Post-9/11 American Militarized Intervention and its Effects on Iraqi Civilians

Rachel Davis

Abstract

The prolonged war in Iraq was perhaps the most notorious result f rom George W. Bush’s presidency. It was one of the leading f actors for Bush’s record low approval rating at the end of his second term. The war also tarnished the image of the U.S. military f or many; f requent occurrences of civilian deaths and incidents like the Abu Ghraib prison scandal reminded the nation of its dark history in Vietnam. Af ter Saddam Hussein was driven out of Baghdad, the UN-sponsored Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) took responsibility f or removing Ba’ath inf luence in the Iraqi government—a process known as deBa’athif ication—and establishing a new democratic regime. This, in hope, would restore stability to the state; however, the conflict persisted even after the capture of Saddam. The rise of insurgencies throughout the region, combined with a lack of postwar planning, contributed to the inef f ectiveness of the coalition in maintaining order and peace. Overall, the coalition’s occupation took a negative toll on the Iraqi civilian populations and may have even acted as a direct cause of Iraq losing its sovereignty and becoming a f ailed state.

Introduction

In March of 2003, the United States led a coalition of f orces into Iraq in attempt to remove Saddam Hussein f rom power and conf iscate suspected weapons of mass destruction. The Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) was established to transition control of the Iraqi government f rom Saddam’s Ba’ath Party to a new selection of democratically elected officials (Bensahel et al. 2008). This process, however, was neither simple nor successful in the long-term. Facing constant political and economic insecurity, Iraq remains one of the f ew f ailed states of the world. The American military’s intervention in Iraq and subsequent occupation largely contributed to the lack of stability in Iraqi society. Additionally, the civilian populations of Iraq were negatively impacted by the presence of a f oreign military power. Iraqi civilians experienced higher rates of violence and mortality as well as interf erence in domestic lif e as a result of the coalition’s invasion. Altogether, these effects contributed to lower quality of lif e f or Iraqi civilians and the continuing conf lict that exists in the region.

Political unrest

The U.S.-led coalition that sought to expel Saddam Hussein and his Ba’athist supporters and democratize Iraq was successful in accomplishing these objectives. Saddam was captured several months after the initial invasion, and coalition f orces dismantled many

Ba’athist insurgent groups throughout the state. The f irst f ree national elections were held in January of 2005, which marked the beginning of Iraqi democratization (Bensahel et al. 2008). This process, however, would prove to be longer and more arduous than expected. Iraq did not possess the means to support or sustain a near-immediate transition to a democratic government. The political consequences of attempting to install such a regime would impair the state’s ability to maintain any f orm of stable government in the f uture. Af ter Saddam’s government fell in the early stages of the war, the CPA was tasked with assisting with the installation of a new regime. This process was expected to last only a f ew months; elections were anticipated to be held as early as August of 2003 (Lammers 2014). However, as noted before, they were postponed by almost a year and a half . The delay in the developmental progress of a new government was largely attributed to bureaucratic conflicts of interest. In his analysis of the American style of militarized occupation, Lammers (2014) cites that “[v]arious U.S. agencies…favored the import of dif f erent political leaders in exile” (59), which in turn signif icantly delayed the establishment of an interim government. The resulting disruption in the Iraqi political realm gave rise to new revolts throughout the nation, which f urther endangered both the coalition and Iraqi civilians. The conf lict between the dif ferent bureaucracies of the American government and subsequent delay of the appointment of new Iraqi government officials led to a prolonged period of political instability. One signif icant consequence of the coalition’s f ailure to quickly install a new regime was the removal of security and governmental protections f or Iraqi civilians. The occupation that occurred after the initial invasion lacked the necessary planning to stabilize the region and protect the civilian populations. O’Hanlon (2004) credits an imbalance between military doctrine and civilian policymaking as a source of the insufficient preparation that ultimately resulted in continued political unrest. Phase IV of Operation IRAQI FREEDOM, the phase intended to restabilize and rebuild the government after the removal of Saddam Hussein, did not receive the necessary amount of planning f or a successful implementation. In their af ter-action report, the Army’s Third Inf antry Division states that headquarters never provided them with such a plan, and thus they “transitioned into Phase IV in the absence of guidance” (O’Hanlon 2004, 36). The United States government’s f ailure to properly distribute and enact a recovery plan prevented a smooth regime transition from occurring. As such, insurgencies consisting of Ba’ath rebels and Islamist f undamentalists f lared up again, and disorder persisted (Lammers 2014). This state of unrest would continue even af ter new Iraqi political f igures took charge. Lack of planning and preparation f or a regime change also contributed to signif icant disorganization in both the government and civilian lif e. Because of this def iciency, members of Saddam Hussein’s f ormer regime were able to f urther delay the process by destroying government documents and ransacking government buildings (Allawi 2007). Many Iraqi bureaucratic departments were targeted by Ba’ath rebels, and some buildings, like the Ministry of Trade, were subjected to multiple incidents of arson, which

destroyed important records. The Ministry of Trade, which controlled the nation’s f ood rations program, experienced several instances where its enterprises were “systematically looted and burnt down” (Allawi 2007, 116). Smuggling of stolen goods became a prevalent issue throughout the region and spread into neighboring countries. These violent acts endangered the civilian populations of Iraq and the coalition’s f ailure to enact proper security measures only f urther enabled their occurrence. Despite instituting a new regime relatively quickly after the removal of Saddam f rom power, the CPA took a laissez-faire approach to rebuilding the Iraqi government. As such, the civilian population was f orced to take on much of that responsibility and the resulting government was incredibly weak. The Iraqi Governing Council (IGC) struggled to maintain legitimacy and of ten clashed with insurgency groups; several members of the IGC were assassinated in the early stages of its rule (Bensahel et al. 2008). Inadequate assistance from the coalition also f orced the new, unstable government to rebuild its military and police f orces. The Iraqi Armed Forces were disbanded by the CPA in 2003, requiring the interim government to establish an entirely new military. Additionally, despite CPA incentives to improve the Iraqi police and enlarge the f orce, “looting, kidnappings, and armed robbery continued to plague the city [of Baghdad]” (Bensahel et al. 2008, 125). When the CPA was dissolved in mid-2004, the Iraqi government was still signif icantly unstable, and the state descended into a f ull-scale civil war that has yet to see an end. The American military’s continuous occupation of Iraq, though successful in their goal of expelling Saddam Hussein and his regime, ultimately damaged the political integrity of the state. This interf erence violated the sovereignty of an independent nation and permanently disrupted Iraqi politics. The resulting instability eliminated security and other governmental protections f or citizens. Additionally, disruptive practices such as looting and arson became increasingly common, further threatening the saf ety of the civilian population. Finally, the sudden removal of government effectively f orced Iraqi citizens to rebuild it themselves. Though the UN coalition established a provisional government, the Iraqi people were largely responsible f or maintaining and supporting the new regime. The United States’ invasion and occupation of Iraq led to lasting damage and effects that are still evident today.

Economic instability

In the middle to late 20th century, experts held high expectations f or Iraq’s economy; the discovery of vast oil reserves held the potential f or the development of a booming oil industry. The oil crises in 1973 and 1979, respectively, also assisted in the growth of the Iraqi economy. Iraqi oil export revenue peaked at $55.3 billion in 1980, more than ten times the revenue collected in 1972 (EIA 2006). In more recent history, however, the Iraqi economy has experienced great f luctuations, primarily due to the occurrence of many dif ferent violent conf licts in the region. Since the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War in 1980, the Iraqi economy has remained inconsistent, and the UN coalition’s militarized intervention in 2003 has contributed to its unpredictable nature.

In its pursuit of establishing an interim government, the CPA was also given some authority to manage the Iraqi economy. However, the involvement of different government entities and several private corporations led to a severe misappropriation of f unds. The CPA disbursed over $20 billion of Iraqi oil revenue directly to American corporations, and poor government oversight of CPA activities and third-party contracts is mostly to blame (Whyte 2007). This corruption persisted throughout almost the entirety of the coalition’s occupation, mostly during the time when the CPA did not possess a designated internal auditor. When the position of Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction was f inally established, 11 months af ter the creation of the CPA, it “had only a matter of weeks before the CPA was dissolved to complete its f irst report” (Whyte 2007, 185). The billions of dollars that were awarded to private American business instead of the Iraqi government contributed to the economic downfall that plagued Iraq in the af termath of the war. Both during and af ter the war, Iraqi civilians struggled to maintain individual f inancial stability, largely in part to a major economic recession that struck the nation. Jobs and resources were scarce for citizens; unemployment rates rose to near-record levels in the early stages of the interim government (Bensahel et al. 2008). The Of f ice f or Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, established in January of 2003, made little progress in assisting the economic recovery of the region or creating jobs. The lack of security, a consequence of the political unrest that af f ected the region, was a major contributing f actor to the slow progress of economic stimulation (Bensahel et al. 2008). Even af ter the dissolution of the CPA, the Iraqi economy would not experience signif icant growth until the withdrawal of the American military. Af ter the f irst Persian Gulf War (1990-91), Iraq experienced rapid rates of inf lation. In 1994, inf lation was up 497 percent, and these rates remained high well into the late 1990s (Bensahel et al. 2008). Similar ef fects resulted from the UN coalition’s invasion and occupation. During the war, the Central Bank of Iraq (CBI) f ell into disorder and even shut down af ter being f requently targeted by looters. In attempt to combat rising rates of inf lation, the CPA f ocused on restoring and strengthening the CBI. Though the CPA was successful in rebuilding the integrity of the CBI, it did little to deter inf lation rates, which spiked again in 2006 (Bensahel et al. 2008). Additionally, the CBI did not assist in alleviating high unemployment rates, which was arguably Iraq’s biggest economic stressor for the civilian population. The UN coalition’s invasion of Iraq led to a myriad of economic consequences, and as a result, the Iraqi people suf fered greatly, particularly the working class. A major economic recession occurred soon after the war; unemployment rates surged, and inf lation increased rapidly. The CPA’s usurpation of the oil industry led to billions of dollars being removed f rom the Iraqi economy. The United States’ occupation of Iraq contributed to the creation of a volatile and unpredictable state f or the Iraqi economy. Even af ter the installation of a new government, the economy remained unstable and has only recently begun to recover.

Increased violence

The f ormer president of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, was notorious f or his lust f or political power and wealth. As a result, his state f requently engaged in violent conf lict throughout his tyrannical reign. One of the main purposes of the UN coalition’s invasion of Iraq in 2003 was to remove Saddam f rom power, which in turn was expected to quell the consistent violence in the region. This invasion, however, led to increased levels of violence as compared to levels prior to the invasion. The civilian population suf fered most f rom this consequence; a large portion of civilian casualties during the war have been attributed to American military f orces (Kahl 2007). Additionally, the persistent lack of political stability has allowed f or the violence to ensue af ter the war was formally ended and continues to af fect the civilian populations of Iraq. When Saddam Hussein held power in Iraq, minority groups were often targeted by his regime, particularly the Shiite Muslims and Kurds. Many Shiites were sympathetic to Iran, one of Iraq’s biggest adversaries, and many Kurds f ought f or an independent Kurdistan. Saddam’s army even used chemical weapons against the Kurdish population during the Iran-Iraq War. However, after Saddam was driven out of Baghdad, Sunni Muslims were targeted by coalition f orces, often facing discrimination and experiencing higher levels of violence than other Iraqis (Hagan and Hanson 2016). Though Sunni Muslims comprise the majority of the population in Iraq, they were severely underrepresented in the interim government. Additionally, hundreds of thousands of Sunnis were displaced from Baghdad neighborhoods, and some experts cite this, along with the disproportionate number of Sunni deaths, as evidence of ethnic cleansing prompted by U.S. f orces and Shiite militias (Hagan and Hanson 2016). Sunnis were also subjected to rates of mass incarceration, poor conditions, and even torture. Hagan and Hanson (2016) also argue that the “Sunni as a group were disproportionately subjected to U.S.-led strategies and policies of mass incapacitation associated with crimes of torture in Iraq” (1). The f avorable treatment that the minority Shiites received f rom the coalition came at the expense of the lives of the majority Sunnis. The Sunnis were not the only group to be af f ected by the violence of the war; the entirety of the civilian population experienced greater rates of violence. The average mortality rates f or civilians were higher in the duration of the war; f rom 2003 to 2011, the mortality rate f or surveyed households had increased 50 percent since before the start of the war, resulting in more than 405,000 excess deaths (Hagopian et al. 2013). From the pre-war period up until the peak of the war in 2006, “the risk of death rose 0.7 times higher f or women and 2.9 times higher f or men,” and “more than 60% of excess deaths were directly attributable to violence” (1). Though the number of civilian deaths that occurred in Iraq during the coalition’s occupation is still widely debated, some experts believe the toll to be as high as 500,000. The increased violence that led to the high death toll and increased mortality rates has been attributed to all the groups involved in the war: coalition f orces, Saddam’s Republican Guard, and insurgents.

Although civilian deaths have been attributed to all parties involved in the Iraq War, the United States has been credited with a signif icant portion of those deaths. Despite practicing inf ormed targeting and establishing “no-strike” zones, substantial collateral damage still occurred. During the war, there were several instances where U.S. f orces pursued high-value targets and f ailed to eliminate the individual, instead inf licting a high number of civilian casualties (Kahl 2007). Artillery strikes were also credited with killing and wounding civilians, and unexploded ordnance continued to claim lives even af ter the withdrawal of U.S. troops. Ineffective planning and unclear rules of engagement have been credited with the signif icant collateral damage that transpired throughout the conf lict.

Despite the UN’s commitment to protecting noncombatants, the civilian population of Iraq was still dragged into the war. Many innocent lives were unnecessarily claimed by the violence. The American military, during its occupation of the state, lacked the precision that it claims to value; there were numerous instances of civilians murdered by American troops. Throughout the war, civilians experienced higher mortality rates, higher rates of violence, and many were f orced to leave their homes in order to seek saf er conditions. The effects of the invasion and occupation not only damaged the sense of security, but the relationship between the United States and Iraq as well.

Interference in domestic life

Not all of the ef fects of the Iraq War could be quantitatively measured, and because of this, some effects were not initially evident. Many of the consequences that only recently became apparent affected civilians in their personal, everyday lives. The war interfered in the domestic aspects of civilian lif e, and of ten changed them f or worse. For many, the idea of domestic lif e has been permanently altered; some civilians may have only known war f or the entire duration of their lif etime thus f ar. Like many of the other effects of the war, these effects have not signif icantly improved since the war’s end. The coalition’s invasion and occupation disregarded the rich variety of culture and historical dif ferences within the populations of Iraqi society. As a result, those who lived through the war have been subjected to a range of disrupting effects. The Iraq War took a toll on most civilians; the violence instilled f ear in many and interrupted daily routines, especially those living in major cities. The rising insurgency in response to continued f oreign occupation further contributed to this; it also removed a sense of security f or the population. Members of the Iraqi military and police were of ten targeted by insurgents, as well as government officials (Allawi 2007). These f requent assassinations created a widespread f eeling of uneasiness and anxiety within the civilian populations. Insurgent groups actively worked to intimidate civilians and deter support of the coalition. Nongovernmental workers, such as teachers, were “mowed down in a horrible campaign to f righten and intimidate of ten desperate people to abandon thought of government work” (373). Many parents feared f or the safety of children, considering keeping them home f rom school. The war had massive effects on inf rastructure and basic resources as well; in 2004, electricity usage in households was limited to f our

hours a day (Allawi 2007). These changes, brought about by the coalition’s invasion and occupation, worsened the overall quality of lif e f or Iraqi civilians. The violence that resulted f rom the war did not solely af f ect the civilian populations in a physical aspect; the mental consequences of the violence, particularly of bombing attacks, were severe. Bombing attacks occurred f requently throughout the war, committed by both coalition f orces and insurgency groups, and these incidents had detrimental effects f or survivors. Studies have shown that “[p]eople who are exposed to bombing are at a high risk of psychological disturbances, including cognitive and emotional disruptions or development of mental health problems” (Freh, Dallos, and Chung 2013, 274). The mental health of many Iraqi civilians was negatively affected; an estimated one in three Iraqis will suf fer symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder in their lif etime (Freh et al. 2013). The psychological distress resulting f rom exposure to bombing attacks negatively affects an individual’s mental and physical wellbeing as well as interpersonal relationships. In turn, these implications negatively affect the everyday lives of those afflicted by the war. Though many groups experienced negative effects f rom the war, Iraqi women f aced a unique set of challenges. The political leaders f avored by the United States government to manage the new interim government, through their attempt to restructure gender relations to their advantage, worsened women’s political and socioeconomic status in society. Many Iraqi women found the overinvolvement of the United States to be problematic; additionally, many f elt the Western agenda was hypocritical and even patronizing (Banwell 2015). The war had several disparaging economic effects on women as well. In order to maintain f inancial security, many widows and f emale headsof-household were forced to pursue prostitution. Some women were not given the luxury of choice, instead they were “trafficked f or sexual slavery by profit-seeking criminal networks” (717). Gender relations, though strained prior to the outbreak of the war, were damaged f urther by the coalition’s invasion and occupation. When war erupts within a society, it brings serious consequences. The Iraq War disrupted everyday lif e f or many civilians, and these negative changes contributed to lower quality of lif e. From reinforced marginalization of minority groups to increased instances of psychological trauma, it is evident that the war damaged the normal way of lif e f or many. With conf lict continuing to endure in the state, it is unclear if these ef fects will resolve in the near f uture. The American invasion and successive occupation amplif ied the previous complications of the region and destroyed any progress that may have been made in overcoming those issues.

Conclusion

The events that f ollowed the United Nations coalition’s invasion of Iraq in 2003 drastically transformed the state and its populace. A variety of consequences resulted f rom the near decade-long conflict, and these consequences continue to affect the Iraqi government and its citizens today. From unstable political regimes to lack of security,

the civilian populations of Iraq were overall negatively impacted by the intervention and occupation conducted by the United States and its allied f orces. The long and tumultuous conf lict permanently damaged the stability of both the Iraqi state and the surrounding region. Political instability persisted throughout the war and continues today; a civil war is now ravaging the state. The Iraqi economy displays promising signs of recovery but is still plagued with uncertainty. Violence persists in the area, and civilians’ domestic lives are still under constant threat. Though initially successful in their plan, the United States and the United Nations coalition did not create a lasting, stable democratic regime in Iraq, and may have even prevented the state f rom achieving such an objective. 

References

Allawi, Ali A. 2007. The Occupation of Iraq: Winning the War, Losing the Peace. Yale University Press.

Banwell, Stacy. 2015. “Globalisation masculinities, empire building and f orced prostitution: a critical analysis of the gendered impact of the neoliberal economic agenda in post-invasion/occupation Iraq.” Third World Quarterly 36 (4): 705-722.

Bensahel, Nora, Oliker, Olga, Crane, Keith, Brennan, Jr., Richard R., Gregg, Heather S., et al. 2008. After Saddam: Prewar Planning and the Occupation of Iraq. Rand Arroyo Center.

Energy Inf ormation Administration. 2006. “OPEC Revenues Fact Sheet.” https://web.archive.org/web/20080107014809/http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/ca bs/OPEC_Revenues/OPEC.html (accessed April 7, 2021).

Freh, Fuaad Mohammed, Dallos, Rudy, and Man Cheung Chung. 2013. “The Impact of Bombing Attacks on Civilians in Iraq.” International Journal for the Advancement of Counselling 35: 273-285.

Hagan, John L. and Anna Hanson. 2016. “The Militarization of Mass Incapacitation and Torture during the Sunni Insurgency and American Occupation of Iraq.” Social Sciences 5 (4): 78.

Hagopian, Amy, Flaxman, Abraham D., Takaro, Tim K., Esa Al Shatari, Sahar A., Rajaratnam, Julie, et al. 2013. “Mortality in Iraq Associated with the 2003–2011 War and Occupation: Findings f rom a National Cluster Sample Survey by the University Collaborative Iraq Mortality Study.” PLoS Medicine 10 (10): 1-10.

Kahl, Colin H. 2007. “In the Crossfire or the Crosshairs? Norms, Civilian Casualties, and U.S. Conduct in Iraq.” International Security 32 (1): 7-46.

Lammers, Cornelius J. 2014. “The American Occupation Regime in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Iraq.” Armed Forces & Society 40 (1): 49-70.

O’Hanlon, Michael E. 2004. “Iraq Without a Plan.” Policy Review (128): 33-45.

Whyte, Dave. 2007. “The Crimes of Neo-Liberal Rule in Occupied Iraq.” The British Journal of Criminology 47 (2): 177-195.