meanings. Examples in modern Quechua are shown in (1a-b). (1) a. orkob. patʃa-mama mountain mountain-mother “mountain/god”[Dative, 128] “earth” (holy centre/core of Earth) A point of contention is whether Quechua has a conceptualization of space-time that runs in the opposite direction (2a-b) to that of space-time metaphors in languages like English, in which the future is “behind” the speaker and the past is “in front of” them (Almeida and Haidar 2012). The logic is that the past can be seen, while the future is unknown and unseen. (2) a. “ñaupa”b. “kay”c. “k’ipa” past, and forward present, and here future, and behind While idioms in Quechua of the Peruvian Andes in the domains of “distress and suffering” have been documented for psychological study within cultural context, fgurative language has not been thoroughly studied in the Quechuan languages (Pederson, et al., 2010).

1.2 Theory in Metaphor

Conceptual metaphor theory claims that metaphor is not merely a linguistic expression but a result of cognitive processes that link concepts in the mind (Cameron and Maslen 2010). The metaphor links two domains, drawing on a more concrete concept to describe a more abstract one (Lakoff and Turner 1989). For instance, physical location can describe time as in (3). A domain is a cloud of entities, attributes, and relationships stored in the mind. Metaphor can add structure to, distort, or highlight the target domain and creates a “common conceptual apparatus” for a culture (Cameron and Maslen 2010; Lakoff and

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Turner 1989). (3) metaphor: The event is here. concept: EVENTS ARE LOCATIONS (Lakoff and Turner 1989)

1.3 Research Questions and Hypotheses

Much literature in cognitive semantics has investigated conceptual metaphor, though typologies have only covered Indo-European and Asian languages (Shen and Gil 2008). This paper investigates how metaphor manifests in Cuzco Quechua, whether epistemic traditions have infuenced the conceptualization of time and space, and asks whether the reverse time model is present. The language is likely to be rich in metaphor in all conceptual domains, with many relating to nature, refecting its historical cosmogony. The reverse time model is likely no longer present in the language. There many terms for time (4a-d), each entry all translating to “what time is it?” suggesting that time metaphors may nonetheless be abundant. (4) a. duda ɲatʃu b. tʃima pudac. imaj hurasdad. iman timpu karparin dark time what time what time what time kar-parin [Dative, 1230] [Dative, 1625] [Dative, 1626] [Dative, 1223]

2 Materials and Methods

The data were collected using questionnaires and translation. Specifcally, “Metaphors Across Languages,” the questionnaire by Gil and Shen for work on the typology of metaphors, was used during elicitations. It covers semantic categories rich in metaphor, including perception, sensory, body parts, texture, travel, emotions, mental states/activities and time terms. The consultant was informed that the goal was to collect metaphors and was given examples in each category in English. At times the consultant simply spoke freely, inspired by the subject. Additionally, “Time and space questionnaire” by Levinson et al. (1970) was used to elicit periods, measurement and passage of time, in order to investigate spatiotemporal phrases described in Almeida and Haidar (2012). Some metaphors were found in folktales, poetry, and on the student database. Hong elicited a folktale, which was later analyzed for metaphors. Poetry, online and print, was translated. Some translations were provided by Dumais. Specifc examples and translations used for comparison were found on the student database “Dative.” The collected metaphors were grouped and compared to metaphors analyzed in previous studies of conceptual metaphor.

3 Results

The results are presented in order of Shen and Gil’s questionnaire, with an added nature category. Semantic threads are compared to attested conceptual metaphors in other languages.

3.1 Perception Terms

The perception category includes words such as see, hear, smell, taste, and touch. A recurring metaphor involves sight as a form of feeling, as in (5), where

sight is used as introspection, and as in (6) where sight is used to express feeling emotion. (6) is particularly notable as a heart metaphor that conceptualizes THE HEART FOR THE PERSON (Pérez and de Olavide 2008). (5) kawa-j soŋko-j kita look-INF heart-POSS 2.SG.POSS “to look at your own heart” (when you look inside yourself, metaphorical use) (6) tʃaska-ŋ panta hamoxtiŋ q’axtʃa-ka riku-kun Chaska-ŋ Panta coming fear-ka see-kun “When Panta was coming Chaska feels scared” Additionally, smell was used in a similar way to the English expression “nosey,” shown in (7). (7) muʃki-pakox smell-pakox “nosey; trying to know everything” Taste was a productive sense (with more in section 3.2), used in (8) to describe experience. (8)ɲoka-n maʎi-ni kelkan-ta 1.SG-NOMtaste-ni letter-ACC “I know the book; I read the book”

3.2 Sensory Terms

The sensory terms elicited primarily described people and their character through the sense of taste, as in (9-10). (9)a. warmi sumax-mib. q’alma woman delicious-mi unseasoned “nice woman, inside and outside” “boring person, unemotional” (10) a. miʃki simi b. miʃki taki sweet mouth sweet song “person who speaks beautiful words” “beautiful song”

3.3 Body Part Terms

Many metaphors elicited revolved around the heart. The physical qualities of the heart are relevant for one’s character and emotional state, as in (11a-b) where the stone comparison (11a) implies a hardened or selfsh person, showing perhaps that THE HEART IS A MATERIAL, and the emptiness (11b) referring to a loveless person, perhaps showing THE HEART IS A CONTAINER FOR EMOTIONS (Pérez and de Olavide 2008). (11) a. rumi soŋkob. tʃ’osax soŋko stone heart empty heart “selfsh person; hardened heart” “loveless person” The heart can also be an object to be broken, as in (12) where “open” can be used to mean “break a heart.” Thus, THE HEART IS A BREAKABLE OBJECT

(Pérez and de Olavide 2008). (12)a. ʎiki b. pakic. kiri open broken wound “to open, break” “broken” “to wound” The heart may be a locus of love and emotion, as in (13) where one literally asks someone to “sit on my chest” as a plea for love. (13)kasko-j-man tija-jemuj chest-j-ALL sit-jemuj “come to me and love me” A metaphor for control (14) found in the folktale involves being under someone’s foot. (14)tʃakipampa-mpi purenka sole.of.foot-mpi walk “To be controlled by someone” (Hong 2019)

3.4 Texture Terms

Texture metaphors can also describe people’s character. In (15) is another example where the quality of the heart is described, again showing THE HEART IS A MATERIAL. (15) ʎampu soŋko soft heart “gentle person” In (16) the textural adjective is compared directly to the person’s character. (16) mantʃa paku mantʃa prickly “prickly person”

3.5 Travel Terms

The only metaphors elicited in this domain are for saying goodbye, either as one is leaving or as a goodbye to the dead. (17) shows different conjugations of this verb, literally meaning “drop.” (17) a. katʃar-pari b. katʃar-pare-ska drop-pari drop-pare-PST “(to say) goodbye” “said goodbye”

3.6 Emotions

Emotion was the most productive domain, often revolving around the heart and the eyes. (18) shows that physical feelings of the heart stand in for the emotional state. (18) may indicate THE HEART IS THE SEAT OF LOVE. (18) a. soŋko-mi kara-ʃanb. soŋko rawrari-ʃan heart-mi sting-PROG heart burn-PROG “I am upset/angry” “heart burning with love” Eyes are also salient for describing emotion, with different substances emerging from them depending on the emotional state. (19-21) show an array of eye and

tear metaphors. (19)tʃaj runa-xka ɲawiŋ-kuna-manta-raxmi nina pawa-ʃan that people-xka eyes-PL-ABL-raxmi fames fy-PROG “fames are fying out of this person’s eyes” (because he’s so upset) (20)ɲawi-mi jawarta wakan eyes-my bleeding tears “my eyes are crying blood” (severe sadness) (21)weka-ki majun apaj-uwa-ʃan tears-ki river take.way-uwa-PROG “the river of tears is taking me away” There are multiple approaches to describing an overwhelming physical sense of emotion, as in (22) with a “wall of sadness” and (23) where fear is fully embodied. (22)ʎaki-kakan ɲit’u-wa-ʃan sadness-huge press-wa-PROG “a huge wall of sadness pressing on me” (23)ʎapan kurkuj-mi q’axtʃa-ska (khatatatan) all body-mi fear-PST (shaking) “all of my body was (shaking) with fear”

3.8 Time

Many expressions for time include non-literal meanings. Time is measured with “ties” for years and the word for clock literally means “to tie the sun,” as in (24). (24)a. ti-watab. inti-wata-na ti-tie sun-tie-NOM “clock” “solar clock” The word for “month” also means “moon,” as in (25a). In expressions of the future (25b), times moves toward the speaker, showing the metaphor TIME MOVES (Lakoff and Turner 1989). (25)a. nintʃa kiʎab. hamo-x wata next moon come-x year “next month” “coming year” The time model has the future in front and the past behind, contrary to Almedia and Haidar’s record (2012). However, there are still some potential semantic connections which may suggest diachronic change or borrowing. The past can be described with /ɲawpa/, as in the expression in (26a); while the consultant denied a possible connotation of “forward,” /ɲawpa/ can also be used to mean “ahead” or “forward” in certain contexts, as in (26b). (26) a. ɲawpa kawsa-j b. ɲawpa-j before live-INF go.ahead-INF “old times” “go ahead” The present is described with a separate word than “here,” each shown in (27),

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showing that these are in fact distinct concepts. (27) a. kuna b. kaj now here “now” “here” The future (28a) is described with a separate word from “behind” and is not /k’ipa/. /k’ipa/ is solely used as a term for potato crops, as in (28b), which is also used as a derogatory term for stepchildren. The consultant explained that /k’ipa/ is when potatoes are harvested and the leftover roots resprout the next season, implying cyclicity within the word. (28)a. pakariŋb. k’ipa tomorrow potato.crop “tomorrow; future” “new potato crop” Space and time do not seem to be any more unidual than in other languages. Time can be referred to with distance and space expressions, as in (29-30). This suggests the metaphor EVENTS ARE LOCATIONS is present and productive in the language. (29) ɲaŋ ɲawpa-ri wantʃiʃna already ahead-ri wantʃiʃna “(The event is) already in front of us/ahead of us” (30) kaj ʎaʎpiɲa kaʃan here event is “the event is close”

3.9 Nature

Relatively few metaphors related to nature. Some describe and somewhat anthropomorphize water in (31). (31) a. maju-n waka-ʃan b. maju-n qapari-ʃan river-NOM cry-PROG river-NOM yell-PROG “the river is making so much noise” “the river is noisy” A relatively common comparison is between people and birds. Perhaps there is a cultural metaphor, PEOPLE ARE BIRDS, which may arise from the plethora of birds in the mythology. An endearing term for daughter in law implies “beautiful, nice, fragile girl,” while just referring to her as a bird, as in (32). “Dove” can also be used as a term of endearment as in (33). (32) katʃu-n urpi daughter-n bird “daughter in law” (33) may-pi-punitaq kankiri urpi-llay where-who-EMPH be urpi-mine “My dove where are you?” (Pacheo Alvarez 2015) (trans Dumais 2019)

4 Discussion

The most productive domains were emotions and metaphors related to the heart, with several cross-linguistically common concepts. Further research is needed to determine if cultural signifcance can explain the signifcance of the sense of

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taste and measurements of time. Time and space are comparable and thus are separate domains. However, it is unclear if the historical reverse time model is infuencing modern time orientation.

5 Conclusion

Metaphors were found in all tested semantic domains in Cuzco Quechua, with a notable number of metaphors taking description from the sense and perception of taste. Many metaphors relate to the heart, which can express a wide range of emotions and states. Time and space seem to be separate domains, contrary to historical models. Further research could include corpus studies to collect a wider range of metaphors and lend signifcance to their frequency.

References

Almeida, I. and Haidar, J. (2012). The mythopoetical model and logic of the concrete in Quechua culture: Cultural and transcultural translation problems. Sign Systems Studies, 40(3/4), 484–513. doi: 10.12697/ sss.2012.3-4.12 Cameron, L., and Maslen, R. (Eds.). (2010). Studies in Applied Linguistics: Metaphor Analysis: Research Practice in Applied Linguistics, Social Sciences and the Humanities. Oakville, CT: Equinox Publishing Ltd Dative. (n.d.). Dative. Retrieved from https://app.dative.ca/. Dumais, Gabrielle. (2019). Elicitation notes: “tuya alvarez.” Gil, D., and Shen, Y. (n.d.). Typological tools for feld linguistics. Retrieved from https://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/tools-at-lingboard/questionnaire fgurative-language_description.php. Hong, Seo Hyun. (2019). Elicitation notes: “Quechua folktale.” Levinson, S. C., Bohnemeyer, J., and Enfeld, N. J. (1970, January 1). Time and space questionnaire. Pacheco Alvarez, Wilbert. (2015). “Urpi”. Youtube video. Pedersen, D., Kienzler, H., and Gamarra, J. (2010). Llaki and ñakary: Idioms of distress and suffering among the highland Quechua in the Peruvian Andes. Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry, 34(2), 279-300. Pérez, R. G., and de Olavide, P. (2008). A Cross-Cultural Analysis of Heart Met aphors. Revista Alicantina DeEstudios Ingleses, 21, 25–56.

End notes 1. Many thanks to consultant W. P., Professor Lima, and the Field Methods class for their invaluable work. 2. This is the same Quechuan language (Quechua II) spoken in Cuzco, Peru, where the consultant is from. 3. This may be related to the traditional record keeping using khipus, complex knot syste.” 4. Here is another example of /ɲawpa/ meaning “forward.”