Committed saint copy edit by Lexi Devenport

A Committed Saint “Man’s actions are the picture book of his creeds” —Ralph Waldo Emerson

Martin had arrived in Kirtland from Independence, Missouri, about the time of the return of the Prophet Joseph Smith and the advance party, August 27, 1831.1 Just before

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Martin’s June 19 departure to go with Joseph to Jackson County Missouri, his brother,

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Preserved Harris, had purchased fifty acres of farmland in Mentor Township, Geauga

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County, Ohio.2 Martin was now anxious to visit his brother and parents, Nathan and Rhoda Harris, who were comfortably settled in Mentor with Preserved. Likewise his older brother Emer and family were readily available at the Isaac Morley farm throughout the summer of 1831. However, that fall Emer chose to relocate in the home of Stephen Persons at Brownhelm, Lorain County, Ohio, about sixty miles west of

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1 Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, and Oliver Cowdery arrived in Kirtland on 27 August 1831. See Joseph Smith, Manuscript History of the Church, Book A-1, 145; Joseph Smith Jr., History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, ed. B. H. Roberts, 2d ed., rev., 7 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1971), 1:206 (hereafter cited as History of the Church). 2

Carter Foote to Preserved Harris, 9 June 1831, Geauga County Land Records, Deeds, 14:452–53.

Later that same year Preserved purchased an additional 74.23 acres, also in Mentor Township. In about 1835 he built a more substantial frame house which still stands today. It is Lake County Heritage Home, HH230, and is described as “Preserved Harris House: 8900 Johnnycake Ridge Rd. (West of Chillicothe Rd.) Mentor, Ohio 44060. Built ca.1835. Vernacular, gable front, 1-1/2 & 1 story, 2 bays over 3 left wing, 2 bays over 3 right wing, porch & left wing added, cedar shakes.” Lake County Heritage Homes File, Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Lake County Historical Society, Painesville, Ohio.

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Kirtland.3 At this early stage, it is difficult to determine exactly where Martin chose to establish his own residence in the vicinity of Kirtland. His personal record of land transactions recorded with Geauga County at Chardon or Lake County at Painesville, Ohio, (when Kirtland is divided off in 1840) do not appear to show up until later. In discussing the problem of identifying Martin’s first location in the Kirtland area, historian Keith W. Perkins observed that numbers of incoming Saints simply moved in with acquaintances, friends, or relatives. He suggested that Martin might have found

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temporary quarters with his brother Preserved and parents in Mentor. It is also possible that he joined those who were establishing themselves, including his brother Emer at the Isaac Morley farm, situated just a mile northeast of the village of Kirtland.4 More than one hundred persons had already gathered there prior to the arrival of the missionaries to the Lamanites in 1830, forming a religious communal

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group, which was “sponsored by [Sidney] Rigdon and administered by Isaac Morley

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known as ‘The Family.’”5 A majority of “The Family” was converted to Mormonism by

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Oliver Cowdery and his associates with the approbation of their former minister,

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Sidney Rigdon. Isaac Morley offered incoming Saints from New York the option of

Martin Henderson Harris, Reminiscences and Journal, 1856–76, Memorandum, ms. 1781, p. 1,

depository; see also Leo A. Harris, Arvil B. Harris, and Martin H. Harris, eds., Martin Henderson Harris, a Utah Pioneer: His Life, Labors, and Posterity (n.p.: Harris Family Organization, Committee on Publication, 1952), 12. 4 Keith W. Perkins, interviewed by author, Orem, Utah, 6 June 2008. 5 Max H Parkin, “The Nature and Cause of Internal and External Conflict of the Mormons in Ohio Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

between 1830 and 1838” (master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, 1966), 35.

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settling on his land.6 Perkins pointed out that individuals locating on privately owned land may or may not have filed private property deeds and, therefore, are difficult to trace. Some land transactions were simply arranged between parties without officially

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filing with the county. However, Martin was subsequently involved in the acquisition of multiple Kirtland properties of record as indicated herein.7 Mary Elizabeth Rollins, a Kirtland convert, recalled that early in 1831, Martin Harris and a small number of Saints had a singular spiritual experience of unusual proportion during a gathering at the Joseph Smith home on the Isaac Morley farm. She wrote: Mother and I went over to the Smith house. We wanted to hear more about the Golden Bible. They were not settled yet, but as there were other visitors, when the Prophet saw us he said, “We might as well have a meeting.” I sat with others on a plank that had been provided, the ends resting on boxes. After prayer and singing, Joseph began talking. Suddenly he stopped and seemed almost transfixed. He was looking ahead and his face outshone the candle

6 Donald Q. Cannon and Keith W. Perkins, Sacred Places: A Comprehensive Guide to Early LDS Historical Sites, vol. 3, Ohio and Illinois, ed. LaMar C. Berrett (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 2001), 18–19. 7 Martin Harris Kirtland Property Summary, courtesy of LDS Visitors’ Center, Kirtland, Ohio: David Holbrook to Martin Harris, 27 May 1837, 230 acres, tract 1, lot 46 [47], Geauga County Land Records, Deeds, Book 23:579. In another deed the following year, Martin returned the property back to David Holbrook on 22 August 1838, Book B, 203, Lake County Records Office, Painesville, Ohio. Martin may never have taken possession; Commissioners of Geauga County to Martin Harris, 7 June 1837, 105 acres, tract 1, lot 33 (purchase deed not found); Horace Holt to Martin Harris 22 February 1839, 0.5 acres, tract 1, lot 32, Geauga County Land Records, Deeds, Book 30:580; Roger Orton to Martin Harris, 16 March 1839, 0.5 acres, tract 1, lot 32, Geauga County Land Records, Deeds, Book 30:579; Martha Frost to Martin Harris, 17 October 1857, 0.5 acres, tract 1, lot 30, Block 113, Sub-Lot 3, Lake County Land Records Deeds, Book S:277, depository; Electa Stratton to Martin Harris, 20 October 1857, tract 1, lot 30, Block 113, Sub-Lot 2, Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Lake County Land Records Deeds, Book N:589.

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which was on a shelf just behind him. I thought I could almost see the cheek bones. He looked as though a searchlight was inside his face. After a short time he looked at us very solemnly and said, “Brothers and Sisters, do you know who has been in your midst this night?” One of the Smith family said, “An angel of the Lord.” Joseph did not answer. Martin Harris was sitting at the Prophet’s feet on a box. He slid to his “knees, clasped his arms around the Prophet’s knees and said, “I know, it was our Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ.” Joseph put his hand on Martin’s head and answered, “Martin, God has revealed that to you. Brother and Sisters, the Savior has been in your midst. I want you to remember it. He cast a veil over your eyes for you could not endure to look upon him. You must be fed with milk and not meat. I want you to remember this as if it were the last thing that escaped my lips.”8

This momentous manifestation of the Spirit and the Prophet’s personal prayer that followed, on behalf of all present, were never to be forgotten by that handful of faithful adherents—particularly Martin. It was not long before the Morley farm could not contain the number of Saints that had migrated to Kirtland. Soon newly constructed cabins began to dot the greater Kirtland landscape with the influx of new residents like Martin. Warren A. Cowdery, editor of the Messenger and Advocate, later traced the advances set in motion by the Saints at the beginning of the Mormon era in Kirtland, stating, “The starting up, as if by

Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner, “Diary of Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner,” p. 4, typescript,

L. Tom Perry Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah; Mary and her mother were living at the Morley farm with Algernon Sidney Gilbert. Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner was the daughter of widow Keziah Keturah VanBenthusen Rollins. Keziah’s sister Elizabeth was married to Algernon Sidney Gilbert, who took Keziah and her orphaned children into his Kirtland home and supported them. See Geraldine Hamblin Bangerter and Susan Easton Black, My Servant Algernon Sidney Gilbert: Provide for My Saints (Salt Lake City: Rollins, Hamblin, and Bangerter Family Organization, Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

1989), 8–12.

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magic, of buildings in every direction around us, were evincive to us of the buoyant hope, lively anticipation and a firm confidence that our days of pinching adversity had passed by, that the set time of the Lord to favor Zion had come.”9 Within a few years, the sleepy village of Kirtland was transformed into a mushrooming community that by 1837 was larger than the Ohio towns of “Chardon, Painesville, Akron, Canton, Warren, and Youngstown and was not much smaller than Cleveland or Dayton.”10

“MONEYS FOR THE USE OF ZION” Adherents of the faith, such as the Harris brothers, often interrupted daily pursuits to attend conferences, much like the earlier days in New York. A series of such conferences in Ohio had particular bearing on the brothers. At the October 25, 1831, conference held in Orange, Cuyahoga County, Emer was named one of six men

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“appointed and ordained, agreeable to the motion of the Clerk, to visit the Churches agreeably to the Conference of Oct. 11. 1831.” They were to call on the respective branches and to “set them in order.” These men were also charged with the “further duty on their mission, of setting forth the condition of Brothers Joseph Smith, Jun., and Sidney Rigdon, that they might obtain means to continue the translation” of the scriptures.11 Emer received his ordination as a high priest at that same conference. During the conference proceedings, Emer declared that “he was determined to be for

Oliver Cowdery, “Kirtland, Ohio, June 1837,” Messenger and Advocate 3 (June 1837): 520.

See Milton V. Backman Jr., The Heavens Resound: A History of the Latter-day Saints in Ohio, 1830–1838

(Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1983), 139. 11 Donald Q. Cannon and Lyndon W. Cook, eds., Far West Record: Minutes of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, 1830–1844 (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1983, 16–17, 17nn4–5; 24–25; Smith, Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Manuscript History of the Church, Book A-1, 155; History of the Church, 1:219.

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God & none else & with his assistance to do his will.” Several other men, including Martin Harris, also bore testimony of the Lord Jesus Christ and committed their all to God. “Br. Martin Harris said that he was anxious that all should be saved &c also read two verses in the book of Revelations, also covenanted to give all for Christ’s sake.”12 At the conference, Emer turned over to Oliver Cowdery, clerk, twenty-one dollars in “moneys for the use of Zion,” which he had received from five of the brethren residing in Brownhelm, Ohio.13 Bishop Newel K. Whitney later testified that at some time unspecified by him, Preserved Harris had given him fifty dollars to send to Zion.”14 At one juncture or another, each of the Harris brothers was involved in donating much

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needed monies for Zion. The Prophet’s consuming interest in publishing the revelations, which had been received for the general use of the Saints, became a focal point for six “Special

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Conferences” held in succession at the home of John Johnson in Hiram, Portage County, Ohio. At the concluding conference, November 12 through 13, Martin and others were recognized for their prior contributions to sacred writings in the Church. The Prophet

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affirmed: Br. Oliver has labored with me from the beginning in writing &c Br. Martin has labored with

12 Cannon and Cook, Far West Record, 19, 20–23, 25. 13 Oliver Cowdery’s receipt to Emer Harris reads: “Brownhelm October 1831 Moneys received for the use of Zion put in by Elisha Persons – 3$, John Kesley – 2$, Benager Persons – 5$, Hannah Peck – 1$, Joseph Ketcham – 10$ Received of Emer Harris the within sums to be sent up to the land of Zion Oliver Cowdery Orange Oct 25 1831.” title, Franklin S. Harris Collection, ms. 340, box 3, fd. 4a, Perry Special Collections. 14 Kirtland Council Minute Book, 16 June 1836, depository.

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me from the beginning, brs. John [Whitmer] and Sidney also for a considerable time, & as these sacred writings are now going to the Church for their benefit, that we may have claim on the Church for recompense, if this conference think these things worth prizing to be had on record to show hereafter I feel that it will be according to the mind of the Spirit for by it these things were put into my heart which I know to be the Spirit of truth, &c.15

The conference then voted that because of the diligence of these men “in bringing to light by the grace of God these sacred things,” they should “be appointed to manage them according to the Laws of the Church & Commandments of the Lord.” Those

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responsible for bringing forth the sacred revelations to be found in the “Book of Commandments” were named in a November 12, 1831, revelation from the Lord, viz., “I give unto my servant Joseph Smith, Jun., and also unto my servant Martin Harris,

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and also unto my servant Oliver Cowdery, and also unto my servant John Whitmer, and also unto my servant Sidney Rigdon, and also my servant William W. Phelps, by way of commandment unto them. . . . I, the Lord, have appointed them, and ordained them to be stewards over the revelations and commandments.” Those thus named were

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to manage the printing of the revelations and were made up of the membership called

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the Literary Firm.16 Members of the Literary Firm were “consecrated” to manage, print,

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and distribute them so that “the revelations may be published, and go forth unto the

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ends of the earth; that they also may obtain funds which shall benefit the church in all

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15 Cannon and Cook, Far West Record, 32. 16 Cannon and Cook, Far West Record, 31–33; Doctrine and Covenants 70-1-3; Lyndon Cook, Joseph Smith and the Law of Consecration (Provo, Utah: Grandin Book, 1985), 43; Max H Parkin, “Joseph Smith and Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

the United Firm,” BYU Studies 46, no. 3 (2007): 11–12; Doctrine and Covenants 70:1–3.

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things.”17

THOMAS LAKEY TO JOHN GRAVES: MARTIN’S BOOK OF MORMON DEBT IS “REDEEMED” While Martin continued his residence in Kirtland, affairs were unfolding in Palmyra on Saturday, January 28, 1832, that would culminate in the final settlement of his

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indebtedness for the printing of the Book of Mormon. In capsule form there was a chain

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of events associated with that landmark date and achievement. On August 25, 1829,

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(and later recorded September 11, 1829) Martin Harris had taken out an 18-month

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mortgage on his Palmyra farm as a security for the payment of $3,000 to Egbert B.

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Grandin for the publication of 5,000 copies of the Book of Mormon.18 Behind the scenes

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on October 21, 1830, Thomas Rogers 2nd became the assignee for that mortgage by

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paying the holder, Egbert B. Grandin, $2,000 in hand when Grandin had some pressing

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financial needs.19 Rogers would thereby receive $3,000, the entire amount of the

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mortgage, which he would later obtain when Martin sold the required acreage to cover the cost of the printing. Martin next took out a second mortgage by selling 150 and ¼ [later assessed as 151 ¼ acres] acres to Thomas Lakey who was to pay Martin the specified $3,000 in a series of installments extending to October 1832. With those monies Martin could then settle the long-standing debt. Lakey had entered this second mortgage with Martin as a speculation. He intended to sell Martin’s farm to a buyer at a

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higher price, pay Harris his $3,000, and then pocket the balance.

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17 Doctrine and Covenants 72:21.

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18 Martin Harris to Egbert B. Grandin, Wayne County Book of Mortgages, 25 August 1829, recorded 11 September 1829, book 3, p. 325–26, depository. 19 Egbert B. Grandin to Thomas Rogers 2nd, Wayne County Book of Mortgages, 21 October 1830, Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

recorded 23 May 1832, vol. 5, p. 363.

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A third party soon sped up the payment process. In 1831 John Graves, accompanied by his wife, Jane, and widowed daughter, Mrs. Christina Graves Grainger, had come to Walworth, Wayne County, New York, from England. Mrs. Grainger brought with her $3,000 in gold coins, wrapped in a money belt around her waist.20 Utilizing these monies, on January 28, 1832, John Graves purchased the old Harris farm and 151¼ acres from Thomas Lakey, paying $3,300.21 Thomas Lakey had earned $300 clear and the $3,000 to Martin’s account provided the requisite amount used to add to the Martin

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Harris account the requisite $3,000. This amount was used to retire the debt owed for

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printing the Book of Mormon. Note that the recipient of the $3,000 was not Egbert

Comment [1]: I don’t know if this phrase is necessary.

Grandin but rather Thomas Rogers 2nd, the mortgage assignee since October 21, 1830. Having received the agreed amount, Thomas Rogers 2nd appeared before Truman

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Heminway, a commissioner of deeds for Wayne County, and completed the process:

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I Thomas Rogers 2nd assignee of an indenture of mortgage bearing date the twenty fifth day

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of August in the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty nine, and made and executed

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by Martin Harris then of the town of Palmyra, county of Wayne and state of New York to Egbert B. Grandin of the same place, and recorded September 11th 1829 in Liber 3 of mortgages at folio 325 in the office of the Clerk of said county, do certify, that said mortgage

20 Minor T. Patton, unpublished paper on the role of Mrs. Christina Graves Grainger in the settlement of the Martin Harris and E. B. Grandin mortgage agreement pertaining to the publication of the Book of Mormon, copy in possession of writers. 21 Martin Harris to Thomas Lakey, 7 April 1831 and recorded 20 December 1831, Wayne County New York Deeds, vol. 10, pp. 515–16. Note: Solomon Chamberlin was one of the witnesses to the indenture along with Thomas’s brother Abner Lakey. Solomon Chamberlin was a Mormon living just one mile northeast of Lyons, New York, on the Pilgrim Port Road. He was an April 1830 convert, baptized by Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Joseph Smith in Seneca Lake, in April 1830.

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is redeemed paid off, satisfied and discharged. Given under my hand January 28th 1832. Executed in presence of T. Heminway Abner F. Lakey }

Thomas Rogers 2nd

State of New York Wayne County Js} On the twenty eighth day of January 1832 came before me Truman Heminway a commissioner of deeds for said county Thomas Rogers 2nd to me known to be the same person described in and who executed the above discharge and acknowledged that he executed the same, freely for the purposes therein expressed. Truman Heminway22

Martin was greatly relieved to have the protracted payment of his indebtedness for the publication of the Book of Mormon at a successful conclusion, January 28, 1832.

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PREPARATIONS FOR PROSELYTIZING: THE BROTHERS HARRIS Members of the Harris family were again affected by a significant conference held January 23, 1832, in Amherst, Lorain County, Ohio. Emer Harris was commanded to unite “in the ministry” with an Amherst convert named Simeon Carter.23 Simeon was

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22 Thomas Rogers 2nd certified that Martin Harris mortgage indenture of 25 August 1829 and recorded 11 September 1829 is redeemed. Wayne County Book of Mortgages, 28 January 1832, vol. 5, p. 215. Once again the writers are grateful to lawyers Gordon A. Madsen and Jeffrey N. Walker for the Thomas Rogers 2nd participation in the agreement. 23

Simeon Doget Carter (7 June 1794–3 February 1869), son of Gideon Carter and Johannah Sims, born

in Killingsworth, Middlesex County, Kentucky. He married (1) Lydia Kenyon, 2 December 1818, and (2) Louise Gibbons, 14 November 1849. Simeon was the oldest Carter brother mentioned in the Doctrine and Covenants (75:30). He came to the Salt Lake Valley in 1850 [1849] with the Orson Hyde Company. He died in Brigham City, Box Elder County, Utah at age seventy-four. See Black, Who’s Who in the Doctrine and Covenants, 57–59 [need complete citation]; Dean C. Jessee, Mark Ashurst-McGee, and Richard L.

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anxious to fulfill the appointed mission, but Emer Harris was not prepared to go as he had pressing issues to attend to. Carter concluded to begin his labors early without Emer, proselyting in New England with various companions. Simeon united with his brother Jared Carter beginning in mid-August 1832. The pair was reported to “have done wondrous works in Vermont, in breaking down prejudice in a wonderful manner.” They ministered both in Vermont and New York before arriving back in Kirtland on October 19, 1832. 24

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Meanwhile, Emer continued to delay his appointed mission. In the spring of 1832 he

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relocated on the Thorrot (Thorrit) Person’s farm and worked to get his family situated there. It was not until near the birth of his son, Alma Harris, on June 6, 1832, at Brownhelm, Lorain County, Ohio, that Emer was finally ready to depart.25 However,

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his only problem now was the lack of a missionary companion. Emer broached the subject with his brother Martin who was willing to accompany him and had been in the process of wrapping up some primary obligations, which had engaged his attention over the past several months. One such concern was the reliance of the brethren on his aid in supplying paper for the forthcoming publication of the Book of Commandments and issues of the Evening and the Morning Star in Independence, Missouri. Oliver Cowdery, John Whitmer, and Jensen, eds., Journals, Volume 1: 1832–1839, vol. 1 of the Journals series of The Joseph Smith Papers, ed. Dean C. Jessee, Ronald K. Esplin, and Richard Lyman Bushman (Salt Lake City: Church Historian’s Press, 2008), 404. 24

Jared Carter, Journals, 1831–33, ms. Sc. 547, book 3, pp. 1821, typescript, Perry Special Collections;

“Extracts of Letters from the Elders Abroad,” Evening and the Morning Star 1 (February 1833): 5–6. 25 Martin Henderson Harris, Reminiscences and Journal, 1856–76, Memorandum, ms. 1781, pp. 1–2; Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Harris, Harris, and Harris, Martin Henderson Harris, a Utah Pioneer, 12.

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W. W. Phelps were in dire need of paper for their publication enterprise in Missouri. Oliver Cowdery had directed a letter to the Prophet on January 28, 1832, imploring him to bring a large quantity of paper when he came on his forthcoming visit. The

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anticipated involvement of Martin Harris in helping to provide means for the paper is revealed in Oliver’s postscript: P.S. We expect soon to be ready to print and hope that brother Martin [Harris] can supply with paper at present you can tear off the bottom of this sheet which will serve him for a bill you see if ten thousand copies [this number was reduced to three thousand] the number of copies estimated number of copies of the Book of Commandments needed] is are struck it will take double the amount of the first mentioned Ream[s] and we feel anxious that it may be so for I think there is no fear of sale O. C.[rest of page cut off][p.3]] [Ne]wel K. Whitney Kirtland Mills Geauga County Ohio26

It seems apparent that Martin was somehow involved in the procurement of the paper though that outcome is not specifically stated. The brethren had very little money, but the Prophet was directly commanded by revelation to take the required paper with him and to “let the purchase be made by the Bishop [Newel K. Whitney] if it needs be by hire.”27 By some means Joseph had the requested paper with him as he traveled to Missouri in April 1832.

Oliver Cowdery to Joseph Smith Jr., 28 January 1832, in Matthew C. Godfrey and others, eds.,

Documents, Volume 2: July 1831–January 1833, vol. 2 of the Documents series of The Joseph Smith Papers, ed. Dean C. Jessee, Ronald K. Esplin, and Richard Lyman Bushman (Salt Lake City: Church Historian’s Press, 2013), 163–79, 179n191. 27 Cook, Joseph Smith and the Law of Consecration, 45–46, 52, n. 16.

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As for Martin, there was also the matter of his membership in the emerging United Firm, a “companion” to the Literary Firm. The purpose of the United Firm, as organized at Kirtland in March 1832, was to “assist in the operation of the Literary Firm” and generate revenue for the financial operations of the Church.28 Joseph was instructed by revelation: “For verily I say unto you the time has come, and is now at hand, and behold; and lo it must needs be that there be an organization of the literary and mercantile establishments of my church both in this place and in the land of Zion for a permanent and everlasting establishment and firm unto my Church to advance the cause which ye have espoused.”29 Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, Newel K. Whitney, Peter Whitmer, and Jesse Gause set out from Ohio the first of April 1832 and journeyed to Missouri where the Prophet, Sidney Rigdon, and Newel K. Whitney, according to revelation, were instructed to “organize the Church’s mercantile and publishing endeavors.”30 They arrived at

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Independence on April 24, 1832. Joseph “called a general council of the Church, and

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was there acknowledged as the President of the High Priesthood” on April 26. As the

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brethren were discussing aspects of the projected United Firm in Zion, Joseph received

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additional revelation concerning its operation. Those who were to manage the United Firm were named viz., Edward Partridge, Newel K. Whitney, Algernon S. Gilbert, John Whitmer, Sidney Rigdon, Joseph Smith, John Whitmer, Oliver Cowdery, William W. Phelps, and Martin Harris. These brethren were to be “bound together by a bond and

Cook, Joseph Smith and the Law of Consecration, 45; Parkin, “Joseph Smith and the United Firm,” 12–

16. Martin Harris is identified as a member of the United Firm in Doctrine and Covenants 82:11. 29 “Kirtland Revelation Book,” 16, in Cook, Joseph Smith and the Law of Consecration, 45, 45n5. 30 Doctrine and Covenants 78, 2013 edition, headnote.

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covenant that cannot be broken,” and to have equal claims on the properties, “for the benefit of managing the concerns of your stewardships.”31 When this revelation was first put in print in the 1835 edition of the Doctrine and Covenants at Kirtland, the decidedly hostile environment with which they were surrounded made it advisable to conceal the identity of the above named leaders—especially so because of their involvement with properties and economic matters of the Church. Each member was given a pseudonym or substitute name in the printed revelation. Martin Harris was distinguished as “Mahemson.”32 At a second meeting of Church officers, which convened the following day, April 27,

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1832, Parkin states: They established Gilbert, Whitney and company, a business that would manage the store in Independence to serve the public and the Saints as the bishop’s storehouse in Zion. At the meeting, the leaders joined this new company with the N. K. Whitney and Company of Kirtland and named the newly integrated mercantile establishment the United Firm. This was a defining step toward the Church more widely managing its financial and commercial interests for the next two years—the life of the firm.33

31 History of the Church, 1:266–69; Doctrine and Covenants, Section LXXXVI (86:4) in 1835 edition; compare Doctrine and Covenants 82:11, 17 in 2013 edition. 32 David J. Whittaker, “Substituted Names in the Published Revelations of Joseph Smith,” BYU Studies 23, no. 1 (1983): 103–6, 109–12; “Substitute Words in the 1835 and 1844 Editions of the Doctrine and Covenants,” in Robin Scott Jensen, Richard E. Turley Jr., and Riley M. Lorimer, eds., Revelations and Translations, Volume 2: Published Revelations, vol. 2 of the Revelations and Translations series of The Joseph Smith Papers, ed. Dean C. Jessee, Ronald K. Esplin, and Richard Lyman Bushman (Salt Lake City: Church Historian’s Press, 2011), 708–11. 33 Parkin, “Joseph Smith and the United Firm,” 13.

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Martin experienced yet another brief diversion in early June 1832 as a result of the Prophet’s return journey from Independence to Kirtland. Joseph was traveling by stage with Brothers Sidney Rigdon and Newel K. Whitney between Vincennes and New Albany, Indiana, when they ran into serious trouble. While stopped momentarily at a way place and no driver in the box, the horses became frightened and stampeded. In attempt to leap from the careening coach, Newel Whitney stuck his leg in the wheel and

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broke it badly. He was taken to the Porter tavern in Greenville, Indiana. While Sidney

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went on to Kirtland to report their circumstance, the Prophet remained with the

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stricken brother.34 Joseph wrote a letter to Emma on June 6 describing the situation and

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adding an interesting aside, “Martin [Harris] arrived on Satterday the Same week he

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left Chagrin [later Willoughby, Cayahoga County, Ohio] haveing a prosperous time we

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are all in good health Brother Whitneys leg is gaining and he thin<ks> he Shall be able to perform his Journy so as to get home <about> as Soon as the 20th . . . (martin will come with us).”35 Martin had gone from Ohio to Indiana to give whatever assistance he could, evidencing his concern for the Prophet and Newel at a time of sustitive stress for

BYU Studies 7/7/14 8:45 AM Comment [2]: I am not sure what word the author is trying to use here.

his friends.

“BROTHERS MARTIN AND EMER HARRIS HAVE BAPTIZED 100 PERSONS” Having arranged their domestic and business affairs, the brothers departed Kirtland for their missionary endeavor probably sometime in late June or the month of July 1832. Martin Henderson Harris said that their primary field of labor took them into Broome

34 Dean C. Jessee, comp. and ed., The Personal Writings of Joseph Smith, 2d ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 2002), 263. 35 Joseph Smith to Emma Smith, 6 June 1832, in Jessee, Personal Writings of Joseph Smith, 263–68.

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County, New York, and Luzerne [today Wyoming County] and Bradford counties, Pennsylvania. These were all known areas to Emer because he lived in Luzerne County

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from approximately 1818 to 1831 as a farmer and mill owner. Emer sought out his old

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neighbors along Mehoopany Creek in Luzerne, but informed his wife Parna that they

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were “generally full of hardness and unbelief” with the exception of a Brother Halfield and his wife who were baptized into membership and were “firm in the Faith.” Emer

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also reported to Parna that he had called on her “folks” in Windham and also at the “head of Towanda Creek” in Bradford County, Pennsylvania.36 The brothers did, however, enjoy notable success in Springville and the adjoining township of Bridgewater in Susquehanna County. A most interesting note from Harris’ family records identifies the establishment of a branch of the Church at Springville as reported, “Emer and his bro. Martin (witness B. M.) raised up a branch of the Church at Springville Susquehanna Co. Penn. Numbering over seventy members.” 37 Notably the

Emer Harris to George James or Parna Harris, 7 May 1833, Harris Collection, ms. 340, box 3, fd. 6.

There are two letters sent under a single cover, i.e. one to the Saints in Brownhelm, Ohio, and the other to Parna Harris, wife of Emer. In 1835 Elder Lorenzo Barnes visited a Brother and Sister Harford (Halfield) on the Mehoopany and observed that they had been baptized by Elder Emer Harris and were still strong in the faith, see V. Alan Curtis, “Missionary Activities and Church Organizations in Pennsylvania, 1830– 1840” (master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, 1976), 59–60. 37 “Taken from old record by L[eander] S. Harris,” in Harris, Harris, and Harris, Martin Henderson Harris, a Utah Pioneer, 1, emphasis added. The village of Springville lies 9.5 miles south of Montrose, the county seat of Susquehanna County. The erection of Springville Township was confirmed in April 1814, see Emily C. Blackman, History of Susquehanna County, Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: Claxton, Remsen and Haffelfinger, 1873), 406; Susan Bennett-Dyson, comp., Springville Township 1800–2000 (Springville, Penn.: Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Springville Bicentennial Committee, 2000), 2.

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progenitors of Elder Dallin Harris Oaks of the Quorum of the Twelve were mutually involved in those Springville baptisms.38 Public news of their proselyting success in Broome County was posted by W. W. Phelps in The Evening and the Morning Star in February 1833 under the title of “Extracts of Letters from the Elders Abroad.” Among these “extracts,” which are dated “Kirtland, Ohio, December 24 1832,” is the notation: “I have just learned, that brothers Martin and Emer Harris have baptized one hundred persons at Chenango Point [also Binghamton], New-York, within a few weeks.—NEWEL [Newel Knight.]”39 The impressive number of baptisms centered at “Chenango Point” has been puzzling to historians in light of

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what appears to be a later summation of their baptismal record for the whole course of their mission. On May 7, 1833, Emer wrote from Springville “to all the Brothers and

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Sisters in the Lord at Brownhelm Lorain Co Ohio.” In this correspondence he described

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what had happened to Martin and himself “since I left you,” and “since we left

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Kirtland,” declaring: “We have traveled mutch & Preached mutch Eighty two have been baptized and many more have believed we find no end to the call for our labours. And many miracles have been done in the Name of Jesus Christ & signs follow them that

38 Among those baptized in Springville Township was the Oaks family, which included the greatgreat-grandfather of Elder Dallin Harris Oaks. Elder Oaks wrote, “Thus, my middle name [Harris] and my last name [Oaks] came from the grandfathers [Emer Harris and Hyrum Oaks] who met in that missionary encounter in Susquehanna County in 1832–33.” Dallin H. Oaks, “The Witness: Martin Harris,” Ensign 29 (May 1999): 37. 39

“Extracts of Letters from the Elders Abroad,” Evening and the Morning Star 1 (February 1833): 5–6;

Marjory B. Hinman, Bingham’s Land: Whitney’s Town (Binghamton, N.Y.: Broome County Historical Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Society, 1996), 45–47.

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believe.”40 These lines would strongly suggest that the figure of “one hundred persons” may well have been derived from a count of the total number of baptisms in the greater area covered by their ministry rather than just “Chenango Point.” Perhaps the figure is cumulative arising from conversions in Chenango Point, New York, as well as the Springville Branch in Pennsylvania and other related locations.41 In reporting the substance of their mission, Emer confirmed that they had “found many apposing and bitter enimys the Lord reward them according to their deed.”42 One particularly unfortunate incident disrupted their missionary work and created a hostile atmosphere, which placed Martin in a precarious situation. Eliza Ann Winters, a single woman, initiated legal proceedings against him. On November 1, 1832, Martin was preaching to a group of townsfolk [in Springville, Pennsylvania], including a single

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woman named Eliza Ann Winters. She later told the court that Martin Harris loudly denounced her. Picking her out in the midst of the crowd, Martin apparently said, “She has had a bastard child.” Whether he spoke the truth or not, Winters sued him for slander. In her complaint to the court, she testified that Martin’s claim of fornication was intended to “render her infamous and scandalous,” soiling her “good name.” She sued for restoration of her reputation and punitive damages of a thousand dollars. Winters filed her suit at the county court house in Montrose, Pennsylvania, on December 5, 1832, through an associate named Benjamin Comfort.43

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40 Emer Harris to George James or Parna Harris, 7 May 1833, emphasis added. 41 An exhaustive examination of the Springville and Chenango Point branches, and other related baptisms might well give us a more reliable count of the actual numbers involved for future reference. 42

Emer Harris to George James or Parna Harris, 7 May 1833.

Mark B. Nelson and Steven C. Harper, “The Imprisonment of Martin Harris in 1833,” BYU Studies

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Between the time the lawsuit was filed and his arrest, Martin continued to preach with Emer. Just where their labors took them is not specified, but perhaps this was a period of involvement in their aforementioned successes at Chenango Point. On January 23, 1833, Martin was arrested by Sheriff Joseph Williams and imprisoned in Montrose to await his court appearance. Emer claimed that his brother “was taken on a

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fals[e] charge of standen [slander].”44 At the hearing, bail was set at one thousand dollars—the same amount as the suit. This was done to guarantee satisfaction if the court ruled for the defendant. Martin’s bond was set by Asa Dimock, the local judge and Prothonotary, before whom he appeared on February 1, 1833.45 Neither Martin nor Emer had access to the required thousand dollars. The defendant would have had to

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remain in jail were it not for Larson and Ezra Kingsley of Bridgewater Township, who posted bail on February 7. Ezra was a substantial farmer with a sawmill, which was evaluated on the county 1832 assessment role at $30 and other properties at $598.46.

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Ezra Kingsley was a member of the Mormon Church, and he and his wife, Margaret Turrell, and at least two of their children were associated with the Church and eventually “went with the Mormons.”47 It is also probable that Larson was likewise

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45, no. 4 (2006): 113–15. On 27–28 August 2007, the writer visited the Susquehanna County Courthouse at Montrose and through the Office of the Prothonotary (the officer who officiates as principal clerk of the courts) obtained access to the same court documents examined by Mark B. Nelson and used by him and Harper in the preparation of their article. 44

Emer Harris to George James or Parna Harris, 7 May 1833.

45 Nelson and Harper, “Imprisonment of Martin Harris in 1833,” 115–19. 46 1832 Susquehanna County Assessment Roll, Bridgewater Township, Susquehanna County Historical Records Archives, Montrose, Pennsylvania. 47 Kerry Ross Boren, “A Brief History and Origin of the Kinsley Family of Luzerne and Susquehanna

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affiliated with Mormonism. Emer reported that during the time of Martin’s brief imprisonment at Montrose, the defendant had been cheered by a few lines of poetry composed by a local sister in the Church:

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1. Dear Brother though you are bound in jail Yet never from the powers of hell Your God he will deliver you Therefore fear not what men can do. 2. He can deliver you as Paul If it’s to brake the prison wall And let the jailor p[l]ainly see He is a God of majesty. 3. And those that have by wicked hands Have disobeyed the Lords commands They must repent or they will go To extreme misery and wo. 4. They’ve took a servant of the Lord And disobeyed the word of God And put him in the silent jail But he will pray in spite of hell.

Counties, Pennsylvania,” 11 November 1969, typescript, 6–7, Kingsley Family file folder, Susquehanna County Historical Society, Montrose, Pennsylvania; Rhamanthus M. Stocker, Centennial History of Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Susquehanna County, Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: R. T. Peck and Co., 1987), 336.

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5. Dear souls repent and turn to God Or you shall feel his angry rod And he will shut the mercy dore And you be lost for evermore. 6. Behold you’re trampling on his word When you so slight this work of God Therefore repent and do not say That revelations are done away. 7. But for revenge we will not seek Hear what the word of God doth speak Vengeance is mine I will repay Therefore repent without delay. 8. Repent I say repent and hear Behold I warn you in God’s fear Or you at the great rising day Shall hear the word depart away. 9. Let all the hosts of hell engauge With all their mallice spite and rage The Mormonites God will defend Who are so called by wicked men.48 Out on bail Martin awaited his trial date, which was set for April 30, 1833. Accounting for Martin’s time during this interim period poses some interesting 48

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Emer Harris to George James or Parna Harris, 7 May 1833.

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questions. In Kirtland, the Prophet had organized what was termed the School of the Prophets. The school was held in the upstairs of the Newel K. Whitney Store’s northeast corner. It was designed to give instruction to a select group of leaders in gospel principles and also secular learning. The school commenced on January 23, 1833, and ended in April 1833.49 Zebedee Coltrin, an original member of that gathering, later

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identified the names of sixteen of the twenty-one men who attended sessions in that early period. At a meeting of the School of the Prophets held in Salt Lake City on October 3, 1883, President John Taylor asked Zebedee Coltrin, “How many were there

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connected with the School of the Prophets at that time? Brother Coltrin responded,

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“There were members as follows: Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith, William Smith,

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Frederick G. Williams, Orson Hyde (had charge of the school), Zebedee Coltrin, Sylvester Smith, Joseph Smith Sen. Levi Hancock, Martin Harris, Sidney Rigdon, Newel K. Whitney, Samuel H. Smith, John Murdock, Lyman Johnson and Ezra Thayer.”50 According to the remembrance of Zebedee Coltrin, Martin had at some juncture attended the School of the Prophets. Had he slipped back to Kirtland at one point? Emer Harris gave no indication of his or Martin’s return in the period. Emer, in a letter to his wife as late as May 7, 1833, informed her that they would have returned home by then had it not been for Martin’s January 24, 1833, imprisonment on the “fals[e] charge of

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49 Steven R. Sorensen, “Schools of the Prophets,” in Encyclopedia of Mormonism, ed. Daniel H. Ludlow, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 3:1269–70; Organized in response to a revelation, Doctrine and Covenants 88:119–33. 50 Zebedee Coltrin statement, in “School of the Prophets, Salt Lake City meeting minutes,” October 3, Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

1883, Church History Library, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City.

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slander.”51 During his bail time, Wayne County, New York, court records verify that Martin did take occasion during his January–April trial interim to travel to Palmyra,

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where he and his wife, Lucy, transacted a land sale of twenty acres to Mahlon

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Kingsman and Cornelius C. Coleman on April 19, 1833.52 Zebedee Coltrin positively

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stated that Martin was a party to the School of the Prophets somewhere in the confusion

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of these events. At some point in the order of this geographical maneuvering, Martin was notified that his trial date of April 30, 1833, was postponed and reset for September 3, 1833. This

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circumstance conceivably would have given the brothers some time for additional

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missionary labors. Already much hampered by court delays in his case, it was Martin’s

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ultimate decision (in concert with his brother Emer) to return to their homes in Ohio and not be present for the September 3, 1833 trial at all. Scholars Mark Nelson and Steven Harper explained the technicalities and results of their decision: “Martin and

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Emer returned to Ohio by summer 1833,53 so Martin left an affidavit with the court. Apparently his absence did not hinder his defense. Judgment was ‘entered against the plaintiff.’ Winters, it appears, was either ‘infamous and scandalous’ before Martin denounced her, or could not convince the court that his words were legally 51 Emer Harris to George James or Parna Harris, 7 May 1833; Nelson and Harper, “Imprisonment of Martin Harris in 1833,” 114. 52

Martin Harris to Mahlon Kingsman and Cornelius C. Coleman, 19 April 1833, 20 acres, Wayne

County New York Land Deeds, vol. 13, pp. 2–3. Lucy Harris was a party to the transaction and affixed her seal as did Martin. 53 Martin Henderson Harris said of his father’s mission in the East that he had been “gone a year wanting eleven days” at the time of his return. See Harris, Harris, and Harris, Martin Henderson Harris, a Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Utah Pioneer, 12.

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slanderous.”54 When the Harris brothers returned to Kirtland in the summer of 1833, they were greeted as returning soldiers in the cause of Christ. Martin, in particular, received much notice and genuine praise for his missionary labors, especially his steadfastness in the face of imprisonment. He had traveled hundreds of miles, paying his own expenses in the interest of the Book of Mormon. Emer’s personal request, while yet in Springville to the Saints in Lorain County, had now been honored, “Dear Brethren of Brownhelm Pray for me that I may . . . have a safe return to you in the Lord’s one [own] due time.”55 From the initial period of migration of the Saints into Kirtland Township in 1831, county officials were ever watchful that any indigents among them not become a public liability. Evidence of a growing concern can be found in a writ issued to constables by the overseers of the poor,

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To any Constable of Kirtland Twp Greeting: Whereas the overseers of the poor of Kirtland

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Twp have received information that certain poor persons who is non legal residents in this twp and who are liable to become a twp charge you are therefore commanded forthwith to warn Polly Lain, Alexander McCoy & family, Salisbury Jenkins & family, William Seay & Family Calvin Stoddard & family, Ezra Thayer and family, Joseph Smith and family, Benjamin Putnam & family, William Smith & family, Abner Bingham & family Nathaniel Osborn immediately to depart the twp & of this warrant make legal service and due returns according to law. Given under our hands this 29th day of Oct. 1831. (Signed) Andrew J. Beardsley and S. F. Whitney (Overseers of Poor).56

54 Nelson and Harper, “Imprisonment of Martin Harris in 1833,” 115. 55 Emer Harris to George James or Parna Harris, 7 May 1833. 56 Kirtland, Ohio Township records, ms. 137, p. 86, microfilm, Church History Library. Many others Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

were likewise served in succeeding days.

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At a later date Martin Harris was similarly served with such a writ by a constable and a return made on the same day, December 20, 1833.57 Martin would not have had any difficulty at that time establishing his solvency. Officials were obviously aware of the

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influx of Mormons in their midst and took pre-emptive measures to resolve anticipated problems in a blanket fashion.

“THE FIRST HIGH COUNCIL IN THE LAST DISPENSATION” Various statements or affidavits were periodically lodged against Martin Harris across the years by a variety of accusers within and outside of Mormonism who charged him with exhibiting certain unprincipled character traits. Just before the formal organization of the Kirtland High Council, some complaints originating within the Church were heard by a council of high priests and elders summoned to conduct business. The council met on February 12, 1834, at the home of the Prophet. After Joseph had given

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them “much good instruction” on conducting councils, the case of Brother Martin

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Harris was introduced. Brother Sidney Rigdon charged him with telling “A. C. Russell,

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Esq.58 that Joseph drank too much liquor when he was translating the Book of

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Mormon, and that he wrestled with many men and threw them, etc.” Rigdon also charged him with exalting “himself above Joseph, in that he said, ‘Brother Joseph knew not the contents of the Book of Mormon, until it was translated, but that he himself knew all about it before it was translated.’” When confronted with the charges of gross impropriety toward Joseph Smith, Martin professed innocence. He claimed that he “did 57 Kirtland, Ohio Township records, ms. 137, p. 98. 58 Alpheus Clark Russell (7 April 1795–21 October 1861), born in Middlefield, Hampshire County, Massachusetts. He married Elizabeth Watson Conant on 28 May 1818, Becket, Berkshire County, Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Massachusetts. He served as a justice of the peace in Kirtland, Lake County.

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not tell Esq. Russell that Brother Joseph drank too much liquor while translating the Book of Mormon, but this thing occurred previous to the translating of the Book.” However, he did admit that “his mind was darkened, and that he had said many things inadvertently, calculated to wound the feelings of his brethren, and promised to do better.” He was forgiven of his indiscretions after listening to “much good advice.”59 Just five days later, February 17, 1834, Martin’s innate desire and ability to render effective service was recognized in a significant call as a member of the first high

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council in the Church. A “conference of high priests” assembled at the home of Joseph Smith in Kirtland and “proceeded to organize the Presidents Church Council, consisting of twelve high priests, and this according to the law of God.” The names of those chosen were, Joseph Smith Junr., Sidney Rigdon and Frederick G. Williams were acknowledged presidents, by the voice of the council; and Joseph Smith Seign., John Smith, Joseph Coe, John Johnson, Martin Harris, John S Carter, Jared Carter, Oliver Cowdery, Samuel H. Smith, Orson Hyde, Sylvester Smith, and Luke Johnson, “High Priests, were chosen to be a Standing Council for the Church.” The Prophet then commenced to explain to all in attendance, which also included elders, priests, teachers, and deacons, the order of councils in ancient days that had been shown to him by vision.60 The combined wisdom of this body would now be brought to bear in resolving certain concerns and questions of the latter-day Church of Christ, particularly those that could not be determined by the bishop and his councils.

ZION’S CAMP: “REDEMPTION OF YOUR BRETHREN SCATTERED ON THE LAND OF ZION”

59 Kirtland Council Minute Book, 12 February 1834. 60 Kirtland Council Minute Book, 17 February 1834.

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The designation of Independence, Missouri, as the “center place” and Jackson County, a consecrated land for gathering a Zion people in 1831, opened the gate to the migration

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of hundreds of Saints. By 1833 an estimated twelve hundred Mormons had established

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themselves in a series of branches in that county. Violent hostilities arose between the

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Saints and the original settlers of that region, which culminated in the forced exodus of the Mormons at the hands of armed militia. The exiles settled primarily in Clay County, Missouri. The Prophet was immediately made aware of their circumstance. The Saints petitioned the courts and Governor Daniel Dunklin to assist them in their plight, but to no avail. In early January 1834, Church leaders in Clay County sent Elders Parley P.

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Pratt and Lyman Wight to Kirtland to apprise the Prophet of their current situation and seek his added direction in rectifying the injustice that had been done.61

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Parley P. Pratt and Lyman Wight arrived in Kirtland on February 22, 1834, bringing

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detailed confirmation of the fall of Zion in Jackson County, Missouri, and the aftermath

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of that tragedy. Elders Pratt and Wight addressed the Saints as they assembled for their

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Sunday service on February 23. They spoke of the suffering and death that

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accompanied the exodus from Jackson County. Pratt’s account on that occasion may

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have partaken of the same spirit that he later recorded in remembrance of the tragic

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night of November 7, 1833, when he wrote:

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61 Bruce A. Van Orden, “Causes and Consequences: Conflict in Jackson County,” in Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: Missouri, ed. Arnold K. Garr and Clark V. Johnson (Provo, Utah: Department of Church History and Doctrine, Brigham Young University, 1994), 337–48; Warren A. Jennings, “Zion Is Fled: The Expulsion of the Mormons from Jackson County, Missouri” (PhD diss., University of Florida, 1962); Max H Parkin, “A History of the Latter-day Saints in Clay County, Missouri, Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

from 1833 to 1837” (PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1976).

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The shore [on the Missouri River at Jackson County] began to be lined on both sides of the ferry with men, women and children; goods, wagons, boxes, provisions, etc., while the ferry was constantly employed; and when night again closed upon us the cottonwood bottom had much the appearance of a camp meeting. Hundreds of people were seen in every direction, some in tents and some in the open air around their fires, while the rain descended in torrents. Husbands were inquiring for their wives, wives for their husbands; parents for children and children for parents. Some had the good fortune to escape with their families, household goods, and some provisions; while others knew not the fate of their friends, and had lost all their goods. The scene was indescribable, and, I am sure would have melted the hearts of any people on the earth except our blind oppressors, and a blind and ignorant community.”62

The Kirtland High Council met the next day, February 24, at the Prophet’s home and gave “audience or hearing” to Parley and Lyman, “representatives from Zion, to

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represent to us the state of the Church in that place.” At the end of their commentary, Joseph Smith arose and declared that “he was going to Zion to assist in redeeming it.

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He then called for the voice of the Council to sanction his going which was given

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without a descending voice. He then called for volunteers to go with him, when some

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thirty or forty volunteer[ed] to go who were then present at the Council.” The Prophet was then nominated and seconded as the Commander in Chief of the Armies of Israel for the expedition.63 Later in that same day, Joseph received a confirming revelation, which stated, “Let my servant Joseph Smith, Jun., say unto the strength of my house, my young men and the middle aged—Gather yourselves together unto the land of

62 Parley P. Pratt Jr., ed., The Autobiography of Parley P. Pratt, 4th ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985), 102. 63 Kirtland Council Minute Book, 24 February 1834.

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Zion, upon the land which I have bought with money that has been consecrated unto me” (D&C 103:22). It took two and a half months for Church leaders and their emissaries to gather an appreciable number of recruits committed to the march. Volunteers were drawn from the respective branches and scattered converts primarily located in Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, and New England. It should be noted that the elders also searched for recruits in Michigan, Indiana, and Illinois. Hyrum Smith and Lyman Wight were successful in gathering volunteers from the Pontiac Branch in Michigan. Monies were also gathered widely in an effort to provide needed funding for the redemption of Zion.64 Martin took advantage of the interim period before the march of Zion’s Camp to return to Palmyra in order to check on his holdings and confer with family members. We do know that his visit generated a particular opportunity to preach Mormonism. The Wayne Sentinel announced on Friday, April 11, 1834: “MARTIN HARRIS requests us to say, that on Sunday afternoon next, at 4 o’clock, at the stone school house in this

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village, he will explain the 12th chapter of Daniel.”65 While Martin was conducting his business in Palmyra, a “council of the United Firm” met on April 10, 1834, in Kirtland and made some landmark decisions relative to that entity. It was agreed that the United Firm be dissolved and that “each one have their stewardships set off to them.”66 This resolve was affirmed by revelation on April 23: “Let my servant Martin Harris have appointed unto him, for his stewardship, the lot

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64 Backman, Heavens Resound: A History of the Latter-day Saints in Ohio, 176–80. 65 “title,” Wayne Sentinel (Palmyra, New York), 11 April 1834, p. 3, col. 4. 66 Cook, Joseph Smith and the Law of Consecration, 62–64.

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of land which my servant John Johnson obtained in exchange for his former inheritance, for him and his seed after him. . . . And let my servant Martin Harris devote his moneys for the proclaiming of my word, according as my servant Joseph Smith, Jun., shall direct” (D&C 104:24, 26). The respective persons named now individually owned these properties. Martin did not learn of the revelation until his return to Kirtland later in April. Martin came back sometime between his April 11 discourse at the stone schoolhouse

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in Palmyra and April 30, 1834. On this latter date he was in Kirtland and is listed, along

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with ten others, as being contributors in a record of donations with the accompanying

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explanation: “Money received of the following brethren consecrated for the delivery of

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Zion.” Martin furnished $47.00 at that time toward the funding of Zion’s Camp.67 He

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also, as expected, again proffered himself as a volunteer for the long march. Interestingly, he also brought his son along with him from Palmyra. George A. Smith referred to the presence of “Martin Harris and his son,” among the marchers.68 This

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simple entry in his journal, written late in the march, makes us aware that Martin had a member of his own family with him in the camp. George A. Smith’s account is presently the only mention of the son being with his father. The fourteen-year-old teenager would have been Martin’s only living son, George B. Harris.69 Given the time of the departure

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67 Jessee, Ashurst-McGee, and Jensen, Journals, Volume 1, 43. 68 George A. Smith, “History of George Albert Smith,” 9 July 1834, typescript, 32, Perry Special Collections. The son does not appear on the rolls of Zion’s Camp. 69 Martin and Lucy Harris had only two sons. Duty L. Harris, born about 1811, had died in 1815, and George B. Harris, born in 1819 (according to his Civil War enlistment papers and listed age at time of Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

enrollment) and later dying in 1864. See appendix ? herein.

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of Zion’s Camp from Kirtland in early May, George Harris would have been with his father on Martin’s return from Palmyra, New York, in the latter part of April 1834. This would strongly suggest one additional purpose for Martin’s visit to Palmyra before the projected march of the camp. At that very moment, Zion’s Camp was mustering for the 900-mile march to

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Missouri.70 An advance party of twenty men left Kirtland on May 1, 1834, to prepare

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the first campsite at New Portage, Ohio, (area now known as Barberton) where an

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organized branch of the Church with some fifty members was located. On May 5 the Prophet and the main body of one hundred men left Kirtland, arriving in New Portage on May 6. Joseph spent May 6–8 organizing the camp personnel and the twenty-five

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accompanying baggage wagons.71 The men were divided into companies of twelve

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men. Each company elected its own captain who, in turn, arranged each man in his

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company according to his “post and duty.” Joseph said that the assignments were

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generally in this order: “Two cooks, two firemen; two tent men, two watermen, one runner, Two wagoners, and horsemen, and one commissary.” Captains over each fifty and over each hundred were appointed according to the ancient order of Israel.72 Martin’s age, at 47, and his status as a Book of Mormon witness or as a major financier of the camp did not propel him into a leadership position. As was the case with others

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of ability, he simply followed the Prophet’s lead and assumed his assigned task as a wagoner, supplying his own wagon and team.

70 Jessee, Ashurst-McGee, and Jensen, Journals, Volume 1, 43. 71 James L. Bradley, The Eternal Perspective of Zion’s Camp (Logan, Utah: By the author, 2004), 36–40. 72 Smith, Manuscript History of the Church, Book A-1, 1–7 May 1834, 473, 476–78; compare History of Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

the Church, 2:61–65.

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Zion’s camp was comprised of two “divisions,” that of Joseph Smith, consisting of men, women, and children, and a second contingent of twenty men, women, and

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children and two baggage wagons under Hyrum Smith and Lyman Wight, recruited from among the Saints in the Pontiac, Michigan, area. The two camps coincidentally both departed from their assembly points on May 5, 1834. Each set a convergent course and prearranged a rendezvous at the Allred Settlement in Monroe County, Missouri. A

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sizeable branch, the Salt River Branch, had been established there under James Allred. Joseph’s command arrived on June 7, 1834, and Hyrum and Lyman Wight’s detachment

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the following day, June 8. Zion’s Camp then numbered some 205 men under arms.

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There were also a number of women and children accompanying the camp who are not

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regularly mentioned in any detail.73 As the camp was moving along a twenty-mile march to the confluence of the Grand

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River with the Missouri on the “excessively hot” day of June 16, Martin Harris initiated

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a diversion with a black snake, which caused him some physical pain and prompted a

Comment [3]: What does this mean?

reprimand from the Prophet. Joseph wrote a detailed narrative of the incident:

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Martin Harris having boasted to the brethren that he could handle snakes with perfect safety, while fooling with a black snake with his bare feet, he received a bite on his left foot, it was communicated to me, and I took occasion to reprove him, and exhort the brethren never to trifle with the promises of God—I told them it was presumption for any man to provoke a serpent to bite him, but if a man of God was accidentally bitten by a poisonous serpent, he might have faith, or his brethren might have faith for him, so that the Lord would hear his prayer and he might be healed—but when a man designedly provokes a serpent to bite him,

73 Craig K. Manscill, “Journal of the Branch of the Church of Christ in Pontiac . . . 1834: Hyrum Smith’s division of Zion’s Camp,” BYU Studies 39, no. 1 (2000): 170–75, 177–78; Andrea G. Radke, “We Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Also Marched: The Women and Children of Zion’s Camp, 1834,” BYU Studies 39, no. 1 (2000): 147–65.

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the principle is the same, as when a man drinks deadly poison knowing it to be such—in that case no man has any claim on the promises of God to be healed.74

Crossing Little Fishing River on June 19, the Prophet selected a campsite near the junction of that stream and the adjoining Big Fishing River as “the sun was near the

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horizon.” There the marchers were suddenly confronted by a superior mob force numbering some three hundred Missourians who had gathered near the mouth of the river on the opposite side of Big Fishing River. “Swearing vengeance,” the enemy began

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cannonading the Mormon position. Joseph Smith recorded, “We discovered a small

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black cloud rising in the west, and in 20 minutes, or thereabouts, it began to rain and

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hail. . . . The storm was tremendous; wind and rain, hail and thunder met them in great

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wrath, and soon softened their direful courage and frustrated all their designs to ‘kill

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Joe Smith and his army.’”75 The attackers took the “back track” in the morning and left the immediate field of battle to the Mormons. Some of the members of Zion’s Camp found a welcome shelter from the storm in a log meetinghouse constructed by the Baptists on the bluff right above the encampment. The day following the storm, the Prophet moved the camp four miles northeast up Fishing River to the home of John Cooper, a Mormon, on June 20. Joseph met with Colonel John Sconce and two other leading citizens from Ray County who came to make inquiries about the intent of the camp on the 21st. The Prophet informed them that they wished “to assist our brethren, to bring clothing, etc., and to reinstate them upon their land.” On June 22, Sheriff Cornelius Gillium and a delegation from Clay

BYU Studies 8/21/14 1:43 PM Comment [4]: Fishing River or Big Fishing River or Little Fishing River?

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74 Smith, Manuscript History of the Church, Book A-1,491, emphasis added; compare History of the Church, 2:95–96, 96n. 75 Andrew Jenson, “Zion’s Camp,” Historical Record 7 (June 1888): 585–86.

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County visited Joseph in order to establish their purposes. The Mormons committed their proposals in writing to the sheriff and Gillium ordered the “Proposition of the Mormons” printed in the Upper Missouri Enquirer where they were published on June

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26.76 Prior to Gillium’s visit the Prophet had sought the guidance of the Lord and

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received what has been termed the “Fishing River Revelation” on June 22 (D&C 105).

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Joseph was instructed that the Saints themselves were not blameless in the creation of

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the circumstances, which now beset them relative to Jackson County and the redemption of Zion. Selected verses of the revelation pronounced: Behold, I say unto you, were it not for the transgressions of my people, speaking concerning the Church and not individuals, they might have been redeemed even now. But behold, they have not learned to be obedient to the things which I required at their hands, but are full of all manner of evil, and do not impart of their substance, as becometh saints, to the poor and afflicted among them; And are not united according to the union required by the law of the celestial kingdom. . .. Therefore, in consequence of the transgressions of my people, it is expedient in me that mine elders should wait for a little season for the redemption of Zion— That they themselves may be prepared, and that my people may be taught more perfectly, and have experience, and know more perfectly concerning their duty, and the things which I require at their hands. (D&C 105:2–4, 9–10)

Following the revelation, the Prophet informed the brethren in Zion’s Camp that they would no longer prosecute war with the Missourians as previously intended. John Tanner wrote that they were informed “that we war [were] not required to go any

76 Parkin, “History of the Latter-day Saints in Clay County,” 159–61.

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further.”77 Zion’s Camp moved near the home of Algernon Sidney Gilbert at the Gilbert Settlement and there located in the field of Brother George Burkett on Rush Creek, just

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two miles east of Liberty, Clay County, Missouri, June 24, 1834.78 While yet at their

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initial camp on Fishing River near the Baptist Church, and again at John Coopers, they

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had experienced the first cases of cholera. Now on the Burkett farm the disease reached

Comment [5]: Fishing River or Big/Little Fishing River?

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epidemic proportions. Sixty-eight marchers were stricken with the dread disease of which thirteen died, including Betsy Parrish, the wife of Warren Parrish. There were also two local Saints that succumbed at this same time.79 Martin Harris was among those sufferers who barely escaped fatality. Abigail Leonard, a Saint living in Clay

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County, explained: The cholera broke out in the camp, and many died. Three of the party started to where we lived, but two died on the way, leaving Mr. Martin Harris to accomplish the journey alone. The first thing, when he saw me, he exclaimed: “Sister Leonard, I came to your house to save my life.” For eight days my husband [Lyman Leonard] and I worked with him before he began to show signs of recovery, scarcely lying down to take our rest. While Mr. Harris was lying sick, the prophet Joseph Smith came, with eleven others, to visit him. This was the first time I had ever seen the prophet.80

The Leonard’s hourly care and unselfish ministrations of Martin and the ministrations

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77 John Tanner, as quoted in Parkin, “History of the Latter-day Saints in Clay County,” 164–65.

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78 Max H Parkin, Sacred Places: A Comprehensive Guide to Early LDS Historical Sites, vol. 4, Missouri, ed. LaMar C. Berrett (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 2004), 211-12. 79 Parkin, Sacred Places: Missouri, 198–201. 80 Abigail Leonard, in Edward W. Tullidge, The Women of Mormondom (New York: Tullidge and Alexandra Marriott 8/21/14 6:51 PM

Crandall, 1877), 168.

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of the Prophet were certainly instrumental in preserving his life. The members of the camp were dispersed at their Rush Creek encampment on June 26 and were allowed to go to several locations among the Saints in Clay County, doing so in small numbers so as not to pose a threat locally. Although disbanded, they were

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not officially discharged until July 3 in Colonel Michael Arthur’s yard, southwest of

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Liberty where Lyman Wight was living on the property in a log house. The Prophet

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stated that “I had authorized General Lyman Wight to give a discharge to every man of

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the Camp who had proved himself faithful, certifying that fact and giving him leave to

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return home.”81 Also on that same day and place, the Prophet formed a “council of High Priests” to conduct business relative to the organization of a high council in Missouri. The record kept by Frederick G. Williams, clerk, states that they “proceeded to make choice of the President. It was agreed that David Whitmer should be the first President and to be assisted by William W. Phelps and John Whitmer.” A council of twelve high priests was also named, viz.: Christian Whitmer, Newel Knight, Lyman Wight, Calvin Beebe, William E. McLellin, Solomon Hancock, Thomas B. Marsh, Simeon Carter, Parley P. Pratt, Orson Pratt, John Murdock, and Levi Jackman. However, the actual ordination of those selected did not take place until the council reconvened at Michael Arthur’s on July 7. At that time Joseph Smith gave instructions to those previously named and then

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ordained the presidency and their council.82 For Martin the event would have been reminiscent of his own call to the Kirtland High Council the previous February. The camp was divided into traveling groups for the return to Ohio. Joseph’s group

81 Parkin, Sacred Places: Missouri, 174–75. 82 Smith, History of the Church, 2:122–24; Cannon and Cook, Far West Record, 70–74.

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consisted of seventeen companions whom George A. Smith identified: “Joseph and Hyrum Smith, F. G. Williams, Orson H[y]de, William E. McLellen, Ezra Thayer, Lorenzo Booth, Martin Harris and his son [George B. Harris], Solomon Miller Denton, Jedediah M. Grant[,] Jenkins Salisbury, Almon W. Babbit, Seth Johnson, Cyrus Smalling, Harvey Stanley and myself.”83 This party set out from Liberty on July 9, 1834. They took with them two two-horse wagons, one of which would have belonged to Martin

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Harris, one buggy, and two extra horses. They went east to Fishing River before crossing the Missouri River at Lexington, Lafayette County, on July 10. By July 12, the company had again crossed the Missouri River at Chariton and traveled twelve miles beyond when they “stopped to get some refreshments.” There they were given sour milk and dry corn bread from a “wealthy

BYU Studies 8/21/14 1:49 PM Comment [6]: Fishing River or Big/Little Fishing River?

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lady.” The simple fare was not what Martin had anticipated and evoked the understandable comment, “[we] were willing to thank the Lord for that, but they really wanted something better.”84 Leaving Missouri, the travelers journeyed across Illinois and crossed over the Wabash River just east of Clinton, Indiana. Continuing the march

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they camped on the Big Raccoon. The horses were hot, and Martin led one of them into deep water and let the animal stand there. Joseph Smith told him “that was not right, he ought to have let the horse cool first.” Martin quickly responded, “I know more about horses than you do.” When the company moved on, Martin’s horse was too stiff to

83 Smith, “History of George Albert Smith,” 32. Note, this listing of “Martin Harris, and his son” is the only reference the writers have found thus far linking Martin and a family member being with him on the march. George A. Smith traveled with the pair for many days from May to August 1831 and would have known the relationship between father and son. 84 Smith, “History of George Albert Smith,” 32–33.

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move. It was left behind.85 On July 26 the party was in Indianapolis and the next day in Richmond, Indiana, a border town between Indiana and Ohio. There, Joseph Smith read in The Richmond

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Palladium of his own demise: “Joe Smith, the Mormon leader had a battle with the mob in Jackson County, and was wounded in the leg, the limb had to be amputated, and three days afterwards Smith died of mortification.” Joseph and his brother Hyrum visited the editor, but Joseph could not convince him that he was not really dead.86 After this incident, members of the traveling party separated. Joseph and some others boarded a stage en route to Kirtland, arriving home about August 1. George A. Smith,

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Orson Hyde, and Lorenzo Booth arrived in Kirtland on August 4, “having drove the

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horses that day 57 miles, two of us walking at a time nearly the whole distance.”87

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Meanwhile Martin and his son and nine other men stayed with the teams. The exact time of their arrival in Kirtland is unknown, but not long after August 4.88

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Martin had been absent from Kirtland three months and traveled over 1,800 miles.

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He was ready to be home. His farm was badly in need of attention and business affairs needed attending. This may explain why four weeks after his return, when the high council convened on August 28, 1834, to try Sylvester Smith on a misdemeanor charge stemming from the march of Zion’s Camp, Martin was conspicuously absent. Lyman Johnson served in his behalf. At the September 24 meeting of the high council, Martin

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85 Smith, “History of George Albert Smith,” Bradley, Zion’s Camp 1834, 234–42. 86 Bradley, Eternal Perspective of Zion’s Camp, 303–5; Smith, “History of George Albert Smith,” 37–38. 87 George A. Smith, “History of George Albert Smith,” 38. 88 Bradley, Eternal Perspective of Zion’s Camp, 305-306.

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was again absent. This time Brigham Young took his place.89 The fact that Martin was replaced temporarily on the governing council does not hint of any discord between him and Church leaders. It was customary that when a councilman was absent, a temporary appointment was made to complete the twelve-member council of high

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priests.90 Martin remained steadfast in 1834. For the redemption of Zion and his fellow

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Saints who had been expelled from their homes by force of arms, he had demonstrated

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his willingness to make whatever personal sacrifice was required. The voice of revelation to the volunteers was his watchword, “Let no man be afraid to lay down his life for my sake; for whoso layeth down his life for my sake shall find it again.”91 He

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had learned much—sometimes those lessons had been severe. He had also contributed much, giving of himself and his temporal means for the cause of Zion and the relief of those in distress. His commitment was real and full of faith in the eventual establishment of Zion in Independence, the center place.

EBER D. HOWE AND DOCTOR PHILASTUS HURLBUT: MORMONISM UNVAILED, 1834 From the moment that Martin first set foot in Kirtland Township in March 1831 bearing requested copies of the Book of Mormon to the Prophet, he became the target of Eber D. Howe’s anti-Mormon bias as editor of The Telegraph in Painesville. On that occasion Howe announced his appearance as “MARTIN HARRIS, another chief of the Mormon impostors,” who had arrived “last Saturday from the bible quarry in New York.”92 89 Kirtland Council Minute Book, 28 August 1834; 24 September 1834. 90 Kirtland Council Minute Book, 17 February 1834. 91 Doctrine and Covenants 103:27, a revelation on the relief and restoration of the Saints to their lands in Jackson County. 92 “Martin Harris,” Telegraph [Painesville, Ohio], 15 March 1831, p. 3, col. 2.

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Howe dedicated his energies to prove that the new religion was a fraud and its leadership unprincipled.93 He had an ally in Doctor Philastus Hurlbut (Doctor was his given name). Philastus had been excommunicated from the church on June 3, 1833, for

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“unchristian conduct with women” while serving a mission in Pennsylvania. He

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appealed the court’s decision and on confession was reinstated, June 21, 1833. However,

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two days later he was again excommunicated for attempting to seduce a woman at

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Thompson, Ohio, and for then claiming to outsiders that he had “deceived Joseph

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Smith’s God.”94

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Hurlbut proceeded to lecture against the tenets of the Church by attacking the

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Prophet and Mormonism at every opportunity. An anti-Mormon citizens committee

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liked Hurlbut’s crusade and hired him to “collect data that would prove the ‘Book of Mormon’ to be a work of fiction” and would “completely divest Joseph Smith of all

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claims to the character of an honest men.” They likewise affirmed that a forthcoming volume would prove that the Book of Mormon had actually been written some twenty years before by Solomon Spaulding.95 Hurlbut went on an extended research circuit,

93 The anti-Mormon sentiment of Eber D. Howe additionally increased when his sister Harriet Howe was baptized into the Mormon Church at Painesville in 1832. Howe’s wife, Sophia Hull Howe, was likewise baptized by 1834, see Jessee, Ashurst-McGee, and Jensen, Journals, Volume 1, 415. 94 Dale W. Adams, “Doctor Philastus Hurlbut: Originator of Derogatory Statements about Joseph Smith, Jr.,” John Whitmer Historical Association Journal 20 (2000): 78–79; David W. Grua, “Joseph Smith and the 1834 D. P. Hurlbut Case,” BYU Studies 44, no. 1 (2005): 34–35; Parkin, “Nature and Cause of Internal and External Conflict of the Mormons in Ohio,” 120–28. 95 Backman, Heavens Resound, 201–2, for an extended commentary on the content of the Spaulding manuscript see pages 203–10; see also the complete text of the Spaulding manuscript and introductory comments in Kent P. Jackson, ed., Manuscript Found: The Complete Original “Spaulding Manuscript” (Provo,

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which took him through Ohio, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and New York, financed by Grandison Newell and other anti-Mormons. In Palmyra especially, he conducted extensive interviews and obtained affidavits from former neighbors and acquaintances of the Smith family, spending a month or more giving lectures and gathering data in that area.96 Returning to Kirtland in mid-December 1833, Hurlbut began his lectures again using the materials he had gathered to denigrate Joseph Smith and his followers. The Prophet and his supporters countered his claims and also interjected a view of Hurlbut’s character regarding his “indiscretions with women.” Highly agitated by this, Philastus threatened the Prophet’s life. Joseph took the threat seriously and filed a complaint on December 21, 1833, stating that there was “reason to fear that Doctor P. Hurlbut would Beat wound or kill him or injure his property.” After a protracted series of hearings and

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testimony, Judge Matthew Birchard ruled that the complainant, Joseph Smith, had reason to fear for his person. Hurlbut was ordered to “enter a new recognizance for $200 to keep the peace and be of good behavior towards the citizens of Ohio generally and especially toward Smith for six months.” He was also to pay the court costs and

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have two other persons “provide additional sureties for his behavior.”97 Late in January 1834, Hurlbut and supporters of his findings met to consult on producing a publication. An announcement of their designs to “ascertain the real origin of the Book of Mormon, and to examine the validity of Joseph Smith’s claims to the

Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1996). 96 Grua, “Joseph Smith and the 1834 D. P. Hurlbut Case,” 35; Adams, “Doctor Philastus Hurlbut: Originator of Derogatory Statements,” 83. 97 Grua, “Joseph Smith and the 1834 D. P. Hurlbut Case,” 35–49;

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character of a Prophet” were published in the Painesville Telegraph along with the names of the principal committee members.98 Eber D. Howe and D. Philastus Hurlburt collaborated in their efforts to produce the volume of “Mormonism Unvailed.” Though both men were involved in writing the text, Howe alone, a respectable publisher, is

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credited as author of the work while “Hurlbut was given four or five hundred copies of

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the book by Howe as payment for his efforts.” There was later a falling out between the

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two men over subscription tactics and volume sales.99

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The published volume was first advertised for public sale in the Painesville Telegraph on November 28, 1834: “MORMONISM UNVAILED.—Just published in this Town, a Book under the above title, containing a history of the Mormonite imposition, from its

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rise to the present time, with many other peculiarities of the sect. 292 pages, 12 mo. For sale at this office, wholesale, and at the Painesville Book-Store”100 Backman describes the work as “the first book of significance printed with the design of destroying the Church.”101 The unmistakable target of the publication was Joseph Smith, founder of

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Mormonism and “Author and Proprietor” of the Book of Mormon. A close second was Martin Harris, friend and associate of the Prophet from the earliest days of the Restoration. Howe singles Martin out as “the next personage [after Joseph Smith] of note in the Golden Bible speculation . . . he seems to have been the soul and body of the

98 “To The Public,” Painesville (Ohio) Telegraph, 31 January 1834, page. 99 Eber D. Howe, Mormonsim Unvailed [sic]: or, a Faithful Account of That Singular Imposition and Delusion, from Its Rise to the Present Time (Painesville, Ohio: By the author, 1834); Adams, “Doctor Philastus Hurlbut: Originator of Derogatory Statements,” 84–85. 100 “title,” Painesville Telegraph, 28 November 1834, page. 101 Backman, Heavens Resound, 207.

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whole imposition,” Howe further labels Harris as “one of the main pillar’s of the Mormon fabric” and considers Martin, along with Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, and

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Oliver Cowdery to be “the principals in this work [the Mormon imposition].”102 Martin’s honesty, common sense, mental stability, and general character were called into question in the various components of Mormonism Unvailed. E. D. Howe states that

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“Martin is generally believed, by intelligent people to be laboring under a partial derangement; and that any respectable jury would receive his testimony, in any case, of ever so trifling a nature, we do not believe; yet the subjects of the delusion think him a competent witness to establish miracles of the most unreasonable kind.”103 With regard to Martin and the testimony of the Three Witnesses of the Book of Mormon and their attempts to institute a new religion, Howe believed that they were going “contrary to the revelations of Jesus Christ, as revealed in the Bible . . . and he who is guilty of so gross a sacrilege necessarily disbelieves in accountability to God, and therefore would perjure himself, with impunity. We contend, therefore, that no credit ought to be given to these witnesses.”104 Ezra Booth sarcastically claimed that “[Martin] understands all prophecies, and knows every thing by the spirit, and he can silence almost any opposer by talking faster, and louder than they can.”105 George W. Stoddard, a Palmyra acquaintance of Martin for thirty years, swore that “although [Martin] possessed wealth, his moral and religious character was such, as not to entitle him to respect among his neighbors. He was fretful, peevish and quarrelsome, not only in the

102 Howe, Mormonism Unvailed, 13–15, 183. 103 Howe, Mormonism Unvailed, 15. 104 Howe, Mornonism Unvailed, 94–97. 105 Howe, Mormonism Unvailed, 183.

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neighborhood, but in his family.” He assailed Martin as a wife abuser.106 Howe cites Martin Harris by name sixty-six times, and there are also numerous references in the publication involving his person by implication. The editorial comments, newspaper accounts, letters, and affidavits were designed to damage the reputation of Joseph Smith, Martin Harris, and other “actors” in the Restoration movement in order to impede or eliminate the telling effect of the spread of Mormonism. Historian Richard L. Anderson has examined the affidavits and

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statements compiled by Hurlbut at length and prepared an insightful critique of the methods employed by the instigator and a means of judging the validity of his assertions.107 Anderson observes, “Historians today recognize that no observer is free from bias, but intense prejudice tends to exaggeration. One must therefore be rigorous in examining the factual basis of the conclusions of Joseph Smith’s [and Martin Harris’] contemporaries.” Martin was certainly not free from inherent human frailties and foibles, some of which are enumerated in Mormonism Unvailed, but, as Anderson suggests in his set of criteria, it is necessary to be aware of “statements of contemporaries [that] show a distinct tendency to report community rumor, not personal experience.”108

Notes

106 Howe, Mormonism Unvailed, 260. 107 Richard Lloyd Anderson, “Joseph Smith’s New York Reputation Reappraised,” BYU Studies 10, no. 3 (1970): 283–314. 108 Anderson, “Joseph Smith’s New York Reputation Reappraised,” 283–84.

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