Volume 45, Issue 11

S GENERAL ELECTIONS

will hold its general elections on Saturday, March 29 at 4 p.m.

22.

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Out-of-province student faces tuition increase and no support

Lack of clear communication from the administration leaves out-of-province student in the dark

Geneviève Sylvestre

Alison Prissinotti was accepted to Concordia University to pursue a Bachelor of Arts in anthropology for the 2023-24 academic year.

As a student from British Columbia, she was part of the last cohort of out-of-province students accepted before the implementation of the Quebec government’s tuition hikes in September 2024.

At the start of the Fall 2024 semester, the tuition for out-of-province students at English universities in the province increased from $8,992 to $12,000, with some exceptions given to students attending Bishop’s University.

Students like Prissinotti did not have to pay the increased rate as they were accepted into their program before the implementation of the tuition hikes.

However, out-of-province students choosing to pursue a degree transfer are subject to the tuition increase.

When Prissinotti sought to change her degree from anthropology to print media, it had not yet been o cially con rmed that changing programs would increase her tuition. When she got accepted into the program in May 2024, she had not yet received a clear answer from the university and decided to accept her admission o er.

“I did [accept] because they still hadn't said anything and I gured by the time it's summer and people have already received admission to certain

@gen.sylvestre

universities that they wouldn't be changing any tuition that late-notice,” Prissinotti said.

Over the Winter 2024 semester, she sent emails to departments such as academic advising and the Birks Student Service Centre looking for answers on whether she could change her program without her tuition increasing.

She was informed that a change in program may a ect her tuition, but that the government had not yet clari ed with Concordia all the details of the tuition increase. At the start of June, the Birks centre told Prissinotti to keep an eye out on the Concordia website for any changes.

According to web archives, information clarifying that students pursuing a degree transfer would be subject to a tuition increase was not made public on the Concordia website before Aug. 18, 2024, at the earliest. is update was only published two weeks before the start of the fall semester.

“We regret the confusion that some out-of-province students have had to face due to the new tuition policy,” Concordia spokesperson Julie Fortier said in an email to e Link. “ e government unfortunately only con rmed details concerning students switching programs on August 2, 2024.”

Fortier added that, due to lack of clear government directives, Concordia warned students that

out regarding eligibility for people in your situation,” the ombudsperson said in the email.

Prissinotti exchanged a few more emails with the Ombuds O ce and, on Jan. 20, 2025, she asked if it would be possible to provide an estimated end date to the investigation as the results will determine whether or not she needs to start applying to other universities.

QUICKIES

changing programs may result in higher tuition fees as soon as the new measures were announced.

Prissinotti is nancially responsible for her education and relies on student loans from the government to cover the cost of her tuition. As such, she claims she was not given a clear answer from the university about the tuition increase before receiving a much higher amount in student loans than she usually does.

“I was not noti ed by anybody, I never received any email about it,” Prissinotti said. “I was noti ed by my student loans, which was ridiculous and I feel like I deserved better.”

She said she asked to go back into her old program but was informed that her tuition would increase no matter what.

“I couldn't afford the tuition to begin with before it was increased, never mind now,” Prissinotti said. “And so, if I can't get enough external funding for next year, I'm gonna have to leave school and I don't want to do that.”

Prissinotti said she felt angry and abandoned, and like the university was not listening to her needs.

“I feel like I've actually built a community here in Montreal and I love my life here and I love being in school. Truly all I want to do is be in school and do this program,” Prissinotti said. “It felt like something I'd worked really hard for [...] had been taken away from me.”

After the tuition hikes were announced, Concordia implemented funding opportunities for out-of-province students to help lessen the financial strain of the increase in tuition fees.

As it was too late for her to apply to any other universities, Prissinotti chose to stay at Concordia and try to apply to awards and bursaries to help her pay for tuition. Since her tuition increased, she said she is spending hours every week emailing people and applying to di erent grants and bursaries.

“It's kind of a part-time job, honestly,” Prissinotti said. “My break from doing homework is researching bursaries.”

She had an in-person meeting at the Ombuds Office in September 2024 for help on applying to scholarships and awards. On Sept. 15, she received confirmation from an ombudsperson that they will be looking into her file.

“I will look into the scholarships available through Financial Aid for new students and see what I can nd

She was told that the Ombuds O ce cannot provide a date but that they are hoping the investigation will be completed soon. She only received a notice of conclusion of her le on March 5, 2025.

e o ce informed her she was not eligible for any out-of-province student awards as she is neither a student applying to Concordia from high school or a student transferring from an external Canadian university or college, which are the listed requirements for these awards.

“We therefore see no unfairness and we have no recommendations,” the decision reads.

The office also told Prissinotti that Concordia is planning on developing regular communications with program directors so that students can be advised appropriately on tuition increases.

A er months of unsuccessful communication, Prissinotti says she feels she has received next to no support from the university.

“It's just a cycle of getting the same email,” she said. “ ey'd tell me to talk to this person and that person and everyone had the same answer, which was to look at the nancial aid website for awards and bursaries of which—even if I got all the ones that I was eligible for—would not cover half of the cost.”

Prissinotti is not the only student feeling frustrated. Ella Rutera, a journalism student with a minor in education from Saskatchewan, said she wanted to switch to a communication major but couldn’t due to the cost.

Rutera also said she feels pressure to graduate before the end of the grace period in summer 2029, a er which she would need to pay the new tuition rate.

“I had to declare a minor for my program, and with my speci c minor, [the classes] are always full and I can never take any,” Rutera said. “I de nitely feel pressure that I have to graduate on time.”

Prissinotti said she feels that the university has no support system for students in her situation.

“I think that the university should have been more organized on that front of letting people know when this was going to be happening, even if they didn't know,” Prissinotti said. “They should have prioritized supporting students who this was happening to.”

Looking to the future, as the date has passed for Prissinotti to apply to other universities, she is hoping to nd a way to secure enough funding to nish her degree.

New York’s Columbia University has suspended and expelled pro-Palestine students who took part in the occupation of a campus building last spring. This decision comes after the Trump administration pulled US$400 million in funding from the school and after federal immigration authorities arrested Columbia student and activist Mahmoud Khalil on March 8.

New STM policy against loitering

The STM will now force people inside the metro to circulate to prohibit loitering, namely from unhoused individuals seeking shelter inside metro stations, until the end of April. STM o cials said this is in response to an apparent decline in the sense of security in the metro. Housing advocates have criticized the decision, saying this just sweeps the issue of homelessness under the rug.

A recent Angus Reid Institute study shows that 90 per cent of Canadians are against Canada joining the U.S. Researchers found that Conservatives were more likely to vote in favour of joining at 21 per cent, while Liberals were the least likely, one percentage point behind NDP voters at 2 per cent.

Hudson’s Bay to close all stores

Canada’s oldest company Hudson’s Bay announced that it will be closing all of its stores and begin liquidating the entire company, pending court approval. The immediate liquidation would begin next week and last until June, incurring job losses for the company's 9,364 employees. Columbia pro-Palestine students expelled Canadians oppose joining the U.S.

Dolls need doctors too

Inside Canada’s active doll community and their unique care practices

Sabina Bellisario-Giglio @_sabbell_

Albert had been a cherished gure in Gleneagles Ch’axáý Elementary School in West Vancouver, B.C.

He was always there to greet the children with his gentle presence for 10 years.

A er years of love and play, Albert started displaying signs of wear and tear. As the summer of 2023 approached, a fellow sta member suggested a hospital visit—one that would have him refreshed and ready to welcome students for another school year.

Naturally, Albert couldn’t just go to any hospital. e Vancouver General Hospital wouldn’t do—he needed a place that could accommodate a patient of his kind. A er all, not many hospitals are equipped to care for a 2.6-metre stu ed gira e.

So Albert made his way to Ruth Hasman, the teddy bear doctor at Bearland Teddy Bear & Stu y Hospital in Vancouver, B.C, where he would receive the special care needed to restore him.

e stu ed gira e returned to his classroom in October. When Albert arrived a er weeks away from his precious students, he was met with resounding joy and a welcome-back party. is is what Hasman loves most about her job.

“I didn’t really make any money on that,” she said. “I was paid for the supplies, but it’s just about the challenge and the joy of doing it and experimenting.” While Albert’s visit might seem unique, he’s far from the only stuffed companion to get a second chance.

e oldest known doll hospital, Hospital de Bonecas, resides in Lisbon, Portugal, and has been repairing dolls since 1830. Over the last 200 years, many other doll restoration hospitals opened across the globe, from Japan to Canada, allowing both adults and children a chance to repair their well-loved friends.

ere are many reasons why someone would send their doll to a toy hospital to be repaired. e most common restorations stem from dog attacks, res, old age or simply being well-hugged over the years.

Hasman and her daughter, Janet Domenack, find restorations especially meaningful when toys are being repaired to be passed down to the next generation, allowing children to cherish the same toys their parents once did.

While repairing a toy might seem simple, being a toy surgeon is far more complex. Restoring a doll or stuffed animal requires carefully matching the fabric or plastic, selecting the right type of stuffing, ensuring the thread’s colour and thickness blend seamlessly, and preserving or repairing any previous restorations made to the companion.

Domenack explains how some restorations are more about trial and error, especially when it comes to dolls.

Her most challenging restoration was for an elderly woman with a doll from the ‘60s dressed in a school uniform. She spent hours trying to x the doll’s body without damaging the material it was made of.

“As soon as you put acrylic paint [on the doll’s body] it would fracture,” Domenack says, “decompose and then break.”

e fragility of these dolls re ects the emotional process of sending them in for restoration. According to a study in e Journal of Positive Psychology, adults o en struggle parting with their toys, as they hold deep sentimental value. Using teddy bears as their focus, the researchers found that toys can provide comfort to people of all ages and genders, despite being commonly associated with a younger, more feminine demographic.

Dominique Dansereau, toy surgeon at Montreal toy store raplapla, says that the emotional bond that adults

have with their toys can sometimes make the temporary separation even more difficult than it is for children.

“Sometimes the changes [made] are more drastic in the adult’s eyes; they feel more traumatized by it,” Dansereau says, explaining how toy surgeries will likely never have a beloved friend looking brand new, which can be difficult for longtime owners to accept.

For older toys, the surgery can mark the end of their active role in their friend’s life.

“Sometimes you need to retire the toy,” Dansereau adds. “I can repair it, but it needs to stay on the shelf and you can't sleep with it anymore, and that's a harder pill to swallow.”

According to the U.S. National Teddy Bear Day Survey, conducted by Build A Bear Workshop in 2017, 56 per cent of adult Americans have kept their favourite stu ed animals for over two decades. Meanwhile, 70 per cent of them said they planned on keeping them forever.

Dansereau was initially surprised by the demographic of their clientele.

“We found out very quickly that a lot of adults still have their toys,” Dansereau says. She provided a rough estimate of 30 per cent being children and 70 per cent being adults from ages 20 to 70 years old.

e emotional di culty of being separated from a beloved toy is one reason people turn to online forums and communities for guidance.

On Reddit, the subreddits r/ plushies and r/dolls have amassed over 163,000 members combined. Users o en seek advice on nding and repairing dolls or simply share their collections. e Dollect website was speci cally created for the doll community. With over 200 doll lines catalogued, members can keep track of their collection and interact with others in the community.

Angel Ashurst, a doll collector, explains that being involved in the doll community with a wide age range of members encourages them to share their journey of doll collecting.

“Honestly, a lot of them are older than me,” Ashurst says. “It's just a nice community to be in and it's very accepting.”

Hasman notes that sometimes older clients, especially men, are more embarrassed about asking to get their childhood, or other beloved, stuffed animals fixed. However, she has many male clients, young and old, eager to extend the lives of their beloved friends.

Hasman recounts the story of an older man who requested to get his collection of Muppets, gi ed to him by his late wife, to be restored. His wife had made him promise never to look up how expensive they were, and even on her deathbed, he kept his promise. He had long since retired from being a puppeteer, but the puppets served a purpose beyond his profession; they were a lasting memory of the most important person in his life.

One of Ashurst's favourite dolls is the Generation 3 Frankie Stein from Monster High. e doll wears a mesh top paired with purple, pink, blue and green fringe pants that match their makeup and ower crown. Frankie Stein is non-binary, which comforts Ashurst about their own identity and inspires them deeply.

“Frankie’s androgynous but they still present very feminine a lot of the time, and that really makes me happy, because I am pretty feminine,” Ashurst says. “ ey make me more con dent

in myself, knowing that I can be respected if I want to dress like that.”

Collecting dolls has also been a way for Ashurst to connect with the dolls they’d left behind after moving from Maryland to California in Grade 6.

“Collecting them now, it’s like restoring my inner child and making ‘little me’ happy again because I wouldn’t have let them go,” Ashurst says.

For many, repairing a doll or stu ed animal allows them to preserve this emotional bond for a lifetime.

Back at raplapla, Dansereau receives Biscuit for an express restoration. Biscuit is a brown stu ed animal wearing a blue sweater with tears near his nose and along his neck. Dansereau carries him to the back of the store, into her surgery room, and lays him down on her operating table. Biscuit waits patiently, staring up at the bright lights and the walls lined with coloured threads.

Dansereau loves these types of restorations because they require hand-sewing, where every hole is carefully stitched together until someone's friend is smiling and ready to be loved again.

"I love problem-solving," Dansereau says. "I see a case and I find the best way to fix it."

Luckily, Biscuit is an easy x. With his holes patched up, he's ready to be reunited with the little boy waiting patiently at the front of the toy store.

"I like when I nish a surgery and I'm like, 'Wow, that was the right way to go,’” Dansereau says, “‘I did well, it looks good, and the client's going to be happy.’”

A PATIENT OF RAPLAPLA'S TOY HOSPITAL, BISCUIT, IS BEING REPAIRED BY DOMINIQUE DANSEREAU, THE TOY SURGEON. PHOTO SABINA BELLISARIO-GIGLIO

PATIENTS OF THE TOY HOSPITAL ARE HANGING AROUND THE BACK OF THE STORE, WAITING TO BE REPAIRED. PHOTO SABINA BELLISARIO-GIGLIO

The global tide of far-right politics is rising. Canada is no exception.

Ultra-conservative governments are surging across Europe and North America. Parties that once clamoured for attention now have remarkable in uence, threatening democratic order with authoritarianism, xenophobia and climate denialism. With warlords waging a genocide on the Sudanese people, Russia kidnapping Ukranian children and America’s president musing about ethnic cleansing in Gaza, full-blown tyranny does not seem so far o either.

As the world polarizes, Canada—despite its self-image as a beacon of tolerance and stability—is not immune to this far-rightism. is has manifested in populist impulses, like the so-called “Freedom Convoy” protesting COVID-19 restrictions, that have altered the country’s political culture. With the next federal election expected to be called in days and with Conservatives and Liberals almost equal in polling, the uncertainty of the political climate is obvious.

With far-right parties gaining popularity or being elected in Germany, Italy, Argentina and Israel, the threat of political extremism seems more real by the day.

The Link condemns the alarming resurgence of modern fascism

tion and anti-LGBTQIA2S+ grievances. His party’s rhetoric mirrors the populist playbook used by farright movements worldwide: railing against "globalist elites," questioning the legitimacy of institutions and exploiting economic anxieties to push regressive social policies.

Recent polling from this month shows Conservatives and Liberals in a much tighter race than before. However, this shi is largely due to external fears of tari s and annexation rather than a genuine rejection

are primarily motivated by the need to prevent worse outcomes. It cannot be forgotten that populist politics have continued to gain traction since the Freedom Convoy of 2022, which revealed the extent of radical right-wing networks within the country. e convoy was not a fringe event—Poilievre clearly voiced his support for the truckers in the midst of the protests, going as far as saying he was “proud” of them.

e reality is that a major regression in human rights and cli-

don’t align with their ultra-nationalist agenda.

We need to invest in our communities, even as capitalism, conspiracy and fascism work to dismantle them. is is no small task, especially when we are constantly disoriented by political gaslighting and disinformation campaigns while struggling to a ord rent and food. But maybe this, in itself, is a step toward resistance.

Perhaps the most alarming example is just south of the colonial border. In the United States, our neighbours are staring down the encroachment of a Trump-Musk autocratic alliance, with outsized in uence from some of the other world’s richest men. A cocktail of corporate wealth and reactionary politics may signal the beginning of an era of plutocratic authoritarianism, with consequences well beyond American borders.

Canada has long prided itself on being di erent from its southern neighbour, but that di erence is diminishing.

Pierre Poilievre, leader of the Conservative Party, has increasingly catered to a voter base animated by anti-climate, anti-immigration, anti-abor-

If the far right’s momentum continues unchecked, Canada could

of far-right populism. We have to remember that just months ago, the Liberals teetered on the brink of a historic electoral collapse, facing what would be its most crushing defeat in modern memory. Canadian voters only started worrying more about an increasingly belligerent United States following Trudeau's resignation and Donald Trump's trade war. is dynamic re ects a broader trend in which voters, rather than embracing progressive alternatives,

mate policy is inevitable unless we rebuild social solidarity. If we fail, the far right stands ready to welcome the working class—many of whom feel politically adri —into its ranks. e Conservative Party’s messaging is disturbingly e ective among younger voters, as the party correctly highlights how powerful elites have failed to address our most pressing crises. Conservatives do this all while conveniently omitting their own role in promoting inequality and excluding those who

ltering out harmful and unnecessary imagery that serves only to desensitize rather than educate.

e far right does not emerge in a vacuum—it builds itself through media manipulation, historical revisionism and social division. As a publication, we hope that our reporting does not only document but actively resist the spread of fascism.

As journalists, we believe that it is our duty to serve the community as a medium for education. It is our duty to shine a light on the rise of fascism and its counter-movements and how they impact communities across Canada.

While creating the Anti-Fascist Issue, e Link aimed to spread awareness of the rise of fascism and some of those movements that try to ght extremism.

e Link has also decided to limit the platforming of certain far-right symbolism in its visuals and written coverage. at decision was made to avoid giving undue attention to right-wing and conservative groups who seek it the most. e risk of damage incurred by resharing deeply traumatizing images is not one e Link is willing to take.

soon nd itself on the same trajectory as the U.S. and parts of Europe. e work is not just political, but also cultural and economic. It requires vigilant journalism and non-apathetic citizens.

It’s easy to fall into cynicism and nihilism, and fascism thrives in environments of misinformation and complacency.

As an advocacy newspaper, it is our duty to expose the ideological underpinnings of movements that seek to erode democracy while also

e only exception e Link made was in the article “Fashion and fascism 4 dummies.” e Link believes that including an image of the Hugo Boss Schutzsta el uniform was the best way to visually communicate the history of the Hugo Boss company.

Currently, e Link does not endorse any political party. But wherever there are attacks on human rights and democracy, e Link needs to be politically active, getting out the vote in the opposite direction. e world needs access to stories that shock us into fury. It is stories, more than theories or legal minutiae, that help us comprehend fascism, autocracy and tyranny. And as the rich and mighty ll the world’s small screens with distortions, someone needs to tell true stories.

Breaking the cycle of online self-radicalization

Helping friends escape the alt-right pipeline is often achieved through open dialogue

Kira Minall

Robby Fischer has been granted a pseudonym for privacy concerns.

In 2022, Robby Fischer lost his friend to alt-right radicalization.

Sucked down the altright pipeline a er experiencing a breakup, Fischer said his friend began spreading hateful content on his social media platforms and reposting content from alt-right in uencers, such as Andrew Tate and Jordan Peterson, on his Instagram story.

Fischer, whose views did not align with those of his friend, was growing increasingly uncomfortable with the in ux of hateful posts on his friend’s feed, and halted their friendship.

University, people fall down the alt-right pipeline as a reactionary response to an overall feeling of insecurity.

Sowad says that alt-right inuencers present an unrealistic dream of being rich and successful, owning luxurious cars, and having a traditional wife and children, among many other characteristics. When young men have di culties

“We had a whole ght break out, basically just about how I really didn't like the stu he had posted,” Fischer said. “It was partially in character for him, but it also happened so quickly, and it was fullblown in your face.”

e alt-right pipeline—also known as the alt-right rabbit hole—is a concept that describes how algorithms are manipulated by alt-right extremists, leading people to internet radicalization via alt-right content and ideologies. e ideas it promotes are o en hateful and target minorities, and due to the nature of algorithms, people o en get trapped in the pipeline due to the formation of echo chambers.

White supremacist movements o en target teenage boys and young men. Frédéric Dion, a high school English teacher and esports team coach, says this is because they are at an age where their sense of self has not fully crystallized yet.

“ ese guys are kind of seeking identity as they are learning to discover who they are as males, and they are searching for role models,” Dion said.

According to Abu Saleh Mohammad Sowad, a doctoral candidate in social and cultural analysis at Concordia

obtaining such markers of success, Sowad adds, alt-right preachers take advantage of their vulnerability to blame society for their struggles.

“At the end of the day, everyone wants to be comfortable in their life, and that is what is being exploited by the alt-right,” Sowad said.

“ ey will never tell their followers it is their fault but rather will say things like ‘You deserve it, but you

are not getting it because society is messed up.’”

Sowad adds that due to certain societal changes regarding women’s rights, some young men feel a loss of control.

“Women had to be dependent on their male partner for so many reasons, but now they don't have to,” he said. “So, they have this independence that we all support, but

it makes some men feel like they have no power over their own lives anymore.”

According to Sowad, solving the phenomenon of the alt-right pipeline is not an easy task. He says that since the digital world cannot be changed, teaching children digital literacy in schools from a young age is a good place to start. Moreover, he says it is important to teach children that although inequality exists and can be an obstacle in some situations, it is not always the main reason why some people aren’t able to obtain certain achievements.

On a more personal level, Sowad says that there are ways to show that there are di erent models of success.

“One way to help someone close to you is to show them that other kinds of masculinity exist in the world,” he said. “So, if you can establish for them that these other options are also valid options, they can compare which one seems better for them.”

For Dion, a good way of preventing young boys from falling into the pipeline is by unpacking certain topics through discussion. He says conversations like this happen frequently when he coaches the esports team.

“ e players started getting really comfortable around me and using the language they would use when they weren't around me playing the game, and then I could say ‘Whoa, listen, man, that's not OK, and have these discussions with them,” Dion said.

Fischer, who recently experienced a second friend turning toward hateful rhetoric online, says that o ering compliments was an e ective way of helping them begin to see things di erently.

“It makes them feel better about themselves,” Fischer said, “and they're not going to be as reliant on the opinions of people like Jordan Peterson and Andrew Tate who feed into this sort of idealized version of themselves that just is not real.”

The dangers of ‘anti-mask’ rhetoric

Negative framing of masking threatens the right to protest safely and endangers public health

Arielle Longo

@arielle_longo

Recently, there has been an increase in pressure against masking for many activists both inside and outside Concordia University.

At the start of the academic year, Concordia publicized its pre-existing behavioural guidelines on its website, including the Policy on Campus Public Safety and Security which states that “the wearing of a mask or clothing with the intent to conceal one’s identity is not permitted.”

According to a spokesperson for Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) Concordia, who was granted anonymity for safety reasons, masks serve as a way for activists to protect themselves.

“ e role of the mask is to protect students from doxxing,” the spokesperson said.

Recently, a number of student associations criticized Concordia President Graham Carr in regards to a statement he made on Jan. 30. e statement touched on the use of masks at a special general meeting (SGM) where a majority of students present voted in favour of two Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) motions.

In the statement, Carr claimed that “the presence of heavily masked individuals” was “deeply troubling” and “unacceptable on campus.”

university has the duty to protect students from doxxing.”

e spokesperson added that student protesters have resorted to the protection of masks because of a lack of protection from the university.

In terms of “anti-mask” policies, the spokesperson believes that it’s no surprise that countries that have been “founded on the bones of Indigenous people,” like Canada, are “working against the oppressed people of the world.”

On Feb. 6, the administration announced it was launching an investigation into the Concordia Student Union, in part due to allegations of the presence of “heavily masked individuals” at the SGM that “created an intimidating climate.” ose opposed to masking o en defend their position by arguing that easily identifying those who engage in unlawful acts is a means for ensuring public safety. Masks are in turn blamed for enabling acts of violence during protests.

According to the SPHR spokesperson, one of the main demands of the BDS motion is for the university to defend student activists from sanctions.

“Defend means defending and protecting the students,” the spokesperson said. “ e

found unconstitutional by the Quebec Superior Court. But, to this day, aversion to masked protesting persists.

In a radio interview following an anti-NATO protest on Nov. 22, 2024, SPVM Chief Fady Dagher said police used to be able to intercept masked protesters before they could do any damage, thanks to bylaw P-6. Mayor Plante said she sympathized with the police o cers who were having trouble identifying protesters. Both Plante and Dagher

In 2013, Bill C-309 made it a criminal o ence “to wear a mask or other disguise to conceal one’s identity while taking part in a riot or an unlawful assembly,” with a maximum penalty of 10 years in prison if convicted.

In 2012, at the height of the student protests against tuition hikes, Montreal bylaw P-6 was amended to prohibit masking at public protests.

During a news conference, then-Montreal mayor Gérald Tremblay, said, "When a cause is just, why is it necessary to hide behind a mask?"

e controversial bylaw was repealed in 2019 under Mayor Valérie Plante’s administration a er it was

use of 'anti-mask' rhetoric by public o cials, security personnel, and university administrations, with protests related to social justice— particularly Palestine solidarity— being disproportionately targeted,” Rantisi said. “ is bias is further ampli ed by the mainstream media, which gives greater voice to those in positions of relative power.”

John Peterson, a member of Covid Action Montreal (CAM) who was granted a pseudonym for

said face coverings worn by protesters delayed arrests.

For Dr. Norma M. Rantisi, a professor at the department of geography, planning and environment at Concordia, masking is essential. She believes masks “should be encouraged rather than criminalized or banned,” because they protect public health and keep people safe from repression.

She added that in the context of heightened surveillance, policing and doxxing, as well as the pandemic and flu season, masking is important for protecting high-risk populations and people’s right to publicly voice concerns.

“ ere is a selective and biased

To them, “anti-mask” rhetoric is not only a lever that can be used to limit people from exercising their rights to free speech, but it is also hostile towards people with disabilities and increases the stigma around masking.

“It’s very common, increasingly so, for people to be harassed or threatened, or just treated badly because they’re masking,” Stevenson said.

Sharone Birapaka, co-coordinator of the Quebec Public Interest Research Group at Concordia, stressed that people are still impacted by COVID-19 and post-COVID condition, also known as “long COVID.”

safety reasons, said that masking is important within and beyond protests for protecting oneself and others from infectious diseases, such as COVID-19, respiratory syncytial virus and the u.

Matilda Stevenson, another CAM member who was granted a pseudonym, added that many people, such as certain immunocompromised individuals, have always had to mask.

“[Masking is] a really important form of solidarity to keep [protests] not only safer health-wise for people who are continuing to mask, but also to keep them safe from violence by normalizing masking,” Stevenson said.

“COVID-19 is still a very serious epidemic, and people become invisibilized in the way that it’s impacted them, because they might drop out of spaces— they might be in hospitals or at home dealing with long-term e ects,” Birapaka said.

Stevenson said that long COVID is a problem that many are unaware of and that nobody wants to talk about. ey added that their concern is heightened by Quebec’s announcement to shut down, on April 1, the wastewater testing that tracked COVID-19.

Birapaka said that Carr’s Jan. 30 statement felt like “very dangerous rhetoric to use” due to the importance of masks.

"Masks are what people are using to literally protect them from a life-threatening virus,” Birapaka said. “To use those words in such a negative way is a real disservice to Concordia students who are immunocompromised, and to all their families that they go home to, that need that protection.”

She added that disability justice should be the centre of everyone’s movements because everyone eventually becomes disabled in some way.

“As a community, we should be trying to keep each other safe,” she said, “and that includes everything from keeping us safe from police brutality and such, to keeping us safe from very dangerous viruses that are going around.”

RISE

Your TikTok algorithm is not your friend

Scrolling through a sea of videos, political agendas can covertly manipulate perceptions of reality

Daphnee Béchard

Excessive doomscrolling— the self-destructive habit of obsessively searching the internet for distressing information—is increasingly common in younger generations.

According to a McAfee study, the pandemic shaped the doomscrolling habits of 70 per cent of 18 to 35-yearolds worldwide in 2023.

Tristan Harris, a former design ethicist for Google who was featured in e Social Dilemma, argues that social media platforms in general have been developed to emulate addictive experiences, similar to gambling. However, TikTok’s algorithm speci cally has been considered particularly cutting-edge by publications like the MIT Technology Review in 2021.

TikToks that appear on a user’s For You page are based on content more than popularity. is means that a post’s tags, title and used audio are all prioritized over the size of a creator’s following.

Meanwhile, collaborative ltering—the process of users being shown TikToks similar to others they have interacted with—paired with a user’s inapp activity provides TikTok with the extra data necessary to get a full picture of each user. e content that comes out of this process is ultra-tailored to each user. e TikTok algorithm’s purpose, however, is the same as other platforms’ end goal.

@daphnee.bechard

and TikTok algorithms work.

Anderson began watching videos on atheism around 2016 from YouTubers who, a er garnering a large audience of young men susceptible to feelings of inferiority, shi ed their content to centre around anti-feminism.

“When you watch enough caricatures of people that evoke anger or fear within you, you start losing your grip on reality,” Anderson said. “Your brain starts to search for reasons why

“What's most important for them is that people just stay on the platform because they are for-pro t businesses, their revenue stream comes from the advertising and the sponsored content on the platforms,” media researcher Stephen Monteiro told e Link. “[TikTok] doesn't really care what the potential harms of that content are because the machine is built to keep people's attention and keep people on the platform.”

Jerome Anderson, a man in his early 30s who has been granted a pseudonym for safety reasons, said he saw similarities between how YouTube

study in his research on “ lter bubbles.” e lter bubbles phenomenon describes how personalized algorithmic recommendations can limit exposures to wider ranges of information and may lead to stereotypical viewpoints and biases.

Chen found that TikTok creates lter bubbles that lock users into an “echo chamber,” where users are limited to a speci c range of information that aligns with their worldview.

In the Scienti c American article,

social media has become the main news source for 62 per cent of Canadians aged 15 to 24.

Media scholar Ethan Zuckerman wrote in a blog on Medium that the legacy media system has been disrupted as people can now voice their opinions online and share the news themselves instead of relying on distributors.

So long as they generate enough engagement, content from news outlets, or reactions to them, can

tion studies part-time faculty Ken Briscoe. “ e headline's function is not as clickbait but rather it is meant to [...] summarize the story simply and completely."

Menczer and Hills found that information from social media posts generally only reaches users when their data tells the algorithm that it ts into their preferences. Information outside this category, on the other hand, is less likely to nd users, limiting their ability to understand topics beyond their original viewpoints.

ey also note that the large bulk of content available online makes users extremely prone to spreading non-factual information, as algorithms only show them a fraction of what is out there.

Although researchers have found that misinformation exists on all sides of the political spectrum, another study by Petter Törnberg and Juliana Chueri found that its rise bene ted the populist far-right more than other orientations.

For TikTok speci cally, Queen’s University scholar Vincent Boucher stated that watching a lot of “moderately conservative” videos eventually leads users down a rabbit hole of increasingly radical content. is phenomenon is due to the creation of echo chambers as groupthink leads to more moderate views being reinforced and then radicalized.

THE TIKTOK ALGORITHM GROUPS PEOPLE TOGETHER BASED ON THE PERSPECTIVE THEY GET ON INFORMATION. GRAPHIC SYLVIA DAI | @SYLVIA_DAII

these videos evoke anger in you. is is when you become susceptible to narratives.”

Similarly, other cognitive biases push people to prioritize information from individuals and news organizations that they already tend to like and agree with.

In a 2023 study, Siyao Chen, a student studying media, culture and society at the University of Glasgow in the U.K., used TikTok as a case

“Information Overload Helps Fake News Spread, and Social Media Knows It,” researchers Filippo Menczer and omas Hills discuss their joint study on social media. e researchers found that when people get used to hyper-personalized social media feeds, they can fall into the habit of unfollowing and ignoring content that clashes with their worldview.

According to Statistics Canada,

be sandwiched between other types of content in people’s feeds. is landscape makes sensationalism an economical solution for some, according to a study by communication researchers Salman Khawar and Mark Boukes of the University of Amsterdam.

“It's my experience that most headlines are deceptive or misleading when compared to the actual story,” said Concordia communica-

While Zuckerman pointed out that polarization is a gold mine for engagement, other scholars such as Gabriel Weimann and Natalie Masri have expressed that TikTok does not appear to be fully enforcing its guidelines for hateful conduct.

“For the platforms, what's of primary importance is keeping people engaged and using the platform and the products that are on the platform,” Monteiro said, “and even if that means feeding people content that is harmful either to themselves or potentially harmful to society. at's, at best, a secondary concern.”

The rising prominence and exploitation of anti-intellectualism

Anti-intellectualism is becoming increasingly politically charged, and its polarizing consequences are as apparent as ever

Jocelyn Gardner

@jocelyn.lhg

In a climate where professional knowledge is dismissed as elitist and critical information is weaponized for political gain, experts believe that the consequences of anti-intellectualism are becoming increasingly apparent.

“Anti-intellectualism is becoming more prominent, it’s becoming more politically charged,” said Eric Merkley, PhD candidate and assistant professor of political science at the University of Toronto.

Merkley remarked how studies show that people with anti-intellectual predispositions are moving towards the political right, whereas those who are more trusting of experts are moving towards the political le . According to Merkley, this trend is generating a unique polarization of trust that is especially noticeable in the U.S., with Canada not far behind.

is dissent for experts and scienti c knowledge, Merkley suggested, is o en exploited for self-interest and pro t-based motives.

A 2017 study by Matthew Motta explored how powerful political gures sometimes employ anti-intellectual rhetoric to discourage people from trusting experts on matters of scienti c consensus. e study found that this is o en achieved through a performative sympathy for the average citizen in hopes of gaining their trust and loyalty.

ruption in the U.S. materialized during the Progressive Era in the early 20th century, resulting in a form of anti-intellectualism labelled by sociologist Daniel Rigney as “populist anti-elitism.” is refers to a resentment and distrust of elites and the establishments that enable their power.

“People were worried about corrupt politicians, corrupt political elites, machine politics, there was strong pushback against this, and those ideas a ected Canada as well,” Merkley said. “A lot of people turned to experts, turned to civil servants, as an alternative to the corruption of politics.”

Merkley explained that, during this era, populists saw the value of experts as a force against the corruption of partisan politics. is directly contrasts contemporary populism, which sees academic authority in a similar light to political actors.

“Over the course of the 20th century, you had rapidly growing governments, and the need for technocratic expertise became all the more

For instance, the leader of the Conservative Party of Canada Pierre Poilievre o en claims to understand the struggles of everyday Canadians, only to promote policies that would, as the Canadian Union of Public Employees states, “shi the power from consumers, small businesses and workers to big corporations.”

Indeed, the CBC reported that, in his rst speech a er ascending to the party’s leadership, Poilievre claimed that he could sympathize with the plight of struggling Canadians due to his “humble origins.”

Concern for political cor-

essential,” Merkley said. “And because of that, in the public’s mind, there became a sort of fusion between government elites and experts.”

Among these distrusted experts, journalists have also experienced being deemed—and subsequently dismissed—as elites.

CBC News reporter Brodie Fenlon remarked in a 2021 article that an increasing number of Canadians are losing trust in journalism. As indicated by a 2021 survey of 1,500 Canadians conducted by communications rm Edelman, 49 per cent of surveyed Canadians agreed that journalists are deliberately trying to mislead the public through misinformation or exaggerations.

According to Eric Buzzetti, associate professor of political science at Concordia University, there is a suspicion within the population that the actions of experts are not driven by knowledge or understanding, but rather by political preferences masqueraded as expertise.

Alongside the sentiment that experts are ideological, Buzzetti believes that hostility to expertise is rooted in a perceived narrow-mindedness that is especially apparent in higher education.

“ ere’s a sense that the university is a place where not enough ideas can be honestly debated and discussed,” he said. “People who are so quick to discard certain views as simply beyond the pale hurt themselves by operating on a very narrow basis of understanding.”

Professor of philosophy at San José State University Karin Brown wrote for the American Association of University Professors that educational institutions o en prioritize bureaucratic metrics that undermine the professional autonomy of academic faculty to standardize learning and amplify pro t.

“Reducing education and learning to a few goals that can be quanti ed basically turns education into a kind of factory,” Brown told e Link. “It’s actually getting closer and closer

to dogma, and dogma is antithetical, at least to liberal arts education, as the whole point is to think and to create, not to follow and accept.”

Brown considers outcome-based education to be anti-intellectual, remarking that a focus on process as opposed to assessment trains the mind to think and question, rather than follow blindly.

She suspects this to be increasingly uncompromising, emphasizing “how valuable it is to teach people to think for themselves and never accept anything without questioning.” is is especially signi cant in debunking misinformation. For example, a 2025 survey of over 3,700 Canadians conducted by the Canadian Medical Association found an increase in health misinformation due to a heightened reliance on social media as a news source. e consequences of health misinformation can be seen in the declining childhood vaccination rates among Canadians. Physician Dr. Alykhan Abdulla said to e Globe and Mail that he believes social media is at fault for the exacerbation of false or misleading information that sways understandings of health and medicine.

Dr. eresa Tam, Canada’s chief public health o cer, warns that measles and other vaccine-preventable diseases have re-emerged, particularly among unvaccinated children.

In a 2021 study on anti-intellectualism and public response to COVID-19, Merkley observed that the biggest factor that shaped people’s perceptions of the threat of COVID-19 “boiled down to how much they trust doctors, scientists, and experts.”

e study determined a positive association between anti-intellectualism and misperceptions of the risks of COVID-19. As such, distrust in science and experts, Merkley noted, poses alarming and increasingly apparent risks to public health.

The toxic cesspool that is online anime culture

Exploring deep-rooted racism, misogyny and transphobia in online discussions of the animation style

Hannah Scott-Talib

Content warning: is article contains mentions of transphobia

In 2003, 15-year-old anime fan Christopher Poole took inspiration from the Japanese forum site “2chan” to create his own anonymous, discussion-based online platform in the Western world.

He called it 4chan, and while it began as a site from which users could share and discuss anime— particularly hentai, a form of animated Japanese pornography—it rapidly transgressed into something much more sinister.

“[With 4chan], you had a group of people who were really holding onto these ideas and they needed a space to express them,” said Aurélie Petit, a doctoral candidate in lm and moving images studies at Concordia University.

ties to misogyny, racism, homophobia and more.

But the problematic nature of the fandom, she said, traces back decades, even before the creation of 4chan. According to Petit, the role that online forums have taken in the anime fandom since the 1990s—as well as who is using these forums—is distinct.

Petit pointed to anonymity and a lack of moderation as key points of 4chan’s allure, the freedom for users to post whatever they want with no repercussions, under the safety blanket of a fake name.

Petit’s thesis, entitled “It all began with Japanese anime From Usenet to 4Chan: Online anime fandom and the alt-right,” explores the progression of the online anime fandom and its deep-rooted

self-image issues in her teenage years.

“In some animes, young women in particular are shown as having big chests but small waists, and they are o en [wearing] short skirts or a form of revealing clothing that so obviously sexualizes them,” Megan said. “ e way these characters are talked about online, by men, is just appalling.”

“It’s like a way to socialize, very o en between heterosexual men,” Petit said. “It was the same on 4chan: for them, it was about translating hentai—because people were watching hentai online in the ‘90s—and then sharing it with their friends.”

She added that the fact that these forum sites’ users were primarily white, cisgender, heterosexual men lies at the origin of the online anime fandom’s ties to alt-right ideologies over the years.

And for one Montreal-based anime fan in particular, this demographic breakdown is what has steered her from previous heavy involvement in online discussions about anime.

“So o en, when I go on Reddit or some other [site] where people are talking about an anime series that I really like, there are so many gross and sexist opinions on it,” said Ayra Megan, who has been granted a pseudonym for safety reasons. “Unfortunately when I was young, I used to chat [on these sites] and naively go along with what people were saying.”

Megan added that the discussion of women’s bodies in anime on these online forums led to her having

According to another long-time fan of the art form, racism in anime can be traced back to the start of the art style.

“It’s really baked into anime from the beginning, in my opinion,” said Embraline Schuilenburg, a 21-year-old anime fan. “It got created as a medium at a time when a lot of these ideas—misogyny, racism in particular—these were common thought trains in society, and they de nitely re ect in the work.”

Schuilenburg noted that, as an example, stereotypical and o ensive portrayals of Black characters can o en be found in anime, as well as racist depictions of other Asians besides Japanese people.

“[Some animes] will give other Asian characters the classic ‘squinty’ eye, which is really interesting considering it’s re ecting an almost internalized self-hatred,” Schuilenburg said.

According to Schuilenburg, it’s not just racism that can be found in dated anime TV series and movies, however.

One stand-out example of transphobia, she recalled, stems from the

1992 show Yu Yu Hakusho. e show features a ght scene between a man and a woman, in which the male ghter, Yusuke, grabs the woman’s genitals midght to “check and make sure” his opponent is biologically female. At the end of the ght, Yusuke exposes the woman—who is described as a transgender demon on the fandom wiki page—to his friends, exclaiming, “It turns out our ‘Mrs.’ is a ‘Mr.’” According to Petit, this deep-rooted alt-right rhetoric within the online anime fandom even supersedes the fandom itself. She pointed to an instance involving Arizona Representative Paul Gosar, who, in 2016, edited himself killing New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in a ght scene from the popular anime series

Attack on Titan

As another adjacent example, Petit mentioned Gamergate, an online harassment campaign from 2014 to 2015 that sought to shun women within the larger online gaming community. Traits of toxic masculinity within the gaming community are largely connected to the online anime fandom, where similar rhetoric is perpetuated.

Moving forward, Petit emphasized the importance of recognizing the problematic nature of the fandom to prevent furthering it.

“As long as we’re not confronting this history,” Petit said, “we’re just going to keep repeating it.”

Weekend-long event to promote values of anarchism

Rafales anarchist camp invites Montreal residents to participate in anti-colonial activities

Hannah Scott-Talib

Athree-day anarchist camp is set to take place at the Comité social Centre-Sud in Montreal from March 28 to March 30.

e weekend-long event— titled Rafales—will host various guest speakers, authors, workshops and panels in the spirit of anarchism, struggles against domination, collective autonomy, and revolutionary and anti-authoritarian issues. “ ere is a lack of theory

and knowledge about movements and anarchist struggles,” Rafales volunteer Tom Desroches said when asked why the camp was created.

According to Desroches, this will be Rafales’s rst year in operation. It started as an idea around one year ago in association with L’Organisation révolutionnaire anarchiste (ORA) in Montreal. He added that, while ORA is in part responsible for the inspiration behind Rafales, the camp itself will

be organized and run by a group of autonomous volunteers.

roughout the weekend, workshops and talks will explore topics such as the history of anarchist struggles, archiving the anarchist movement, the abolition of the state and police, mutual aid and transformative justice, and more.

Desroches explained that the camp is open to all and has no entry fee.

“We want people from all backgrounds and from all over the place—and not speci cally anarch-

ist people—to come,” he said.

Desroches added that the event will also be entirely bilingual, with activities being translated to either English or French depending on the speaker involved.

According to Desroches, Rafales is being funded entirely independently, and clothing merchandise will be sold throughout the weekend in support of the anarchist cause.

Given the current socio-political climate of the world right now, Desroches said that Rafales will seek to mo-

bilize people and create a sense of hope.

“We all see what’s going on in the world. We want to change it, and we want to give people hope about things that could be done to change the world,” Desroches said. “ e main goal is to sow the seeds of resistance in the wind.”

e three-day camp will conclude with a free dinner to close o the weekend on Sunday, March 30 at 6:30 p.m.

ANONYMITY IS A KEY POINT OF 4CHAN’S NOTORIOUS IDENTITY. GRAPHIC SYLVIA DAI | @SYLVIA_DAII

Dr. Martens: Laced with history

A closer look at the history and politics of the iconic

Rebekah Walker

Montreal has a distinct fashion identity, but one staple dominates the streets: Dr. Martens shoes, also known as “Docs.”

From the classic black combat boot with signature yellow stitching to chunky platforms, loafers and mary janes that come in a range of patterns, Docs are a timeless item. However, as the brand continues to thrive in mainstream fashion, their controversial history is o en undiscussed.

@rebekah_walker_

by the community.

Punks o en used the boots to signal anti-fascist, socialist and anarchist politics, but their rising popularity also created an uneasy crossover with the skinhead movement.

e brand traces its origins to Klaus Märtens, a young German soldier who developed its signature air-cushioned sole in 1945. Märtens designed the boot to aid injured soldiers returning from the front, meaning the rst people to bene t from them were, inevitably, German troops—including Nazis. While Märtens’s personal political beliefs remain unrecorded, this aspect of the boots’ history raises questions, particularly among its modern wearers, many of whom belong to le ist and anti-fascist subcultures.

For some Docs wearers, the irony of this history only adds to the appeal.

“ at makes it better,” said Logan Carroll, a Montreal student and longtime Docs wearer. “I would love to have that shithead see that his boots have become synonymous with anarchism, communism and anti-fascism.”

From factories to the punk scene

Not all skinheads were fascists—many of the early British skinhead groups were multi-racial and working-class—but by the late ‘70s, neo-Nazi factions had co-opted the aesthetic. Many skinhead groups adhere to racist, homophobic and fascist ideologies and are known for their violence. is aesthetic overlap led to confusion about who was punk and who was not.

Maya Khalil, a local Docs wearer and member of the Montreal punk scene, blames the English punk rock band, the Sex Pistols, for this white supremacist a liation.

“[ e band] wore a lot of swastikas, and they wore it as a shock value—in their mind it was a shock value,” Khalil said. “But it ended up biting them in their ass, because the neo-Nazis misunderstood it as an invitation. ey were very anti-Nazi, [...] but didn't understand the history they were playing with.”

Docs transformed in 1959 when British company R. Griggs Group Ltd. purchased Märtens’s patent and introduced them to the U.K. Designed as sturdy, practical workwear, they became popular among the working class, especially factory workers, postal employees and police officers. By the 1970s and ‘80s, Docs had been adopted by a host of British subcultures, from punk to goth to grunge.

e U.K.’s punk scene, in particular, turned the boots into a symbol of working-class resistance. More than just footwear, Docs were decorated, patched and stitched together

red and white laces have historically been associated with far-right movements—red with neo-Nazism and white with white supremacy.

Lace code is still a way for some Docs-wearing youth to pay homage to their punk predecessors. Carroll uses lace code because they think “it's a neat piece of history” and “a vital part of punk’s history.”

Montreal Docs wearer Inès Marchand agrees.

“It’s fun and very much more punk than anything,” Marchand said. However, they caution against leaping into lace-code without prior research.

“Many things that we think are mundane actually have a lot of meaning,” Marchand said. “Before you buy colours, look it up on Tumblr rst!”

Most Docs wearers today are unaware of lace code or simply aren’t concerned with it—proof of the boots’ shi from a political symbol to a fashion item.

leather boot

people, like Carroll, Khalil and Marchand, wear the boots to signal their identity within the LGBTQIA2S+ community, a lack of research could land them on the wrong side of Docs culture.

Khalil emphasized the need for intentionality and awareness.

Reclaiming the boot or diluting its meaning?

Many neo-Nazi skinhead groups exist in North America today, organising and recruiting through internet groups on Facebook and Reddit. As subcultures became harder to distinguish, new ways to outwardly express political ideology became necessary.

e lace code

e punk-skinhead confusion led to the rise of lace code—a silent way to signal political allegiances. Punks laced their boots in speci c colours to separate themselves from far-right groups. Today, lace code is still used, though its meaning has shi ed over time.

“If you know something is harmful, or was once harmful, why perpetuate it?” Khalil said. ey also caution against shaming those who aren’t aware of the boots’ history.

“It's important to know your history, but not everyone has the luxury or the interest to look into the history,” Khalil said. “As myself an educator, I hate seeing [shaming]. I don't see it as productive. You can’t encourage someone to learn by shaming them

Historically, lace code was used solely—pun intended—in punk scenes, with its meaning passed down through experience rather than formal documentation. Today, much of this knowledge is codi ed online on Tumblr user safety-pin-punk’s blog post, “Punk 101: Lace Code.” e post serves as one of the few online guides for discerning lace code. Di erent lace colours also mean di erent things. Khalil wears yellow laces, signifying anti-racism. Logan Carroll, meanwhile, wears purple to indicate they are a member of the queer community. Black remains the neutral, standard choice, while

As Dr. Martens have moved into the mainstream, their radical roots have been diluted. In the early 2000s, the brand began losing its popularity and faced nancial collapse, with factories closing and pro ts dropping exponentially. is led to a marketing overhaul, including celebrity endorsements and brand collaborations that introduced the boot to a wider, o en apolitical audience.

Despite this, Annie Proteau, store manager at the Dr. Martens store on Ste. Catherine St.—one of just three in Canada—has noticed that most clientele are still “wanting the classics.” She has people calling from other cities looking for original styles like the 20-eyelet boots.

For wearers like Marchand, though, the commercialisation of Docs is frustrating. ey explain that Docs are worn as an aesthetic choice by those with no connection to the LGBTQIA2S+ community or the boots’ political past.

“It’s annoying because they don’t represent the community well; they make it simply aesthetic,” Marchand said.

She explained that, while Docs used to signify a safe space for alternative, socialist and anti-fascist politics, today, this is not always the case.

Ignorance contributes widely to the aestheticized and mainstream use of Docs in Montreal. While many

or alienating them.”

Fashion has always been, and will continue to be, a method of political self-expression, especially in metropolitan areas like Montreal. And Dr. Martens are no exception. e boots’ history with anti-fascist and fascist subcultures alike, combined with their modern mainstream popularity, make them a dicult symbol to navigate.

Nonetheless, function, fashion and anti-facism appear to be the root causes for Dr. Martens’ unwavering fan base in Montreal.

“Fashion, whether you like it or not, historically has always been very political,” Marchand said. “It still is, or at least should be.”

The colonial and fascist legacies in our museums

A meditation on the fascist, colonial, Western agenda masquerading as historical artifacts

Varda Nisar

In 2023, Ta’Ziyah Jarrett, an a liate member of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada who funded the inking rough the Museum (TTTM) research project, asked members of the group to respond to the following prompt: “Select an object that you believe represents institutional white supremacy.”

“Visualizing White Supremacy in Institutions” is a project that uses the responses to these prompts to argue that white supremacy continues to operate in our institutions—and, more o en than not, makes a more subtle appearance.

whiteness is the “standard against which all else is measured.”

e diverse range of objects that members submitted made the case for this line of argument. e objects ranged from the James McGill statue at McGill University’s downtown campus to the Concordia University campus map. It even included Concordia’s academic calendar, emphasizing the university's white Christian values.

An anonymous entry titled “Art Gallery Promotional Photograph” made this case most aptly. The entry argues how, in art galleries—and even in museums—

Montreal art galleries and museums celebrate whiteness—white administrators, artists, white sculptors, white bodies—further cementing its equation with beauty and purity. A 2020 article in Canadian Art, which examined the largest four museums in Canada, concluded that all directors, board presidents, 96 per cent of senior executives and 75 percent of board trustees were all white.

While the inclusion of BIPOC bodies and the works produced by them may point towards some internal shi s, these changes hardly impact the power structures within these institutions. e ring of Wanda Nanibush, the proli c Indigenous curator at the Art Gallery of Ontario, over her pro-Palestine stance points to the uneven distribution of power in our museums. e lack of neutrality in museums is now a well-established fact, and their upholding of white supremacist, fascist and colonial ideals has been widely challenged and criticized. e 9 Weeks of Art + Action that was launched by Decolonize this Place (DTP) in solidarity with the sta of the Whitney Museum of American Art in 2019 have called out the complicity of museums in upholding col-

onial frameworks and institutional barriers that work to exclude marginalized communities.

In her book "A Programme of Absolute Disorder: Decolonizing the Museum," Françoise Vergès argues at great length about how museums re ect the world in which we live. e museum, Vergès argues, “exists thanks to, and within this context,” which is rife with multiple crises including fascism, colonialism, racism, capitalism, climate disaster, wars, famine, genocide, pandemics, austerity policies and increased surveillance.

The museums of today cannot be separated from a history of exploitation and violence, which continues today as a war against marginalized communities. So how do we go about recognizing whiteness at play, given the subtlety of these narratives and their embeddedness in our cultural spaces?

“Fascist legacies need not—and o en are not—overt,” Jarrett said in an email to e Link. “ is is especially true in Canadian institutions, as the stereotype that Canadians are ’nice’ manifests itself within our national narrative.”

e Canadian myth of niceness is further blurred today by institutional attempts at decolonization, where institutions might appear to be doing the work, but in fact, nothing changes structurally.

Curator Eunice Bélidor's experience at the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts is yet another case in point. Bélidor, who made history as the rst Black curator in any major Canadian museum, and who describes her hiring as a Black Lives Matter hiring, has shared in detail the limitations of the decolonial agenda within museums, where the lack of structural shi s refuse to shi the status quo.

Last November, Pip Day, director of the Leonard & Bina Ellen Art Gallery at Concordia, was dismissed.

Shelley Ruth Butler, independent scholar and member of the TTTM, describes how Day’s dismissal betrays the continued operation of institutional violence in these spaces.

“If this was due to Day's political support of Palestine, and if Day received pressure from university donors as past gallery board members suggest, a picture forms of institutional power being used to protect the status quo, rather than to hold

space for di cult conversations across implicated communities,” Butler said an email to e Link

Yet museums are not just about people—they are also about objects. Many of the objects currently on display in our museums were never meant for public display or consumption.

Karina Roman Justo, an emerging independent curator, brought attention to how cultural objects reect a community’s worldview. Justo explained that, not only are objects disrupted when they are taken away from these communities, but their display in museums points to a lack of consideration of this worldview.

“There are many cultural items that don't belong in the museum, and that, behind glass or in the storage room, are stripped of their personhood,” Justo said in an email to The Link

It is this understanding and sensi-

tivity that should make us consider whether all objects even belong in museums for public consumption.

Is this fascism in the way in which it has come to be understood historically? Maybe not, but we are getting close to it. e criminalization of DEI in the United States, and the anti-Palestine sentiments that we see in our institutions should make us concerned.

As museums insist more and more on their need to be neutral, we should question them: Who does this neutrality serve?

If neutrality means the maintenance of the status quo, then that status quo has never been neutral and has always advantaged a certain group of people, at the cost of all others.

ARTIST MATTIUSI IYAITUK'S WORK, IQUALUULLAMILUUQ (FIRST MERMAID) THAT CAN MANOEUVRE ON THE LAND (SIDECAR) AT THE MONTREAL MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS. PHOTO IVAN BARON | @IVAN.F_B

NOT TO CONFUSE POLITENESS WITH AGREEMENT (2013) BY DAVID GARNEAU, HANGING AT THE MONTREAL MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS. PHOTO IVAN BARON | @IVAN.F_B

Fashion and fascism 4 dummies

How luxury fashion has shaped, and been shaped by, far-right politics

Zoya Ramadan

To the uninformed, luxury fashion and far-right politics may seem worlds apart. But history tells a different

@zoyaramadan

story. Luxury fashion and right-wing politics have both influenced and been influenced by the other. Through visual spectacle and branding, luxury fashion

symbolizes exclusivity and reinforces far-right ideals of power imbalance and social stratification. From the aestheticization of military uniforms

Coco Chanel’s Nazi past e House of Chanel presents itself as timeless, sophisticated and elegant. But its founder’s past is far less pristine.

During Nazi-occupied Paris, Coco Chanel moved into the Ritz Paris hotel, where high-ranking

German officers were stationed. She became romantically involved with Hans Günther von Dincklage, a Nazi intelligence officer, and, according to declassified French police archives, worked as a spy for the Nazis.

In 2011, journalist Hal Vaughan’s Sleeping with the Enemy exposed Cha-

to the appropriation of high fashion by extremist far-right groups, luxury fashion has long been intertwined with right-wing politics.

nel’s role in gathering intelligence from British elites for Nazi forces. After the war, she was investigated for collaboration but never charged—reportedly due to Winston Churchill’s intervention. Today, the House of Chanel avoids discussion of its founder’s Nazi ties, positioning itself as politically neutral.

Fred Perry’s ght against farright branding

Fred Perry was founded in 1952 by British tennis player Fred Perry. The brand sold sportswear, with a primary focus on polos and tennis shirts.

During the ‘60s and ‘70s, the line became popular among several subcultures, including

Vivienne Westwood’s legacy of rebellion and activism

Vivienne Westwood birthed a fundamentally rebellious, punk clothing brand that paved the way for outspoken activism, using fashion to promote systemic change.

Westwood was born in 1941 in Derbyshire, England. In her early life, she trained to become an elementary school teacher before delving into the

Skinheads, Mods and working-class youth. However, in 2016, the brand’s black-and-yellow striped polo was unintentionally embraced by an extremist far-right group in the U.S. called the “Proud Boys.” is group is infamous for its bigoted ideologies, its promotion of anti-immigrant and misogynistic views, as well as its participation in political violence.

fashion world. She was notorious for her unique designs that combined politics with fashion to protest injustice.

Westwood used politically charged graphics ironically, including the infamous Nazi symbol, as a form of revolt against fascism. In 2005, the fashion house released their infamous Propaganda collection, which was inspired by Aldous Huxley’s essay “Propaganda In a Democratic Society.” Westwood’s clothing challenged

Since then, Fred Perry has actively condemned any association with these far right groups, and even terminated the production of the blackand-yellow striped polo in 2020. Although Fred Perry has been supportive of anti-racist and progressive causes, it struggles with its image as far-right extremist groups continue to appropriate its designs.

social norms and rebelled against capitalism, corruption and authoritarian government. Ultimately, Westwood actively fought for what she believed in: anti-fascism, rebellion and liberal ideals. Her work inspired several fashion houses to adopt the philosophy of using fashion as protest. Following her death in 2022, her brand continues to advocate for sustainability and anti-fascist ideals, preserving the humanitarian legacy she le behind.

Here is a list of fashion brands that have either been involved in a fascist regime or rebelled against it.

pression, Germany’s economy had plummeted. It nancially damaged numerous businesses, including Boss’s. A er Adolf Hitler’s rise to power, Boss conveyed public support to the Nazi party to bene t from a government contract in hopes of saving his business. His attempt in salvaging his company was successful, as he was not only a proud sponsor of the Schutzsta el, but he also produced uniforms for the Sturmabteilung (SA) and the Hitler Youth.

Hugo Boss’s Nazi uniforms Hugo Boss was born in Germany in 1885. His parents owned a lingerie shop, and pushed him to develop an interest in fashion at an early age.

Growing up, Boss took on several jobs, including one at a textile mill, which gave him the experience he needed to take over his parents’ business. A er World War I, he decided to turn the lingerie shop into his own, self-titled tailor shop. His previous experience allowed him to quickly develop his cra , and he began selling outerwear, sportswear and workwear. However, during the Great De-

Mario Prada founded the Prada fashion house in Milan in 1913. He focused on selling luxury bags and travel accessories before his granddaughter, Miuccia Prada, took over in 1978.

Miuccia’s vision for the brand included minimalist, intellectual themes that quietly challenged cultural norms. Unlike Vivienne Westwood, Prada does not tackle authority head on. e brand opts for a more subtle form of activism which embraces political messaging through irony instead. rough the use of intricate details such as stitching and pocket placement, Prada’s designs aim to critique authoritarianism, propaganda and government surveillance. For example, her 2012 collection was inspired by dichotomies of power, featuring oversized coats as a key component of power-dressing for women. However, Prada’s understated approach to activism is not always well

Additionally, Boss’s factories forcefully employed war prisoners and concentration camp detainees under horri c conditions. Post WWI, Boss was classi ed as a follower of the Nazi regime and faced penalties.

Following his death in 1948, the company shi ed its focus from uniforms to men’s suits. In 2011, Hugo Boss ocially apologized for its use of forced labour and signi cant role in Nazi history. Today, the company is a mainstream luxury brand with no political a liations. Although the brand has largely attempted to detach itself from its past, it still faces criticism for its fascist history.

received, as the message often contradicts the brand’s image. For example, the designs criticize capitalism and consumption, yet the brand continues to dominate the luxury market. Consumers believe that the brand's attempts at political messaging are often performative, which negates any effort.

In 2020, Raf Simons, a designer known for his outspoken progressive politics, joined the brand as co-creative director, which signalled a slight shi towards more genuine activism from Prada.

However, in following collections, Prada continued to avoid direct political messaging, remaining ambiguous in its political stances. Today, Prada still tries to balance its elite luxury status with progressive political values. But how truly anti-capitalist can a $3,000 handbag be?

THE RITZ PARIS HOTEL IN 1900, WHERE CHANEL LIVED ALONGSIDE HIGH RANKING NAZI OFFICIALS WHILE FRANCE WAS OCCUPIED. PUBLIC DOMAIN

FRED PERRY POLOS WERE POPULAR AMONG MEMBERS OF BRITISH SUBCULTURE BEFORE BEING APPROPRIATED BY THE FAR-RIGHT. COURTESY BEHRENS, HERBERT / ANEFO

NAZI POLITICIAN HANS HEINRICH LAMMERS PICTURED WEARING ALLGEMEINE SS UNIFORM DESIGNED BY HUGO BOSS. COURTESY BUNDESARCHIV, BILD 146-2008-0276 / CC-BY-SA 3.0

Prada

Kimpov Eap shows us how to survive and thrive

The painter survived the Cambodian genocide; now she creates art about it

Menel Rehab

@phoenicieuse

The paintings of Kimpov Eap are a vivid blend of expression and introspection, drawing viewers into their layered emotions and striking colour palettes.

Born in Cambodia, Eap's life was irrevocably altered by the Khmer Rouge regime. At 15, she married a teacher, and together they built a life with their four children. But one day, soldiers arrived and took all the men from her village, including her husband. From that moment, his family never saw him again.

Forced into labour, she endured famine and su ering be-

herself in a world of dreams and wonder. ere is no rigid process, no calculated decisions. She simply picks up her brush, intuitively selecting colours, allowing the work to unfold on its own. When she steps back, she nds balance, guided not by formal training but by an innate freedom—an act of letting go.

is raw, un ltered approach has deeply touched the heart of Dr. Mounir Samy, a renowned psychiatrist and psychoanalyst who worked for 15 years with Doctors Without Borders in Gaza, Palestine and various locations worldwide. In 2019, Samy founded the Fondation Aquarium, a Canadian charitable organization dedicated to promoting the

the genocide, etc,” Samy said.

Samy described an overwhelming sense of disturbance that took hold of him, especially when encountering the painting Aube

“It was completely without knowing anything about her; when I saw her works in her first exhibition, I was truly in awe, and I saw in her a true artist,” Samy said. “For me, the mark of a work of art is something that reaches deep inside me, transforms me, unsettles me and stirs something within me.”

Samy sought Eap out months later, arranging a meeting at her studio in Montreal with Dr. Norman Cornett. Cornett is a McGill University professor admired for his unconventional yet powerful teaching method who

“I have lived through war and betrayal, where the innocent suffer for the powerful. I lost loved ones, including two children, and faced death many times in Cambodia. I never imagined surviving, coming to Canada, or becoming an artist. In 1977, I thought I would already be buried.”

fore escaping to a refugee camp in ailand in 1979. Resettling in Montreal in 1980, she discovered painting to be an outlet for grief, a tool for healing and a way to make sense of her past.

"[My artworks] reflect humanity,” Eap said. “I have lived through war and betrayal, where the innocent suffer for the powerful. I lost loved ones, including two children, and faced death many times in Cambodia. I never imagined surviving, coming to Canada, or becoming an artist. In 1977, I thought I would already be buried.”

Looking for something she cannot fully grasp, Eap describes herself as someone who has "come from death"—a survivor who seeks healing through meditation and art. When she paints, she speaks through her work, and the canvases respond in return. Inspiration ows naturally, o en emerging without conscious thought.

For Eap, painting is about transformation—immersing

disciplinary framework approach he calls “dialogical practice.”

e dialogical approach stands for an educational and artistic philosophy that emphasizes creative thinking, expression and deep engagement. It sees the arts as a central axis of education and human experience, fostering dialogue between the artist, the artwork and the audience.

- Kimpov Eap, Cambodian artist of the exhibit Survive and Thrive

mental health and well-being of children, adolescents and young adults.

“I am deeply moved by the work of Madame Kimpov Eap, and that was before knowing her story—before being in uenced by Cambodia,

sions and exhibitions like Eap’s.

Ex-missionaries and Centre Afrika volunteers Rita Toutant and Monique Bonnefoy highlighted the centre’s invaluable role in fostering cultural dialogue and community support.

Cornett describes the curation process as a delicate act of selection— some might call it cherry-picking. His challenge was to honour the full colour spectrum of Eap’s artistic expression while choosing works that best represent key creative periods and themes.

"French thinker Maurice Merleau-Ponty stated that, 'Every perception is an interpretation,'” Cornett said in an email to e Link. “Based on this concept, as a curator, I select works through a transdisciplinary approach that views art through many lenses, including music, psychology, literature, history, cinema, philosophy, the sciences, sociology and religious studies. is integrated vision of art constitutes the operative principle of my curatorship."

was controversially dismissed from his teaching duties in 2007.

Cornett, who is also an art critic and curator, has played a key role in promoting Eap’s artistry, championing her work within the inter-

e exhibit, Survive and rive, is displayed at Centre Afrika, a cultural exchange hub in the Ville-Marie area that has been serving newcomers and fostering connections for over 30 years. Originally established as a resource centre for immigrants navigating life in Canada, it has since evolved into a vibrant community space that regularly hosts cultural events, discus-

Cornett said art should be accessible and relatable to everyone. Quoting German theologian Reinhold Niebuhr’s idea of "demythologizing" Jesus, Cornett said he believes that curators and art critics should "demythologize" art so that viewers can connect with it on a personal level. His goal is to create an exhibition space where people don’t feel intimidated by art, but rather, engage with it emotionally and intellectually.

“When I dialogue with Kimpov Eap’s art, I realize the strength of the human spirit— if she could live through everything she lived through and can come out better,” Cornett said. “I'm saying there's still hope. And this hope comes through the art of not denying what you've lived but embracing it, expressing it and laying it all out on the table, and that's what she does in her art.”

Eap’s exhibition is open to the public every day from 1:30 p.m. to 5:30 p.m., free of charge, until April 10.

Alice Martin

For Diesel and Layla, two Montreal-based skateboarders, skateboarding is used as a tool to engage their community in conversations and action around the ongoing genocide in Palestine.

“Me and Layla were talking about our feelings on the skateboarding scene and the lack of action that we felt,” Diesel said.

“After Oct. 7, I found myself putting a lot more energy into activism, or being really mentally

Montreal skateboarders merge skateboarding with activism

affected by the situation, and because of that I haven't been skating as much. I think I have been putting a lot of energy into other things.”

Diesel and Layla, who omitted their last names to preserve privacy, found issues in the way their activist lives weren’t intersecting with their skateboarding lives.

“We both have talked about the lack of integration of [activism] into the general discussion of skaters,” Diesel said. “Basically, we just have been talking for a long time about

gathering skaters to talk about, not just Palestine, but a lot of current issues, politics and fascism and just all the shit that's going on in the world.”

This dissonance prompted Diesel and Layla to facilitate a collective called Skaters Working Against Genocide, which aims to bring these discussions to the skatepark and within a skateboarding context. One of their first meetings was a viewing party of the short film “Epicly Palestine'd: The Birth of Skateboarding in the West Bank.”

“[ e lm] goes into the roots of how skateboarding was brought in [to the West Bank], and how it became a form of resistance,” Layla said. “ e act of skateboarding itself is anti-fascist in the way that it counters the use of space and the way that skaters reimagine spaces.”

Skateboarding has deep roots in anti-capitalism and anti-fascism, having been cemented as a symbol of rebellion and counterculture originating from the working class youth of 1970s California.

“You're going against the law in some cases, to skate these obstacles.”

“In my opinion, skateboarding is inherently anti-capitalist, because you're occupying public space for free, and o en, you're using it to create joy and to make it your own,” Diesel said.

Shut Up and Dribble: Hypocrisy on ice Bringing the conversation to the skatepark

Russia and Belarus continue to face an ice hockey ban, while Israel receives a free

Marco Foresti

The International Ice Hockey Federation (IIHF) announced on Feb. 4 that Russia and Belarus’s ban from international ice hockey tournaments will continue into the 2025-2026 season. e federation believes it isn’t safe to reintegrate the two countries into world hockey events.

Russia’s war on Ukraine has led to Russia being banned from multiple international sporting events. ese include the 2022 FIFA World Cup, the Paris 2024 Summer Olympics and the UEFA European Football Championships, to name a few. e reasoning behind Russia and Belarus’s bans is clear. We now have to look at Israel.

The situation in Gaza is dire. Israeli soldiers are killing Palestinian civilians every day, with the United Nations reporting that 45,000 have been killed between Oct. 7, 2023 and Dec. 18, 2024.

However, the Israeli hockey team is still allowed to compete in IIHF events.

On Jan. 11, 2024, the IIHF initially banned Israel from competing in their usual, lower division competitions, citing safety concerns. However, there were no speci c mentions of the ongoing genocide in Gaza. en, on Jan. 17, Israel was given the all clear to compete in the Division III under-20 world championship. Again, there was no mention of the genocide in Gaza.

Diesel and Layla both found inspiration in their activism in Skateboarders for Palestine Alliance (SPA), a U.K.-based platform that aims “to support the skateboarding industry in proactive solidarity with Palestine,” according to SPA’s Instagram account.

SPA’s Manifesto for the Global Skateboarding Community is a hand-folded paper zine that calls on skateboarders to support Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions within skateboarding brands and to actively “engage in raising awareness, advocating for change and amplifying Palestinian voices within skateboarding and beyond.”

e SPA manifesto reads, “In Palestine, where the struggle for liberation is ongoing, skateboarding can serve as a symbol of resilience and de ance against the oppressive powers at force. We must learn from Palestinian skateboarders, who despite facing immense challenges and dangers, continue to use their boards as tools for resistance and solidarity.”

SPA also advocates for community engagement within skateboarding, exactly what Layla and Diesel strive for

Like Russia and Belarus, Israel has been condemned by many other countries for its actions in Gaza. However, much of the Western world, including sporting organizations such as the IIHF, have dragged their feet in condemning Israel.

Why should Russia and Belarus be banned and Israel not?

e situation is plain and simple: If Russia and Belarus are banned due to the war in Ukraine, it is not fair that Israel escapes a ban. It is hard to see why one country gets a pass and can compete as usual while the others

pass

don’t. is makes it easy for fans and athletes to lose trust in the IIHF, seeing as it is not applying the same policies to all member associations.

There are, however, alternatives to outright banning the countries from competing that the IIHF could adopt for the sake of the athletes. At the end of the day, these athletes want to compete. Unless they actively encourage and voice their approval for what their governments are doing or have served in active roles tied to Gaza—athletes should not be punished for the horrible decisions and actions of their governments.

For the sake of fairness, Russian, Belarusian, and Israeli players should still be allowed to compete, but under strict guidelines. Under these new hypothetical guidelines, Russian, Belarusian and Israeli ags would not be shown at games, the national anthems of these countries would not be played, and lastly, the athletes would wear neutral colours—like black, gray or white—instead of their countries’ traditional colours.

and encourage. Diesel said this is especially important when people may be overwhelmed by information they see on social media about Palestine and the rise of fascism, leading them to feel disempowered.

“But everyone has the tools to do something, and especially as skateboarders we practice a lot of disobeying,” said Diesel. “ e ght against fascism is people understanding that it's not one big thing, it’s integrating small practices every day into your life that can slowly create the world you want to live in.”

Both Diesel and Layla encourage people to start their own groups to actively include their activism in their hobbies and spaces, even if it’s not skateboarding.

“I was always really interested in this intersection between politics and skateboarding, and resistance as this joyous action and as a responsibility that I have to my community,” Layla said. “How can we build capacity within the communities, especially with the rise of fascism?”

is is a similar solution to what the Fédération Internationale de l’Automobile (FIA) introduced when the war in Ukraine broke out. e FIA still allowed Russian and Belarusian drivers to compete in their respective motorsport categories, but under the FIA ag, with no national anthem and no national symbols displayed on their uniforms, equipment or cars.

Furthermore, before every IIHF game involving these countries, a formal statement could be made by the IIHF regarding their countries’ aggression in Ukraine and Gaza, as well as other countries enabling and aiding them.

is solution gives athletes the chance to compete in a neutral capacity, meaning viewers get to watch the best players compete against each other. Violent governments are still held accountable for the atrocities they are committing, and are not given time in the spotlight.

However, one thing remains certain. Governments actively committing crimes against humanity should not be allowed in the spotlight of international sporting tournaments.

THE IIHF BANS RUSSIA AND BELARUS FROM INTERNATIONAL TOURNAMENTS, BUT DOES NOT HOLD ISRAEL TO THE SAME STANDARD. GRAPHIC MYRIAM OUAZZANI | @MYMYSARTGALLERY

A LOCAL MONTREAL CREW, SOME OF WHOM ARE PART OF DIESEL AND LAYLA'S GROUP, TAKES IN THE SUNRISE FROM MOUNT ROYAL. COURTESY EMANUELE BARBIER

The problem with pseudoradicalism in discourse

How overstated rhetoric weakens genuine anti-fascist efforts

Recently, it seems that our social media feeds never stop updating with rage bait: self-aggrandizing populist attacks from angry people with right-leaning tendencies.

In contrast, the language of right-wing opposition feels weak. With cautious messaging, much of what passes for anti-fascism today relies on symbolic gestures and vague language rather than substantive change.

Portraying acts of social good as political opposition has misdirected impact and mislabels response to far-right rhetoric. Linguistic inflation, whereby mutual aid is framed as radical resistance, has turned urgent struggles into branding campaigns.

Slogans are often used in anti-fascist campaigns, and while memorable, they can be reductive and overly simplistic.

well-intentioned, slogans like these flatten the complexity of structural racism into a vague cultural stance.

The Food Against Fascism collective in Montreal might make for a compelling headline, but acts as passive activism. They frame social initiatives like food distribution or communal support as acts of resistance against oppressive systems as they hand out anti-racist zines and meals.

Take campaigns like "Love Music Hate Racism." While

These music, food or housing initiatives address immediate needs but don’t directly challenge the structures that enable fascist movements to grow. As such, these efforts remain charitable rather than confrontational.

ere's no intention to shame activists, only to critically examine how political activism is navigated in a complex and emotionally charged landscape.

An unfocused and cautionary approach to policy from the left is what makes conservatives' “strongman” act so comparatively effective and popular in the polls. Strongman politics is this

chest-pumping, fight-picking, deflective scapegoating act we see in practice.

Opposition movements can’t effectively "out-cowboy" radical conservatives by just mirroring their hyperbolic language; the opposition must offer a clear alternative in policy.

When slogans replace strategy, they validate that power lies in the rhetoric, not the policy.

Historically, successful anti-fascist organizing has relied more on precise, strategic language to counteract and disrupt far-right movements. Antifa, in its most direct form, is not about broad moral opposition but about exposing, countering, and preventing fascist movements from gaining legitimacy and power.

Using language of radical rhetoric and dramatic gestures without substantive action isn’t just an optics issue, it actively weakens the efficacy of anti-fascist efforts.

free breakfast programs as part of a broader fight against systemic racism.

Food for hungry people without a framework opposing radical politics works to the same goal, it's an act of solidarity. Anti-fascism, on the other hand, is a direct response to fascist threats.

Free food and community housing are mutual aid and social justice, which are also very important, but they’re not directly anti-fascist behaviours. Challenging systemic inequities under an anti-fascist trope is not direct political confrontation, it's community service and pseudo-radical activism.

In successful relief acts, labour unions have run soup kitchens during strikes. The Black Panther Party ran

Activism needs to directly confront systems of oppression: It must hold

Cordelia Appleyard

power structures accountable through transparency in government and mobilizing policy change.

When anti-fascism is framed as an abstract moral stance rather than an active disruption of farright organizing, it loses its teeth, becoming a diluted language of resistance.

Language should reflect action, not serve as a substitute for it. Anti-fascism is not a branding exercise and framing it as such reduces it to empty rhetoric that over inflates the politics of basic human decency.

Poilievre’s Canada mirrors Yoon’s South Korea

Trickle-down effect cliché and anti-democratic rhetoric will never fix the current problems

Moon Jinseok

Asthe leader of Canada’s Conservative Party, Pierre Poilievre has built his political brand on populist rhetoric. He has supported tax cuts and deregulation while attacking liberal policies as socialist overreach.

So far, Poilievre’s comments have reflected the perspectives of South Korea’s People Power Party (PPP), the right-wing political group of current president Yoon Suk Yeol. This is a dangerous warning sign because Yoon’s controversial stances have sharply polarized South Korean citizens.

President Yoon, a former prosecutor with no legislative experience, has damaged democracy while supporting aggressive tax cuts that undermine economic equality. His authoritarian tendencies peaked when he attempted to declare martial law on Dec. 3, 2024. Ultimately, Yoon and the PPP’s anti-democratic rhetoric and extreme actions

opened a path for impeachment.

It is apparent that both Poilievre and Yoon have pushed the same old-fashioned conservative economic plan, like the old right-wing trickle-down e ect cliché. ey have supported tax cuts for the wealthy, downsized government and made empty promises of economic revitalization.

Poilievre framed Canada’s economic struggles as a result of excessive taxation. Yoon, likewise, repeatedly insisted that ex-president Moon Jae-in signi cantly increased the government debt and made it di cult for his government to function.

Like Poilievre, Yoon also implied that his tax cut policies would revitalize the economy, stabilize people’s livelihoods and maximize the efficiency of public finance. Yet, despite his promises, the public economic situation in South Korea has only deteriorated during his two-and-a-half years in office.

Yoon’s government failed to control in ation and currency uctuations, leading to South Korea’s eco-

nomic growth rate plummeting from 2.7 per cent in 2022 to 1.4 per cent in 2023. Meanwhile, the actual wages of South Korean workers also had a yearly decrease of 1.36 per cent during the same period for the rst time in 12 years, according to Statistics Korea.

e Yoon government’s corporate, income, comprehensive real estate, inheritance and gi tax cut policies reduced tax revenue by C$55.9 billion in 2023 and C$30.5 billion in 2024, based on the South Korean Ministry of Economy and Finance tax revenue and budget expenditure data.

As a result, Yoon’s government cut C$13.2 billion of the livelihood budget, including the funding for low-income rental housing and free high school education in the 2025 budget plan, according to the Fiscal Reform Institute.

I was deeply concerned that Poilievre’s McCarthyistic ideas are simply aimed at blurring key issues and maximizing division among voters. During his lengthy interview with psychologist Jordan Peterson

on Jan. 2, Poilievre insisted, “ e socialist policies redistribute from the working class to the super-wealthy.”

As a result of the right wing’s instigation, South Koreans are still suffering from the aftermath of political polarization. In Seoul, for instance, a riot led by the extreme right broke out on Jan. 19, targeting journalists and the court right after Yoon’s arrest on the charge of being a leader of an insurrection.

I strongly believe the situation in South Korea demonstrates how long-term political polarization can turn extreme voters violent and could result in the collapse of the democratic system in an instant.

It is not only the older generation that stays traditionally conservative, but also young Korean men—millennials and Gen Z.

In comparison to South Korea, Poilievre’s framing against the Liberal and New Democratic parties and their voters may encourage far-right groups to violate the constitution and rights of other Canadians. Poilievre, like Yoon, has aimed to infuse hatred in a younger generation facing economic and social deprivation to serve his political interests. e instigations of these “conservative” politicians—who are actually authoritarian populists, in my opinion—will never solve economic issues or make society safe, as South Korea’s case has proved.

Canadians must take note of the warning signs before it’s too late.

CHALLENGING SYSTEMIC INEQUITIES UNDER AN ANTI-FASCIST TROPE IS NOT DIRECT POLITICAL CONFRONTATION, IT'S COMMUNITY SERVICE AND PSEUDO-RADICAL ACTIVISM. GRAPHIC ALISSIA BOCARRO

POLLIEVRE AND YOON SHARE SIMILAR IDEOLOGIES

POLICIES. GRAPHIC

The American fascist agenda

How fascism rose in the 20th century and may be brewing again today

Sean Richard

Far-right parties have recently gained traction in Eastern Europe. Meanwhile, rhetoric and ideologies associated with U.S. President Donald Trump continue to raise concerns among his opponents about a possible shi toward fascism.

As somebody currently studying to be a reporter and a journalist, it is terrifying to see Trump, only a month into his presidential term, deciding to control press access to the Oval O ce.

Trump is not the only farright politician to have gained popularity and risen to leadership in recent times.

Germany’s far-right party, Alternative for Germany (AfD), won the second most number of seats in the country's recent elections. While Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has denounced Benito Mussolini’s racist laws, she has also tried to separate her party from the fascist elements of previous farright groups in the country.

American historian Robert Owen Paxton describes fascism in his book e Anatomy of Fascism, as political behaviour that is obsessed with community decline, humiliation, and compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity. is takes shape as a mass mobilization of nationalist militants aligned with uneasy traditional elites. It involves the abandonment of democratic liberties and the use of redemptive violence—unchecked by legal or ethical restraints—to achieve internal cleansing and external expansion.

in ation in 1923, they were able to x their economy through the American Dawes Plan. However, a er the 1929 Wall Street stock market crash, German industries failed, and unemployment rose to 6 million. e growing grievances certain Germans had with the government and their inability to solve material issues allowed Adolf Hitler to convince right-wing veterans and young men to join his cause in restoring Germany to its “former glory.”

Hitler and the Nazis used slogans to reinforce their white supremacist views like “blood and soil,” which reinforced a pure “Aryan” German race. Trump has said that immigrants are “poisoning the blood of our country.” Hitler mentioned “blood poisoning” in his book Mein Kampf, writing, “All great cultures of the past perished only because the originally creative race died out from blood poisoning.”

Yet Hitler’s rise to power was not exactly a sweet legal succession of power. e Nazi Party was able to increase the number of seats they held in the 1930 and 1932 elections; however, they still did not have a majority of seats in government.

Trump checks more than a few of those boxes—from his talk of annexing Canada and Greenland to stacking his cabinet with billionaires.

Are we witnessing a resurgence in 20th-century fascism? To answer this question, we must de ne fascism and examine its rst known manifestation in Europe.

A er losing World War I, Germany had to sign the Treaty of Versailles, which required them to pay reparations to the Allied Powers and cede key industrial and agricultural territories to France.

Although Germany went through a period of hyper-

Dr. Norman Ingram, a professor of modern French history at Concordia University, believes that it was the Enabling Act of 1933 that consolidated the Nazis’ power.

“ e Enabling Act is a four-year moratorium on parliamentary government. e Reichstag (the lower house of Germany’s parliament) gives up its powers of governing,” Ingram said. “ e chancellor is no longer responsible to the Reichstag. e chancellor is able to rule by decree powers.”

A large factor in the Enabling Act being passed was the intimidation and violence Nazis used to prevent members of the Communist and Social Democratic parties from attending the vote. e executive orders Trump has used to organize the American government and political economy are similar to the decree powers Hitler utilized.

e only way the Nazis could fully rule with impunity was to completely eliminate any opposition that would stand in their way.

In Germany, hundreds of le ists were killed by the Nazi Sturmabteilung paramilitary, while nearly 200,000 were eventually thrown into concentration camps. In Italy, Mussolini and his Squadristi routinely beat and killed opposition and burned trade union buildings.

While I don’t think Trump has

reached this level, there is no denying that his rhetoric and constant refusal to accept the 2020 U.S. election results fuelled the storming of the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. He also has openly pledged to “root out communists, Marxists, fascists and the radical-le thugs that live like vermin within the con nes of our country, that lie and steal and cheat on elections.”

One of the most fascist and radical things about Trump is his massive deportation plans. ese measures could potentially lead to the deportation of students involved in Palestinian activism.

Ahistorical claims about the Nazi Party have increased, with AfD chancellor candidate Alice Weidel recently stating that Hitler was a "communist," not "right-wing." Even if the Nazis called themselves “national socialists,” they were far from adopting socialist policies.

e Nazis were strong capitalists and regularly promoted private property and free competition. For the Nazis, “socialism” was a term that allowed them (the State) to intervene in the free market while also allowing them to appeal to working-class interests. eir real intentions were with wealthy industrialists.

Similarly, Trump has not shied away from being buddy-buddy with his

corporate allies. On his inauguration day, exclusive seats were reserved for Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg, Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos and the world’s wealthiest loser Elon Musk. Musk, who oversees the Department of Government Efficiency, has gutted regulatory agencies even though his companies have been investigated by over a dozen of said agencies.

As fascists destroy existing social safety nets and side with corporate oligarchs, they create consent for their actions by misdirecting people’s anger towards marginalized groups.

e Nazis and Mussolini’s fascists used racist, antisemitic, ableist, homophobic and transphobic propaganda. is gained them power and “served to misdirect legitimate grievances toward convenient scapegoats,” as political scientist Michael Parenti writes in his book Blackshirts and Reds e Nazis’ bigotry was formalized into law through the 1935 Nuremberg Laws, and they carried out one of the largest genocides in history, the Holocaust. ey also engaged in book burnings of transgender medical information through the looting of the German Institute of Sexology in 1933. ey even targeted their own members; as Parenti notes, some of the Nazis' earliest victims were gay leaders within the Sturmabteilung.

Far-right parties today have co-opted the same bigotry, signing discriminatory laws that speci cally target members of marginalized communities.

Trump recently signed two executive orders. e rst would only allow the federal government to recognize two unchangeable sexes, male and female. e second would ban transgender women from participating in women’s sports.

Trump’s playbook is exactly like the Nazis’.

e reason you can’t a ord a house or access socialized medicine isn’t because of years of neoliberal policies and austerity measures; instead, Trump has convinced his supporters to blame trans people and undocumented immigrants.

Trump’s actions so far have shown that he wants to play dirty and undermine the checks and balances that governments are supposed to have.

As Marxist intellectual Antonio Gramsci wrote while imprisoned in Italy by Mussolini: “ e old world is dying, and the new world struggles to be born; now is the time of monsters.”

TRUMP-ERA POLICIES DANGEROUSLY REFLECT PAST FASCIST STRATEGIES. PUBLIC ARCHIVE

Fat bodies, discipline and the politics of size

Wellness culture and fascism collide in their obsession with correction

Safa Hachi

Fascist and authoritarian regimes have always been obsessed with order, discipline and control, including control over bodies.

Power isn’t just brute force; it’s ingrained in people, convincing them to self-regulate, to shrink, to accept that deviation must be corrected. e "proper" body must be contained, obedient and small.

And fatness?

Fatness is disorderly. It resists containment. It must be xed, punished, erased.

This is why fat bodies have always been policed, whether socially, medically or politically. In a world obsessed with discipline and efficiency, a fat body is seen as failure. It is undisciplined.

Simply existing in a fat body is seen as a statement.

Sometimes, I wish it weren’t. I wish I didn’t have to justify myself, or base my worth on proving that I’m trying. I don’t owe anyone that. I don’t owe anyone con dence. I don’t owe anyone some quirky fat-person self-acceptance that makes others comfortable.

A fat body, like brightly dyed hair, piercings or extravagant out ts, is an act of de ance. If the system wants to atten everyone into one acceptable version of humanity, then my body itself is resistant.

unhealthy. Despite being discredited, it still shapes public perception, enforcing narrow, Eurocentric standards. is is not about health, it is about control. Fascist regimes have long tied bodily conformity to discipline, framing deviation as weakness. BMI does the same, disguising compliance as self-improvement.

e xation on controlling fat bodies is clear: exercise isn’t framed as something you can do, but something you must do. It’s treated as a moral obligation, to yourself, your family, your future partner.

ink about that—your body, your choices, your entire lifestyle are reduced to an obligation, not a personal decision.

But the need to control bodies is not new. It is embedded in the very tools used to de ne health. e Body Mass Index (BMI), developed in the 19th century by Belgian statistician Adolphe Quetelet, was never meant to measure individual health.

Rooted in studies of white European bodies, BMI disregards racial diversity, labelling non-white bodies as

To these systems, a “proper body” is a controlled body.

Another ridiculous example is the 2019 Nike mannequin controversy, when critics slammed the brand for displaying a plus-size mannequin, claiming it promoted obesity.

If you claim to want bigger bodies to exercise, why did that mannequin anger you? Why does the mere presence of a larger athletic body in a sports store threaten you? As if we don’t need or deserve athletic attire. As if a fat body in motion cannot be fathomed.

is is where fascism and tness culture collide: there is a correct way to look, a correct way to move, a correct way to be. And if you refuse to comply, you will be punished.

This is especially clear when celeb-

rities lose weight. When Lizzo, who has spent years being mocked, ridiculed and harassed for her size, posts about her weight loss, her comments flood with relief. When supermodel Ashley Graham did the same, people thanked God she finally came to her senses and stopped “wasting” her beauty. e expectation is that, given enough time and pressure, fat people will eventually correct themselves. ere is no room for neutrality. You’re either an inspiring success story, a cau-

U.S. nationalism on a concerning rise since Trump’s inauguration

The actions of Donald Trump and his pal Elon Musk have received deserved backlash

Back in January, as he delivered his farewell address to the people of the United States, outgoing President Joe Biden warned American citizens of an oligarchy forming in their country. He cautioned them that this group was composed of “extreme wealth, power and in uence,” and threatened the country’s democracy.

Of course, the former president was referring to Donald Trump, who was beginning his second term as U.S. president the same month. Biden’s remarks could be traced to Trump’s relationship with Elon Musk.

Before the election, it was well-known that Musk provided the majority of the funding for Trump’s republican political campaign.

Since Trump’s inauguration as president, both himself and Musk have been put under a microscope, and their actions

have stirred up a great amount of criticism and controversy.

Some have even called out the outright fascist and nationalistic ideals inherent in their actions, and justifiably so.

Musk reinforced this belief with his infamous “Nazi” salute at the end of his speech at an inauguration day rally. Given the direct historical link the gesture has to Adolf Hitler and Nazi Germany, it’s not hard to see how one could see it as an act of fascism.

Musk defended his actions recently on the Joe Rogan Experience podcast, stating that it was “made in the most positive spirit possible.” What does that even mean?

e lack of consequences seen since—outside of a drop in Tesla share prices immediately a er—is a cause for concern.

Why is no one holding this guy accountable?

Trump and Musk have also abused their power to seize control of various government funded organizations by reducing or outright

ending their line of credit, laying o hundreds of workers and auditing their every action.

Musk has been a U.S. citizen for less than half of his life. Yet Trump has enabled him and other unquali ed individuals to have near-complete access to the U.S. treasury. is is despite Musk never being elected or o cially a part of the U.S. Congress.

The Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) was supposed to be a financial efficiency organization made to alleviate some of the country’s debt.

An example of DOGE’s impact is the dismantling of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), which reports indicate has le upward of 5,000 people unemployed. Furthermore, areas that relied on USAID for humanitarian aid have been le scrambling for alternatives a er Trump ordered the termination of 90 per cent of their contracts in large part due to DOGE’s “recommendation.” ese actions lack principles of good policy, and exhibit themes of

tionary tale or a punchline. Fascism thrives on this logic. It justi es control under the guise of improvement, of eciency, of making society better through discipline and restriction. And fat bodies, simply by existing, disrupt that illusion.

A fat body says no. No to control, no to constant self-surveillance, no to the idea that we must be smaller to be worthy.

Anthony Maruca

this agenda has undertones of nationalism more than anything else.

at’s without even mentioning the negative ramications in foreign policy that Trump’s imposed tari s on American imports have had on international trade.

From the imposed tari s; to referring to Canada as their potential “51st state;” to the mass deportation of immigrants; to the suggested interest Trump has for the Gaza Strip, Greenland and the Panama Canal; these behaviours demonstrate Trump’s nationalism in the current republican administration.

extremism. It also exudes the clear pushing of an agenda, one that hopes to bene t their country regardless of any negative implications internationally. Trump and Co. sell it to republicans as patriotism, which unfortunately most continue to buy. But

e United States of America now stands at a crossroads, facing an alarming shi toward oligarchy and unchecked nationalism. e close alliance between Trump and Musk has not only reshaped the image of the nation’s political and economic landscape, but has also undermined democratic values.

If these patterns continue without resistance, the country will face further democratic erosion, strained global relations and civil unrest.

@safahachi

TRUMP AND MUSK ARE FEEDING INTO EACH OTHER FASCIST BEHAVIOUR AND THEY MUST BE HELD ACCOUNTABLE. GRAPHIC OLIVIA SHAN | @ YOUNGMIDDLEOLD

FATNESS IS DISORDERLY. IT RESISTS CONTAINMENT. IT MUST BE FIXED, PUNISHED, ERASED. GRAPHIC LUCILE BRY

Alice Fleming’s record-breaking night signals bright future for Concordia basketball

Stingers guard’s historic performance sparks optimism for Concordia’s next era of ballers

Conor Tomalty @conortomalty.bsky.social

The Concordia University Stingers women’s basketball team took to their home court on Feb. 16 looking to bounce back following a 74-39 dismantling from the Laval Rouge et Or two days prior.

e Stingers faced o against a Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM) Citadins club who ended up losing all 16 games in the 2024-25 campaign. ey gured that a solid showing against a Réseau du sport étudiant du Québec (RSEQ) bottom feeder could instill con dence with playo s just around the corner.

What the team didn’t anticipate was a remarkable performance from the youngest player on the roster, a performance so impressive that it le an indelible mark on the future of the program.

Nothing was out of the ordinary for Stingers guard Alice Fleming on the day of the UQAM game.

“I wish I had something interesting to say, like that I did something di erent that day,” Fleming said. “I ate breakfast, headed over to the gym, did my normal shooting before the game [...] it was a pretty normal game.”

e game plan was straightforward, according to Fleming. ere was no emphasis on getting shooters involved pre-game.

“A lot of the time we look inside to our bigs (centre and forward players) because that’s where our advantage is on our team,” she said.

Fleming did not come out of the gate draining buckets. e secondyear guard missed her rst two shots and had registered zero points head-

ing into the second quarter. Just over two minutes into the frame, however, she made her rst three-pointer and knocked down a second just over a minute later. From there, something special was brewing for the Heritage College alumni.

“[ e Stingers] always have full con dence in me to shoot it,” she said. “So, especially on a day like that, they’re like, ‘Green light all the way. Every time you get the ball, shoot it.’”

Fleming nished the rst half converting ve of her 10 three-point attempts. By hal ime, she and her teammates realized that her heat check wouldn't cool o , so the strategy for the remainder of the game changed.

“She had 17 points [at the half],” Stingers veteran forward Nelly Owusu said. “So at hal ime, that’s when we realized Alice was hot, so we’ll see if we can still feed her for the second half.”

e Stingers completely outplayed the Citadins through four quarters, nishing the game with a 106-54 triumph. Fleming’s hot hand scorched the opposition, and she ended the day with a career-high 36 points, making 10 of her 21 threepoint attempts—a new RSEQ record for three-pointers made in a game.

“[ e team] wanted me to get to 40 or 41 [points] because that was the scoring record,” Fleming said. “But then coach said, ‘You broke the RSEQ record for threes,’ and then everyone freaked out.”

Fleming didn’t just break the record, she completely smashed it.

e previous record of seven three pointers has an interesting tie to

Concordia because it was held by former Stinger Caroline Task. Task, funnily enough, had no clue she was the prior record holder.

“I had a feeling that I could be up there,” Task said. “I didn’t realize that she actually, not only beat the record, but really blew that out of the water as well.”

When asked about her reaction to nding out about Fleming’s performance, Task was overjoyed for her fellow Stinger, but there was a mixed reaction.

“Obviously, not a sour taste,” Task said, chuckling. “But when somebody breaks your record you’re super happy for them, but I don’t get to go back out and re-break it. De nitely a feeling of ‘I wish I had a couple years of eligibility le .’”

e game had a strong signicance for Fleming and for the numerous young players on the roster who will lead the Stingers in the coming years. e performance lent momentum to Concordia for the remainder of the season, despite losing in the semi nal against Laval. Fleming’s break-out game instilled con dence in the veteran players departing by season’s end.

“It just shows that we have a great group of women,” Owusu said. “ ey’re still so young. So, for the youngest one on the team to break records like that, I feel like it speaks volumes.”

e Stingers will lose key seniors such as Owusu, Serena Tchida and Dalyssa Fleurgin next season.

is means it is up to the remaining players to lead the charge for

the incoming recruiting class. is is nothing new to the program, as a similar scenario had played out following the 2021-22 campaign.

e Stingers were rocking a 9-3 rst-place record, and head coach Tenicha Gittens had merited the honour of RSEQ Coach of the Year. Yet, it was a shocking early exit for Concordia, as they fell to UQAM in the semi nal, 75-68. Five seniors had departed from the team, including Task, paving the way for a new leader to take the reins.

“When leaders leave, it opens the door for other leaders to grow and stand out,” Task said. “A great example is with Serena. When I was there, she was young, she didn’t necessarily have that leader mentality. [...] I would hope that Serena took someone under her wing to make them a leader. at’s what I tried to do with her.”

Apart from Fleming, another example could be Stingers for-

ward and RSEQ Defensive Player of the Year Victoria Lawrence. She averaged 9.3 points per game in her fourth year of eligibility and ranked 11th in U Sports with 57 steals. Whether it’s her, Fleming or another player, Task is sure that the future is bright for the Stingers.

“When you have a coach like Tenicha Gittens who is driven to not only grow women on the court but o the court, when you have a leader like that at the forefront of the program, then Concordia is unstoppable,” Task said.

For the time being, Fleming will look back at the record-breaking feat with admiration, the same level of love that is put into the game of basketball.

“[Coach Gittens] was like, ‘I could tell you all love basketball today. You just looked so into it and that love translates into good play,’” Fleming said.

STINGERS GUARD ALICE FLEMING SET A QUEBEC RECORD WITH 10 THREE-POINTERS ON FEB. 16. COURTESY CONCORDIA ATHLETICS

FLEMING HAS SEEN MORE ACTION

Your de nitive Palestine Media Toolkit

Preparing student journalists on Palestine reporting

Anthony Issa

Canadian media overwhelmingly favours Israeli perspectives, o en dehumanizing or erasing Palestinians. is bias is systemic, shaping coverage across outlets.

As a media analyst at Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East (CJPME), I have been monitoring the genocide in Gaza and have witnessed the alarming disregard for Palestinian lives in Canadian journalism. is toolkit serves as a roadmap to help young journalists critically assess Palestine coverage. Below, I outline the most common journalistic breaches in reporting on Gaza, the West Bank and the Palestine solidarity movement in Canada.

Exclusion of Palestinian voices

While Israeli o cials and military sources are routinely cited, Palestinian voices are o en missing entirely or treated as secondary sources buried in the middle or end of a report.

In the context of the genocide in Gaza, Israeli military, government and civilians o en take precedence over Palestinian civilians. ese Palestinian civilians live under the bombs of Israel’s siege and at the mercy of militant groups and occupied Palestinian territories institutions such as the health authority. e Gaza Health Ministry is always dismissed. In the early months of the war, it was framed as “Hamasrun” as a way to defame the institution as unreliable.

is bias extends to coverage of Palestinian protests and activism in Canada. Articles frequently prioritize pro-Israel civil society groups such as the Centre for Israel and Jewish A airs or B’nai Brith Canada, while Palestinian perspectives appear at the bottom of the text, if they even appear at all. is leaves Canadian audiences with a distorted understanding of occupation, violence and apartheid.

Impartiality and passive voice

Canadian media routinely uses language to distort reality. It justi es and neutralizes Israeli state violence through passive, impartial language, and frames Palestinian resistance as violent or illegitimate.

Canadian media uses wording that so ens Israeli state violence while criminalizing Palestinian resistance. For instance, headlines or claims in the body of a report will state, “Palestinians killed in clashes,” rather than stating that Israeli forces shot and killed Palestinians. Meanwhile, when Israeli civilians or soldiers are killed, the framing is direct: “Hamas killed about 1,200 people in raids and

rocket attacks on Israel.” is strips Israeli forces of their direct responsibility in carrying out extrajudicial killings and war crimes, while portraying Palestinian actions as deliberate, aggressive and threatening.

Canadian media repeatedly frames Israeli aggression as “self-defence.” No matter the scale or brutality of Israel’s actions, Canadian media o en includes Israeli state narratives, claiming that its military operations are necessary responses to Palestinian violence.

Who gets called a ‘terrorist’?

A clear example of language bias in Canadian media is the selective application of the word “terrorist.” Palestinian resistance

Censorship

of key information

Canadian media consistently excludes key facts and historical context necessary for the public to understand Israeli apartheid and Palestinians’ connection to their land. is is one of the most insidious forms of media bias because it creates a distorted narrative without appearing outright false.

A major aw in so-called "impartial" reporting is its tendency to cover Palestine and Israeli settler-colonialism without explaining the structural systems of oppression at play.

Israeli settlements violate international law, yet articles rarely mention the violations. Gaza is described as “Hamas-controlled” without acknowledging Israel’s 17-year block-

torial policies treat genocide as a “controversial” claim, shielding Israel from accountability. is refusal to name the crime being committed re ects the deep moral failure of Canadian journalism.

Additionally, there are resources online accessible for journalists that provide a foundation for reporting on Palestine and representing Palestinian voices. ese resources highlight the importance of recognizing Israel as an occupying state, critically analyze o cial Israeli statements, and prioritize Palestinian sources: the Arab and Middle Eastern Journalists Association, the International Press Institute, and the Institute for Middle East Understanding.

Before analyzing a news article, it is important to ask yourself the fol-

groups, whether armed or not, are frequently labelled "terrorists," reinforcing the idea that any form of Palestinian resistance is illegitimate. Meanwhile, Israeli settlers in the West Bank who burn Palestinian villages, attack civilians and commit outright acts of terrorism, are almost never described as such.

Instead, Israeli extremists are o en given paci ed labels such as “far-right activists” or “settlers.” is selective language downplays their violence, stripping them of accountability and making their actions seem politically motivated rather than acts of terror. is in uences how the Canadian public understands Palestinian resistance and contributes to the dehumanization of Palestinians as inherently violent and suspect.

ade. Israel’s genocide in Gaza is o en framed as a “war between Israel and Hamas,” ignoring the reality of occupation.

By stripping articles of this context, Canadian media presents Israel’s actions as defensive and erases the power imbalance between the occupier and the occupied.

e ‘G’ word

Despite overwhelming evidence, Canadian media avoids calling Israel’s actions in Gaza a genocide. Instead, euphemisms like “humanitarian crisis” or “escalating violence” are used, even though multiple human rights organizations concluded Israel is committing genocide.

Journalists could attribute these ndings in their reporting, yet edi-

lowing questions:

Who is quoted?: Are Palestinian voices prioritized, or is the article dominated by Israeli o cials and pro-Israel groups? Are Palestinian perspectives also framed as credible or treated as “claims” while Israeli statements are presented as fact?

What language is used?: Does the article use passive voice for Israeli violence but active voice for Palestinian actions?

What context is missing?: Does the article acknowledge the asymmetry of power between both actors?

Is there mention of the fact that Israel is an occupying power that violates international law through illegal settlements and its system of apartheid? Does it make clear that Palestinians are stateless and occupied? Does the article cite international law and hu-

man rights organizations? Are experts on war crimes and genocide included? What visual elements and headlines are used?: Does the headline sensationalize Palestinian actions while so ening Israeli violence? Do images humanize Israeli perspectives while dehumanizing Palestinians?

If you answer yes to any of these, the article likely fails to meet ethical reporting standards.

Orientalist and anti-Palestinian racism lens:

Use this lens to identify whether Canadian media portrays Palestinians as violent, irrational or inferior.

To identify if an article exemplies anti-Palestinian racism (APR), below are elements of APR according to the de nition created by the Arab Canadian Lawyers Association that can show up in a text.

If an article exhibits any of these biases, it is likely contributing to APR in Canadian media:

• e article silences, excludes or erases Palestinians.

• e article stereotypes, defames or dehumanizes Palestinians—thereby erasing their human rights, equal dignity and worth.

• e article and author deny the Nakba and/or justify violence against Palestinians.

• e reporter fails to acknowledge Palestinians as an Indigenous people with a collective identity, belonging and rights in relation to occupied and historic Palestine.

• e report includes interviews that deliberately silence or pressure others to exclude Palestinian perspectives, Palestinians and allies of the movement.

• e article defames Palestinians and their allies with slander such as being inherently antisemitic for being critical of Zionism and/or Israeli colonialism.

• An article labels a Palestinian as a terrorist threat/sympathizer, or opposed to democratic values.

I sincerely hope that this toolkit bene ts young journalists who want to cover more stories on Palestine. Although Zionists make it appear complicated, Palestine is a simple issue of occupation and anti-colonial resistance.

Anyone can cover this issue. e best way for a journalist to x Canadian coverage of Palestine is to simply champion the lived experiences of Palestinians.

A GUIDE TO COVERING PALESTINIAN ISSUES,INCLUDING THE GENOCIDE. GRAPHIC MYRIAM OUAZZANI | @MYMYSARTGALLERY

e press pass will never be enough

On Saturday, March 15, Mont-

real police physically assaulted e Link’s photo editor, Andraé Lerone Lewis. is took place while Lewis was on assignment, taking photos at Montreal’s annual anti-police brutality protest.

e SPVM assaulted Lewis twice in the same day. e rst instance occurred while they were trying to take pictures as police were swarming in on protesters. An o cer violently shoved Lewis, causing them to fall to the ground.

e second instance came soon a er, when protesters found themselves inside the Lionel-Groulx Metro station. While Lewis was trying to complete their assignment, multiple police o cers backed them up against the banisters of a staircase. A police o cer ripped o Lewis’s mask and hat, and started dragging them by their jacket. Another police o cer kicked their hat to the side.

Lewis was verbally resisting the interaction, trying to discern under what circumstances the o cers were attempting to move them o the metro stairs. e o cers continued to shove e Link’s reporter, yelling at them to move. Police threatened to arrest them for obstruction. An arrest was not made.

Lewis repeatedly identi ed themselves as media and explained multiple times that they had a press pass and were shooting on assignment for e Link. e o cers brushed o Lewis’s plea to distinguish themself as media, branding Lewis as “freelance”— as if that makes them any less of a reporter.

Lewis was doing their job. e police did not care and acted with pointed rage.

A press pass is a vital document for journalists to protect and identify themselves. Without them, we lose our ability to cover events somewhat safely and freely. We ask the SPVM: How are journalists supposed to protect themselves during a protest if police completely disregard freedom of the press? It is clear the SPVM gets o on shoving lenses away from their face and badges, so they can continue on a rampage of brutalization on reporters looking to capture precisely that. e o cers did not even care to look at Lewis’s o cial Link press pass.

A er our reporter said they were media, an o cer responded, “You’re freelance, go home.” Our reporter was not an independent journalist, they are part of our publication. But this interaction shows the SPVM’s

complete disregard for independent and non-mainstream journalists.

Fully oblivious to the irony of the situation, several SPVM o cers brutalized Lewis for the crime of being a Black journalist holding a camera. ankfully, Lewis was uninjured—yet this does not discount the fact they were le shaken up from the patronizing encounter.

It is evident these o cers act with an in ated sense of authority, that they are above Canadian law, that at bare minimum protects the right to free press. It is evident these o cers are sick with power-trips that cause them to threaten and brutalize journalists—because who else will hold them accountable?

Lewis was surrounded by other photojournalists and friends who

documented the assault and helped them a erwards. e Link extends its gratitude to the photojournalists and reporters on site, who used their platform to spread the word of the injustice Lewis faced while they were trying to report on one of Montreal’s biggest annual protests. However, the SPVM’s actions towards Lewis emphasize the dire need for these protests, as racially motivated police brutality in Montreal persists. e media has a right to be present at demonstrations and convey protesters’ messages without fear of physical or legal repercussions from the police. In January 2024, the Canadian Association of Journalists called on all levels of police to “swi ly implement enforceable policies that will

prevent journalists from being improperly arrested or detained.” is is not the rst time a Link reporter has been assaulted while being on assignment. We are aware it won’t be the last. e Link will always aim to protect its journalists to the best of its abilities. However, the SPVM’s violence towards the media and protesters needs to stop now. Maybe if the SPVM looked into a mirror instead of protesters and visibly-marginalized individuals, they could redirect their bigoted anger towards the actual threat to society. e Link calls on the SPVM to thoroughly re-consider its policing practices, especially towards BIPOC individuals and media members. We further urge the SPVM to ask o cer Morn. M 5569 what speci c law or protocol he was following when he ordered o cers to swarm Lewis and charge them with obstruction. e Link is additionally curious to know how the SPVM will justify o cer Chauvet 7761 actions when they shoved Lewis and stripped them of their mask. Is this the principled way to handle journalists, SPVM? e onus also falls on Montreal and Quebec politicians to hold police divisions accountable to ensure o cers do their job; serve, protect, foster and uphold a safe environment overall, especially at protests. Montreal is notorious for allowing its o cers to repress media and protesters by any means necessary, and with impunity. e Link vehemently believes that the city needs to punish racialized brutality and mandate its police force to make substantial reforms to serve and protect Montrealers properly.

Volume 45, Issue 11 Tuesday, March 18, 2024

Concordia University

Library Building, Room LB-717

1400 de Maisonneuve Blvd. W. Montreal, Quebec H3G 2V8

Editor: 514-848-2424 x. 7407

Arts: 514-848-2424 x. 5813

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Business: 514-848-7406

Advertising: 514-848-7406

The Link is published twelve times during the academic year by The Link Publication Society Inc. Content is independent of the university and student associations (ECA, CASA, ASFA, FASA, CSU). Editorial policy is set by an elected board as provided for in The Link 's constitution. Any student is welcome to work on The Link and become a voting staff member. Material appearing in The Link may not be reproduced without prior written permision from The Link Letters to the editor are welcome. All letters 400 words or less will be printed, space permitting. The letters deadine is Friday at 4:00 p.m. The Link reserves the right to edit letters for clarity and length and refuse those deemed racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, libellous or otherwise contrary to The Link 's statement of principles.

BOARD OF DIRECTORS 2024-2025: Voting Members: Jessica Hungate, Miriam Lafontaine, Iness Rifay | Non-Voting Members: Hannah Vogan, Varda Nisar, Jonathan Cook.

TYPESETTING by The Link PRINTING by Hebdo-Litho.

CONTRIBUTORS: Cordelia Appleyard, Ivan B., Daphnee Béchard, Sabina Bellisario-Giglio, Alissia Bocarro, Lucile Bry, Sylvia Dai, Marco Foresti, Jocelyn Gardner, Safa Hachi, Anthony Issa, Moon Jinseok, Mira de Koven, Arielle Longo, Anthony Maruca, Kira Minall, Zoya Ramadan, Menel Rehab, Sean Richard, Samuel Risler, Olivia Shan, Conor Tomalty, Rebekah Walker.

House Ads: Panos Michalakopoulos, Maria Cholakova

Cover and Inside Poster: Panos Michalakopoulos, Andraé Lerone Lewis, Maria Cholakova, Myriam Ouazzani.

Corrections: On p. 6 in the article “Meet CSU slate ʻAll In,ʼ” the end of Leo Litkeʼs description was cut short due to a layout error. The rest of his blurb can be found on The Linkʼs website. On p. 13 in the article “The many faces of Sufism,” The Link mistitled Dr. Sara Abdel-Latif. On p. 16 in the article “ʻStudents 4 Betterʼ... Better for who?” The Link mentioned a paid Instagram post by a user named “Students4better,” it was actually a paid Reddit post. The Link regrets all the above mentioned errors.

ANDRAÉ LERONE LEWIS HOLDS UP A PEACE SIGN AT THE ANTI-POLICE BRUTALITY PROTEST ON SATURDAY, MARCH 15. COURTESY WILLIAM WILLSON

Polling days: March 31st and April 1st Choose the GSA’s

YOUR TAs ARE ON STRIKE!

...and we need your support to win job security and a dignified wage

With rising inflation and tuition costs, teaching and research assistants at Concordia have been struggling to meet our basic needs. We’re prolonging our degrees because we need to take second and third jobs in addition to being your TAs as well as full time students.

We’ve been negotiating with university administration for nearly a year, and so far they’ve refused us a raise that even covers inflation, or that would bring us closer to to our peers at other universities.

We want working conditions that allow us to give you the best experience possible. Striking means pressuring the university to stop cutting our hours and courses, and rather prioritize high quality education. For now, that means any lab, tutorial, conference, or grading usually done by a TA will not take place during the strike.

You can support CREW and help us win our fight quicker! If you see someone (including profs) doing a TA’s job, email hello@crew-csn com:

- who (the worker’s name) - what (course and section) - when (time and date); - where (the class location)