Transformation of public space. A casestudy on the Manado Boulevard Waterfront Project (Indonesia). by Lore Desmet

Transformation of public space. A case study on the Manado Boulevard Waterfront Project (Indonesia). Lore Desmet Lore Verrecht Thesis voorgedragen tot het behalen van de graad van Master in de ingenieurswetenschappen: architectuur Promotor: Prof. Dr. Ir. B. De Meulder Assessoren: Prof. Dr. Ir. V. Kumurur Prof. Dr. Ir. J. Schreurs Begeleider: C. Susilo

Academiejaar 2010 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 2011

Without written permission of the promotors and the authors it is forbidden to reproduce or adapt in any form or by any means any part of this publication. Requests for obtaining the right to reproduce or utilize parts of this publication should be addressed to dept. ASRO, Kasteelpark Arenberg 1/2431, B-3001 Heverlee, +32-16-321361 of via e-mail secretariaat@asro.kuleuven.be. A written permission of the promotor is also required to use the methods, products, schematics and programs described in this work for industrial or commercial use, and for submitting this publication in scientific contests.

Zonder voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van zowel de promotor(en) als de auteur(s) is overnemen, kopiëren, gebruiken of realiseren van deze uitgave of gedeelten ervan verboden. Voor aanvragen tot of informatie i.v.m. het overnemen en/of gebruik en/of realisatie van gedeelten uit deze publicatie, wend u tot dept. ASRO, Kasteelpark Arenberg 1/2431, B-3001 Heverlee, +32-16-321361 of via e-mail secretariaat@ asro.kuleuven.be. Voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van de promotor(en) is eveneens vereist voor het aanwenden van de in deze masterproef beschreven (originele) methoden, producten, schakelingen en programma’s voor industrieel of commercieel nut en voor de inzending van deze publicatie ter deelname aan wetenschappelijke prijzen of wedstrijden.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It is our pleasure to thank those who made the outcome of this thesis possible. Our promotor, Prof. Dr. Ir. Bruno de Meulder, whose expertise enabled us to develop a profound understanding of the subject. Cynthia Susilo, for her highly appreciated guidance during the field trip and constant critical reflection on our work in progress. Prof. Dr. Ir. Veronika Kumurur from the university of Sam Ratulangi, who helped us gather the necessary data and information needed for this compilation. Family Lumowa and friends, family Lomban and the rest of our host family for their warm welcome and loving care, as well as the essential moments of relaxation during our stay in Manado. Prof. Alvin Tinangon and Prof. Octavianus Rogi from the university of Sam Ratulangi, for the innovatory discussions and instructive guide tours through the city. Developers and investors related to the project: Mr. Lopulalang, Mr. Boyke, Mr. Kuncoro, Mr. Irawan, Mr. Janto and Mrs. Tungka for sharing their knowledge and providing interesting data. The people who helped to bridge the language barriers during our fieldwork: Jean Pantouw, Helsi Micah, Stanley Kiraling and AndrĂŠ. Mr. Walandouw from the local authority, whose assistance provided a better insight in the administrative background of the project. All the inhabitants of Manado who crossed our way and were more than willing to do their bit by sharing experiences. Our translators Mariska Januar, Darma Setiawan, Puji Kristina, Aki Baihaki and Henrico Hermawan. Bart Verrecht for his assistance with regards to the final text of our thesis. And last but not least, our parents, family and friends who supported us in any respect during the past five years.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TERMINOLOGY

PROBLEM STATEMENT

BROADER CONTEXT

MANADO

BOULEVARD WATERFRONT PROJECT

Morphological analysis

Socio-cultural perspective

118

Comparative study of public life in the project and in other (former) commercial centres

120

Comparative study of public life in the project and in (former) non-commercial open places

156

Comparative study of public life in the project and in (former) kampong

212

REVIEW

231

A clash between Jakarta and Tomohon – A feeling of larger experiences to small-town life

232

Transformation of public space – Shopping itself as the source of change in society

236

BIBLIOGRAPHY

240

REREFENCES

244

FIGURE LIST

254

APPENDIX

259

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TERMINOLOGY

angkot Angkot are shared taxis for about ten passengers. Following fixed trajectories, they are able to reach all corners of the city. displacement Adopting H. Heynen and A. Loeckx’s term displacement, described in its most basic form “as a situation where a new or alien element is introduced into a more or less stable context”. For example, it can be used to indicate a situation of unbalance and confusion caused by rapid urbanisation or by socioeconomic mutations such as globalisation1. former The term former will be used with reference to a period before the establishment of the Boulevard Waterfront Project. gerobak A gerobak is a small wheeled vehicle, typically pushed by hand, on which merchandise is displayed.

hutan kota One talks about hutan kota (city forest) when it comes to a cluster of trees with a minimum area of a quarter of a hectare, forming a natural habitat for animals and creating a healthy, comfortable and aesthetic environment2. indigenous Indigenous means belonging to a certain place. The term may refer to the original people born in a place or region, but it is also used to describe the descendants of the earliest inhabitants of other regions. kabupaten Kabupaten (regency) is a regional administrative level within the governance structure of Indonesia. It is situated between propinsi (province) and kecamatan (district). Kabupaten may also be regarded as the rural counterpart of the Indonesian city.

TERMINOLOGY

kampong The term kampong refers to a small settlement made up of a labyrinth of pathways and alleys, seemingly without a predefined plan. The streets are surrounded by a hotchpotch of constructions with a pluriform nature. Kampong are marked by a striking solidarity among the members and will further be used in contexts of community life. kecamatan Kecamatan (district) is the administrative level within the governance structure of the country. It is situated within kabupaten (regency), which in turn is part of propinsi (province). Minahasa Minahasa is an almost entirely Christian ethnic group located in the province of North Sulawesi. The term may refer to both the community and its region. According to the latter, kabupaten Minahasa and Minahasa Selatan will further be stated under the same umbrella of Minahasa.

TERMINOLOGY

modern Modernity is used in reference to a condition of living imposed upon individuals by the socioeconomic process of modernisation. The experience of modernity involves a rupture with tradition and has a profound impact on ways of life and daily habits3. In the context of our thesis, the term modern is principally related to the social and physical appearance of popular Asian cities like Jakarta. open public place The term open public place will be used speaking about the outdoor public squares or plazas in Manado. pasar Pasar is a traditional marketplace in the city. It refers to a rough wooden, temporary structure where sellers have their particular spot for displaying goods. The items sold in the different pasar are basically the same - fruit, vegetables, meat and fish, spices, dry goods and household items.

public Urban public space can be defined as all the physical space and social relations that determine the use of that space within the non-private realm of cities4. This is, in turn, part of the public sphere: the entire range of places, people and activities that constitute the public dimension of human social life5. We further make the distinction between public space as a space that is freely accessible for everyone and public domain where an exchange between different social groups is possible and also actually occurs6. ruko A ru-ko is a combination of a to-ko (shop) on the ground floor with several ru-mah (houses) on the higher levels.

traditional The term traditional will be used to refer to the social, cultural and economic organisation in old Manado. warung Warung are small semi-permanent restaurants, which are easily found along the streets of Manado. Regardless the ones that occupy a permanent spot in the city, warung tend to sprout up in the late afternoon and evening on sidewalks, in parking lots and in open spaces. It then consists of a simple tent structure tied to poles or a nearby fence, and can quickly be set up with wooden tables and benches.

rumah kopi Rumah kopi (coffee house) is a well-known phenomenon throughout Manado. Here, coffee drinking becomes a lifestyle, rather than a hobby. Rumah kopi are typically occupied by men for meeting and relaxing. toko Toko can be literally translated as small shop.

TERMINOLOGY

PROBLEM STATEMENT

Globalisation, population growth and a strong rural-to-urban migration are elementary factors that post-independent Indonesia has to deal with while striving for urban development. Due to an increased centralisation and a Javanese dominance over the rest of the archipelago, there is the thought of building a bridge between Java and its periphery in order to counteract the urban disparity between Indonesian cities and achieve a more proportionate urban development7. Recently, an updated program of decentralisation has the ability to focus on the promotion of urban development at a local level8. This has brought a new enthusiasm among developers who suddenly receive a large piece of the resource pie on their own plate. Many investors see their chance for starting-up local large-scale projects and as a result, the archipelago is characterised by a flourishing urbanisation9. Important lessons from this instant urbanisation can be drawn, bringing on conditions of otherness and often largely impacting local people. These lessons - whether critics or encouragements can guide future governmental policies and planning. This thesis focuses on North Sulawesi, one of the six provinces of the Sulawesi island and situated more than two thousand kilometres from Indonesia’s

central political and economic basis, northeast Java. The distance and isolation that made the region politically unimportant in the past, are losing their power to restrict its development as its potential is increasingly appreciated by the central government in Jakarta10. In 1996, the corridor Manado-Bitung met the preconceived requirements of a key locus for developmental activities in Eastern Indonesia and the region was selected as one of Indonesia’s thirteen integrated economic development zones or kapet. By investing in large-scale infrastructure projects, ManadoBitung is expected to boost the economic growth in its entire region and become a gateway to the Pacific Region11. In this context, the Boulevard Waterfront Project has been set up as a centre of commercial and business activities on six lobs of land reclamation adjoining the coastline of Manado. The range of fancy shopping malls and trendy fast food restaurants already attracted many customers and here and there, the brand new business district is already cited as “the most crowded area in North Sulawesi today”12. Presenting a shrill contrast to the rural scenery of its hinterland, the project is a blunt manifestation of globalisation and modernisation for a city deeply rooted within its own traditions. By its

PROBLEM STATEMENT

modern appearance and its fresh and diversified offer of activities, it challenges the traditional way of being in public. A profound study of the Manadonese and their public comings and goings is needed in order to grasp the notion of ‘modern’, ‘traditional’ and ‘public’ in this particular context. Adopting H. Heynen and A. Loeckx’s term ‘displacement’, described in its most basic form as “a situation where a new or alien element is introduced into a more or less stable context”13, we indicate the situation of unbalance and confusion caused by a rapid urbanisation and a socio-economic mutation of globalisation in Manado. In the margins of the new urbanity, former conditions are displaced and in-between-behaviour is intending to negotiate between the old way of living and the new pattern of behaviour14. An intriguing dialectic process is induced in which public experiences of modernity remain diverse, shaped by regional and local dynamics as much as by postcolonial or global processes15.

changing elements of the physical layout and giving a voice to the local inhabitants as well as to important political figures, a report of the changing processes in Manado will be provided, both spatially and socially. Besides, an intensive literature study will compose a framework for an accurate observation study of the Boulevard Waterfront Project and its surroundings. At last, questionnaires are spread among the population and will further debate the argument that the project has introduced new (modern) public space in the city. The case of Manado provides significant insights on the mutual adaptation of a modern project and its existing environment and on how both concepts influence each other reciprocally. This thesis highlights a transforming city, due to its recent developments but also due to its inhabitants, who are creatively appropriating their physical, social and economic environment in a rapidly changing and modernising society.

From both morphological and socio-cultural perspectives, this thesis verifies how conditions of displacements reveal the social and cultural impact of architecture. By mapping and graphically representing

PROBLEM STATEMENT

BROADER CONTEXT

The world is becoming more urban and city economies are becoming more globally connected16. Observers of globalisation in Southeast Asia are equally convinced that it is leading to an increased centralisation within its urban systems. Mega-urban regions are established that reinforce the dominance of the main cities of the colonial era17. At this point in time, problems of urban government in Indonesia are in the spotlight as settlement patterns change rapidly. Indonesia is basically a rural country, but has a few large metropolitan centres with more than one million inhabitants18. Economic development and urbanisation are mainly concentrated on Java. This produces huge variations in population density between Inner (JavaMadura-Bali) and Outer (other islands) Indonesia. Rather than by natural population growth, urbanisation is caused by rural-to-urban migration. Also, circular migration - a survival strategy of rural-based families and long-distance daily commuting to the cities, must be taken into account19. In addition, across the country, numerous medium-size and smaller urban centres, such as provincial capital cities and regency towns, increasingly attract newcomers from their nearby rural hinterland20. There is a continued growth in traditional coastal trade centres whereas inland agrarian cities and towns tend to stagnate21.

Of late, the creation of secondary cities has been promoted to alleviate the overburdened urban cores and to achieve a more proportionate urban development. Secondary cities can be a catalyst for rural development and can help to solve the problems of urban concentration22. They possess a middle function between the capital Jakarta and the smaller regional settlements in economic, social, governmental and generally modernising respects23. Many of them play a relative weak role in national development. A common reason is that these cities receive a disproportionately low share of national investments compared to the largest cities24. To cite an example, in the 1970s, almost sixty percent of foreign investment and twenty-six percent of private investment was made in Jakarta, although it contains only four percent of the nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population25. The foundations of decentralisation trace back to the latter years of Dutch colonial rule. Those early decentralisation measures recognized that the central leadership must delegate a certain amount of government responsibilities to sub-national levels26. A substantial administrative decentralisation in Indonesia can have the ability to focus on the promotion of urban development at a local level27. This includes the promotion of attractive tourist environments28, since urban marketing requires a certain civic imagery. Like BROADER CONTEXT

I cores of urbanisation in Indonesia I

BROADER CONTEXT

corporations without logos, cities without icons are not in the market29. Lately, public-private partnerships have been encouraged for urban development30. Their role has increased with the investment for several business activities, including retail business by building shopping malls spread across the country31. At least, there is something contradictory about it. The Republic of Indonesia is a unitary state and emerges as a highly centrally governed nation. At the same time, the Indonesian territory covers over 13 000 islands. The islands accommodate an enormous variety of people, cultures and languages, and thus represent the regional diversity in the Indonesian archipelago. At the time of the proclamation of Independence on 17 August 1945, the archipelago was merely bound together by the circumstance that all of the islands were governed by one colonial power, being the Dutch32. In addition to the interregional differences mentioned above, the young republic faced wide gaps between groups in society, especially in terms of education and socio-economic position. On the one hand, there was a small elite formed by the indigenous aristocracy and ethnic Chinese living in the larger urban centres. On the other hand, an overwhelming majority of poor and uneducated citizens lived in the countryside. Ever since Independence, the preservation of national unity has 18

been at the top of the political agenda, hand in hand with economic development. A remarkable success has been the nationwide adoption of a single national language, bahasa Indonesia, which facilitates interregional communication to a considerable degree33. Under the banner of bhinneka tunggal ika (unity in diversity), the idea of a unitary state is considered to be generally supported nowadays. Apart from a consensus concerning the basic frame of the nation, however, the elaboration of the relationship between the centre and the regions has remained subject to much debate. This is, among other things, exemplified by the circumstance that since 1945 no less than six laws on the issue have been enacted34. Given the fact that by 1955, Java was contributing only twelve percent to Indonesiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s total exports, while eighty percent of the nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s foreign earnings were being spent on developments projects on the island, a disgruntlement is easy to understand35. The dissatisfaction of the regions concerning their treatment by the centre exploded at certain points in Indonesiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s postcolonial history in violent regional unrest that posed serious threats to the continuation of national unity. This only adds to the significance of the organisation of decent central-regional relations36. North Sulawesi, situated on the periphery of the Indonesian archipelago, is very touchy on that point. BROADER CONTEXT

In the past, neither the land area nor the population (both below one and a half percent of Indonesiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s total) were large enough to be of great political importance37. Living under the colonial rule of the Dutch, the regionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main ethnicity Minahasa has long been deemed as a fully westernised society that has been stripped of most of its traditional heritage. After Independence, the positions of Minahasa as Christians changed as they would no longer be associated with the powerful Dutch colonialists. Feeling threatened by an increasingly Islamic Jakarta, Minahasa resented its position as a backwater that is often ignored by the central government38. At first, most Minahasans rejected the more popular unitary state and embraced federalism, specifically the autonomy of each ethnic group or region. Soon, however, many accepted that whatever their political future would be, it would be part of the future of Indonesia as a whole. Nevertheless, regional patriotism persisted39. In Permesta, one of the rebellions against central authority in the early years after 1949, dissatisfaction over the relationship with the central government, established in Jakarta, had been growing40. Although the Permesta phenomenon is often remembered as one of the most serious threats to have ever tested the unity of Indonesia as a nation, it began as a call for the implementation BROADER CONTEXT

of decentralisation legislature that had already been approved by the Indonesian government. According to K. Brown, Permesta should be ultimately understood as a struggle over economic and development resources between the centre and the periphery, rather than an independence movement41. In 1996, President Soeharto called for the establishment of thirteen integrated economic development zones or kapet throughout Indonesia. The corridor from Manado to Bitung in North Sulawesi was one of them. Thanks to its international airport (Sam Ratulangi airport) and port (Bitung port), the high population density, the absence of ethnic and religious conflicts and the declaration of Manado as a provincial capital, it was seen as a key locus for development activities in Eastern Indonesia. The establishment of a kapet is based on the idea that peripheral areas with good growth potential can have their growth accelerated by improved infrastructure, provision of market access and introduction of incentive policies to bolster investment and trade42. Another regional program with a capacity to influence the development of North Sulawesi is the BIMPEAGA. This is a regional economic cooperation scheme involving Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines (BIMP) in the East Asean Growth Area (EAGA). The program does not appear to have greatly 19

I corridor Manado - Bitung I

I thirteen integrated economic development zones (kapet) in Indonesia I

BROADER CONTEXT

affected developments in northern Sulawesi, though it has linked the region a little more closely to nearby Mindanao in the Philippines and Sabah in Malaysia43. In an interesting twist on the standard centre-periphery relations between Jakarta and Manado, there exists somewhat of a strain between Minahasa and the other regencies of the province as well. These regional economic and political discrepancies that currently exist within North Sulawesi have led several of the regencies to consider obtaining provincial status for their respective areas, for instance Gorontalo44. The separation of North Sulawesi and Gorontalo into two provinces in 2001 complicated the issue of making regional autonomy work for northern Sulawesi. Economic and social conditions, however, vary considerably within the two provinces. Minahasa, including the cities of Manado and Bitung, is the wealthiest region, it has good levels of education and health and leads on virtually every socio-economic indicator. With the selection as one of Indonesia’s thirteen kapet and given the new potential role of North Sulawesi province as a ‘gateway’ to Northeast Asia, the longer-term prospects of this province are brighter than those of Gorontalo45. As ‘globalisation’ has been countered with the equally pervasive phenomenon of ‘localisation’, BROADER CONTEXT

sub-national groups based on ethnicity have gained political importance46. Simultaneously with a rising Indonesian nationalism, attempts are undertaken to solidify the Minahasa identity47. Only recently, in the summer of 2001, there was a time of political uncertainty in Minahasa, according to its commitment to the nation of Indonesia. Several people spoke persuasively of breaking Minahasa from Indonesia in order to become an independent nation. The fountainheads of most of the current socio-political debate are the so-called regional autonomy laws that were formally implemented by Gus Dur, the fourth president of Indonesia, in January 2001. As quickly as they were implemented, additional problems began to emerge. Across the country, local governments where overwhelmed with new responsibilities but often lack the revenues or expertise to meet popular expectations48. Whichever avenue is to be followed, the overall impression is that a decentralisation programme is suitable for Indonesia, with its long inter-island distances, rich cultural heterogeneity and widely divergent socio-economic conditions49. But even with the best of intentions, and supported by the best of regulations, it should be recognised that the necessary changes in attitudes and moral standards will take a long time50. 21

MANADO

Manado, North Sulawesi, Indonesia, South-East Asia 2173 kilometres North-East of Jakarta Geographical location: 1°30’N 124°51’E Second largest city of Sulawesi after Makassar Area: 157,26 km² in 200751 Population: 422 653 in 200752

I northern Sulawesi I

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I Manado I

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History Long ago, the population of the small island of Manado Tua, which is located in the bay of Manado, saw themselves forced to move. Bothered by warfare, lack of drinking water and the nuisance caused by donkeys, they fled the island and settled on the coast53. Manado came into being at the mouth of the Tondano river along the shore of Manado bay. In those days, the place already fulfilled a central role as being a market place where people from the hills came to trade their products54. Yet today, this little settlement has grown into the second largest city of the Sulawesi island with a population of almost 500 000 people. It is situated 2173 kilometres North-East of Jakarta, at the heart of kabupaten (regency) Minahasa in North Sulawesi. Its surface area amounts more or less 160 squared kilometres55.

I Manado bay in the 18th century I

MANADO

The presence of natural resources made Manado a strategic place for European traders. The Spanish and the Portuguese were the first ones to arrive but their influence was limited. The Dutch on the other hand put their stamp firmly upon the Manadonese culture56. In 1658, the Dutch East India Company set up Fort Amsterdam57. The market and the fort gradually became the focus of urban settlement58. By the early seventeenth century, the Dutch came to terms with the local chiefs to throw out the other European competitors. This agreement with the Minahasa rulers led to a Dutch domination for the next three hundred years. Their influence flourished as the local population embraced the European goods, the western education and the Christian religion. The loyalty to the Dutch as soldiers during the Java War of 1825-1830, together with the Christian religion and

MANADO

I Fort Amsterdam 1924 I I Manado port 1925 I I Fort Amsterdam 1926 I

the geographic isolation from the rest of Indonesia, however, made the Minahasa population a kind of misfit among the other ethnic groups of the archipelago59. During the colonial period, Manado quickly acquired a key role as the commercial centre of the region. It was therefore rather obvious that the city would act as the headquarter of the colonial administration. In the meantime, the Dutch further organised its physical structure with a grid-iron street system60. Soon, housing complexes started to grow in different regions around the city centre61.

in the north and south of the fort. In the east, a small hill was located. The Chinese and Arabic ward were situated north of that hill. Together with the European settlements, the previously mentioned ethnics formed the nucleus of the colonial town, while the indigenous Minahasa kampong were located outside this core. On the other side of the river, the village of the Bantik was situated. As they were often seen as heathens, they needed to be isolated from the rest of the inhabitants62.

In the 1850s, Manado was already divided into wards. The fort was located west of the roads with the residency office, the barracks, the market and the wooden coffee storehouses. The ethnic Tolour, Tombulu and Borgo (European mixed with local people) settled

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I colonial centre 1922 I

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I city hall Manado 1929 I

I map of Minahasa 1853 I

I Kampong Cina 1900 I

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In 1916, Hamerster portrayed the city of Manado as â&#x20AC;&#x153;the gate to Minahasa. One only stayed there for a short while before proceeding into the interiorâ&#x20AC;?. In his further description, he illustrated the flourishing growth of the city by mentioning the large and airy wooden houses of the Europeans, the residency office, the central prison, the post office, the convent and church and several wards, such as Kampong Cina (Chinatown) and Kampong Kodok63.

MANADO

The Japanese occupation of 1942-1945 announced a period of deprivation. At that time, Mapangetâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s military airport was established, now better known as Sam Ratulangi airport. Besides this construction, there was no significant physical development in Manado. Japanese invaders used the previous physical facilities built for the Dutch colonial administration64. In 1945, the Allied Forces bombed Manado heavily. The fort was completely demolished and a new commercial centre, Pasar 45, took its place65. Since Independence in 1945, Manado has strengthened its function of regional magnet. The colonial settlement became the core of the expanding city, which was also elevated to the status of provincial capital. As more public and commercial facilities were introduced, the Sam Ratulangi street, running southward from the colonial city centre, took over the leading role as the

centre of activities. In this way, the colonial implant was gradually annexed and transformed, and the city outgrew the original grid. The first twenty years of Indonesian Independence can justifiably be characterised as turbulent, insecure, and unstable. In fact, 17 August 1945 marked the beginning of the Indonesian revolution, for the Dutch pushed hard to regain control of the Indonesian archipelago66. They succeeded re-establishing their rule in several regions, notably in the eastern part of Indonesia where Minahasa was ultimately nicknamed as the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;twelfth province of the Netherlandsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;67. Not until 27 December 1949, after a series of lengthy negotiations and violent clashes, did the Dutch transfer sovereignty over the country to the Indonesians68.

MANADO

Giving rise to the vexed question of regional autonomy, the city of Manado was soon up against a fresh load of conflicts. In 1958, the headquarters of the rebel movement Permesta moved to the city. When Permesta confronted the central government with demands for political, economic and regional reform, Jakarta responded by bombing the city in February 1958, and invading in June 195869. This was the beginning of months of fierce fighting and the start of a guerrilla war that would last until well into 196170. Many people from the highlands of Minahasa and other parts of Sulawesi chose Manado as their refuge destination during the civil war and once it was finished, most of them decided to settle down in the city71. After the Permesta rebellion and G30S/PKI rebellion in 1961-1966, the government focused on the revitalising of Manado and the strengthening of its status as an

MANADO

autonomous and capital city of North Sulawesi72. Being the central administration for three kabupaten, several administration complexes were built along Sam Ratulangi street, including the local parliamentary offices73. In order to meet a sudden population growth, furthermore, the periphery was developed with better infrastructure and Bitung came to the front as a satellite city. The commercial port moved there, as well as some residents74. Just like in many other urban centres of postcolonial states, the apparatus of the colonial city is not easily dismantled75. According to P. Nas, there is a fundamental distinction in colonial cities between the foreign and the indigenous sphere76. In Manado, the vicinity of Fort Amsterdam represents the western influence, while many kampong outside the centre form the native quarter, made complete by the Chinese

neighbourhood with its Ban Han Kiong temple. A. King strengthens this duality in saying that a colonial settlement is per definition built to the specifications of the modern city and to the requirements of a colonial elite, while the indigenous city, in contrast, is characterised by shortage of these amenities. Yet, it is the symbolic meaning of these distinctions, which has the greatest effect. In the immediate postindependence years, newcomers to Manado reinforced the old structural pattern: low-income migrants tend to the indigenous city, while new elites flew into the colonial settlement77. Alongside the Sam Ratulangi street, settlements in the direction of the harbour are physically in better conditions than the ones southwards. This reflects how the social segregation is still palpable until today.

How to remain indigenous in the midst of foreign influences? How to become modern within the traditional order of the society? Different groups have struggled to introduce their own urban meaning to the Indonesian town78. Up to now, the new era of modernisation in Manado reached a climax with the extensive land reclamations in the beginning of the 1990s. To meet the important flows of traffic in the Sam Ratulangi street, a brand new boulevard is constructed parallel with it. Around boulevard Pierre Tendean an entertainment district has been created to give Manado the appearance of a fancy touristic location79. The already finished projects are tending to take over the businesses of the former main street and are bringing changes to the city’s orientation towards the sea. ‘Modernity’ and ‘international’ are both keywords for a sign of progress, leaving the past behind.

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I historical growth of Manado I

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Natural beauty Manado locates itself in the natural scenery of North Sulawesi, dominated by lakes, mountains and volcanoes. The city centre has ensconced itself strategically near the coastline, while overlooking the contours of the islands Bunaken and Manado Tua. Travelling inland from this flat area, the landscape soon becomes mountainous, and fairly close to Manado there are a number of steep volcanoes80. The city centre has filled a basin, as it were, and is now flooding towards the soft slopes of the interior. The further inland one goes, the less suitable the land is for building and construction works. Due to the steepness and type of soil, only sixty percent of the municipal territory on the mainland is appropriate for urban development81. This can be cited as one of the reasons why the government has opted in favour of land reclamation for the construction of a new commercial area. The idea of land reclamation was borrowed from Jakarta and Palembang where earlier similar projects were undertaken to enlarge the territory82. Besides, the Manado Boulevard Waterfront Project is comparable on a smaller scale with waterfront land reclamation in Manila and Singapore83. One may wonder, however,

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I natural scenery of Manado I

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why land reclamation seems to be so popular and common in these parts of the world. In Manado, the reclamation of the coastal area was considered to be a cheap solution to acquire centrally located land that is of considerable value for commercial development84. Without having to take the context into account, land with good accessibility and easiness to build upon arises, starting from scratch85. Another aspect that made the municipal government opting in favour of land reclamation was the avoidance of conflicts about property, which would increase construction costs and delay the realisation of the project86.

has a direct influence on the aquatic life near Bunaken. The diving island Bunaken is the regionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s principal tourist attraction. Although Manado itself may not be well known among tourists, they certainly find their way to its harbour from where many little boats leave to this sea garden87. Land reclamation, moreover, will alter the natural river system, and so that rivers may become silted up and cause large floods that inundate the reclaimed land and its immediate surroundings88. It should be recognised that the natural setting of Manado, while being powerful, is at the same time delicate and fragile.

An old man of a local kampong grasps the positive effects of land reclamation too: â&#x20AC;&#x153;In the past, a lot of houses in the kampong would have been destroyed after a fresh gale. Nowadays, when the weather is really bad, the Central Business District has a buffering capacity, and protects the kampong.â&#x20AC;? _man (61), inhabitant of a local kampong, Manado, 15.09.10 Building along the coastline, however, can cause important damage to the coastal environment, which

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I gradient of slope in Manado I

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Ethni-city Traditional community life in Manado dates back to its early age of civilisation. Before the town was established, the major native ethnics of Minahasa lived within small tribes settled in particular areas. They lived together bounded by blood relationship and were headed by a walak who acted as the manager of the group. These indigenous communities exerted an important influence with regards to land law and property right. In a wish to guarantee their position in the local trade, people in the hinterlands exercised their right to land property near the bay. Each communal group possessed a particular piece of land that belonged to the group as a whole. This traditional form of land law, the so-called kalakeran, caused the local authorities a lot of trouble since they had to contact the far away heads of the districts for everything related to land and its regulation. The communal settlements or kampong that originate from this principle are named after their kalakeran districts, like Kampong Tondano and Kampong Tomohon89.

In the meantime, ethnic Tolour, Tombulu and Borgo settled in the south of Fort Amsterdam, outside the city centre90. Later, by becoming the centre of colonial administration, Manado attracted more outsiders from its surrounding areas, such as Ternate and Gorontalo, to work and live in the city centre. The hinterlands knew a strong rural-to-urban migration resulting in a rated amount of sub-ethnic Minahasa kampong near the coast. The colonial authorities also brought people from other islands such as Java, Sumatra and Bugis to become workers on the coconut and coffee plantations. All this resulted in the emergence of a highly segregated social landscape in which different ethnic groups carry on their own social practices and economic activities91.

The establishment of trade cooperation by the Dutch brought along several foreigners from China, India and the Arabic world to invigorate the trading business in the area. In this context, Chinese quarters and Arab communities were built in the core of the city.

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I Ban Han Kiong temple; Arabic kampong I I kampong street; Chinese kampong 1910 I

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Notwithstanding an abundance of ethnics and sub-ethnics, heterogeneity is particularly a postindependence characteristic and even then not always pushes through. In the colonial era, the city was supposed to be the domain of the colonial culture and unity was ensured by external pressure92. The Dutch negated the internal ethnic diversity and unified the different Minahasa cultures under the label of the Alfur people93. Nevertheless, the Minahasans managed to preserve some fundamental characteristics of their traditional culture. The specific pattern of their old way of life, with its emphasis on individual achievement and competition in a framework of collective interest, can still be recognised today. This fact contributes decisively to the Minahasansâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; self-awareness as people with a strong ethnic identity94.

Confirming the difficulties of dealing with multiple identities in a modernising society with an upcoming nationalism, the spirit of co-existence is overwhelming. Ethnic diversity has always been a central element of the Indonesian identity. It is not opposed to the national culture, but it is part of it. The Sanskrit motto sounds almost like an incantation: bhinneka tunggal ika (unity in diversity)97.

After Independence, communal pride could give rise to a feeling of togetherness that seemed to guarantee a national future. But once the euphoria died down and economic and political problems had to be solved, the fragility of this enthusiasm suddenly became apparent95. On the other hand, the emergence of one Minahasa identity has been incorporated into decentralisation efforts. Minahasans begin to reassert themselves in an attempt to demand for more autonomy from Jakarta96. 42

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The city of harmony Walking through the streets of Manado, one can find the toko (small shop) of a Muslim family next-door to a Christian warung (small restaurant) that sells pork meat. Hallelujahs coming out of churches alternate with the public speakers of the mosques. Manado is a city of harmony. The mishmash of cultures and ethnics that has found its way to the mainland during time seems to co-exist in one way or another. Manado illustrates that living together, although vulnerable, is an established fact and not mere propaganda. Religion played an influential role in early colonisation when the Dutch undertook missionary activities to convert the population to Protestantism. They did it to such an extent that, in the nineteenth century, Minahasa was considered a westernised, Dutchoriented area in which the old ethnic religion seemed to have totally faded away98. In those days almost no trace of Islamic missionary activities could be found. There were only some small Muslim, Chinese and Arab communities within the vast majority of converted Christians. They lived a separate life in their own neighbourhoods, avoiding any activity that might provoke their Christian neighbours99. I Catholic and Protestant church side-by-side I

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Independence meant a fundamental change in the position of Islam in Indonesia in general, as well as in Manado in particular. From the religion of the underdog, it became the religion associated with the power of the state. North Sulawesi kept up its position as an almost exclusively Christian region, but here too a growing percentage of Muslims can be noticed. In 1930, Muslims already made up one-third of the Manadonese population. The civil war in 1958, however, once again brought home to the Muslims in Minahasa that they were a tiny minority among Christians. Many of the government troops who were sent to North Sulawesi were Javanese and of Islamic descent. For the Muslims in Minahasa this was not an easy time. Often, they were the target of the wrath of the population. Now formal order is restored, they continue to live as a minority within a Christian area; in itself a minority in a mainly Islamic country100. The Islamisation process of Manado has advanced throughout the years without any overt social problems101. Only in the beginning of the 1980s - after some violent conflicts between Muslims and Chinese it was to be expected that the continuous immigration of Muslims from other parts of Indonesia could lead to further tensions. In the largely Christian Manado

of the 1980s important administrative functions were filled by Muslim officials, generally from Java. This often generated a feeling locally that the area was being increasingly dominated by the centre and had to guard itself for an upcoming Islamic state of Indonesia102. Currently, Muslims and Christians in Manado each represent a share of roughly forty and sixty percent of the population103, given the fact that Protestants and Catholics are stated under the same umbrella and Hinduism and Buddhism are small minorities. Nowadays, religions go hand in hand and have an appreciable effect on everyday life104. An obvious number of churches, mosques and Chinese temples is dispersed over the city and exemplifies its vitality. The Protestant church in particular, plays major roles in the social and economic life of Minahasa. It is so important in the provision of education, health and welfare services that its administrative structure almost parallels that of the provincial government105. Notwithstanding this positive and harmonious image, several Christians view with anxious eyes the further process of change.

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I number of religious institutions in Manado I

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Manado keeps going Manado can be seen as a city of motions. Its network of diverse and hierarchical roads characterises the sense of flow in the city. From the rural tracks that penetrate courageously the capricious landscape, the bumpy kampong streets where village life assembles, the wider residential lanes lined with trees, until the peak is reached at the city centre near the coast where busy commercial roads are lined with three-storey buildings. All roads lead to.. Manado. As the nerve centre of administrative, commercial and public activities, Manado needs a vast network of roads in order to maintain the connection with adjacent districts. The so-called Zero Point of this network is situated in the flat coastal area near the old city centre. From this complex web of roads, six fine wires leave for a lonely curling towards destinations as Bitung, Tomohon and Amurang. Recently, a ring road has been built in order to divert traffic away from the city centre. It is expected to connect new growth centres that will be developed in the suburbs106. In this way, the Sam Ratulangi airport can be reached in only thirty minutes. Manado is also accessible from the seafront, but in terms of depth and good protection from turbulent weather, the harbour of Bitung obviously has an

advantage. Sea transport plays an important role in northern Sulawesi, especially in commodity trading, and Bitung saw its chance to grow in significance as the main international harbour107. The city centre itself is increasingly weighed down by a continuous influx of inhabitants and an expansion in urban activities. The road system is no longer able to handle the rapid growth in traffic. Earlier, traffic congestion had been somewhat reduced by boulevard Pierre Tendean108. This road, finished in 1993, runs along the coastline on land reclamation area and turned instantly into an important circulation vein for the city. Connecting the Sam Ratulangi street, which was the main circulation road for years, with the new parallel boulevard, a circulation loop through the shopping district has been effected. In this way, the previously mentioned Zero Point functions as a starting point for both the regional and the local transport network. The recently constructed boulevard is in line with the realisation of a Trans Sulawesi highway running along the coastline of the isle. With the intention of continuing this road northwards, the Soekarno bridge is being built now and will switch over to boulevard II on the other side of the Tondano river109.

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I network of roads in Manado I

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With the completion of the Sam Ratulangi airport, the improved facilities in the port of Bitung and the development of the Trans Sulawesi highway, North Sulawesi - and Manado as its provincial capital - have the potential to become a gateway to the outside world. Indeed, Manado is closer to Manila than it is to Jakarta, and closer to Davao than it is to Makassar, the main metropolis of Eastern Indonesia110. The proximity of Manado to East Asian cities offers it a strategic gateway advantage, though this has yet to be effectively exploited111.

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In the margin

I traffic jam in boulevard Pierre Tendean I

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In contrast with the past where customers used to visit their local village or small-town market, there is an overwhelming demand for covering larger distances. Better roads and cheap public transportation in the form of angkot and taxi have considerably improved accessibility to the city centre. Angkot are shared, light-blue painted minivans, meant for ten but capable of accommodating many more passengers. They are able to reach all corners of the town by following fixed trajectories. The trajectories and their terminals symbolise the choices of movement routes and nodal points of the inhabitants. Bus stations thus become one of the most active hubs of the city112. Currently, Manadoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s four terminals are located in Malalayang, Wanea, Tikala and Tuminting113. Bustling with formal and informal markets, these multifunctional nodes are important collection points of revenues from the stopping-over traffic. Besides the official terminals, the surroundings of many squares and public centres function as a concentration area of city transport. It is not hard to find a taxi driver on a public plaza under a shade tree, nor to catch a light-blue minivan when coming out of a shop. Although more and more inhabitants have their own motorcycle or car, the typical blue mini-cabs are still very dominant in the street scene.

Commerce In the early times, Manado was a fishing community and also a market place where products from the hills were collected for export114. Agriculture was the foundation of the economy. Besides a few factories in the city itself and a small part of the population working in community and social and personal service sectors, rural and urban populations were heavily dependent on agricultural products. Copra in the northern part of Minahasa and cloves in the mountainous areas were the main key export products115. Agriculture, however, was unlikely to be the main engine of growth in the future116. There might be a crisis due to the harvest characteristics or when people had to make urgent expenses required for occasions such as a funeral. Money shortages, therefore, had to be met by selling and trading the surplus, or by a number of other activities through which a person could supplement his income. In the face of competing interests and the inability of the formal establishment, many informal mechanisms found their way to the city. These mechanisms have evolved into complimentary and even dominant ways of operating in many sectors of the urban functioning, such as public transport, distribution and security. After all, it is widely accepted that the informal sector of third world economies can provide an important source of job opportunities117. 50

Anybody in need of cash - without any restriction of age, education, or even experience â&#x20AC;&#x201C; may seek employment in the pasar. Traditional markets function on the basis of reciprocal responsibility and mutual trust between traders and buyers. Furthermore, it is regarded as a place where traders can gain experience and even the money needed to establish their own business outside, such as a toko118. The chains and nodes of informal markets in the city not only add livelihood but also liveliness. Their locations reveal the strategic points for commerce and interaction, at nodes that are multifunctional and accessible. Trading activities created (and they still do) opportunities for the hinterlands to meet people from the centre and vice versa. Moreover, Manado experienced an economic integration into the global system in the colonial period, markedly in the nineteenth century, when there was a large influx of Chinese, Indians and Arabs. The Chinese assumed a major role in the trading systems and acted as mediators for foreign agency houses119. Today, many trade patterns in the region have changed. Capitalisation and the logic of trade profit have created a situation where the small entrepreneur is faced with fierce competition from the stores and supermarkets. MANADO

Here, a wider variety of consumer goods and a higher level of comfort are the main trumps. This implies that rural areas and small towns will become increasingly dependent on services and goods provided by external agents located in the city centre of Manado. Since most customers from the villages and smallest towns - because of better roads and transportation facilities tend to visit larger market places more often than before, job opportunities for small-town market traders declined heavily120. The current invasion of shopping malls to the coastline has only incited this process. In recent years, an important focus lies on the promotion of tourism of which the municipal government expects that it will automatically activate other sectors as well121. In this context, the range of fancy shopping malls and trendy fast food restaurants along the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main road already attracted many customers, not only from its direct surroundings but also from adjacent regions and countries.

I customers of pasar Bersehati I

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A common shared space Above all, the city of Manado is a public domain, a common shared space, a place where social life is concentrated. The numerous warung, rumah kopi (coffee houses) and karaoke bars exemplify its public realm, as well as schools, research centres and universities that strengthen Manadoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s role as a public space of convergence. Market places, sports facilities and open public squares can be added, all fulfilling the same function: creating a place for public needs. Defining the public sphere as the entire range of places, people and activities that constitute the public dimension of human social life, consideration has to be given to the way in which it touches on almost every aspect of life122. Applied to Manado, the vast scope of the term may be seen as a reason for the limited amount (and use) of open public squares in the city. At first, public life has a strong religious and social notion. Open squares, therefore, can be seen as compensated by the courtyard of a mosque or a church123. Further, as marketplaces are pre-eminently places of exchange, commercial activities are playing an important role in the social life of the inhabitants. Public life, moreover, does not always have to be associated with a fixed place. Activities often occur quickly and

spontaneously, as in placing a music installation in a parked angkot and creating a karaoke festivity. Finally, kampong are breeding grounds for social interaction where both the front yard of one familyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s house and the common street often serve as gathering places for occasional activities. The Boulevard Waterfront Project forms a stimulating replenishment of the above mentioned multiform urban tissue. It produces a widening of the spectrum of communality in the city. Brand new shopping malls reinvent a viable social centre and offer the Manadonese a chance to meet and mingle, which they are more than willingly to accept. And so does the boulevard itself. While by day, the road is characterised by busy one-way traffic trudging along the corridor, by night it is crowded with people in search for some food and entertainment126.

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I liveliness in the old city centre I

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In the margin Rumah kopi is a well-known phenomenon in Manado, where coffee drinking becomes a lifestyle rather than a hobby. The coffee house is typically occupied by men for meeting and interacting. The most prominent ones are situated in Jalan Roda at the old city centre, a roofed street used for political goals. Underneath a series of billboards, many play chess while being involved in one discussion after another. Other rumah kopi are more used for dealing and bargaining, but the aspect of fierce conversations and tense topics is what they all have in common.

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I rumah kopi Billy Samrat I

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BOULEVARD WATERFRONT PROJECT

Morphological analysis

I Manado Boulevard Waterfront Project I

MORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

I Manado I

MORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

The urban tissue through time PHASE 0. Before the 1990s, the potentials of Manado beach were not fully exploited. The area was occupied by low-rise kampong of local fishermen, who did not have legal status on their land127. Due to unattended garbage and poor sanitary conditions, it had a negative connotation. Though, many Manadonese used the area to relax, paddle, catch fish, eat a snack from a traditional gerobak (a small wheeled vehicle on which merchandise is displayed), or enjoy the sunset in the late afternoon128. The city itself has grown historically from the old colonial centre at the mouth of the Tondano river and spread out along Sam Ratulangi street parallel to the coastline. For a long time, Sam Ratulangi street was seen as the main road leading to and from the old centre and it became the first core of activities129. Because of a lack of any similar roads, however, traffic congestions were daily scenes130.

I schematic representation of phase 0* I