Transformation of public space. A casestudy on the Manado Boulevard Waterfront Project (Indonesia).

Transformation of public space.

A case study on the Manado Boulevard Waterfront Project (Indonesia).

Lore Desmet Lore Verrecht Thesis voorgedragen tot het behalen van de graad van Master in de ingenieurswetenschappen: architectuur Promotor: Prof. Dr. Ir. B. De Meulder Assessoren: Prof. Dr. Ir. V. Kumurur Prof. Dr. Ir. J. Schreurs Begeleider: C. Susilo

Academiejaar 2010 – 2011

© Copyright K.U.Leuven

Without written permission of the promotors and the authors it is forbidden to reproduce or adapt in any form or by any means any part of this publication. Requests for obtaining the right to reproduce or utilize parts of this publication should be addressed to dept. ASRO, Kasteelpark Arenberg 1/2431, B-3001 Heverlee, +32-16-321361 of via e-mail secretariaat@asro.kuleuven.be.

A written permission of the promotor is also required to use the methods, products, schematics and programs described in this work for industrial or commercial use, and for submitting this publication in scientific contests.

Zonder voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van zowel de promotor(en) als de auteur(s) is overnemen, kopiëren, gebruiken of realiseren van deze uitgave of gedeelten ervan verboden. Voor aanvragen tot of informatie i.v.m. het overnemen en/of gebruik en/of realisatie van gedeelten uit deze publicatie, wend u tot dept. ASRO, Kasteelpark Arenberg 1/2431, B-3001 Heverlee, +32-16-321361 of via e-mail secretariaat@ asro.kuleuven.be.

Voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van de promotor(en) is eveneens vereist voor het aanwenden van de in deze masterproef beschreven (originele) methoden, producten, schakelingen en programma’s voor industrieel of commercieel nut en voor de inzending van deze publicatie ter deelname aan wetenschappelijke prijzen of wedstrijden.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It is our pleasure to thank those who made the outcome of this thesis possible. Our promotor, Prof. Dr. Ir. Bruno de Meulder, whose expertise enabled us to develop a profound understanding of the subject. Cynthia Susilo, for her highly appreciated guidance during the field trip and constant critical reflection on our work in progress. Prof. Dr. Ir. Veronika Kumurur from the university of Sam Ratulangi, who helped us gather the necessary data and information needed for this compilation. Family Lumowa and friends, family Lomban and the rest of our host family for their warm welcome and loving care, as well as the essential moments of relaxation during our stay in Manado. Prof. Alvin Tinangon and Prof. Octavianus Rogi from the university of Sam Ratulangi, for the innovatory discussions and instructive guide tours through the city. Developers and investors related to the project: Mr. Lopulalang, Mr. Boyke, Mr. Kuncoro, Mr. Irawan, Mr. Janto and Mrs. Tungka for sharing their knowledge and providing interesting data. The people who helped to bridge the language barriers during our fieldwork: Jean Pantouw, Helsi Micah, Stanley Kiraling and AndrĂŠ.

Mr. Walandouw from the local authority, whose assistance provided a better insight in the administrative background of the project. All the inhabitants of Manado who crossed our way and were more than willing to do their bit by sharing experiences. Our translators Mariska Januar, Darma Setiawan, Puji Kristina, Aki Baihaki and Henrico Hermawan. Bart Verrecht for his assistance with regards to the final text of our thesis. And last but not least, our parents, family and friends who supported us in any respect during the past five years.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

5

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TERMINOLOGY

8

PROBLEM STATEMENT

12

BROADER CONTEXT

15

MANADO

23

BOULEVARD WATERFRONT PROJECT

57

Morphological analysis

58

Socio-cultural perspective

118

Comparative study of public life in the project and in other (former) commercial centres

120

Comparative study of public life in the project and in (former) non-commercial open places

156

Comparative study of public life in the project and in (former) kampong

212

REVIEW

231

A clash between Jakarta and Tomohon – A feeling of larger experiences to small-town life

232

Transformation of public space – Shopping itself as the source of change in society

236

BIBLIOGRAPHY

240

REREFENCES

244

FIGURE LIST

254

APPENDIX

259

TABLE OF CONTENTS

7

TERMINOLOGY

angkot Angkot are shared taxis for about ten passengers.

Following fixed trajectories, they are able to reach all corners of the city. displacement Adopting H. Heynen and A. Loeckx’s term displacement, described in its most basic form “as a situation where a new or alien element is introduced into a more or less stable context”. For example, it can be used to indicate a situation of unbalance and confusion caused by rapid urbanisation or by socioeconomic mutations such as globalisation1. former The term former will be used with reference to a period before the establishment of the Boulevard Waterfront Project. gerobak A gerobak is a small wheeled vehicle, typically pushed by hand, on which merchandise is displayed.

8

hutan kota One talks about hutan kota (city forest) when it comes to a cluster of trees with a minimum area of a quarter of a hectare, forming a natural habitat for animals and creating a healthy, comfortable and aesthetic environment2. indigenous Indigenous means belonging to a certain place.

The term may refer to the original people born in a place or region, but it is also used to describe the descendants of the earliest inhabitants of other regions. kabupaten Kabupaten (regency) is a regional administrative level within the governance structure of Indonesia. It is situated between propinsi (province) and kecamatan (district). Kabupaten may also be regarded as the rural counterpart of the Indonesian city.

TERMINOLOGY

kampong The term kampong refers to a small settlement made up of a labyrinth of pathways and alleys, seemingly without a predefined plan. The streets are surrounded by a hotchpotch of constructions with a pluriform nature. Kampong are marked by a striking solidarity among the members and will further be used in contexts of community life. kecamatan Kecamatan (district) is the administrative level within the governance structure of the country. It is situated within kabupaten (regency), which in turn is part of propinsi (province).

Minahasa Minahasa is an almost entirely Christian ethnic group located in the province of North Sulawesi. The term may refer to both the community and its region.

According to the latter, kabupaten Minahasa and Minahasa Selatan will further be stated under the same umbrella of Minahasa.

TERMINOLOGY

modern Modernity is used in reference to a condition of living imposed upon individuals by the socioeconomic process of modernisation. The experience of modernity involves a rupture with tradition and has a profound impact on ways of life and daily habits3. In the context of our thesis, the term modern is principally related to the social and physical appearance of popular Asian cities like Jakarta. open public place The term open public place will be used speaking about the outdoor public squares or plazas in Manado. pasar Pasar is a traditional marketplace in the city. It refers to a rough wooden, temporary structure where sellers have their particular spot for displaying goods.

The items sold in the different pasar are basically the same - fruit, vegetables, meat and fish, spices, dry goods and household items.

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public Urban public space can be defined as all the physical space and social relations that determine the use of that space within the non-private realm of cities4.

This is, in turn, part of the public sphere: the entire range of places, people and activities that constitute the public dimension of human social life5. We further make the distinction between public space as a space that is freely accessible for everyone and public domain where an exchange between different social groups is possible and also actually occurs6. ruko A ru-ko is a combination of a to-ko (shop) on the ground floor with several ru-mah (houses) on the higher levels.

traditional The term traditional will be used to refer to the social, cultural and economic organisation in old Manado. warung Warung are small semi-permanent restaurants, which are easily found along the streets of Manado.

Regardless the ones that occupy a permanent spot in the city, warung tend to sprout up in the late afternoon and evening on sidewalks, in parking lots and in open spaces. It then consists of a simple tent structure tied to poles or a nearby fence, and can quickly be set up with wooden tables and benches.

rumah kopi Rumah kopi (coffee house) is a well-known phenomenon throughout Manado. Here, coffee drinking becomes a lifestyle, rather than a hobby.

Rumah kopi are typically occupied by men for meeting and relaxing. toko Toko can be literally translated as small shop.

10

TERMINOLOGY

TERMINOLOGY

11

PROBLEM STATEMENT

Globalisation, population growth and a strong rural-to-urban migration are elementary factors that post-independent Indonesia has to deal with while striving for urban development. Due to an increased centralisation and a Javanese dominance over the rest of the archipelago, there is the thought of building a bridge between Java and its periphery in order to counteract the urban disparity between Indonesian cities and achieve a more proportionate urban development7. Recently, an updated program of decentralisation has the ability to focus on the promotion of urban development at a local level8. This has brought a new enthusiasm among developers who suddenly receive a large piece of the resource pie on their own plate. Many investors see their chance for starting-up local large-scale projects and as a result, the archipelago is characterised by a flourishing urbanisation9. Important lessons from this instant urbanisation can be drawn, bringing on conditions of otherness and often largely impacting local people.

These lessons - whether critics or encouragements can guide future governmental policies and planning.

This thesis focuses on North Sulawesi, one of the six provinces of the Sulawesi island and situated more than two thousand kilometres from Indonesia’s

12

central political and economic basis, northeast Java.

The distance and isolation that made the region politically unimportant in the past, are losing their power to restrict its development as its potential is increasingly appreciated by the central government in Jakarta10. In 1996, the corridor Manado-Bitung met the preconceived requirements of a key locus for developmental activities in Eastern Indonesia and the region was selected as one of Indonesia’s thirteen integrated economic development zones or kapet. By investing in large-scale infrastructure projects, ManadoBitung is expected to boost the economic growth in its entire region and become a gateway to the Pacific Region11.

In this context, the Boulevard Waterfront Project has been set up as a centre of commercial and business activities on six lobs of land reclamation adjoining the coastline of Manado. The range of fancy shopping malls and trendy fast food restaurants already attracted many customers and here and there, the brand new business district is already cited as “the most crowded area in North Sulawesi today”12. Presenting a shrill contrast to the rural scenery of its hinterland, the project is a blunt manifestation of globalisation and modernisation for a city deeply rooted within its own traditions. By its

PROBLEM STATEMENT

modern appearance and its fresh and diversified offer of activities, it challenges the traditional way of being in public. A profound study of the Manadonese and their public comings and goings is needed in order to grasp the notion of ‘modern’, ‘traditional’ and ‘public’ in this particular context.

Adopting H. Heynen and A. Loeckx’s term ‘displacement’, described in its most basic form as “a situation where a new or alien element is introduced into a more or less stable context”13, we indicate the situation of unbalance and confusion caused by a rapid urbanisation and a socio-economic mutation of globalisation in Manado. In the margins of the new urbanity, former conditions are displaced and in-between-behaviour is intending to negotiate between the old way of living and the new pattern of behaviour14. An intriguing dialectic process is induced in which public experiences of modernity remain diverse, shaped by regional and local dynamics as much as by postcolonial or global processes15.

changing elements of the physical layout and giving a voice to the local inhabitants as well as to important political figures, a report of the changing processes in Manado will be provided, both spatially and socially.

Besides, an intensive literature study will compose a framework for an accurate observation study of the Boulevard Waterfront Project and its surroundings. At last, questionnaires are spread among the population and will further debate the argument that the project has introduced new (modern) public space in the city.

The case of Manado provides significant insights on the mutual adaptation of a modern project and its existing environment and on how both concepts influence each other reciprocally. This thesis highlights a transforming city, due to its recent developments but also due to its inhabitants, who are creatively appropriating their physical, social and economic environment in a rapidly changing and modernising society.

From both morphological and socio-cultural perspectives, this thesis verifies how conditions of displacements reveal the social and cultural impact of architecture. By mapping and graphically representing

PROBLEM STATEMENT

13

BROADER CONTEXT

The world is becoming more urban and city economies are becoming more globally connected16. Observers of globalisation in Southeast Asia are equally convinced that it is leading to an increased centralisation within its urban systems. Mega-urban regions are established that reinforce the dominance of the main cities of the colonial era17. At this point in time, problems of urban government in Indonesia are in the spotlight as settlement patterns change rapidly.

Indonesia is basically a rural country, but has a few large metropolitan centres with more than one million inhabitants18. Economic development and urbanisation are mainly concentrated on Java. This produces huge variations in population density between Inner (JavaMadura-Bali) and Outer (other islands) Indonesia.

Rather than by natural population growth, urbanisation is caused by rural-to-urban migration. Also, circular migration - a survival strategy of rural-based families and long-distance daily commuting to the cities, must be taken into account19. In addition, across the country, numerous medium-size and smaller urban centres, such as provincial capital cities and regency towns, increasingly attract newcomers from their nearby rural hinterland20. There is a continued growth in traditional coastal trade centres whereas inland agrarian cities and towns tend to stagnate21.

16

Of late, the creation of secondary cities has been promoted to alleviate the overburdened urban cores and to achieve a more proportionate urban development. Secondary cities can be a catalyst for rural development and can help to solve the problems of urban concentration22. They possess a middle function between the capital Jakarta and the smaller regional settlements in economic, social, governmental and generally modernising respects23. Many of them play a relative weak role in national development.

A common reason is that these cities receive a disproportionately low share of national investments compared to the largest cities24. To cite an example, in the 1970s, almost sixty percent of foreign investment and twenty-six percent of private investment was made in Jakarta, although it contains only four percent of the nation’s population25.

The foundations of decentralisation trace back to the latter years of Dutch colonial rule. Those early decentralisation measures recognized that the central leadership must delegate a certain amount of government responsibilities to sub-national levels26. A substantial administrative decentralisation in Indonesia can have the ability to focus on the promotion of urban development at a local level27. This includes the promotion of attractive tourist environments28, since urban marketing requires a certain civic imagery. Like BROADER CONTEXT

I cores of urbanisation in Indonesia I

BROADER CONTEXT

17

corporations without logos, cities without icons are not in the market29. Lately, public-private partnerships have been encouraged for urban development30. Their role has increased with the investment for several business activities, including retail business by building shopping malls spread across the country31.

At least, there is something contradictory about it. The Republic of Indonesia is a unitary state and emerges as a highly centrally governed nation. At the same time, the Indonesian territory covers over 13 000 islands. The islands accommodate an enormous variety of people, cultures and languages, and thus represent the regional diversity in the Indonesian archipelago. At the time of the proclamation of Independence on 17 August 1945, the archipelago was merely bound together by the circumstance that all of the islands were governed by one colonial power, being the Dutch32.

In addition to the interregional differences mentioned above, the young republic faced wide gaps between groups in society, especially in terms of education and socio-economic position. On the one hand, there was a small elite formed by the indigenous aristocracy and ethnic Chinese living in the larger urban centres. On the other hand, an overwhelming majority of poor and uneducated citizens lived in the countryside. Ever since Independence, the preservation of national unity has 18

been at the top of the political agenda, hand in hand with economic development. A remarkable success has been the nationwide adoption of a single national language, bahasa Indonesia, which facilitates interregional communication to a considerable degree33.

Under the banner of bhinneka tunggal ika (unity in diversity), the idea of a unitary state is considered to be generally supported nowadays. Apart from a consensus concerning the basic frame of the nation, however, the elaboration of the relationship between the centre and the regions has remained subject to much debate. This is, among other things, exemplified by the circumstance that since 1945 no less than six laws on the issue have been enacted34. Given the fact that by 1955, Java was contributing only twelve percent to Indonesia’s total exports, while eighty percent of the nation’s foreign earnings were being spent on developments projects on the island, a disgruntlement is easy to understand35.

The dissatisfaction of the regions concerning their treatment by the centre exploded at certain points in Indonesia’s postcolonial history in violent regional unrest that posed serious threats to the continuation of national unity. This only adds to the significance of the organisation of decent central-regional relations36.

North Sulawesi, situated on the periphery of the Indonesian archipelago, is very touchy on that point.

BROADER CONTEXT

In the past, neither the land area nor the population (both below one and a half percent of Indonesia’s total) were large enough to be of great political importance37.

Living under the colonial rule of the Dutch, the region’s main ethnicity Minahasa has long been deemed as a fully westernised society that has been stripped of most of its traditional heritage. After Independence, the positions of Minahasa as Christians changed as they would no longer be associated with the powerful Dutch colonialists. Feeling threatened by an increasingly Islamic Jakarta, Minahasa resented its position as a backwater that is often ignored by the central government38.

At first, most Minahasans rejected the more popular unitary state and embraced federalism, specifically the autonomy of each ethnic group or region. Soon, however, many accepted that whatever their political future would be, it would be part of the future of Indonesia as a whole. Nevertheless, regional patriotism persisted39. In Permesta, one of the rebellions against central authority in the early years after 1949, dissatisfaction over the relationship with the central government, established in Jakarta, had been growing40. Although the Permesta phenomenon is often remembered as one of the most serious threats to have ever tested the unity of Indonesia as a nation, it began as a call for the implementation BROADER CONTEXT

of decentralisation legislature that had already been approved by the Indonesian government. According to K. Brown, Permesta should be ultimately understood as a struggle over economic and development resources between the centre and the periphery, rather than an independence movement41.

In 1996, President Soeharto called for the establishment of thirteen integrated economic development zones or kapet throughout Indonesia. The corridor from Manado to Bitung in North Sulawesi was one of them. Thanks to its international airport (Sam Ratulangi airport) and port (Bitung port), the high population density, the absence of ethnic and religious conflicts and the declaration of Manado as a provincial capital, it was seen as a key locus for development activities in Eastern Indonesia.

The establishment of a kapet is based on the idea that peripheral areas with good growth potential can have their growth accelerated by improved infrastructure, provision of market access and introduction of incentive policies to bolster investment and trade42.

Another regional program with a capacity to influence the development of North Sulawesi is the BIMPEAGA. This is a regional economic cooperation scheme involving Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines (BIMP) in the East Asean Growth Area (EAGA). The program does not appear to have greatly 19

I corridor Manado - Bitung I

I thirteen integrated economic development zones (kapet) in Indonesia I

20

BROADER CONTEXT

affected developments in northern Sulawesi, though it has linked the region a little more closely to nearby Mindanao in the Philippines and Sabah in Malaysia43.

In an interesting twist on the standard centre-periphery relations between Jakarta and Manado, there exists somewhat of a strain between Minahasa and the other regencies of the province as well. These regional economic and political discrepancies that currently exist within North Sulawesi have led several of the regencies to consider obtaining provincial status for their respective areas, for instance Gorontalo44.

The separation of North Sulawesi and Gorontalo into two provinces in 2001 complicated the issue of making regional autonomy work for northern Sulawesi. Economic and social conditions, however, vary considerably within the two provinces. Minahasa, including the cities of Manado and Bitung, is the wealthiest region, it has good levels of education and health and leads on virtually every socio-economic indicator. With the selection as one of Indonesia’s thirteen kapet and given the new potential role of North Sulawesi province as a ‘gateway’ to Northeast Asia, the longer-term prospects of this province are brighter than those of Gorontalo45.

As ‘globalisation’ has been countered with the equally pervasive phenomenon of ‘localisation’, BROADER CONTEXT

sub-national groups based on ethnicity have gained political importance46. Simultaneously with a rising Indonesian nationalism, attempts are undertaken to solidify the Minahasa identity47. Only recently, in the summer of 2001, there was a time of political uncertainty in Minahasa, according to its commitment to the nation of Indonesia. Several people spoke persuasively of breaking Minahasa from Indonesia in order to become an independent nation. The fountainheads of most of the current socio-political debate are the so-called regional autonomy laws that were formally implemented by Gus Dur, the fourth president of Indonesia, in January 2001. As quickly as they were implemented, additional problems began to emerge. Across the country, local governments where overwhelmed with new responsibilities but often lack the revenues or expertise to meet popular expectations48.

Whichever avenue is to be followed, the overall impression is that a decentralisation programme is suitable for Indonesia, with its long inter-island distances, rich cultural heterogeneity and widely divergent socio-economic conditions49. But even with the best of intentions, and supported by the best of regulations, it should be recognised that the necessary changes in attitudes and moral standards will take a long time50.

21

MANADO

Manado, North Sulawesi, Indonesia, South-East Asia 2173 kilometres North-East of Jakarta Geographical location: 1°30’N 124°51’E Second largest city of Sulawesi after Makassar Area: 157,26 km² in 200751 Population: 422 653 in 200752

I northern Sulawesi I

24

MANADO

I Manado I

MANADO

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History Long ago, the population of the small island of Manado Tua, which is located in the bay of Manado, saw themselves forced to move. Bothered by warfare, lack of drinking water and the nuisance caused by donkeys, they fled the island and settled on the coast53. Manado came into being at the mouth of the Tondano river along the shore of Manado bay. In those days, the place already fulfilled a central role as being a market place where people from the hills came to trade their products54.

Yet today, this little settlement has grown into the second largest city of the Sulawesi island with a population of almost 500 000 people. It is situated 2173 kilometres North-East of Jakarta, at the heart of kabupaten (regency) Minahasa in North Sulawesi.

Its surface area amounts more or less 160 squared kilometres55.

26

I Manado bay in the 18th century I

MANADO

The presence of natural resources made Manado a strategic place for European traders. The Spanish and the Portuguese were the first ones to arrive but their influence was limited. The Dutch on the other hand put their stamp firmly upon the Manadonese culture56. In 1658, the Dutch East India Company set up Fort Amsterdam57. The market and the fort gradually became the focus of urban settlement58.

By the early seventeenth century, the Dutch came to terms with the local chiefs to throw out the other European competitors. This agreement with the Minahasa rulers led to a Dutch domination for the next three hundred years. Their influence flourished as the local population embraced the European goods, the western education and the Christian religion. The loyalty to the Dutch as soldiers during the Java War of 1825-1830, together with the Christian religion and

MANADO

I Fort Amsterdam 1924 I I Manado port 1925 I I Fort Amsterdam 1926 I

27

the geographic isolation from the rest of Indonesia, however, made the Minahasa population a kind of misfit among the other ethnic groups of the archipelago59.

During the colonial period, Manado quickly acquired a key role as the commercial centre of the region. It was therefore rather obvious that the city would act as the headquarter of the colonial administration. In the meantime, the Dutch further organised its physical structure with a grid-iron street system60. Soon, housing complexes started to grow in different regions around the city centre61.

in the north and south of the fort. In the east, a small hill was located. The Chinese and Arabic ward were situated north of that hill. Together with the European settlements, the previously mentioned ethnics formed the nucleus of the colonial town, while the indigenous Minahasa kampong were located outside this core. On the other side of the river, the village of the Bantik was situated. As they were often seen as heathens, they needed to be isolated from the rest of the inhabitants62.

In the 1850s, Manado was already divided into wards.

The fort was located west of the roads with the residency office, the barracks, the market and the wooden coffee storehouses. The ethnic Tolour, Tombulu and Borgo (European mixed with local people) settled

28

MANADO

I colonial centre 1922 I

MANADO

29

I city hall Manado 1929 I

I map of Minahasa 1853 I

30

I Kampong Cina 1900 I

MANADO

In 1916, Hamerster portrayed the city of Manado as “the gate to Minahasa. One only stayed there for a short while before proceeding into the interior�. In his further description, he illustrated the flourishing growth of the city by mentioning the large and airy wooden houses of the Europeans, the residency office, the central prison, the post office, the convent and church and several wards, such as Kampong Cina (Chinatown) and Kampong Kodok63.

MANADO

31

The Japanese occupation of 1942-1945 announced a period of deprivation. At that time, Mapanget’s military airport was established, now better known as Sam Ratulangi airport. Besides this construction, there was no significant physical development in Manado.

Japanese invaders used the previous physical facilities built for the Dutch colonial administration64. In 1945, the Allied Forces bombed Manado heavily. The fort was completely demolished and a new commercial centre, Pasar 45, took its place65.

Since Independence in 1945, Manado has strengthened its function of regional magnet. The colonial settlement became the core of the expanding city, which was also elevated to the status of provincial capital. As more public and commercial facilities were introduced, the Sam Ratulangi street, running southward from the colonial city centre, took over the leading role as the

32

centre of activities. In this way, the colonial implant was gradually annexed and transformed, and the city outgrew the original grid.

The first twenty years of Indonesian Independence can justifiably be characterised as turbulent, insecure, and unstable. In fact, 17 August 1945 marked the beginning of the Indonesian revolution, for the Dutch pushed hard to regain control of the Indonesian archipelago66.

They succeeded re-establishing their rule in several regions, notably in the eastern part of Indonesia where Minahasa was ultimately nicknamed as the ‘twelfth province of the Netherlands’67. Not until 27 December 1949, after a series of lengthy negotiations and violent clashes, did the Dutch transfer sovereignty over the country to the Indonesians68.

MANADO

Giving rise to the vexed question of regional autonomy, the city of Manado was soon up against a fresh load of conflicts. In 1958, the headquarters of the rebel movement Permesta moved to the city. When Permesta confronted the central government with demands for political, economic and regional reform, Jakarta responded by bombing the city in February 1958, and invading in June 195869. This was the beginning of months of fierce fighting and the start of a guerrilla war that would last until well into 196170. Many people from the highlands of Minahasa and other parts of Sulawesi chose Manado as their refuge destination during the civil war and once it was finished, most of them decided to settle down in the city71.

After the Permesta rebellion and G30S/PKI rebellion in 1961-1966, the government focused on the revitalising of Manado and the strengthening of its status as an

MANADO

autonomous and capital city of North Sulawesi72.

Being the central administration for three kabupaten, several administration complexes were built along Sam Ratulangi street, including the local parliamentary offices73. In order to meet a sudden population growth, furthermore, the periphery was developed with better infrastructure and Bitung came to the front as a satellite city. The commercial port moved there, as well as some residents74.

Just like in many other urban centres of postcolonial states, the apparatus of the colonial city is not easily dismantled75. According to P. Nas, there is a fundamental distinction in colonial cities between the foreign and the indigenous sphere76. In Manado, the vicinity of Fort Amsterdam represents the western influence, while many kampong outside the centre form the native quarter, made complete by the Chinese

33

neighbourhood with its Ban Han Kiong temple.

A. King strengthens this duality in saying that a colonial settlement is per definition built to the specifications of the modern city and to the requirements of a colonial elite, while the indigenous city, in contrast, is characterised by shortage of these amenities.

Yet, it is the symbolic meaning of these distinctions, which has the greatest effect. In the immediate postindependence years, newcomers to Manado reinforced the old structural pattern: low-income migrants tend to the indigenous city, while new elites flew into the colonial settlement77. Alongside the Sam Ratulangi street, settlements in the direction of the harbour are physically in better conditions than the ones southwards. This reflects how the social segregation is still palpable until today.

34

How to remain indigenous in the midst of foreign influences? How to become modern within the traditional order of the society? Different groups have struggled to introduce their own urban meaning to the Indonesian town78. Up to now, the new era of modernisation in Manado reached a climax with the extensive land reclamations in the beginning of the 1990s. To meet the important flows of traffic in the Sam Ratulangi street, a brand new boulevard is constructed parallel with it. Around boulevard Pierre Tendean an entertainment district has been created to give Manado the appearance of a fancy touristic location79. The already finished projects are tending to take over the businesses of the former main street and are bringing changes to the city’s orientation towards the sea.

‘Modernity’ and ‘international’ are both keywords for a sign of progress, leaving the past behind.

MANADO

I historical growth of Manado I

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35

Natural beauty Manado locates itself in the natural scenery of North Sulawesi, dominated by lakes, mountains and volcanoes. The city centre has ensconced itself strategically near the coastline, while overlooking the contours of the islands Bunaken and Manado Tua. Travelling inland from this flat area, the landscape soon becomes mountainous, and fairly close to Manado there are a number of steep volcanoes80. The city centre has filled a basin, as it were, and is now flooding towards the soft slopes of the interior.

The further inland one goes, the less suitable the land is for building and construction works. Due to the steepness and type of soil, only sixty percent of the municipal territory on the mainland is appropriate for urban development81. This can be cited as one of the reasons why the government has opted in favour of land reclamation for the construction of a new commercial area.

The idea of land reclamation was borrowed from Jakarta and Palembang where earlier similar projects were undertaken to enlarge the territory82. Besides, the Manado Boulevard Waterfront Project is comparable on a smaller scale with waterfront land reclamation in Manila and Singapore83. One may wonder, however,

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MANADO

I natural scenery of Manado I

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37

why land reclamation seems to be so popular and common in these parts of the world.

In Manado, the reclamation of the coastal area was considered to be a cheap solution to acquire centrally located land that is of considerable value for commercial development84. Without having to take the context into account, land with good accessibility and easiness to build upon arises, starting from scratch85.

Another aspect that made the municipal government opting in favour of land reclamation was the avoidance of conflicts about property, which would increase construction costs and delay the realisation of the project86.

has a direct influence on the aquatic life near Bunaken.

The diving island Bunaken is the region’s principal tourist attraction. Although Manado itself may not be well known among tourists, they certainly find their way to its harbour from where many little boats leave to this sea garden87. Land reclamation, moreover, will alter the natural river system, and so that rivers may become silted up and cause large floods that inundate the reclaimed land and its immediate surroundings88.

It should be recognised that the natural setting of Manado, while being powerful, is at the same time delicate and fragile.

An old man of a local kampong grasps the positive effects of land reclamation too: “In the past, a lot of houses in the kampong would have been destroyed after a fresh gale. Nowadays, when the weather is really bad, the Central Business District has a buffering capacity, and protects the kampong.� _man (61), inhabitant of a local kampong, Manado, 15.09.10 Building along the coastline, however, can cause important damage to the coastal environment, which

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I gradient of slope in Manado I

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Ethni-city Traditional community life in Manado dates back to its early age of civilisation. Before the town was established, the major native ethnics of Minahasa lived within small tribes settled in particular areas.

They lived together bounded by blood relationship and were headed by a walak who acted as the manager of the group. These indigenous communities exerted an important influence with regards to land law and property right. In a wish to guarantee their position in the local trade, people in the hinterlands exercised their right to land property near the bay. Each communal group possessed a particular piece of land that belonged to the group as a whole. This traditional form of land law, the so-called kalakeran, caused the local authorities a lot of trouble since they had to contact the far away heads of the districts for everything related to land and its regulation. The communal settlements or kampong that originate from this principle are named after their kalakeran districts, like Kampong Tondano and Kampong Tomohon89.

In the meantime, ethnic Tolour, Tombulu and Borgo settled in the south of Fort Amsterdam, outside the city centre90. Later, by becoming the centre of colonial administration, Manado attracted more outsiders from its surrounding areas, such as Ternate and Gorontalo, to work and live in the city centre. The hinterlands knew a strong rural-to-urban migration resulting in a rated amount of sub-ethnic Minahasa kampong near the coast. The colonial authorities also brought people from other islands such as Java, Sumatra and Bugis to become workers on the coconut and coffee plantations.

All this resulted in the emergence of a highly segregated social landscape in which different ethnic groups carry on their own social practices and economic activities91.

The establishment of trade cooperation by the Dutch brought along several foreigners from China, India and the Arabic world to invigorate the trading business in the area. In this context, Chinese quarters and Arab communities were built in the core of the city.

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I Ban Han Kiong temple; Arabic kampong I I kampong street; Chinese kampong 1910 I

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Notwithstanding an abundance of ethnics and sub-ethnics, heterogeneity is particularly a postindependence characteristic and even then not always pushes through. In the colonial era, the city was supposed to be the domain of the colonial culture and unity was ensured by external pressure92. The Dutch negated the internal ethnic diversity and unified the different Minahasa cultures under the label of the Alfur people93. Nevertheless, the Minahasans managed to preserve some fundamental characteristics of their traditional culture. The specific pattern of their old way of life, with its emphasis on individual achievement and competition in a framework of collective interest, can still be recognised today. This fact contributes decisively to the Minahasans’ self-awareness as people with a strong ethnic identity94.

Confirming the difficulties of dealing with multiple identities in a modernising society with an upcoming nationalism, the spirit of co-existence is overwhelming.

Ethnic diversity has always been a central element of the Indonesian identity. It is not opposed to the national culture, but it is part of it. The Sanskrit motto sounds almost like an incantation: bhinneka tunggal ika (unity in diversity)97.

After Independence, communal pride could give rise to a feeling of togetherness that seemed to guarantee a national future. But once the euphoria died down and economic and political problems had to be solved, the fragility of this enthusiasm suddenly became apparent95. On the other hand, the emergence of one Minahasa identity has been incorporated into decentralisation efforts. Minahasans begin to reassert themselves in an attempt to demand for more autonomy from Jakarta96.

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The city of harmony Walking through the streets of Manado, one can find the toko (small shop) of a Muslim family next-door to a Christian warung (small restaurant) that sells pork meat. Hallelujahs coming out of churches alternate with the public speakers of the mosques. Manado is a city of harmony. The mishmash of cultures and ethnics that has found its way to the mainland during time seems to co-exist in one way or another. Manado illustrates that living together, although vulnerable, is an established fact and not mere propaganda.

Religion played an influential role in early colonisation when the Dutch undertook missionary activities to convert the population to Protestantism. They did it to such an extent that, in the nineteenth century, Minahasa was considered a westernised, Dutchoriented area in which the old ethnic religion seemed to have totally faded away98. In those days almost no trace of Islamic missionary activities could be found.

There were only some small Muslim, Chinese and Arab communities within the vast majority of converted Christians. They lived a separate life in their own neighbourhoods, avoiding any activity that might provoke their Christian neighbours99.

I Catholic and Protestant church side-by-side I

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Independence meant a fundamental change in the position of Islam in Indonesia in general, as well as in Manado in particular. From the religion of the underdog, it became the religion associated with the power of the state. North Sulawesi kept up its position as an almost exclusively Christian region, but here too a growing percentage of Muslims can be noticed. In 1930, Muslims already made up one-third of the Manadonese population. The civil war in 1958, however, once again brought home to the Muslims in Minahasa that they were a tiny minority among Christians. Many of the government troops who were sent to North Sulawesi were Javanese and of Islamic descent. For the Muslims in Minahasa this was not an easy time. Often, they were the target of the wrath of the population. Now formal order is restored, they continue to live as a minority within a Christian area; in itself a minority in a mainly Islamic country100.

The Islamisation process of Manado has advanced throughout the years without any overt social problems101. Only in the beginning of the 1980s - after some violent conflicts between Muslims and Chinese it was to be expected that the continuous immigration of Muslims from other parts of Indonesia could lead to further tensions. In the largely Christian Manado

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of the 1980s important administrative functions were filled by Muslim officials, generally from Java. This often generated a feeling locally that the area was being increasingly dominated by the centre and had to guard itself for an upcoming Islamic state of Indonesia102.

Currently, Muslims and Christians in Manado each represent a share of roughly forty and sixty percent of the population103, given the fact that Protestants and Catholics are stated under the same umbrella and Hinduism and Buddhism are small minorities.

Nowadays, religions go hand in hand and have an appreciable effect on everyday life104. An obvious number of churches, mosques and Chinese temples is dispersed over the city and exemplifies its vitality.

The Protestant church in particular, plays major roles in the social and economic life of Minahasa. It is so important in the provision of education, health and welfare services that its administrative structure almost parallels that of the provincial government105.

Notwithstanding this positive and harmonious image, several Christians view with anxious eyes the further process of change.

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I number of religious institutions in Manado I

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Manado keeps going Manado can be seen as a city of motions. Its network of diverse and hierarchical roads characterises the sense of flow in the city. From the rural tracks that penetrate courageously the capricious landscape, the bumpy kampong streets where village life assembles, the wider residential lanes lined with trees, until the peak is reached at the city centre near the coast where busy commercial roads are lined with three-storey buildings.

All roads lead to.. Manado. As the nerve centre of administrative, commercial and public activities, Manado needs a vast network of roads in order to maintain the connection with adjacent districts. The so-called Zero Point of this network is situated in the flat coastal area near the old city centre. From this complex web of roads, six fine wires leave for a lonely curling towards destinations as Bitung, Tomohon and Amurang. Recently, a ring road has been built in order to divert traffic away from the city centre. It is expected to connect new growth centres that will be developed in the suburbs106. In this way, the Sam Ratulangi airport can be reached in only thirty minutes.

Manado is also accessible from the seafront, but in terms of depth and good protection from turbulent weather, the harbour of Bitung obviously has an

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advantage. Sea transport plays an important role in northern Sulawesi, especially in commodity trading, and Bitung saw its chance to grow in significance as the main international harbour107.

The city centre itself is increasingly weighed down by a continuous influx of inhabitants and an expansion in urban activities. The road system is no longer able to handle the rapid growth in traffic. Earlier, traffic congestion had been somewhat reduced by boulevard Pierre Tendean108. This road, finished in 1993, runs along the coastline on land reclamation area and turned instantly into an important circulation vein for the city.

Connecting the Sam Ratulangi street, which was the main circulation road for years, with the new parallel boulevard, a circulation loop through the shopping district has been effected. In this way, the previously mentioned Zero Point functions as a starting point for both the regional and the local transport network.

The recently constructed boulevard is in line with the realisation of a Trans Sulawesi highway running along the coastline of the isle. With the intention of continuing this road northwards, the Soekarno bridge is being built now and will switch over to boulevard II on the other side of the Tondano river109.

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I network of roads in Manado I

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With the completion of the Sam Ratulangi airport, the improved facilities in the port of Bitung and the development of the Trans Sulawesi highway, North Sulawesi - and Manado as its provincial capital - have the potential to become a gateway to the outside world. Indeed, Manado is closer to Manila than it is to Jakarta, and closer to Davao than it is to Makassar, the main metropolis of Eastern Indonesia110. The proximity of Manado to East Asian cities offers it a strategic gateway advantage, though this has yet to be effectively exploited111.

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In the margin

I traffic jam in boulevard Pierre Tendean I

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In contrast with the past where customers used to visit their local village or small-town market, there is an overwhelming demand for covering larger distances.

Better roads and cheap public transportation in the form of angkot and taxi have considerably improved accessibility to the city centre. Angkot are shared, light-blue painted minivans, meant for ten but capable of accommodating many more passengers. They are able to reach all corners of the town by following fixed trajectories. The trajectories and their terminals symbolise the choices of movement routes and nodal points of the inhabitants. Bus stations thus become one of the most active hubs of the city112. Currently, Manado’s four terminals are located in Malalayang, Wanea, Tikala and Tuminting113. Bustling with formal and informal markets, these multifunctional nodes are important collection points of revenues from the stopping-over traffic. Besides the official terminals, the surroundings of many squares and public centres function as a concentration area of city transport.

It is not hard to find a taxi driver on a public plaza under a shade tree, nor to catch a light-blue minivan when coming out of a shop. Although more and more inhabitants have their own motorcycle or car, the typical blue mini-cabs are still very dominant in the street scene.

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Commerce In the early times, Manado was a fishing community and also a market place where products from the hills were collected for export114. Agriculture was the foundation of the economy. Besides a few factories in the city itself and a small part of the population working in community and social and personal service sectors, rural and urban populations were heavily dependent on agricultural products. Copra in the northern part of Minahasa and cloves in the mountainous areas were the main key export products115.

Agriculture, however, was unlikely to be the main engine of growth in the future116. There might be a crisis due to the harvest characteristics or when people had to make urgent expenses required for occasions such as a funeral. Money shortages, therefore, had to be met by selling and trading the surplus, or by a number of other activities through which a person could supplement his income. In the face of competing interests and the inability of the formal establishment, many informal mechanisms found their way to the city.

These mechanisms have evolved into complimentary and even dominant ways of operating in many sectors of the urban functioning, such as public transport, distribution and security. After all, it is widely accepted that the informal sector of third world economies can provide an important source of job opportunities117.

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Anybody in need of cash - without any restriction of age, education, or even experience – may seek employment in the pasar. Traditional markets function on the basis of reciprocal responsibility and mutual trust between traders and buyers. Furthermore, it is regarded as a place where traders can gain experience and even the money needed to establish their own business outside, such as a toko118. The chains and nodes of informal markets in the city not only add livelihood but also liveliness. Their locations reveal the strategic points for commerce and interaction, at nodes that are multifunctional and accessible.

Trading activities created (and they still do) opportunities for the hinterlands to meet people from the centre and vice versa. Moreover, Manado experienced an economic integration into the global system in the colonial period, markedly in the nineteenth century, when there was a large influx of Chinese, Indians and Arabs. The Chinese assumed a major role in the trading systems and acted as mediators for foreign agency houses119.

Today, many trade patterns in the region have changed.

Capitalisation and the logic of trade profit have created a situation where the small entrepreneur is faced with fierce competition from the stores and supermarkets.

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Here, a wider variety of consumer goods and a higher level of comfort are the main trumps. This implies that rural areas and small towns will become increasingly dependent on services and goods provided by external agents located in the city centre of Manado. Since most customers from the villages and smallest towns - because of better roads and transportation facilities tend to visit larger market places more often than before, job opportunities for small-town market traders declined heavily120. The current invasion of shopping malls to the coastline has only incited this process.

In recent years, an important focus lies on the promotion of tourism of which the municipal government expects that it will automatically activate other sectors as well121. In this context, the range of fancy shopping malls and trendy fast food restaurants along the city’s main road already attracted many customers, not only from its direct surroundings but also from adjacent regions and countries.

I customers of pasar Bersehati I

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A common shared space Above all, the city of Manado is a public domain, a common shared space, a place where social life is concentrated. The numerous warung, rumah kopi (coffee houses) and karaoke bars exemplify its public realm, as well as schools, research centres and universities that strengthen Manado’s role as a public space of convergence. Market places, sports facilities and open public squares can be added, all fulfilling the same function: creating a place for public needs.

Defining the public sphere as the entire range of places, people and activities that constitute the public dimension of human social life, consideration has to be given to the way in which it touches on almost every aspect of life122. Applied to Manado, the vast scope of the term may be seen as a reason for the limited amount (and use) of open public squares in the city.

At first, public life has a strong religious and social notion. Open squares, therefore, can be seen as compensated by the courtyard of a mosque or a church123. Further, as marketplaces are pre-eminently places of exchange, commercial activities are playing an important role in the social life of the inhabitants. Public life, moreover, does not always have to be associated with a fixed place. Activities often occur quickly and

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spontaneously, as in placing a music installation in a parked angkot and creating a karaoke festivity. Finally, kampong are breeding grounds for social interaction where both the front yard of one family’s house and the common street often serve as gathering places for occasional activities.

The Boulevard Waterfront Project forms a stimulating replenishment of the above mentioned multiform urban tissue. It produces a widening of the spectrum of communality in the city. Brand new shopping malls reinvent a viable social centre and offer the Manadonese a chance to meet and mingle, which they are more than willingly to accept. And so does the boulevard itself. While by day, the road is characterised by busy one-way traffic trudging along the corridor, by night it is crowded with people in search for some food and entertainment126.

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I liveliness in the old city centre I

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In the margin Rumah kopi is a well-known phenomenon in Manado, where coffee drinking becomes a lifestyle rather than a hobby. The coffee house is typically occupied by men for meeting and interacting. The most prominent ones are situated in Jalan Roda at the old city centre, a roofed street used for political goals. Underneath a series of billboards, many play chess while being involved in one discussion after another. Other rumah kopi are more used for dealing and bargaining, but the aspect of fierce conversations and tense topics is what they all have in common.

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I rumah kopi Billy Samrat I

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BOULEVARD WATERFRONT PROJECT

Morphological analysis

I Manado Boulevard Waterfront Project I

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MORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

I Manado I

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The urban tissue through time PHASE 0. Before the 1990s, the potentials of Manado beach were not fully exploited. The area was occupied by low-rise kampong of local fishermen, who did not have legal status on their land127. Due to unattended garbage and poor sanitary conditions, it had a negative connotation. Though, many Manadonese used the area to relax, paddle, catch fish, eat a snack from a traditional gerobak (a small wheeled vehicle on which merchandise is displayed), or enjoy the sunset in the late afternoon128.

The city itself has grown historically from the old colonial centre at the mouth of the Tondano river and spread out along Sam Ratulangi street parallel to the coastline. For a long time, Sam Ratulangi street was seen as the main road leading to and from the old centre and it became the first core of activities129.

Because of a lack of any similar roads, however, traffic congestions were daily scenes130.

I schematic representation of phase 0* I

* This representation is based on texts and interviews. Only buildings facing Sam Ratulangi street and boulevard Pierre Tendean are reproduced.

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MORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

I low-rise kampong at the coast of Manado I

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PHASE I. In order to break down the traffic problem of the Sam Ratulangi street, the 1990-2010 general town plan (rencana umum tata ruang kota) incorporated the construction of boulevard Pierre Tendean as a land reclamation project along the shore of Manado131.

The works were finished in 1993. Parts of the former fishermen settlements were transferred to make room for the approximately fifteen metres wide road.

Nowadays, the boulevard functions as a one-way traffic corridor parallel to Sam Ratulangi street132. The good intentions left out of consideration, the created loop does not succeed in solving the traffic problem because of an inconsistency between the current street system and the rising population density.

I schematic representation of phase I* I

* This representation is based on texts and interviews. Only buildings facing Sam Ratulangi street and boulevard Pierre Tendean are reproduced.

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I reclamation of boulevard Pierre Tendean I

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PHASE II. The combination of commerce and recreation in and around the city centre inspired the municipal government to embark on an extension of the reclamation area to the seaside in order to create a new centre of commercial and business activities.

During early negotiations, the authorities proposed six reclamation lobs, adjoining boulevard Pierre Tendean133.

They introduced a block plan to record the parcelling plan of the area134. In this way, the former coastline has been shaped with a certain thickness and intensified space utilisation.

I schematic representation of phase II* I

* This representation is based on texts and interviews. Only buildings facing Sam Ratulangi street and boulevard Pierre Tendean are reproduced.

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I block plan of the local authority I I reclamation of the six lobs I

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PHASE III. Both facts that people would still be able to enjoy the panorama of the sea and that the waves would break out into different directions instead of hitting the buildings directly, were main objectives for the government to preserve the zones in between the lobs135. Bit-by-bit, though, the Central Business District is expanding and developers are reclaiming the in-between zones to maximise their rental returns136. The contours of the lobs are withdrawing from their previous borders and are further moulded in accordance with the specific requests of each developer.

I schematic representation of phase III* I

* This representation is based on texts and interviews. Only buildings facing Sam Ratulangi street and boulevard Pierre Tendean are reproduced.

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PHASE IV. Several reclamation zones are not finished yet. Based on pamphlets and future plans of the developers, a simulation of a probable outcome is drawn.

I schematic representation of phase IV* I

* This representation is based on texts and interviews. Only buildings facing Sam Ratulangi street and boulevard Pierre Tendean are reproduced.

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I overview of how the former coastline has been shaped with a certain thickness and intensified space utilization I

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Background of regulations Under the leadership of the major of Manado, W. Frederik, and the governor of North Sulawesi, C. Rantung, the ambition raised to reshape Manado into one of the most important centres of eastern Indonesia by providing a brand new centre of commercial and business activities. They spread out their vision and invited some investors from Jakarta to talk it through.

The latter almost immediately came out with an extension of the reclamation area to the seaside in order to create a business district137. With the given intention, the government had quite a role in the birth of the most crowded area in North Sulawesi today.

Anyhow, this is only one side of the story. Which party approached the other party first (the municipal government or the private investors) is difficult to trace, for the plans were not conceived in public. Several versions of the story are in the air, but all agree that the parties were exceptionally quick in putting everything together138.

The reclamation area was planned after 1990-2010 general town plan was carried out. Considering the magnitude of the project, it is highly surprising that it was not legalised first in the form of an amendment to the general town plan in force139.

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In this context, previously assembled land use patterns were changing continually and permits were given to developers for areas that were not even meant to be developed. In the review of the 1990-2010 general town plan the different diversions in relation to the previous document are quoted by the government as “significant changes in external factors” and “ineffective performance of land use that requires an adjustment in goals and strategies”140.

During the negotiation processes, the local authority often failed in sticking to their intentions because no formal policy was strong enough to monitor the development of the boulevard and agreements with the developers often only occurred verbally. There are thus large gaps between the professed objectives and the actual results of the urban development policy.

First of all, each developer had to store a fixed part of his land for the construction of a second boulevard along the coastline, parallel with boulevard Pierre Tendean. This road would reduce traffic congestions on the current street system and prevent a total obstruction of the sea by massive buildings. In the beginning, the local authority was the one in charge of the assembling of the road. But at present, every

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investor is responsible for his own part of the coastal road, without coordination of the government.

Therefore, it is much more difficult to connect each parcel to a proper street141. Whether the road will become a smooth artery in the end is still open to question.

Secondly, the developers were obliged to put sixteen percent of their property aside as open area that could be used for pedestrian walks and other public functions. Parts were designated as hutan kota (city forest) in order to restore the balance between built mass and green environment142. In a next attempt, the anticipated percentage included a compensation area for informal businesses and additional docks for the fishermen who were in danger of loosing their job due to the reclamation activities. The deal to get the sixteen percent was not easily made. In fact, the authority intended to ask for at least twenty-five percent to follow the national regulations, but the proposal was torpedoed very quickly143. Currently, there is nothing left of the earlier intentions. A last liberalisation was carried through when the obligated space for the second boulevard became included in the sixteen percent of public area144.

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I location of the (non-)official boat docks I 72

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As the reclamation strip was more and more built upon, the location and size of the boat docks continued to be a source of discussion. Of the big dock that was allocated behind Mega Mall, only two small parts are left. A second and third dock more northwards are still deliberated145. In the meantime, a couple of fishermen moor their boats wherever they catch sight of an unattended spot or a piece of land where reclamation works are delayed. The vast majority, however, has changed its profession. They are working in a construction company, have installed a warung at home, or found a job in the Central Business District146.

We can wound up by saying that the competition between cities for large-scale urban projects lends power to global developers who extract concessions from city governments, based on the threat of taking their flexible capital elsewhere147. Small developers have given way to large ones whose headquarters are often based outside the locality and who command massive productive capacity. As investors happen to be mainly interested in a safe return on their investment, public space – being the reverse of built space - is rather treated as a mere commodity.

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Waterfront analysis Because land reclamation comes down to the creation of new territory, it is to be seen whether the added land will remain freestanding or becomes fully integrated into the rest of the island. One can consider the Boulevard Waterfront Project as six separated lobs of reclaimed land dangling to the coast of Manado, or, one may perceive it altogether, as a coherent commercial strip interwoven with the mainland.

Morphologically speaking, it can be said that the bays in between the lobs get more and more filled up and that the project starts working as one entity.

Notwithstanding each particular lob is composed to the specific requests of the developer, a basic framework covers the land reclamation strip and lays the foundations of its common identity.

An analysis of different layers within the project starts with the layer of the earth, the reclamation surface.

Prominent in this stage of the decomposition is the curious way in which the contours of the lobs are shaped. A possible reason can be the earlier mentioned lack of formal policy as a result of which developers are given freedom to reclaim in their own interest and work independently from each other, at least with regards to this theme.

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A next layer covers the street system of the land strip, with boulevard Pierre Tendean as its main axis. Secondary roads leave from the boulevard and complete the grid system that bores through the whole area. Here, the apart realisation of each individual lob obviously rears its head as the streets do not operate well in connection with adjacent domains. In this context, the new streets basically serve as access roads and less as additional boulevards that are able to relieve the main one.

The buildings themselves are characterised by a certain robustness and mass that can just occasionally be found in the inner city. Its large urban grain and permeability distinguishes the project from the adjacent small labyrinths of pathways and alleys. It is beyond dispute that the sequence of buildings arises as one front along the water. Their adaptation to this unique location, on the other hand, can be brought up for discussion as gross of the buildings turns their back upon the sea.

A final layer contains the green zones, adding the anticipated hutan kota, as well as trees that are systematically implanted along buildings and streets.

Coconut trees and other typical vegetations are used for this end, taking into account that their monumentality can be an important contribution to the landscape in the future.

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I Boulevard Waterfront Project in layers I

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I building typologies along the boulevard - buildings across the project in black and white I

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As far as the realisation of each individual parcel goes, more heterogeneity shows up. In the course of twenty years, the Manado Boulevard Waterfront Project has grown into a mixed area of commercial typologies.

There are four quasi-operative shopping malls: Bahu Mall, Mantos, Mega Mall and MTC. There are ruko (shophouses), entertainment centres, cafes, hotels, convention centres and offices in between, and ruko in turn are used by banks, travel agencies and garages.

This diversity is further intensified by the medley of informal shops, colonial residences and a few larger complexes settled at the opposite side of the road.

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At present, the whole boulevard is divided into six lots, managed and built by six investors under the regulation of the local authority. Each investor cooperates with several developers148. The proximity of projects on the boulevard requires the developers to compete for customers. But they also admit the importance of having each other nearby. An ever mutual influence brings along a highly organic process and a constant trial-and-error. There is the persistent need to outshine each other, and concepts that do not appeal to the general public have to be replaced.

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I current situation of the Boulevard Waterfront Project I

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Name: Bahu area Investor: PT Bahu Cipta Lestari Total area: 75 000 m² Start reclamation: 10.07.90 Famous for: Fresh Mart, open-air restaurants Target group: middle class, tourists Open area: parking, hutan kota, stage

The story of the investor PT Bahu Cipta Lestari is a dynamic and until now unfinished one. The domain was the first one to be reclaimed and comprises more or less 75 000 squared metres on the most southern lob of the boulevard149. The area is promoted as “the most exclusive and strategic location in the city of Manado”150.

The original concept of the investor was a combination of a shopping mall and a resort, focusing on upper class inhabitants and tourists. Though, facing the economic crisis of 1997, this idea gave way to a ruko complex. The works started in 1999151.

Until now, only parts of the site plan have been developed. Gross of the ruko are in use and at three of the four corners the well-known supermarket Fresh Mart, JC Food Corner and hotel Formosa are located.

All are accessed through separate entrances. The main focus of the investor has shifted towards middle class Manadonese and tourists, whose facilities can be found in hotel Formosa and the tourism boat service to Bunaken152.

realised. A hutan kota provides green in the south while a broad strip along the coastline is reserved for open-air restaurants and public festivities like music events, food festivals and exhibitions153.

Lately, the idea crossed one’s mind to build a shopping mall in the middle of the ruko complex where now wasteland fills up the core. A second mall next to the complex and several office and residential buildings complete this upcoming site plan. The situation nowadays, though, is that almost all property has been sold to different small developers, except for the public area and the outdoor restaurants along the coastline154.

Hence, a future plan is postponed indefinitely.

However, what the area is most famous for is its open public area. Facing the concepts of ‘green area’ and ‘a place for hanging around’, several initiatives have been MORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

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I current situation of Bahu area I

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I projected future of Bahu area I

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I future simulation of Bahu area I

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Name: MCC area Investor: PT Sulenco Boulevard Indah

Total area: 95 936 m² (76% already reclaimed)

Start reclamation: 28.11.00

Famous for: MCC (Manado Convention Centre)

Target group: upper class

Open area: parking

Besides the Manado Convention Centre and Boulevard Mall, the project of the investor PT Sulenco Boulevard Indah consists of several ruko units, all in operation in 2007. Due to a management failure, though, Boulevard Mall was only in use for one year. In striving for a public of exclusively high-income families, the mall did not receive the required income. Moreover, the owner went to jail for a scandal about bad credit. Recently, part of the area has been taken over by PT Kembang Utara, a subsidiary of the investor of Mantos155. Until now, the accessible open area is occupied with parking space. It is not clear how the rest of the area will be filled in in the future.

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I current situation of MCC area I

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I current situation of Mantos area I

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Name: Mantos area Investor:

PT Gerbang Nusa Perkasa Total area: 100 000 m² (84% already reclaimed) Start reclamation: 02.12.00 Famous for: Mantos (Manado Town Square) Target group: middle class, upper class Open area: parking, fountain

The reclamation of PT Gerbang Nusa Perkasa’s area started at the end of 2000. It took three years to consolidate the site before the construction of the buildings could start. In 2006, the Mantos shopping mall and its adjacent ruko were opened. Since PT Gerbang Nusa Perkasa was the last developer in line, other malls were used as an example and reference to explore its own offer of activities156.

The developer wanted to create a commercial spot and entertainment centre, better than its predecessors.

Therefore, a survey on the latest trends of commercial building was done in Jakarta. At that time, there was the opening of Citos (Cilandak Town Square), a mall typology housing food, fashion and entertainment in one building. The design of Citos was copied and further adjusted to the site of Mantos (Manado Town Square) in the sense that facades were mirrored and colours were changed157. Its bright colours and unusual shapes strongly contrast with the rest of the boulevard.

celebrating. Several events like music performances, car exhibitions and Ramadan sales are organised158.

Most events take place in the large entrance hall, sometimes extended to the fountain area in front of the building. Other open areas on the domain are occupied by circulation roads and parking spaces to reach all of the six entrances.

Currently, PT Gerbang Nusa Perkasa is preparing for the expansion of the building by Mantos II. Here, more various fashion retail stores will be housed159.

The shopping mall is two stories high and houses a variety of activities, from food corners, over barber shops and optics, to a cinema and night club. Especially young people from middle to upper class are targeted by adapting to their interests of gathering and

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I projected future of Mantos area I

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Name: Megamas area Investor: PT Megasurya Nusa Lestari Total area: 360 000 m² (96% already reclaimed) Start reclamation: 02.07.96 Famous for: Mega Mall, MTC (Manado Trade Centre) Target group Mega Mall: middle class, upper class Target group MTC: lower class, middle class Open area: parking, hutan kota, sports facilities, restaurants

In the summer of 1996, the reclamation of Megamas area took off. At first, the project only provided ruko (450 units in total), but this could not convince the Manadonese population. They were in search of entertainment and Mega Mall, in operation in 2004, became the first opportunity to meet this demand. The philosophy behind was to make a place where people would never get bored and where all needs - business and entertainment - would be satisfied160. In this light, Mega Mall introduced a brand new shopping typology in Manado.

The internal design of the shopping mall was very important from the beginning of the project. A remarkable void in the core permits a mutual interaction among the visitors and an overall view upon the exhibition area in the middle of the ground floor161.

Mega Mall focuses on shopping and exhibition, but houses restaurants and supermarkets as well162. The complex consists of two buildings, with a connecting bridge on the first floor. The first building contains five floors and has two main entrances east and west.

The second building has two floors of which the ground floor is almost completely occupied by a big supermarket. Here, there is one main entrance.

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People from middle to upper class are targeted by many services and facilities, like valet parking and buggy accessibility. Besides, there is a possibility to program and implement interesting events as an outsider. In this way, dancing contests, blood donations and arm wrestling competitions have already passed in review163.

Additionally, in December 2009, the built of MTC (Mega Trade Centre) was announced as “the real shopping paradise, serving the wholesale and retail you need�164. The idea behind was to give Manado a more comfortable alternative for Pasar 45, which is a hotchpotch of small streets and shops in the old colonial centre. Since Pasar 45 is associated with openair, dirt and neglect, MTC can offer better conditions of comfort and protection165.

The target group of MTC is lower up to middle class, which is the bigger segment of the Manadonese population. Consequently, a different public compared to other malls on the boulevard can be attracted166.

MTC also focuses on tourism by providing rental space for hotel managements and tourist organisations. It intends to become a centre of souvenirs where, in contrast with traditional markets, local specialities will be available until late in the evening167.

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In this phase of the project process, the general public is not yet sold on for the concept of the trade centre and salesman still need to be convinced to rent a shop.

In order to attract public, events are organised every three days. Dancing battles and drawing competitions for children are supposed to allure potential clients.

For these purposes, there are three stages inside the building168.

Until now, only a small part of the five-story trade centre is already in operation. In the future, a food area at ground level and several anchor tenants like Solaria and Hypermart will settle to reach a broader public169.

On the upper level of the building, exclusive apartments will be installed. In six types of rooms with a total amount of hundred units, there will be the opportunity to overlook the coast and Manado city170. Besides, the building is provided with a multistorey car park.

indoor football can already partly be found. The rest of the open area will be filled in by hutan kota.

It is clear that Megamas area is on the move. A significant part is already developed while further projects - Mega Hotel, Mega Villa, Mega Art - are in the works. Besides, the label ‘Mega’ also covers a power back-up, a fire brigade and a twenty-four hours security system, to name a few172.

On the domain behind the mall and ruko buildings, PT Megasurya Nusa Lestari intends to install various small projects. One of these is the sequence of restaurants, cafes and clubs near the coastline. Part of it is already installed and outlined as “the combination of modern culinary arts and a beautiful coastal scenery”171. In the same area, sports facilities such as karting, skating and

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I current situation of Megamas area I

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I projected future of Megamas area I

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I future simulation of Megamas area I

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Name: Blue Banter area Investor: PT Papetra Perkasa Utama Total area: 80 000 m² Start reclamation: 20.07.95 Famous for: piazza Target group: not specified Open area: piazza

PT Papetra Perkasa Utama was one of the initiators of the reclamation plan. In 1995, his reclamation area, situated in front of the Ritzy hotel was approximately one and a half hectares wide. There was no plan to use it for commercial efforts. It would be an open area with several facilities to support the Ritzy hotel, like a touristic port near the coast named Blue Banter, where some local ex-fishermen could serve as boat masters173.

of the project is running a bit behind schedule, this concept cannot be fully explored for now. In line with the first concept of the touristic port, a boat dock for local fishermen is at hand at the rear side of the piazza.

Construction works have not yet started though.

In 2005 however, influenced by the other developers, he successfully asked permission to the local authority to own up to eight hectares and moved over to commercial activities. Hereby, he follows the concepts of ‘piazza’, ‘city walk’ and ‘ruko’. Blue Banter City Walk represents a shopping centre that consists of a broad corridor, aligned by a sequence of shop windows. The design is inspired by City Walk Bandung and City Walk Bali that consider the corridor as a first-rate location for public activities174. This part of the project is still in structural phase. Equally under construction are two blocks of ruko, rentable for restaurants, cafes and night entertainment175.

Until now, only the central part or piazza is open to the public. The folder promises “a comfortable and prestigious place to gather”176, but because the rest

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I current situation of Blue Banter area I

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I projected future of Blue Banter area I

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I future simulation of Blue Banter area I

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I current situation of Marina area I

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Name: Marina area Investor: PT Multi Cipta Perkasa Nusantara

Total area: 83 100 m²

Start reclamation: 20.07.95

Famous for: Marina plaza

Target group: tourists

Open area: TSB tower

Little is known about the investor of the most northern part, PT Multi Cipta Perkasa Nusantara, besides the fact that, according to the city’s planning department, the owner played an important role in speeding up the early beginning of the reclamation story. The project consists of two ruko units, completed and in use since 2008177.

The development of open public space at Marina Plaza is still in process. Nowadays, they are building the TSB tower (Torang Samua Basudara), located in the most northern part, which has the ambition to serve as a new landmark. Future plans for public places in the neighbourhood will create visual links towards the tower so that it becomes visible from the heart of the old city centre178.

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A mutual adaptation In the vicinity of a modern project, former settlements do not stand still. In fact, the neighbourhood was very quick to adapt itself to its changing surroundings.

The city used to fix her eye upon the Sam Ratulangi street in the past, but this orientation has now made a 180-degrees turn towards the brand new coastline. In no time, the street dĂŠcor of existing settlements along the boulevard changed from a quite homogenous, lowrise kampong appearance to a mingling of typologies, from a small warung till a vast ruko complex.

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I transformation of the street dĂŠcor across the project I

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I sketch by Prof. A. Tinangon I

There seems to be no logic behind the new street picture at first sight, yet a certain structure can be analysed. Every time there is a shopping mall on the reclamation area, right across the street new ruko developments of two or more floors can be found.

Because of the growing commercial activities on the boulevard, small local developers saw their chance to buy the land of the kampong inhabitants, develop it, and resell it for a more favourable price. Ruko then further evolve into what is called a ruko sentra niaga, a mixed commercial centre. Living quarters upstairs often transform into a storage room for the commercial activity beneath, or into an additional commercial space. In the meantime, the area in between the ruko is dominated by former low-rise kampong dwellings, which results into an up and down movement of rooftops along the street179.

almost no commercial functions, which is in sharp contrast with other parts of the boulevard. A various atmosphere can be perceived off Mantos. Here, karaoke bars and entertainment centres tend to replenish the functions of the mall and in designing the facades of the ruko across the street, the bright colours and frisky shapes of the shopping mall were clearly inspiring.

Changes in the street picture are not limited to the heightening of buildings or the change of land use. The physical appearance of the settlements also undergoes a transformation. People like to renew their houses – mostly limited to the facades – by changing temporal materials into concrete, aluminium or glass. The new buildings that appear in the street scene follow the same trend180.

Comparing the different ruko complexes along the boulevard, each seems to have adapted itself to the specific mall across the street. In front of the unfinished Boulevard Mall and Manado Convention Centre, for example, one has prepared for the mainly business character of both centres, and exclusively hotels can be found nearby. The remaining ruko are occupied by banks, finance offices, political offices and have

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I sections through boulevard Pierre Tendean I

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Besides the high-rise building dĂŠcor that is assembling along both the Sam Ratulangi street and the boulevard Pierre Tendean, also kampong in between experience some changes. A growing population and a lack of expansion possibilities result in an intensified use of every single spot. Small streets that are not important artery roads are more and more used as an expansion of the house. Extra storages and kitchens are installed at the cost of circulation space181.

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I small streets used as an expansion of the house I

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In the meantime, the slum area has undertaken its own steps to benefit from the new commercial developments. Several small warung and toko pop up like daisies, not only along the boulevard but also along the main kampong roads towards the Sam Ratulangi street. What was first a private room of someone’s house turns into public space, oriented towards the crowd. Front yards are giving way to small shops that take advantage of the flow coming from the boulevard.

Living rooms are transformed into warung. Other houses become rental rooms for commuters who work at the Central Business District. New facilities like laundry services and internet cafĂŠs find their way to the city182.

And what about Sam Ratulangi? Does the advent of the boulevard have consequences for the urban tissue of what was once considered the main street of Manado?

Here, a trend of growing ruko with different characters and styles can be noticed, as well as the use of ever more modern elements. Yet, because of the limited space, building new and larger constructions seems to be impossible183.

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I sketch by Prof. A. Tinangon I

I virtual representation of a front yard (left) and one transformed into a small shop (right) I

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The following section gives an idea of how low-rise settlements and high-rise buildings alternate in the vicinity of the project.

I section through boulevard Pierre Tendean and its surroundings I

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I reproduction of the street picture facing the Boulevard Waterfront Project I

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Socio-cultural perspective

Architecture functions as a spatial tool for the regulation of behaviour and the disciplining of the human body184. The spatial (re)organisation that is currently occurring near the coastline provokes disruptions and shifts of meanings and conventions of being in public. Admitting both physical and social dimensions of the public realm, Manado as an urban public space can be divided in three domains. For a start, the commercial nodes in the city know a high level of publicness. The appearance of the shopping mall, however, caused a displacement and destabilised an earlier commercial (and hence public) situation.

Shopping malls are accepted as the new public places of society and people are likely to develop new behavioural ways or new modes of significance to it.

In a second part, this behaviour will be compared to the usage of (former) non-commercial open places.

Furthermore, instead of permanent physical places, consideration has to be given to the way in which public domain comes into being in places of flux, like the kampong streets, where the everyday world of common people encountered a shift when spaces and practices of otherness were introduced near the coast.

The former situation nevertheless continues to be of consequence for the present.

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In the margin Urban public space can be defined as all the physical space and social relations that determine the use of that space within the non-private realm of cities185.

This is, in turn, part of the public sphere: the entire range of places, people and activities that constitute the public dimension of human social life186. We further make the distinction between public space as a space that is freely accessible for everyone and public domain where an exchange between different social groups is possible and also actually occurs187.

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Comparative study of public life in the project and in other (former) commercial centres

Public life in a pleasure dome In times of modernisation and globalisation, the emergence of brand new commercial typologies only deepens the way in which public life goes beyond its reputed context of urban squares and outdoor plazas and flourishes wherever shopping takes place. With the advent of the Boulevard Waterfront Project, a fresh commercial idea is introduced and former institutions are supplemented by a new potential magnet for activity: the shopping mall. In combining entertainment and consumption, shopping has no longer a functional task but rather becomes a form of lifestyle188.

Repackaging the city in a safe, clean and controlled form, the mall gains greater importance as a community and social centre189.

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I two customers of Hypermart chattering with each other I

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Commercial shift Before elaborating on the commercial concept that the shopping mall entails, one needs to understand Manado’s shift in commercial activities during the past decades. A brief overview.

I typological and geographical shift of commercial activities I I historical shift in commercial activities I 122

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For generations, the Manadonese have bought their food at traditional markets or pasar. The term pasar refers to a rough wooden, temporary structure where sellers all have their particular spot for displaying goods. The items sold in the different pasar are basically the same - fruit, vegetables, meat and fish, spices, dry goods and household items. Selection may vary slightly to serve the needs of an ethnic group that lives in the area. Going to the pasar is a daily activity for Indonesian women since refrigerators are often too expensive and vegetables and meat are preferred to be fresh. Moreover, it is also a chance to get out of the house and catch up on all the latest news and gossip with neighbours and friends190. While sketching a characteristic picture of Pasar Karombasan, a typical Minahasa market, this will be easy to understand.

among the traders but also between them and their customers. Since, morphologically speaking, there are no stalls to function as a barrier, both customer and trader cannot be distinguished from one another.

Today, Manado has five markets spread out over the city191.

While the morning sun is still rising, a jumble of market traders arrives at the pasar. There, they all have their own square meter for selling local fish specialities, vegetables with exotic names, handmade kitchen utensils, et cetera. The place quickly transforms in an overpopulated market, crammed with people doing their daily shopping, exchanging market information as well as gossip. A huge notion of solidarity and collectivity hangs over the place. This impression exists not only

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I current pasar in Manado I

I panorama of Pasar Karombasan I

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During the colonial time, the urban settlement near the coast brought about a Chinese quarter, vibrant with life and business activity. Chinese merchants, carried by the Dutch East India Company in the eighteenth century, were given a position as intermediary trader in between the centre of Manado and the rural Minahasa region192.

In the vicinity of Fort Amsterdam, the quarter played an important role as distribution point at that time.

Commercial activities in the old town culminated with the built of Pasar 45 in the 1940s193. Although it literally carries ‘pasar’ in its label, better conditions are offered as long lasting materials such as bricks are able to reduce rats and weather damage. Next to it, the Presiden Shopping Centre arrived, housing billiard rooms, game centres, a fitness club and a movie theatre. In line with the topic of this thesis, both formulas were new in the context of Manado and appeared as implants to the former city. Pasar 45 was built upon the remnants of Fort Amsterdam, the Presiden Shopping Centre on the site of the demolished Pasar Minahasa nearby.

Slowly but surely, commercial activities started to spread out over the rest of the city. Various types of toko, ruko, office buildings and whole sale businesses found their way to the Sam Ratulangi street, due to its connective function with the old city centre194. What is more, during the end of the nineties and the beginning of the new era, department stores like Jumbo, Golden and Matahari - all located in this particular street 126

got more and more popular. The enormous number of goods presented in one store dazzled shoppers accustomed to small shops with limited stocks. Instead of daily shopping, more and more people laid in a supply for the whole week. Moreover, the store’s fixed prices altered the social and psychological relations of the marketplace. The obligation to buy implied by the active exchange of bargaining was replaced by the invitation to look, turning the shopper into a passive spectator. A shift from a market economy to a consumer culture was bound to come195.

In 2002, Fresh Mart supermarket at Bahu Mall area opened its doors and reduced the amount of visitors to the other supermarkets in the city. It was the first in the series of supermarkets, hypermarkets and shopping malls that caused a shift in orientation towards the boulevard196.

In the beginning, the growth of Sam Ratulangi street and boulevard Pierre Tendean ran parallel, but it did not take much time before the latter took the leading role197. The boulevard highly facilitates the movement of a large clientele, drawn from nearby and far away, to the reclaimed Central Business District. Further, with the typology of the mall, an unseen commercial concept was introduced in the city of Manado. Going beyond the service of only practical needs and fitted with modern conveniences, ‘malling’ was introduced as a recreational activity.

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I pasar - supermarket - shopping mall I

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I circulation void in Mega Mall I

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The origin of the mall As a place for shopping, the mall has its sources in the nineteenth century urban arcades. These early arcades were located near places in the city where maximum pedestrian traffic met. They created new means of access, adding to the permeability of the urban structure by providing private shortcuts. In other words, they gained their economic life through the capacity to redirect existing pedestrian flows off the city streets. The arcade was simultaneously an innovation in the urban spatial structure, a refuge from the noise, dust and weather, an enclosure of a place with new forms of social relations and a dream world of mass consumption198. It was instrumental in linking the urban experience with spaces of consumption199.

A related source for the mall is the department store, which paralleled the development of the arcades.

The department store removed the obligation on the consumer to be shopping for something in particular.

Instead, it surrounded the consumer with a world of possible goods and removed the counter as a boundary between the two. The consumer is not so much servicing a need as exploring a world. In this context, the purchase is not predetermined and desires and identities are constructed in the shopping experience200.

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The building type we now know as the shopping mall emerged in the 1950s and is generally attributed to Victor Gruen, who yearned to recreate the European city in America. His first step in remaking the American city was to build a vast, interior shopping concourse ringed by parking201. The mall would provide the same functions as a traditional city centre, but be located to adapt to the new automobile society202.

The key innovation of the mall was the coupling of the arcade and the department store into the socalled ‘dumb-bell’ plan. A large department store at either end was joined by an arcade, lined with a string of smaller shops. The principle was that the anchor stores would act as magnets to draw in customers that passed the smaller ones. By enclosing the open space and controlling the temperature, one created a completely introverted building type, which severed all perceptual connections with the mall’s surroundings.

This is in contrast to the arcade, where shopping still functioned as an urban connector203. Exaggerating the differences between the world outside and the world inside established a basic mall trope: an inverted space whose forbidding exteriors hid paradisiacal interiors.

This combination was compelling enough to ensure that enclosed malls soon flourished even in the most temperate climates204.

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It is a mall world after all Of the four quasi-operative malls in the Central Business District, only two can be seen as in full operation and will be further discussed. Both Mantos and Mega Mall are built on the reclamation area, more or less one and a half kilometres from each other, and meet the needs of a mall’s success formula.

In fact, they are not shopping centres. They are streets, they are happenings, they are festival marketplaces.

Built collective spaces, such as malls, are complete worlds upon themselves. They barely enter into relations with their surrounding urban fabric205. All facades are nearly blank, except for the main entrances, sought to draw people out of the street and into the precincts of the shopping centre. Mantos as well as Mega Mall are provided with a wide-open space between the public street and the private interior, furnished with trees and a fountain. The entrances strike the eye with their imposing shed that guards the customer from a wet suit. For the rest, the little interface to the surrounding area is a strategy that allows suburban and tourist visitors to feel safe206.

A safe and protected environment is one of the trump cards a mall can hand over where a pasar or supermarket cannot, or at least less obvious. In the

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indoor shopping mall, the concept of public space is repackaged as a controlled environment, not only by the army of security that patrols indoors, but also by a number of conveniences that facilitate the shopping experience207.

The interior mall space offers wide corridors with benches carefully positioned to entice shoppers into the stores. As an illustration, the actively visited Hypermart in Mantos is supplied with a waiting room where one can read his newspaper while waiting for someone, or children are left in the care of the kids park attendant.

Mega Mall in its turn, combines supermarket Le Money with a food corner and absorbs the waiting public in this way. A completely different context shows up while comparing this to supermarket Golden in Sam Ratulangi street. In season and out of season, people stick together in the store for chattering or waiting, and hinder therefore the passer-by. Obviously, a little bit of ‘extra space’ is missed in here.

Subsequent elements can be added to the list of comfort and conveniences. At all entrances, there is the possibility to drop off and pick up clients and parking places are never out of reach. Additionally, Mega Mall will offer valet parking services in the future208.

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Furthermore, a bunch of employees are responsible for storing dumped shopping carts and cleaning of pathways.

But above all.. there is no mall weather. Shopping malls (and supermarkets) hold strong attraction in terms of shelter from the prevailing warmth or rain209. Often, the determining element for a Manadonese to choose which place to go, is the shadow. While doing field research at Golden, time and time again, we observed passers-by jumping into the store for a short visit to the air-conditioning system. The impact of rain cannot be denied either, knowing that during heavy showers malls become rapidly overpopulated, while pasar will empty.

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I picturing Mantos I

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I picturing Mega Mall I

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The utopia of consumption Clearly, there is something contradictory about providing conveniences for the customers and at the same time trying to manipulate them. The seductions and manipulations of the mall are not totalising but neither are they easily resisted. They are coupled with enough genuine convenience and spectacle to attract shoppers210. There is the capacity of mall architecture to seduce the passing consumer into impulse consumption211.

The structure of the mall determines rental values within it. And unlike the city where rental values are a function of competition, the mall is a highly controlled market. The variety of shops is determined by a formularised ‘mix’ to maximise profit for mall management212. The anchor stores or magnets like Hypermart and Pizzahut get the cheapest rental space because they are the attractors. The shallow shops close to the parking entrances are the cheapest of the small shops since people rarely pass that way, except when entering or exiting. These locations are used for convenience outlets such as photo stores and optics, or low-profit specialty stores, which attract a particular rather than a general clientele.

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Peak rents are charged in the heart, the primary zone of impulse purchasing where the ‘mix’ favours jewellery, gifts, clothes and accessories. This zone constitutes a structural separation between the low-rent conveniences of the entry zones and the anchors213.

Game arcades, cinemas, food halls and night activities are often located in a manner that separates them from the heart of the mall. Most of them are accessible through a separate entrance so that teenage behaviour is subtly spilled to the street, where they become a public rather than private problem214.

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Now, let us compare theory and practice. The main entrance of Mantos leads directly to the generous interior centre from which everything is accessible. The building consists of an extensive offer of activities on two floors with voids in between to allow a direct visual interaction. With the idea to create an open space atmosphere, the ground floor is basically designed for cafĂŠs and restaurants215. These functions are only minimally separated from the circulation corridor and have the ability to fill it with liveliness. Among the restaurants are Bambu Express and Solaria, who invite you for the longer dining or a loungy drink. Besides fast food restaurants like A&W and Pizza Hut, a Food Court for local specialities can be found. Further, an amusement park, a hand phone centre, a department store and several small fashion retailers complete this floor.

I Food Court I I Hypermart I I Score! I I central void I

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The most significant anchor store, though, is situated on the first floor in the form of the vast supermarket Hypermart. Night entertainment like karaoke, PC facilities and the club Score! are positioned on this level as well, and can be reached through a separate entrance.

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I ground floor of Mantos I

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I first floor of Mantos I

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Mega Mall, in turn, handles a slightly different plan composition. Two long corridors take care of the connection between the entrance and a four-floor atrium at the heart of the mall. As distinct from Mantos, there is no clear layout distinction among the variant functions, but the same ones are ever-recurring between the different malls. Restaurants spread out over the mall include fast food chains, traditional cuisine and lounge bars, but are rather ‘closed’ comparing to the ones in Mantos. Attractions here are Matahari Department Store, from the first till the third floor, and Bread Talk, a sandwich bar that attracts an obvious number of Manado’s tourists. The basement houses a small supermarket Gelael that is often used as a corridor in the meantime.

I supermarket Gelael I I connecting bridge I I void in Mega Mall II I I restaurant in Mega Mall II I

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The main supermarket of Mega Mall Le Money is situated in the annex building and forms the counter part of Hypermart in Mantos. It comprises almost the entire ground floor and is situated next to a big void from which people can perceive the ongoing bustle of activity. The second floor of the building houses a number of more classical restaurants, often with a wide view. Megamall II can be reached via a connecting bridge on the first floor.

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I ground floor of Mega Mall* I * Only the ground floor is reproduced. A similar mix of functions can be found on the other floors. Because Mega Mall II is in the hands of another company, we do not have access to its internal plan.

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I movement patterns in Mantos I

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I movement patterns in Mega Mall* I

* Because Mega Mall II is in the hands of another company, we do not have access to its internal plan.

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A particular scheme in which all functions are recorded and are reachable by a number of entrances, gives rise to several circulation lines. Movement patterns reveal the power of attraction coming from the socalled magnet stores, they verify an unambiguous main entrance, and make clear that central circulation halls have to absorb more people in comparison with smaller corridors. One may remark that mechanical inventions like the escalator and the air-conditioning enabled an explosion of the depth of the shopping interior216.

Long corridors and sequencing escalators are the main arteries of the shopping organ and the driving force of shopping dynamics217.

street, is one part of the story. Another can be told about ruko along the boulevard, pasar all over the city and shops at Pasar 45 or Chinatown. There, we repeatedly observed people walking fast and straight to the destination in an attempt to break away from the crowdedness, noise, sun or rain of the street.

Circulating an sich forms an important part of a visit as customers seldom go straight to their point of purchase, or even do not purchase at all. Window shopping is a well-known phenomena that is effected by the physical condition and underlying concept of the shopping mall.

Often, people leave the mall without any purchases in their hand. A quite different behaviour is invoked when comparing malls to supermarkets and pasar. A young couple, gearing down from walking speed to shopping speed, hand in hand in between the racks of Hypermart, inspecting the product offer like they are watching show windows in an (exterior) shopping

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Fierce competition As the mall is designed to resemble the vital diversity of the urban realm, there is little freedom of enterprise within the mall. The range and variety of goods on offer is a product of policy and control over shop proprietors.

Restrictive leases ensure control over opening hours, shop front design and product placement. Enterprises that do not fit the formula are excluded from the successful mall218.

Little of the free market within the mall does not alter the fact that there is fierce competition with other malls. Developers are continuously competing to draw more customers to their individual realms, and to expand their domain. But at the same time they acknowledge the importance of having each other nearby to attract shoppers to the clustered area219.

The competition is also one of design and semantics as shopping malls seek to differentiate themselves in terms of the offer of activities and the target group focus220.

Yet, local guides have pointed out to us that the inhabitants of Manado already applied a specific label to Mega Mall and Mantos in that sense that the latter is better known as the entertainment centre and thus attracts a little bit more young people, while the former

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is famous for its shopping and exhibition activities. It may be remarked that supermarkets like Golden too are very popular for its fashion.

What is more, several inhabitants let the distance decide where their shopping destination will be, especially since taking an angkot is still more expensive than going on foot. “I prefer Hypermart to do my daily shopping. If I am not able to find what I am looking for, I will go on to Jumbo. But then I have to pay for transportation, which I rather prefer not to.� _woman (34), inhabitant of a local kampong, Manado, 15.09.10 All this brings on the use patterns represented in the following graphics. It is not really hard to understand that daily peak results are noted around five o’clock when people come from work, and that weekends give better results on a weekly base. The latter is mainly prominent at Mega Mall. It seems that the high peak on Saturday affects its main competitor Mantos, which then suffers from a loss of clients.

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I number of visitors during Thursday 09.09.10* I * intermediate results of Mega Mall are unknown.

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I average number of visitors during August 2010 I I average use frequency during August 2010 I SOCIO-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE

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Aspek kekinian As adjacent attraction is the basic marketing principle, malls introduce a variety of services separated from the pure shopping content. Movies, video-game centres and bowling rooms highly expand the recreational role of a shopping mall. The use of entertainment in retailing has transformed shopping malls into sites that attract not only single consumers, but entire families221.

Moreover, more and more temporary promotional activities have appeared222. Especially in this section, Mantos and Mega Mall are willing to differentiate themselves from each other and are obviously distinguishing themselves from commercial centres elsewhere in the city. Promotion is playing a major role in this story as promo videos and speakers are proclaiming the coming activities all day long.

Mantos in particular brings its architecture in line with this utopian atmosphere using colourful and unusual shapes in the facade in combination with westernised sculptures in front of the building. This can be an indication for the growing appreciation of both the festive pop and classical culture as a representation of what is considered as aspek kekinian (being modern) in Indonesia.

Going from dancing contests, over arm wrestling, to Christmas sales, staged events and spectacles are usually located in zones of permeability, being the central circulation area and the open space at the entrance. These spaces often produce carnivalesque and heterotopic themes wherein the boundaries between natural and artificial, imaginary and real become blurred223.

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I motorcycle event in front of Mantos I

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A redistribution of customers The idea that has been shown until now is that the shopping centre consciously pampers the shopper, who reacts gratefully by arriving from longer distances, visiting the centre more frequently, staying longer224.

This does not alter the fact, however, that former commercial activities stand firm and have their own share in the commercial (and public) sphere of the city.

Only, the proportion differs slightly when evaluating the results of our questionnaires. Three-fourths of the respondents consider the mall as their main shopping destination. With this, arguments of parking facilities and air-co conveniences are quoted, as were the quality and diversity of goods. A woman of 44 let us know:

Also, commerce in the old colonial centre continues to take place. Chinese business flourishes in Chinatown, but is at the same time limited to these borders.

Functioning as a rather independent quarter, Chinatown is less influenced by the recent developments near the coastline. Interviews at Pasar 45, however, reveal both sides of the medal. Where one is not aware of the impact of the Boulevard Waterfront Project, due to the fact that clients are mostly coming from the north, another is almost forced to shut down because his customer file decreases visibly.

“When ordering a kilogram of meat at the pasar, one cannot be sure of the fact that he actually receives a kilo, nor of the fact that he actually receives meat.� _woman (44), inhabitant of a local kampong, Manado, 15.09.10 Still, traditional markets keep bringing up counterarguments. They are, for instance, popular because daily shopping can occur very early in the morning so that breakfast is made with fresh ingredients. Also, shopping at a pasar is a lot cheaper and can often occur closer to home.

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I use frequency of the different commercial centres - influence of age and educational level I

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For the rest, sequencing commercial activities are present at Sam Ratulangi street, where supermarkets and department stores are the main magnets for its vivacity. One may well notice how discotheques, bioscopes and karaoke bars, for which the mall embodies a modern counterpart, do disappear from sight225. Though not everyone prefers the offered alternatives of the mall.

“Before and after work, I spend my time in a rumah kopi with my friends. Being spared of the heat and crowdedness of the pasar, this is the ideal place for social encounter and free behaviour. The mall may have an air-conditioning system, but the taste of coffee will never be as good as it is in here!” _man (53), customer of a rumah kopi, Manado, 15.09.10

facility. Elderly people will indeed visit the mall on a weekly or monthly basis, but stick to their customs when it comes to daily shopping. Additionally, the level of education, which can to a certain extent be related to salary, makes a distinction between those who consider hygiene and quality standards of high priority and those for whom it does not hinder. Although both places attract a highly varied public, particular circumstances give rise to a stereotyped picture carelessly sketched by ‘the well-dressed businessman at middle age surveying the shopping mall’ and ‘the jovial lady dragging along a bunch of chickens through the pasar’.

We may conclude by saying that the appearance of the shopping mall can be considered as an enrichment of the current network. There rather occurs a redistribution of customers over the coexisting typologies. One may well notice that both extremes pasar and mall - attract a slightly different segment of the population and supermarkets show an in-between behaviour. Questionnaires reveal an impact of age as well as of educational level upon the choice of shopping

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I weekly use of the different commercial centres - influence of age I

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Comparative study of public life in the project and in (former) non-commercial open places

Privatisation of public life It is seen as a general tendency that the trend towards privatisation, considerable in the sequence of ‘inward turning’ shopping malls as part of the Central Business District, is transforming public space in the city by placing it partly in commercial hands226. The shopping mall is introduced as a new public player and many things can be learnt from the public life it embodies.

Primary among them is the importance of a vital and imaginative public realm227. The mall structure uses the drawing power of its anchors to artificially generate certain vitality and permeable sense of urban encounter at its heart. Urban public life has been ‘recreated’ in private space228.

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I a customer of Hypermart sitting on a bench I

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Public activities in (former) non-commercial open places The public realm in the city may have been privatised in part, it has certainly not faded away. Outside of the reclamation area and the previously mentioned commercial centres, public life is exposed in noncommercial open squares or lapangan. As defined in the 2000-2010 general town plan of Manado, an open public place is a platform that accommodates a variety of activities designated for people in the neighbourhood who are in want of an outdoor meeting place.

Cemeteries, as well as sport arenas and city forests fall within the scope of the document’s definition229.

With regards to sport arenas, only a few, like Tikala Sparta and Sario, are in good condition and will be further discussed. A departed greatness in this category is Stadion Klabat, out of use since 2006. People often indicate it as a place where they used to meet for watching football while revelling in the snacks of the street vendors. Important in this context is that sport complexes do not limit themselves to recreation only, but are, in being a green open space, potentially named as public domain230.

for animals and creating a healthy, comfortable and aesthetic environment. Hutan kota have proven effective against temperature, humidity, noise and dust and are therefore able to make a public place more comfortable231. TKB (Taman Kesatuan Bangsa), literally translated as National Unity Park, joins this category in being an open public place combined with green area development222. A lack of space and management, together with a priority given to the construction of buildings, however, make that forests are difficult to obtain in the city centre. Although there is some talk of it in the further planning of the Central Business District, only one at Bahu area is developed so far.

Further in the document, a city forest or hutan kota is specified as a cluster of trees with a minimum area of one-fourth of a hectare, forming a natural habitat

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I Stadion Klabat in its glory days I

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Grounded on the definition of open public place within the 2000-2010 general town plan, we have filtered out three outdoor public places for the scope of this discussion. TKB, Tikala Sparta and Sario represent the categories of sport arenas and city forests in Manado and can be considered as the only open squares in full operation within the borders of the city.

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I map of Manado I

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Name: Location: Close to:

TKB (Taman Kesatuan Bangsa) in the heart of the old city centre 1_Pasar 45 2_Presiden Shopping Centre

I previous activities at TKB; TKB 1970 I

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Obviously, TKB is one of Manado’s oldest squares that is still in use. It dates back to the colonial period where it served as the main square of the centre in front of the Dutch fort.

What followed was a period of both growth and disrepair. In 1945, the city authority was forced to rebuild the area because of a devastating bombardment during the Japanese occupation. Shortly thereafter, struggles between Permesta rebellions and the central government of Jakarta ended in another demolition of the ex Fort Amsterdam location. When peace returned in the 1960s, TKB was re-built a last time and was given its current name233.

The square used to be surrounded by a zone for informal street vending (Pedagang Kaki Lima) until 2006, when the government declared itself in favour against it234. We will see later on how this marked the beginning of a larger resettlement of the informal sector.

I colonial centre 1922 I

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Nowadays, TKB functions as a common shared space for passers-by and people of the neighbourhood. The square is equipped with benches, fountains and trees that provide a pleasant cooling during the hottest time of the day. In the middle, the statue of Lolong Lasut, who is believed to be the founder of Manado, stands firm235. Remarkable is the open-air theatre, often used as a setting for free open-air performances and festivals. The fact that TKB is a non-commercial place, where entertainment can occur without money being spent, is often quoted as a reason why people find it comfortable to come here.

connotation to many Manadonese. Respondents are speaking of an increasing criminality since street vendors have been warded off the place. What is more, with residents and office workers more and more drawn to the nearby boulevard, TKB is left to casual visitors, hangers-on, the young, and the restless.

Because the square is surrounded by the remnants of Manado’s former commercial centre - Pasar 45, Presiden Shopping Centre, Golden Supermarket, Jumbo Department Store - it attracts a similar mixed and casually dressed public: youngsters of the surrounding kampong, children accompanied by their parents, taxi drivers who take a rest below the shaded trees, shop workers in uniform, and many more.

In the evening, when the sun is not able to burn on their skin anymore, people start occupying the whole square, which gives it a pleasant bustle. Though, it has to be said that, at night, the square evokes a negative

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I public activities at TKB I

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I behavioural map TKB, Tuesday 28.09.10, 4 p.m. I

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I behavioural map TKB, Sunday 26.09.10, 8 p.m. I

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Name: Location: Close to:

Tikala Sparta up-town, in the Balaikota street 1_major’s office

I previous activities at Tikala Sparta; city hall 1929 I

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Also constructed during colonial time, Tikala Sparta served as a second public place, outside the coastal settlement. Because of its implementation up-town, it had an overview on Manado and was especially used for military purposes236. In 1950, the major’s office found its way to the square and several residential complexes for local officers were built in its vicinity237.

Nowadays, the entire administrative headquarter of the city is located in the adjacent surroundings of Tikala Sparta and the square is putted on for official and recreational purposes. Few times a year big (politically tinted) events take place and regularly small public activities are organised during the day. Once, we observed a flea market, next to a music show and an outdoor medical control. The square is also known for its yearly Thanksgiving celebration.

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Tikala Sparta is used by schools in the neighbourhood for gym classes, and local football clubs often exploit its sports facilities. Fitness installations are implemented in the lawn, which is, in turn, surrounded by many benches and seating areas where others keenly make use of to rest or read the newspaper. Taxi drivers, who are in fact indicators for the approachableness of the square and its functioning in the urban network, can be found under the shaded trees on the edges of the square.

At night, almost all benches are occupied. A very relaxed atmosphere can be noticed and this implies an equal behaviour. Youngsters are laying on the grass with their cell phones and bottles of cola, a family is enjoying an ice-cream together on the bench, some girls are listening to music and giggling among each other, older men are arriving with beer cans, two bikers are circling around the square, a pregnant woman is dozing up in the lap of her husband.

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I public activities at Tikala Sparta I

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I behavioural map Tikala Sparta, Friday 24.09.10, 9 a.m. I

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I behavioural map Tikala Sparta, Saturday 18.09.10, 8 p.m. I

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Name: Location:

Close to:

Sario in the Jendral Ahmand Yani street, in between Sam Ratulangi street and boulevard Pierre Tendean 1_Mantos

I previous activities at Sario; Permesta 1957 I

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In 1925, the municipality of Manado obtained the ownership of Sario Ban field and accommodated the city with a racetrack for horse racing, a beloved national sport at that time. Several years later, during Japanese colonisation, the entertainment content of the square made way for a military function and previous public activities were moved to Tikala Sparta.

Sario kept its military function when the headquarters of Permesta found their way to Manado in 1957 and often used the square for important public meetings and performances238 .

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At present, political tracks are covered up and Sario is above all a recreational area. Its situation close to one of the main shopping malls of the Boulevard Waterfront Project might explain the fact that the square, together with the whole neighbourhood, is reviving. The grassy plain, surrounded by a running track and a tribune in the west, is heavily visited by - mostly male - students and athletes. Jogging, playing tennis and having a game of football all takes place rather spontaneously on the site. Now and then, the whole place is flocked

with people for bigger public events, like music performances. In general, Sario is mainly a busy place in the evening and at weekends.

One may wonder how the open place that has once been an arena of political deliberation and participation, now serves as a local recreation area.

It is almost as if the city’s endless challenge between locality and universality, is being fought out on this very site.

I public activities at Sario I

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I behavioural map Sario, Sunday 26.09.10, 4 p.m. I

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Public life near the coast Recently, the Boulevard Waterfront Project makes this summation of (open) public places complete.

Closer scrutiny is necessary on how six lobs of land reclamation have evolved into a patchwork of public sites. Public life does not limit itself to the interior of the mall, where human needs for recreation and social interaction are combined with commercial activities239.

It goes beyond the borders of the mall and picks up the open areas provided by developers and government.

The realm is further exemplified by a haphazard public behaviour all around the mall. Each spot, whether outside or inside, consciously set up or not, activates its own kind of people and attitudes, in their turn different from that in (former) non-commercial open places.

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I local inhabitants catching a fish next to the project I

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Indoor behaviour Comparing indoor behaviour of the mall with scenes that are set up at TKB, Tikala Sparta and Sario, where one ensconces itself on a bench with legs pulled up and someone else lays stretched out to read today’s newspaper, a difference in connotative meaning must be noticed. With its design and architecture, the mall building imputes a certain amount of do and dont’s where open plazas do not, or at least less obviously. In this sense, people may develop an identity by attending this kind of place240.

Literature often linked the development of malls and department stores with the figure of the flâneur, the stroller on the streets, the promenade of seeing and being seen. The flâneur combines conspicuous consumption with urban voyeurism and consumption of street life as spectacle241. P. Nas once portrayed the natives of Manado as “nicely dressed people that like to stroll the markets in order to show off their beautiful cloths and take delight in idleness”242. Nowadays, this behaviour is enforced within the framework of the shopping mall. Although the presence of nightlife and entertainment may have something to do with it, distinctly more people are dressed up in Mantos and Mega Mall compared to supermarkets as Golden and Multimart.

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Inside the mall, a great diversity of functions gives rise to an equal set of unspoken rules about cognition and behaviour. For the scope of this discussion, we take a look at the wide-spread offer of restaurants in Mantos.

Solaria, for a start, is a very popular lounge among students. They prefer the combination of having a drink while chatting, smoking and playing games on their laptop. But also businessmen and families find their way to this restaurant. The high level of convergence is made concrete by the loungy atmosphere and the possibility to have a comfortable seat, including a view on the passers-by. People are feeling relaxed and soon start to pull up their legs and drowse off in their chair.

This is rather unseen in adjacent restaurants like Bambu Express and Ta Wan where one sits up straight while having dinner or consuming a cup of coffee. These places attract a distinctly older public: the woman with her friends, the man with his colleagues. Systematically, one table is surrounded by four to seven men, having a drink and busily discussing commerce and politics. In this sense, it forms the obvious antithesis of the rumah kopi outdoors.

A different setting can be sketched in Mantos’ Food Court. Here, the threshold to enter is very low because

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the restaurant is an extension of the public corridor, and this is signalled by a diverse public that passes by. Young and old, man and woman, colleagues, friends or family, Muslim or Christian, all go for its conviviality, easy atmosphere and cheaper food. Fast food restaurants can be added, with the distinction that these are more frequently used for birthday parties and other celebrations.

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Except the amount of eating opportunities, of which an equal offer can be found in Mega Mall, there are some other prominent gathering places in both malls.

At the thought of the flâneur, one can easily grasp how voids are non-stop occupied with people, leaning on the balustrades and observing others from above.

The building’s design responds to this form of passive engagement by providing sitting places adjacent to the pedestrian flows. It is the merit of the modern shopping mall to recreate the sensibility of outdoor public places by proposing urban elements such as open areas, benches and fountains243. Comparing Mantos and Mega Mall, however, the latter disposes of a strikingly smaller amount of benches that are stashed away in corners.

children consider the rest of the storey as an extension of lunapark Amazone and are chasing each other through the corridors.

Active engagement, as in opportunities for contact and social interaction, can be made by the convergence of different elements, like benches, phone boxes and adjacent attraction244. In Mantos, the stairs next to the movie theatre have become a vast refuge for youngsters. There used to be an event on Mondays in the past that allured a great amount of students. Ever since it ended, they keep meeting here, for movies but also for discussing school tasks. With regards to Mega Mall, it is very busy on the highest floor where young

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I leaning on the balustrades; sitting on the stairs next to the cinema; playing in Amazone I

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I behavioural map Mantos, Thursday 07.09.10, 4 p.m. I

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I behavioural map Mega Mall, Friday 22.09.10, 4 p.m.* I

* Because Mega Mall II is in the hands of another company, we do not have access to its internal plan.

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Once outside the mall At the same time, people group together at particular places outside the mall. Much proceeds from the necessity of waiting for transport, meeting a friend, parking a car or smoking a cigarette. The entrances are hereby the most important. Only, the staff takes care that nobody will sit down on the ground. Some people therefore try to gather just passed the security’s eye.

The main entrances of both Mantos and Mega Mall know a diversified occupancy during the day, with peak hours when offices and schools close and many move to the boulevard. The open space in front accommodates a mishmash of people and vehicles since there is no separation in between. While taxi drivers are waiting for their next clients, women with a crammed shopping cart in one hand and their baby in another make an impatient call, and other cars arrive with a new load of mall-goers. The entrance forms a meeting place before going in, and those who come out use it for a last chat before taking various ways. Occasionally, the area is used for product exhibitions and other public events, or as a renting place for street vendors who sell traditional snacks. This particular example of street vending demonstrates how the shopping complexes try to meet the demands of the local population. It is an indication for the continuous interaction between former and new commercial phenomena.

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Ten metres further, a blue line of angkot is waiting along the footpath to carry passengers through the city.

Striking characteristics typify this waiting zone when comparing it to the one near the entrance. There is the row of cars shoving on beneath the shed, one metre from the entrance, to drop off and pick up shoppers, and the row of angkot with the same function, only somewhat further and less protected. While the drop off zone of angkot is carefully watched by a police guard at the right side of the mall, store staff aim to give a helping hand to people loading the car near the entrance. This kind of quasi innocent class segregation may be just the start for a bigger social transformation.

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I angkot next to the sidewalk; cars near the entrance I

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I one-way circulation loop I

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Nothing is more fundamental to the survival of shopping than a steady flow of customers and goods.

Issues of mobility are therefore indistinguishable from the development of a commercial district245. We have to bear in mind that the Boulevard Waterfront Project once started up as a place of utility, as a coastal road allowing for an easier and faster movement of the car across the urban space. Now, the different projects along boulevard Pierre Tendean adapt to this welcoming of the car in that sense that entrances and circulation loops are tuned to vehicles, rather than to pedestrians. If you have a car, you want to be seen. And here the aspect of the flâneur looms up again.

The regulation of car movement on the Central Business District is still under attempt, but already has an important impact on one’s shopping destination and therefore on the income of different commercial centres. 30 August 2010, a one-way circulation loop, passing the boulevard from south to north and the Sam Ratulangi street vice versa, has been introduced as a trial run. To this day, it brought about lots of protest, from angkot drivers, as well as from shop owners, who feel like coming a day after the fair. The circulation loop troubles especially those places that are no longer reached by public transportation. Besides, the current unidirectional drive system makes it hard to commute between two places.

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“I like to go shopping in Hypermart at Mantos, but because of the change in movement regulations, Multimart is better accessible and has become my new shopping destination.” _man (40), inhabitant of a local kampong, Manado, 22.09.10 “With the advent of the one-way traffic, Pasar 45 is losing its clients. Angkot are no longer passing by, thus people, who more and more like to be dropped off right in front of the shop, are going elsewhere to shop.” _man (32), inhabitant of the old city centre, Manado, 22.09.10 Important in this context is how the trajectories of angkot symbolise the movement routes and nodal points of the inhabitants, and therefore determine the spots of increased development across the city. Among all connector streets in between Sam Ratulangi street and boulevard Pierre Tendean, the Jendral Ahmand Yani street stands out as being the first where regular family houses have given way to restaurants and other commercial activities. The development started when Mantos became in operation and public transportation was being forced to use this street as a direct connection between the city’s two main roads. One can easily imagine a growing trend in this direction and a further impact on (former) open public places that are less connected to the current transportation network.

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Development in open-air The Central Business District houses some plazas in open-air too. With the existing urban regulation of sixteen percent public space in the back of his head, each developer is further shaping the outdoor site in his own view. Hereby, the relation with the sea and the city is taken on in different ways among the different developers.

In the design of Blue Banter area, the correlation with the water is strongly emphasised. By providing a socalled piazza, an open view seawards is maintained. The developer clearly tries to grasp a notion of the former beach and, in this way, he lends an ear to the nostalgia of many inhabitants. The outdoor corridor where people can walk along and relax, allows a relation of the boulevard with the back area of the complex that is meant as a tourism port246. In their publication folder, the piazza is cited as “an exclusive beach business opportunity” and “a comfortable place to gather while enjoying the beach atmosphere and the captivating views of the island of Bunaken”247.

Adjacent buildings are still in the construction phase and the sequence of rental spaces along the corridor is only partly used, despite the speakers with loud and trendy music and the emergence of green elements in an attempt to attract many. Occasionally in the evening, the area becomes vibrant. Then, children attend karate lessons under the light of a lamppost, youngsters gather on the concrete stairs, taking pictures of themselves and listening to music. So far, it stays limited to a young public that lives in the neighbourhood.

Even though this is only a speculation for the future, the foundations of the concept can already be noticed. But while the renders are looking promising, at present, the Manadonese population does not yet use the piazza.

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I piazza of Blue Banter - current situation I

I piazza of Blue Banter - future simulation I

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I open-air restaurants at Bahu area; restaurant near the coastline of Megamas area I

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When contrasting the intentions of Blue Banter area with the concept of the following two reclamation lobs, Mantos area and Megamas area appear to be of a slightly different mould. Both Mantos and Mega Mall are closed boxes that barely enter into relations with the surroundings. Although the developer of Megamas area is very aware of the opportunities a sea view can offer, he deals with it in a different way. Instead of letting everyone enjoy the beautiful view, he prefers to conserve it for the visitors of his restaurants, cafes, hotels and clubs near the coastline. Part of it is already installed and is promoted as “a combination of modern culinary arts and a beautiful coastal scenery”248.

assemble both rumah kopi and warung, together with an ‘exclusive’ sea view. ‘Exclusive’ in the sense that the sea panorama is more and more disappearing behind the buildings and tends to become a privilege for consumers.

Among all developers, the one of Bahu area seems to be the only one who provided more open public area than he was supposed to. Besides a hutan kota in the south, a broad strip next to the coastline is reserved for open-air restaurants and public festivities. Mr. Lopulalang is very convinced of this concept and blames his colleagues for not doing so249. His open area is popular among the inhabitants, knowing that a varied public, from near and far, declares to make use of the open-air restaurants on a weekly basis. Often, they do not come in order to eat, but rather for a game of chess or a moment of gossip. The place seems to

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I people on the rocks watching sunset I

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When one looks more closely, though, it becomes visible that also non-consumers are longing for and still catching the presence of the sea. Over the entire length of the reclaimed strip, people often collect on the rocks to catch a gleam of the sunset.

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Public space in between

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Regardless of the wave breakers that serve as a rendezvous for neighbours in the evening, more public activities occur haphazardly in between the concrete masses of the project, as if the neighbours are claiming back the ground that had once been taken away from them. On the backside of MTC, someone has fastened a self-made bench next to the water, boys are playing football on a building yard with four hats temporarily serving as goal posts, a man is taking a nap under the leaves of a left tree. Along the boulevard’s sidewalk, elderly from next-door are playing cards or are focusing on a game of chess.

We must not forget that the former beach fulfilled a major public function in bygone days. It was the habitat and livelihood of street vendors and fishermen, and meanwhile a pastime for other inhabitants. Here and there, in between the newly constructed buildings, some last settlements stand firm. Most of its men are at work on the nearby wharfs, thus for now, these settlements are regularised as accommodation for the construction workers. Sooner or later, however, they too will disappear. Informal settlements and activities are then largely moved land inwards where they invigorate the existing ones of the inner city.

One may wonder whether people prefer these spots because of the near presence, or rather because of the absence of the mall. It may be regarded that in-between zones are far less well kept, as garbage and wharf material are left behind, and sidewalks are often blocked by flowerpots, trees and bus stops.

Nevertheless, inhabitants of the nearby slums are actively filling up the unexploited spaces. Privatisation of large parts of the public site may have brought along many benefits for consumers, it simultaneously takes away public values for those who do not spend.

Various processes, however, are attacking urban space occupied by the informal business. We earlier mentioned how street vendor activities got largely forbidden on open public places in 2006, including the activities at TKB, Tikala Sparta and Stadion Klabat250.

Together with an increase of the car-owning population, roads are also starting to be cleared. In the meantime, the exclusion of large groups from the benefits of globalisation and the increasing urbanisation of poverty entails increasing employment in the informal sector, mainly in the selling on streets251. Yet, the attempts to regulate its presence were futile until now.

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With the advent of the Central Business District, the government was willing to supply certain spots, considered to be strategic and suitable for street vending252. In the end, the plan got largely cancelled, basically for fear of garbage and nuisance produced by the vendors253. Only occasional food stands in front of the shopping malls and a bazaar next to Mega Mall can be found. In order to guarantee their returns, street vendors continue to wander illegally nearby the centres of commercial activities, where they run the risk to be sent away. Future prospects are unclear until now.

A sustainable development for Manado, however, cannot succeed without the respect for the complementary relationship between the informal and formal order of the city254. Not only are street vendors dependent on formal activities near the coastline, but also is the economy of the formal sector sustained by the kampong across the street. Warung provide cheap meals for the workers in the Central Business District, who do not have sufficient income for ‘formal food’255.

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A public patchwork The diverse fragments of the reclamation strip altogether form one varied palette of public phenomena. Something for everybody, as it were.

In this light, individuals can assemble their city for themselves from a whole variety of elements and locations in the urban field256. When this palette then functions in addition to the open public places of the former city, a rich public patchwork is born.

It only should be noted that open plazas are above all used by inhabitants of the surrounding neighbourhood, while the mall is introduced as a commercial centre with a much larger serving area257. The shopping mall also attracts a more varied public, in that sense that it allows the Manadonese woman a more prominent place in the public sphere. Not so long ago, public life was considered as being divided along sexual lines.

Women might be more attached to commercial centres while men regularly found their way to open public places. Jalan Roda and several rumah kopi can still be quoted in this context, as occupied by an almost male clientele. With the advent of the shopping mall, in fact, women started having a role both as sellers and buyers.

As managers of the household, they shifted from the many small shops as centres of commodity exchange to the larger-scale establishments where public life is much more expressed258.

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The Boulevard Waterfront Project succeeds as a public domain because it not only addresses commercial concerns, but is also able to provide a sense of community. In combining entertainment and consumption, shopping does not remain within the limits of functionality, but becomes a form of entertainment for the entire family. Quoting M. De Sola-Morales, shopping complexes have become significant places in everyday life, the collective spaces of our time. Collective space, in this sense, is much more than public space, when we see it limited to public property. It more and more contains areas that are nor public nor private, but both at the same time.

The ‘good’ city, therefore, is that city where private buildings are public elements and radiate a social meaning and value, way beyond the buildings in which their urban character is harboured259.

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I a patchwork of outdoor (public) places* I * The map gives an overview of consciously set-up public places and other open areas in the vicinity of the Boulevard Waterfront Project.

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Comparative study of public life in the project and in (former) kampong

An independent public life Shopping has shaped the surroundings of Manado and is now ultimately shaping its inhabitants. Along with the adoption of a new way of shopping, people also embrace new, modern values and attitudes. The massive building of modern shopping malls on the outskirts of the former colonial town evolves out of a young and independent Manadonese quest for additional activities beyond the ones that are vivid in the traditional kampong life. For those who feel strong and independent, the communal bonds of the neighbourhood become stifling and shape a context from which it is essential to break free260. There is a transformation of urban public life from the integrated core of the kampong to its current presence in the modern shopping mall261.

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I a local inhabitant sitting along the street I

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In the margin Every year, from June until September, the Manadonese celebrate Indonesian Thanksgiving, called Pengucapan. With this tradition, people want to express their gratitude to God for His blessings during the previous year. One week before the festivity, the head of the community announces an overall clean up and decoration of the kampong streets in order to welcome coming guests. On Pengucapan day, everyone goes to church and continues the singing and praising back home, where the family gathers in front of the house before eating the meals that are carefully prepared for the occasion. Strangers too are kindly welcomed to join dinner and happiness. Afterwards, guests take whatever food they like back to their homes262.

I celebration of Pengucapan I

A rich kampong life Manado is a city deeply rooted within its own traditions. Stepping outside the brand new reclamation area, one meets a world of a totally different mould, where a hotchpotch of settlements determines the urban tissue. Identity and difference have found a spatial shape in the city during time and laid the foundations for the rich kampong life today263. Closer scrutiny is deserved on how public life is given shape inside the neighbourhoods.

Foreigners as well as Minahasa and Indonesian ethnics have attached themselves to a fixed location within the city and are characterised by particular traditions and ceremonies. Indigenous Minahasa kampong are marked by a striking solidarity among the members by which someone’s private problem often becomes the problem of all. Their strong community life is attended with lots of traditions. Kampong members themselves will celebrate birth, death and memorial together, and frequently, several kampong gather for religious activities such as the Pengucapan tradition. Also daily scenes like eating, drinking, chatting mostly occur in community.

through a kampong gives a clear vision on people’s daily pursuits. A woman is watching over her and her neighbours’ children, a man is repairing his motorbike.

One can catch the scent of local food and the sound of flapping laundry in the wind. Others try to make money in and around the neighbourhood, as the owner of a small shop, a motor taxi driver, a market vendor or a second-hand goods trader. When the night is falling, all neighbours gather. Glasses are filled. Chessboards and karaoke installations are brought out. This, moreover, is proceeded along the two main roads of the city where street life reaches a climax by night.

The community life is seen as a framework that protects the individual and the household from the impersonal world. Neighbourhoods reduce the effects of a dichotomous gap between the public and private sphere, by extending the private intimate space beyond the home264. Streets are playing a crucial role in being the centre where sociability and community building is exercised265.

One can postulate that a large part of social life takes place in the streets and alleys of the city. A walk

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I liveliness I vibrant in kampong a kampong life I

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I a kampong street I

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Mutation in cultural patterns An industrialising and urbanising society undergoes a social transformation out of necessity. The German sociologist F. Tรถnnies describes the Gemeinschaft as a traditional community rooted in a particular place, where individuals are related to each other through natural will and united through ties of blood and history. The Gesellschaft on the other hand, refers to the modern society in which trade and science create groups of individuals who are only related to each other through the rational will to achieve certain ends266. Mutual help, dependence, and communal feelings characterise Gemeinschaft relationships while Gesellschaft is more individualistic267. On second thoughts, individuals remain essentially united in spite of all separating factors in the Gemeinschaft, whereas in the Gesellschaft they are separated in spite of all uniting factors. There has often been expected that the more affluent people live as free individuals, while the lower income groups cling to community life268.

brings about an uprooting individualism, but cannot stem the fact that traditional activities stand firm.

Anyhow, it is certain that inhabitants are starting to disperse over the city, beyond the territory of the ethnic kampong.

The transformation of community life in Manado can be framed within this research. Various newcomers from other regions cause a growing number of non-ethnic settlements in the city, which have far less social ties than the indigenous ones. We will debate later on how this wider range of different contexts and groupings

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I marriage celebration inside a kampong I

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The Boulevard Waterfront Project has introduced a new social given in Manado. Instead of gathering around in the kampong after working hours, many Manadonese can be found in the Central Business District. As appears from different interviews, children go straight to the mall while before they would assemble in the kampong. Appointments are made in the city centre in order to maintain privacy at home and dinner often occurs outdoors. It seems that kampong activities are more and more moved towards the boulevard. People just take their habits with them into the mall building.

That is to say, people still spend their time among family and friends, as can be noted in the graphics, but in a slightly different environment. Ambitious birthday parties or entire family dinners are therefore frequently found in the mall.

I spending time among family and friends I

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The malls in turn gladly respond to these local habits.

Often, restaurants organise their tables in a way that entire families can be drawn around it. This implies bigger religious celebrations, such as Christmas and Pengucapan for Christians, or Idul Fitri for Muslims.

These activities turn out to be good examples of elements that are part of the kampong and now tend to adopt the course of malling. The head of Mantos confirms that several families from the city centre, coming from churches or mosques, eat out in his restaurants. He nuances, however, that people from the hinterlands celebrate special occasions in their own neighbourhood269. With regards to these traditional festivities, different opinions are shared. Some people have adapted their habits, while others might never abandon their traditional culture.

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I family dinner at Mantos I

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I customer of Mantos I

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Towards a modern society The careful step towards modernisation in Manado is characterised by a transformation of a centuries old agrarian community life in accordance with uprooting individuals. While public places of the neighbourhood are places of exposure, where individuals are under the scrutiny of others, many find their way to the crowded streets and busy shopping malls as places of concealment270. The growing individualism is then further linked to the rise of the urban fl창neur271. Visiting the mall does not necessarily mean shopping. Instead, the cultural meaning of a mall visit is to articulate and demonstrate an identity and share that interest with other people272.

What is more, the continuous process of cultural globalisation and modernisation in the city is affecting and constructing the consumer culture of the middle class. The formula many developers handle in composing the program of their project is one based in consumption lifestyles of specific market sectors, and most of them will direct at middle to upper classes. It is at the mall that members of the middle class are put on display and negotiate their claims to middle class membership. Henceforth, wearing the proper clothing or driving a car constitutes an important part of how a growing segment of the population uses the urban field in order to separate itself along social lines273.

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Individual freedom When interviewing local inhabitants about the impact of the Boulevard Waterfront Project on their social life, many are convinced that kampong activities remain important and will persist.

“Everybody keeps lounging around in the kampong.

I am not interested to do this in the shopping mall.” _woman (41), inhabitant of a local kampong, Manado, 15.09.10 Though, one can notice that within the past years, life centred on neighbourhoods is being transformed and partly shifted towards the sequence of malls along the sea. A 31 years-old interviewee nuances: “I think profound kampong life is more designated for older people. They like to sit in front of their houses and chat with the passers-by. Some day, when I have grown old, I will do the same thing. For now, I spend my time in and around the shopping mall with friends.” _man (27), employee in the Central Business District, Manado, 15.09.10

independence. The shopping mall then offers an opportunity for individuals to represent themselves without any attachment to the communal sense. It emerges as a spatial environment, which is social but not communal, a zone of public life that embraces the individual, as well as the group274. Equally, the same persons who are breaking free from the neighbourhood context, will fall back on the kampong at a later stage.

Nonetheless, the acceptance of a full range of new commercial and public activities in the city of Manado is indicative of a transformation within society itself.

The Boulevard Waterfront Project has taken public life to a new level in offering an extra to the traditional community life. Apparently, the growing urban middle class represented by a modern lifestyle, is a new reality Manado has to face. Individual freedom allows people to come with their own will to form a consensus, among others about what they accept as ‘public’275. Hence, different ways of ‘being in public’ are culminated in the urban field and the combined action between them only enriches the elements themselves.

If we go further into this statement, the uprooting individualism may be seen as one phase of the individual’s life, where a person reaches the age of adulthood and is quietly hankering for more

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A clash between Jakarta and Tomohon – A feeling of larger experiences to small-town life

Traversing a route from colonialism to modernity to globalisation, new economic relationships and trade networks encourage the introduction of cultural norms276. Fresh modes of dependence arise in the acceptance of a modern body of thought and its accompanying physical models, which originate outside and are sustained by one or another globalising process.

Today’s so-called global impact is not considered a particularly new phenomenon. Earlier Islamic, Chinese and European influences were also often ‘global’ in nature, though not all of western origin as globalisation is supposed to be. The reception of outside influences in Manado can be put within the context of a culture that incorporates them in a dynamic way without losing its own core and identity277. Currently, the city is given a modern symbolic meaning, representative for the society of which it is now a part.

Modern, in this sense, is principally related to the physical representation of cities like Jakarta, where ever taller buildings and a rapid influx of consumer commodities represent progress and development.

‘Being like Jakarta’ originates from the imbalance between Indonesian cities in the past and is further kept up by media and marketing, continually emanating the Jakarta lifestyle into the world. We saw earlier that

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developers in Manado repeatedly refer to samples of the capital when it comes to finding a success formula for their own project.

Jakarta may geographically be a local entity, functionally its scope as a mega-city is global278.

Since the 1980s, the city is trying hard to profit from global effects and to compete for the position of an internationally recognised economic centre279.

The tensions between its global mercantilism and local efforts at urban planning exemplify the diverse challenges the city is endlessly faced with. Monuments represent a quest for international recognition as well as a means to build national pride and express Indonesian independence and modernity280. Embracing more and more the American architectural and urban planning principles, Jakarta brings in a set of factors from a world to which it wants to belong. At one level, there is the emergence of a global lifestyle related to clothing, food, entertainment and the built environment. At another level, the rapid growth of the city has led to an increase in the producer service sector and a growth of middle class populations. These components coalesce in the built environment of the modern city with its central business districts, freeways, offices and shopping complexes281.

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In Manado, the sequence of air-conditioned shopping malls near the coast constitutes a form of modernity and instantly with it, a first yearning to rise from the ranks of the Indonesian periphery and have a share in the global world. At the thought of shopping mall Mantos, whose design is an exact copy of Citos in Jakarta, one can easily grasp the role of the capital as a popular prototype. Colours, ornaments and lighting symbolise a pop culture that gives the building an innovative appearance. Sculptures in the front are no longer related to heroic persons from the Minahasa myths but rather refer to Western figures instead. The city of Manado is aspiring to an identity as a global icon that can be mentioned in the same breath with progression and renewal. The physical appearance of the mall is then further incorporated by the inhabitants, who are creatively transforming their environments by heightening houses and replacing temporal materials with concrete, aluminium and glass.

From a morphological perspective, the commercial strip near the coastline is in shrill contrast with the rural scenery of its hinterland. Its large urban grain, robustness and mass distinguish the project from the adjacent low-rise kampong and small labyrinths of pathways and alleys. It is in this sense that the

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Boulevard Waterfront Project has become the landmark of the city: easily identifiable from its prominent location and particularly distinct from its hinterland.

The burst of modernity in the city surely drags a couple of bottlenecks with it. An increasing number of vehicles and the accompanying congestion and air pollution is a problem modern Manado has to deal with, as well as the gradually disappearance of natural scenery due to the rising concrete masses. Though, whatever the side effects may be, the visual appearance of the coastal buildings has driven the collective idea that the Boulevard Waterfront Project is the representation of development and progression.

Together with the physical appearance of the project, there is the embrace of new modern values and attitudes by the inhabitants. With the sound of American music in the background and among displays that broadcast the latest trends in fashion and lifestyle, people try out new roles in restaurants and entertainment centres that could just occasionally be found in the city before. The shopping mall and its surroundings have been widely accepted as a container of fresh activities outside the domestic circle, and simultaneously a new way of living sneaks into the

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urban life of the Manadonese. The mere presence of world brands and fast food restaurants highlights an increasing level of consumption and a larger share for Manado in the global network of cities.

All this can be the indication of an ongoing transformation inside the society itself. Parallel to a growing consumerism and mall culture, the city is characterised by an uprooting middle class, as was Jakarta in the 1990s282. We have seen before how the culture of consumption is among the cultural processes through which an emerging middle class creates itself as a socio-cultural entity. Wearing the proper clothing while strolling through the mall, or driving a fancy car past the entrance constitutes an important part of a claim to and a maintenance of middle class membership.

Moreover, there is scope for individual talent to flourish once released from the suppressions of the intimate community life283. Mutations in the cultural pattern flare up when children linger in the mall while playing in the kampong before, or youngsters prefer to meet in the city centre in order to maintain privacy at home.

But as mentioned earlier, individualism may be seen as one phase in a person’s life, and many are tending to fall back on the kampong at a later stage.

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Instead of regarding the Boulevard Waterfront Project as a modern invasion of a traditional mainland, there is the co-presence and mutual interdependence of concepts of modernity and tradition. The reclamation area functions as a complement to the current network, where former activities stand firm and have their own share in the commercial, public and social sphere.

Eating at fancy restaurants instead of cooking at home may well have become a lifestyle symbol, domestic habits are often taken along to the shopping mall. The fact that restaurants offer the opportunity to organise entire family dinners and big religious celebrations is one of the examples of traditional activities that have adopted over the course of malling.

The case study of this thesis delivers consistent insight that experiences of modernity remain diverse, shaped by regional and local dynamics as much as by postcolonial or global processes284. The shopping mall emerges as a welcome, modern addition to the urban life of the inhabitants and is further shaped to their cultural roots. In this way, the Manadonese confine their orientations to local horizons, but are nonetheless accepting the global dynamics that intrude on their space.

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In this sense, assuming that cities are vital and dynamic sites where citizens are shaping inventive futures is more relevant for policy-makers than copy-cat policies that aim to reproduce the experiences of cities elsewhere285. Instead of exporting the American mall intact into the society of Manado, local traditions are incorporated. “Modern phenomena”, J. Robinson says, “always carry with them memories, dreams and fantasies from the past”286.

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Transformation of public space – Shopping itself as the source of change in society

The transformation of public space in Manado can be seen as bilateral. Literally, there is the arrival of a Central Business District with the departure of a public beach. Where the disappearance of the beach is an irretrievable loss of a specific part of the public sphere, the advent of the Boulevard Waterfront Project leads to a transformation and even a consolidation of a former public given. Symbolically, the scope of the project goes way beyond the borders of reclamation, it entangles and revises the foundation of public life in the former city.

Going back to the former days when land reclamation was not yet discussed, the coastline fulfilled a central function in the Manadonese society. Most of the activities that exemplified its urban life in those days were practised on the beach. Fishermen were stirring early, collecting their catch, while others were taking a quick dive in the Pacific Ocean. As the day progressed, other people arrived to meet and mingle. Under a setting sun, the inhabitants assembled to overlook the sea vista while having a snack from a gerobak287.

Street vendors and local fishermen both contributed to a unique atmosphere that was highly appreciated by tourists288.

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Due to unattended garbage and poor sanitary conditions, however, the area was simultaneously linked with slum conditions and its corresponding problems289.

At last - chasing a modern environment - the beach had to make room for the reclamation practices of the boulevard Pierre Tendean. Most of the public activities quickly adapted to the new scenery and the coastline remained a vibrant place, though with a slightly different public program. Informal activities were more and more elbowed out and public life became inspired by the recent invasion of the car. By permission of the local government, the boulevard was now and then used as a race arena for cars and motorcycles290.

With the second phase of land reclamation and the accompanying Central Business District, the shift of public activities near the coastline got further enforced.

Former elements that once encouraged a vital public life next to the water are in large measure displaced by a modern counterpart. This, however, does not mark the symbolic outset of a declining public sphere, nor does traditional public life suffer loss of identity due to the fast advance of a modern dĂŠcor.

In the course of our thesis, we repeatedly stressed how the developments near the coastline are experienced

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as a public space where an exchange between different social groups is possible and also actually occurs. The Boulevard Waterfront Project succeeds as a public domain because it not only addresses commercial concerns, but is able to provide a sense of community, a ground for convergence for the inhabitants. Within and without the enclosures of the mall are not only stores of every kind and size, but large open spaces available to the public and suitable for numerous uses. There is space to roam, to sit down, to talk and to spend. By pampering the shopper with comfort and conveniences, the latter reacts gratefully by arriving from longer distances and visiting the centre more frequently. The project has become a potential magnet for the man across the street, the family of the neighbouring village, the visitor from outside the city.

Day in day out, whether it regards the hustle and bustle inside the shopping mall or the trudging traffic along the street, the (sea) air is filled with noise and liveliness.

The repeated occupation of the site by a mishmash of users indicates the responsiveness of the project to the needs of the inhabitants. The public realm of Manado is enriched with a modern ingredient.

fisherman behind the buildings, scattered settlements that are not moved yet, a sporadic presence of street vendors and watching of the sunset along the shore. For all that, the largest part of the former activities moved land inwards to invigorate the existing public life of the inner city.

The co-existence of the former city and the adjacent modern strip makes that the Boulevard Waterfront Project can be categorised as a supplement to the public realm of Manado. Altogether with the varied public places in the former city, the diverse fragments of the reclamation strip form one rich palette of public phenomena with which people tend to identify. In this light, individuals start to assemble their city for themselves from a whole variety of elements and locations in the urban field291. One can conclude that the intrusion of a new factor caused a reorganisation of what before seemed to be self-evident and leaves the inhabitants with an ongoing re-evaluation of what is worthwhile and what is not292. It is a continuous public quest for a society in full transformation.

Here and there, a glimpse of far-of coastal activities can still be caught on the reclamation strip. A lonely

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NAS, P., “Global, national and local perspectives” in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 154, (1998), 2, pp. 181-192.

RAKHIDIN, O., “Megamal - Kawasan bisnis Megamas Manado: Landmark dan pertama di Manado” [Megamal – Megamas business area Manado: The first landmark in Manado] in Majalah konstruksi, 327, (2003), pp. 47-50.

RAZAK, B., “Kronologis reklamasi PT Megasurya Nusalestasi: Perjanjian awal pemkot bersedia sertakan modal” [Reclamation chronology of PT Megasurya Nusalestasi: An initial agreement will cover the government’s capital] in Manado Post, 23.09.2010.

RENGKUNG, M., Pengembangan Manado Waterfront City untuk meningkatkan citra kota [Manado Waterfront City development to improve the image of the city], Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 2003, 216p.

SCHEFOLD, R., “The domestication of culture: Nation-building and ethnic diversity in Indonesia” in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 154, (1998), 2, pp. 259-280.

SPREIZHOFER, G., “From farming to franchising: Current aspects of transformation in post-crisis metro-Jakarta” in Asien, 87, (2003), 4, pp. 52-64.

X, “Tak ada relokasi PKL di areal reklamasi” [There is no PKL relocation in the reclamation area] in Komentar, s.d.

GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS X, Identifikasi kawasan pengembangan perkotaan cepat tumbuh di kota Manado [Identification of fast-growing urban development areas in the city of Manado], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d.

X, Kota Manado dalam angka 2008 [The city of Manado in figures 2008], Manado, Statistical agency Manado, 2008, 221p.

X, Kota Manado dalam angka 2009 [The city of Manado in figures 2009], Manado, Statistical agency Manado, 2009, 221p.

X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah kota Manado 2000-2010 [Spatial plan for the city of Manado 2000-2010], Manado, Planning department Manado, 1999.

X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah 2007-2027 [Spatial plan for the city 2007-2027], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d.

X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah 2009-2029 [Spatial plan for the city 2009-2029], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

241

BROCHURES PT BAHU CIPTA LESTARI, Mall Manado, Manado, s.n., s.d.

PT MEGASURYA NUSA LESTARI, Kejutan selalu menunggu anda di kawasan Megamas [Always a surprise waiting for you in the area of Megamas], Manado, s.n., 2010.

PT PAPETRA PERKASA UTAMA, Pusat investasi strategis, menguntungkan dan terlengkap di Manado [The most comprehensive, strategic investment profit centre in Manado], Manado, s.n., 2010.

INTERVIEWS* BOYKE, J., Development history of Blue Banter area, Manado, PT Papetra Perkasa Utama, 14.09.2010 (Personal information).

IRAWAN, H., Development history of Megamas area, Manado, PT Megasurya Nusa Lestari, 28.09.2010 (Personal information).

JANTO, W., Development history of Mega Trade Centre, Manado, PT Megasurya Nusa Lestari, 28.09.2010 (Personal information).

KUNCORO, A., Development history of Mantos area, Manado, PT Gerbang Nusa Perkasa, 01.09.2010 (Personal information).

LOPULALANG, J., Development history and marketing strategy of Bahu area, Manado, PT Bahu Cipta Lestari, 29.09.2010 (Personal information).

ROGI, O., Development proposals for the old city centre, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 02.09.2010 (Personal information).

TAMIN, S., Manado’s urban policy, Manado, Planning department Manado, 31.08.2010 (Personal information).

TINANGON, A., Analysing the impact of the Boulevard Waterfront Project, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 27.08.2010 (Personal information).

TINANGON, A., Analysing the changing conditions in the kampong settlement, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 03.09.2010 (Personal information).

WALANDOUW, J., The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

WEBSITES LEKAN, M., Pengucapan: Indonesian Thanksgiving, 2011. (24.03.2011, Compassion, http://blog.compassion.com/pengucapan-indonesianthanksgiving) X, History, colonialism and independence, s.d. (23.11.2010, North Sulawesi tourism promotion board, http://www.north-sulawesi.org/colonialism. html) X, Manado, 2011. (11.04.2011, Wikimedia foundation, http://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manado) X, Traditional markets (pasar) in Indonesia, 2011. (15.03.2011, Expat web site association Jakarta, http://www.expat.or.id/info/traditionalmarkets. html)

* Besides structured interviews, several sporadic interviews among the inhabitants of the city were done. Their references can be found in the text.

242

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

243

REREFENCES 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

244

H. HEYNEN and A. LOECKX, “Scenes of ambivalence: Concluding remarks on architectural patterns of displacement” in Journal of architectural education, 52, (1998), 2, p. 100.

X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah kota Manado 2000-2010 [Spatial plan for the city of Manado 2000-2010], Manado, Planning department Manado, 1999, p. III-98.

H. HEYNEN, Architecture and modernity: A critique, London, MIT Press, 1999, p. 3.

A. BROWN, Street trading, public space and livelihoods in developing cities, Warwickshire, ITDG Publishing, 2006, p. 10.

A. MADANIPOUR, Public and private spaces of the city, London, Routledge, 2003, p. 4.

M. HAJER and A. REIJNDORP, In search of new public domain: Analysis and strategy, Rotterdam, Nai Uitgevers, 2001, p. 11.

N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 7.

J. ROBINSON, Ordinary cities: Between modernity and development, Oxon, Routledge, 2006, p. 125.

N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 30.

G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, p. 300.

Ibid. – p. 295.

B. RAZAK, “Kronologis reklamasi PT Megasurya Nusalestasi: Perjanjian awal pemkot bersedia sertakan modal” [Reclamation chronology of PT Megasurya Nusalestasi: An initial agreement will cover the government’s capital] in Manado Post, 23.09.2010.

H. HEYNEN and A. LOECKX, “Scenes of ambivalence: Concluding remarks on architectural patterns of displacement” in Journal of architectural education, 52, (1998), 2, p. 100.

Ibid. – p. 106.

A. KING, Colonial urban development: Culture, social power and environment, London, Routledge, 1976, pp. 18-19.

J. ROBINSON, Ordinary cities: Between modernity and development, Oxon, Routledge, 2006, p. 129.

T. MC GEE, “Jalan, jalan: Invading, destroying and reconstructing the Southeast Asian city” in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 158, (2002), 4, pp. 639-640.

D. RONDINELLI, Secondary cities in developing countries: Policies for diffusing urbanization, California, Sage Publications, 1983, p. 34.

N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 27.

K. YOUNG, “A new political context: The urbanisation of the rural” in D. BOURCHIER and J. LEGGE (Eds.), Democracy in Indonesia: 1950s and 1960s, 1995 (2).

Cit. in: N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 7.

N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 27.

D. RONDINELLI, Secondary cities in developing countries: Policies for diffusing urbanization, California, Sage Publications, 1983, p. 33.

Ibid. – p. 47.

Ibid. – pp. 177-178.

Ibid. – p. 29.

N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 7.

J. ROBINSON, Ordinary cities: Between modernity and development, Oxon, Routledge, 2006, p. 125.

Ibid. – pp. 111-112.

K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 158.

N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 30.

REFERENCES

31 O. RAKHIDIN, “Megamal - Kawasan bisnis Megamas Manado: Landmark dan pertama di Manado” [Megamal – Megamas business area Manado: The first landmark in Manado] in Majalah konstruksi, 327, (2003), p. 47.

32 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, pp. 18-19.

33 Ibid.

34 Ibid. – p. 20.

35 K. BROWN, Decentralization and ethnic regionalism in Indonesia: The case of Minahasa, Hawaii, University of Hawaii, 2002, p. 97.

36 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 20.

37 G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, p. 276.

38 K. BROWN, Decentralization and ethnic regionalism in Indonesia: The case of Minahasa, Hawaii, University of Hawaii, 2002, pp. 16-19.

39 X, History, colonialism and independence, s.d. (23.11.2010, North Sulawesi tourism promotion board, http://www.north-sulawesi.org/ colonialism.html) 40 K. VAN DIJK, “From colony to independent state: The changing fate in Minahasa of a tiny Muslim minority amidst Christians” in R. SCHEFOLD (Ed.), Minahasa past and present: Tradition and transition in an outer island region of Indonesia, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1995, p. 85.

41 K. BROWN, Decentralization and ethnic regionalism in Indonesia: The case of Minahasa, Hawaii, University of Hawaii, 2002, p. 99.

42 G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, pp. 294-295.

43 Ibid.

44 K. BROWN, Decentralization and ethnic regionalism in Indonesia: The case of Minahasa, Hawaii, University of Hawaii, 2002, p. 101.

45 G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, p. 273.

46 K. BROWN, Decentralization and ethnic regionalism in Indonesia: The case of Minahasa, Hawaii, University of Hawaii, 2002, pp. 12-13.

47 Ibid. – p. 75.

48 Ibid. – pp. 6-8.

49 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 7.

50 Ibid. – p. 347.

51 X, Kota Manado dalam angka 2008 [The city of Manado in figures 2008], Manado, Statistical agency Manado, 2008, p. 72.

52 Ibid.

53 P. NAS, The colonial city, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1997, p. 12.

54 P. NAS, Miniature of Manado: Images of a peripheral settlement, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1994, p. 11.

55 X, Kota Manado dalam angka 2008 [The city of Manado in figures 2008], Manado, Statistical agency Manado, 2008, p. 72.

56 X, History, colonialism and independence, s.d. (23.11.2010, North Sulawesi tourism promotion board, http://www.north-sulawesi.org/ colonialism.html) 57 X, Manado, 2011. (11.04.2011, Wikimedia foundation, http://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manado) 58 P. NAS, Miniature of Manado: Images of a peripheral settlement, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1994, p. 11.

59 X, History, colonialism and independence, s.d. (23.11.2010, North Sulawesi tourism promotion board, http://www.north-sulawesi.org/ colonialism.html) 60 P. NAS, The colonial city, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1997, p. 12.

61 X, Identifikasi kawasan pengembangan perkotaan cepat tumbuh di kota Manado [Identification of fast-growing urban development areas in the city of Manado], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d., p. IV-1.

62 P. NAS, The colonial city, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1997, pp. 12-13.

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245

63 M. HAMERSTER, “Een kijkje in de Minahassa: De aarde en haar volken” [A look into the Minahasa: The earth and its nations] in Geïllustreerd maandblad, 1916 (2).

Cit. in: P. NAS, Miniature of Manado: Images of a peripheral settlement, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1994, pp. 4-5.

64 L. MANUS, R. NIHE, F. PARENGKUAN and D. SURYO, Sejarah kota Manado 1945-1979 [City history Manado 1945-1979], Jakarta, Education and culture department, 1986, p. 25.

65 Ibid. – p. 88.

66 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 59.

67 R. SCHEFOLD, “The domestication of culture: Nation-building and ethnic diversity in Indonesia” in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 154, (1998), 2, p. 267.

68 M. RICKLEFS, A history of modern Indonesia since c. 1300, 1993 (2).

Cit. in: N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 59.

69 X, Manado, 2011. (11.04.2011, Wikimedia foundation, http://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manado) 70 K. VAN DIJK, “From colony to independent state: The changing fate in Minahasa of a tiny Muslim minority amidst Christians” in R. SCHEFOLD (Ed.), Minahasa past and present: Tradition and transition in an outer island region of Indonesia, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1995, p. 85.

71 L. MANUS, R. NIHE, F. PARENGKUAN and D. SURYO, Sejarah kota Manado 1945-1979 [City history Manado 1945-1979], Jakarta, Education and culture department, 1986, pp. 47-50.

72 Ibid.

73 Ibid. – pp. 4-9.

74 Ibid. – p. 51.

75 A. KING, Colonial urban development: Culture, social power and environment, London, Routledge, 1976, p. 278.

76 P. NAS, The colonial city, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1997, p. 1.

77 A. KING, Colonial urban development: Culture, social power and environment, London, Routledge, 1976, p. 282.

78 Ibid. – p. 279.

79 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 305.

80 Ibid. – p. 303.

81 Ibid.

82 Ibid. – p. 308.

83 G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, p. 296.

84 Ibid.

85 X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah 2007-2027 [Spatial plan for the city 2007-2027], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d., p. IV-12.

86 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 307.

87 Ibid. – pp. 302-304.

88 Ibid. – p. 310.

89 P. NAS, Miniature of Manado: Images of a peripheral settlement, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1994, pp. 11-12.

90 X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah kota Manado 2000-2010 [Spatial plan for the city of Manado 2000-2010], Manado, Planning department Manado, 1999, p. III-67.

91 T. MC GEE, “Jalan, jalan: Invading, destroying and reconstructing the Southeast Asian city” in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 158, (2002), 4, p. 643.

92 R. SCHEFOLD, “The domestication of culture: Nation-building and ethnic diversity in Indonesia” in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 154, (1998), 2, p. 260.

246

REFERENCES

93 P. NAS, Miniature of Manado: Images of a peripheral settlement, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1994, p. 4.

94 R. SCHEFOLD, “The domestication of culture: Nation-building and ethnic diversity in Indonesia” in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 154, (1998), 2, p. 267.

95 Ibid. – p. 260.

96 K. BROWN, Decentralization and ethnic regionalism in Indonesia: The case of Minahasa, Hawaii, University of Hawaii, 2002, p. 72.

97 R. SCHEFOLD, “The domestication of culture: Nation-building and ethnic diversity in Indonesia” in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 154, (1998), 2, p. 277.

98 L. GANDHI-LAPIAN, “Persistence of Adat law in Minahasa in the interests of justice, harmony and peace: Aspects of family law for Christians in Minahasa” in R. SCHEFOLD (Ed.), Minahasa past and present: Tradition and transition in an outer island region of Indonesia, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1995, p. 92.

99 K. VAN DIJK, “From colony to independent state: The changing fate in Minahasa of a tiny Muslim minority amidst Christians” in R. SCHEFOLD (Ed.), Minahasa past and present: Tradition and transition in an outer island region of Indonesia, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1995, p. 77.

100 Ibid. – pp. 84-86.

101 P. NAS, Miniature of Manado: Images of a peripheral settlement, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1994, p. 12.

102 Ibid. – p. 9.

103 X, Kota Manado dalam angka 2008 [The city of Manado in figures 2008], Manado, Statistical agency Manado, 2008, p. 115.

104 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 34.

105 G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, p. 275.

106 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 304.

107 G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, p. 286.

108 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 305.

109 X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah 2007-2027 [Spatial plan for the city 2007-2027], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d., p. IV-12.

110 G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, p. 276.

111 Ibid. – pp. 299-300.

112 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 303.

113 X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah kota Manado 2000-2010 [Spatial plan for the city of Manado 2000-2010], Manado, Planning department Manado, 1999, p. III-94.

114 P. NAS, Miniature of Manado: Images of a peripheral settlement, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1994, p. 11.

115 U. MAI, “Small-town markets and the urban economy in kabupaten Minahasa” in Indonesia, 37, (1984), pp. 49-50.

116 G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, p. 293.

117 U. MAI, “Small-town markets and the urban economy in kabupaten Minahasa” in Indonesia, 37, (1984), pp. 49-50.

118 Ibid. – pp. 50-51.

119 T. MC GEE, “Jalan, jalan: Invading, destroying and reconstructing the Southeast Asian city” in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 158, (2002), 4, p. 643.

120 U. MAI, “Small-town markets and the urban economy in kabupaten Minahasa” in Indonesia, 37, (1984), pp. 53-54.

121 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 304.

REFERENCES

247

122 A. MADANIPOUR, Public and private spaces of the city, London, Routledge, 2003, p. 4.

123 Ibid. – p. 210.

124 M. DE SOLA-MORALES, “Openbare en collectieve ruimte: De verstedelijking van het privé-domein als nieuwe uitdaging” [Public and collective space: The urbanization of private property as a new challenge] in Oase, 33, (1992), p. 8.

125 L. LOFLAND, The public realm: Exploring the city’s quintessential social territory, 1998 (2).

Cit. in: M. HAJER and A. REIJNDORP, In search of new public domain: Analysis and strategy, Rotterdam, Nai Uitgevers, 2001, p. 85.

126 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 305.

127 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

128 M. RENGKUNG, Pengembangan Manado Waterfront City untuk meningkatkan citra kota [Manado Waterfront City development to improve the image of the city], Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 2003, p. 77.

129 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 305.

130 A. TINANGON, Analysing the impact of the Boulevard Waterfront Project, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 27.08.2010 (Personal information).

131 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

132 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 305.

133 Ibid. – p. 307.

134 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

135 M. RENGKUNG, Pengembangan Manado Waterfront City untuk meningkatkan citra kota [Manado Waterfront City development to improve the image of the city], Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 2003, p. 171.

136 G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, p. 296.

137 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

138 N. NIESSEN, Municipal government in Indonesia: Policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning, Leiden, Research school CNWS, 1999, p. 308.

139 Ibid. – p. 307.

140 X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah kota Manado 2000-2010 [Spatial plan for the city of Manado 2000-2010], Manado, Planning department Manado, 1999, p. II-5.

141 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

142 M. RENGKUNG, Pengembangan Manado Waterfront City untuk meningkatkan citra kota [Manado Waterfront City development to improve the image of the city], Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 2003, p. 176.

143 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

144 A. KUNCORO, Development history of Mantos area, Manado, PT Gerbang Nusa Perkasa, 01.09.2010 (Personal information).

145 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

146 S. TAMIN, Manado’s urban policy, Manado, Planning department Manado, 31.08.2010 (Personal information).

147 S. SASSEN, Cities in a world economy, 1994 (2).

Cit. in: K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 158.

148 S. TAMIN, Manado’s urban policy, Manado, Planning department Manado, 31.08.2010 (Personal information).

149 H. IRAWAN, Development history of Megamas area, Manado, PT Megasurya Nusa Lestari, 28.09.2010 (Personal information).

150 PT BAHU CIPTA LESTARI, Mall Manado, Manado, s.n., s.d.

151 J. LOPULALANG, Development history and marketing strategy of Bahu area, Manado, PT Bahu Cipta Lestari, 29.09.2010 (Personal information).

152 Ibid.

248

REFERENCES

153 Ibid.

154 Ibid.

155 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

156 A. KUNCORO, Development history of Mantos area, Manado, PT Gerbang Nusa Perkasa, 01.09.2010 (Personal information).

157 Ibid.

158 Ibid.

159 Ibid.

160 H. IRAWAN, Development history of Megamas area, Manado, PT Megasurya Nusa Lestari, 28.09.2010 (Personal information).

161 Ibid.

162 Ibid.

163 Ibid.

164 PT MEGASURYA NUSA LESTARI, Kejutan selalu menunggu anda di kawasan Megamas [Always a surprise waiting for you in the area of Megamas], Manado, s.n., 2010.

165 W. JANTO, Development history of Mega Trade Centre, Manado, PT Megasurya Nusa Lestari, 28.09.2010 (Personal information).

166 Ibid.

167 Ibid.

168 Ibid.

169 Ibid.

170 PT MEGASURYA NUSA LESTARI, Kejutan selalu menunggu anda di kawasan Megamas [Always a surprise waiting for you in the area of Megamas], Manado, s.n., 2010.

171 Ibid.

172 H. IRAWAN, Development history of Megamas area, Manado, PT Megasurya Nusa Lestari, 28.09.2010 (Personal information).

173 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

174 J. BOYKE, Development history of Blue Banter area, Manado, PT Papetra Perkasa Utama, 14.09.2010 (Personal information).

175 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

176 PT PAPETRA PERKASA UTAMA, Pusat investasi strategis, menguntungkan dan terlengkap di Manado [The most comprehensive, strategic investment profit centre in Manado], Manado, s.n., 2010.

177 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

178 O. ROGI, Development proposals for the old city centre, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 02.09.2010 (Personal information).

179 A. TINANGON, Analysing the changing conditions in the kampong settlement, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 03.09.2010 (Personal information).

180 A. TINANGON, Analysing the changing conditions in the kampong settlement, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 03.09.2010 (Personal information).

181 Ibid.

182 Ibid.

183 Ibid.

184 H. HEYNEN and A. LOECKX, “Scenes of ambivalence: Concluding remarks on architectural patterns of displacement” in Journal of architectural education, 52, (1998), 2, p. 103.

185 A. BROWN, Street trading, public space and livelihoods in developing cities, Warwickshire, ITDG Publishing, 2006, p. 10.

186 A. MADANIPOUR, Public and private spaces of the city, London, Routledge, 2003, p. 4.

187 M. HAJER and A. REIJNDORP, In search of new public domain: Analysis and strategy, Rotterdam, Nai Uitgevers, 2001, p. 11.

188 K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 130.

189 M. CRAWFORD, “The world in a shopping mall” in M. SORKIN (Ed.), Variations on a theme park: The new American city and the end of public space, New York, Hill and Wang, 1992, p. 23.

REFERENCES

249

190 X, Traditional markets (pasar) in Indonesia, 2011. (15.03.2011, Expat web site association Jakarta, http://www.expat.or.id/info/ traditionalmarkets.html) 191 X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah kota Manado 2000-2010 [Spatial plan for the city of Manado 2000-2010], Manado, Planning department Manado, 1999, p. III-92.

192 L. MANUS, R. NIHE, F. PARENGKUAN and D. SURYO, Sejarah kota Manado 1945-1979 [City history Manado 1945-1979], Jakarta, Education and culture department, 1986, p. 80.

193 A. TINANGON, Analysing the impact of the Boulevard Waterfront Project, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 27.08.2010 (Personal information).

194 Ibid.

195 M. CRAWFORD, “The world in a shopping mall” in M. SORKIN (Ed.), Variations on a theme park: The new American city and the end of public space, New York, Hill and Wang, 1992, p. 17.

196 S. TAMIN, Manado’s urban policy, Manado, Planning department Manado, 31.08.2010 (Personal information).

197 A. TINANGON, Analysing the impact of the Boulevard Waterfront Project, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 27.08.2010 (Personal information).

198 K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 125.

199 J. MC MORROUGH, “City of shopping” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p.

195.

200 H. FERGUSON, “Watching the world go round” in R. SHIELDS (Ed.), Lifestyle shopping, 1992 (2).

Cit. in: K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 125.

201 D. HERMAN, “Mall” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p. 468.

202 C. CHUNG, “Disney space” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p. 288.

203 D. HERMAN, “Jerde transfer” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p. 404.

204 M. CRAWFORD, “The world in a shopping mall” in M. SORKIN (Ed.), Variations on a theme park: The new American city and the end of public space, New York, Hill and Wang, 1992, pp. 21-22.

205 M. HAJER and A. REIJNDORP, In search of new public domain: Analysis and strategy, Rotterdam, Nai Uitgevers, 2001, p. 125.

206 D. MITCHELL and L. STAEHELI, “Clean and safe? Property redevelopment, public space, and homelessness in downtown San Diego” in S. LOW and N. SMITH (Eds.), The politics of public space, New York, Routledge, 2006, p. 147.

207 C. CHUNG, “Ms. consumer” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p. 514.

208 H. IRAWAN, Development history of Megamas area, Manado, PT Megasurya Nusa Lestari, 28.09.2010 (Personal information).

209 M. CRAWFORD, “The world in a shopping mall” in M. SORKIN (Ed.), Variations on a theme park: The new American city and the end of public space, New York, Hill and Wang, 1992, p. 22.

210 K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 136.

211 Ibid. – p. 4.

212 Ibid. – p. 129.

213 Ibid. – pp. 128-129.

214 Ibid. – p. 136.

215 A. KUNCORO, Development history of Mantos area, Manado, PT Gerbang Nusa Perkasa, 01.09.2010 (Personal information).

216 S. LEONG and S. WEISS, “Air conditioning” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p.

93.

217 T. CHA, “Ecology” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p. 328.

218 K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 128.

219 T. VINH, “Coopetition” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p. 208.

220 K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 128.

221 C. CHUNG, “Ms. consumer” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p. 518.

250

REFERENCES

222 M. CRAWFORD, “The world in a shopping mall” in M. SORKIN (Ed.), Variations on a theme park: The new American city and the end of public space, New York, Hill and Wang, 1992, pp. 14-15.

223 K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 158.

224 S. LEONG and S. WEISS, “Air conditioning” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p.

116.

225 A. TINANGON, Analysing the impact of the Boulevard Waterfront Project, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 27.08.2010 (Personal information).

226 S. LOW, “How private interests take over public space: Zoning, taxes, and incorporation of gated commuities” in S. LOW and N. SMITH (Eds.), The politics of public space, New York, Routledge, 2006, p. 82.

227 K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 136.

228 Ibid. – p. 128.

229 X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah kota Manado 2000-2010 [Spatial plan for the city of Manado 2000-2010], Manado, Planning department Manado, 1999, p. III-98.

230 Ibid.

231 Ibid. – p. III-101.

232 X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah 2007-2027 [Spatial plan for the city 2007-2027], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d., p. IV-29.

233 L. MANUS, R. NIHE, F. PARENGKUAN and D. SURYO, Sejarah kota Manado 1945-1979 [City history Manado 1945-1979], Jakarta, Education and culture department, 1986, p. 27.

234 O. ROGI, Development proposals for the old city centre, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 02.09.2010 (Personal information).

235 L. MANUS, R. NIHE, F. PARENGKUAN and D. SURYO, Sejarah kota Manado 1945-1979 [City history Manado 1945-1979], Jakarta, Education and culture department, 1986, p. 27.

236 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

237 L. MANUS, R. NIHE, F. PARENGKUAN and D. SURYO, Sejarah kota Manado 1945-1979 [City history Manado 1945-1979], Jakarta, Education and culture department, 1986, pp. 4-9.

238 Ibid. – p. 27.

239 M. CRAWFORD, “The world in a shopping mall” in M. SORKIN (Ed.), Variations on a theme park: The new American city and the end of public space, New York, Hill and Wang, 1992, p. 15.

240 M. HAJER and A. REIJNDORP, In search of new public domain: Analysis and strategy, Rotterdam, Nai Uitgevers, 2001, p. 52.

241 K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 125.

242 P. NAS, The colonial city, Leiden, University of Leiden, 1997, p. 14.

243 C. CHUNG, “Disney space” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p. 288.

244 M. CARMONA, T. HEATH, O. TANER and S. TIESDELL, Public places, urban spaces, Oxford, Architectural Press, 2003, pp. 166-168.

245 S. LEONG, “Mobility” in R. KOOLHAAS (Ed.), The Harvard Design School guide to shopping, Cambridge, Taschen, 2001, p. 477.

246 J. BOYKE, Development history of Blue Banter area, Manado, PT Papetra Perkasa Utama, 14.09.2010 (Personal information).

247 PT PAPETRA PERKASA UTAMA, Pusat investasi strategis, menguntungkan dan terlengkap di Manado [The most comprehensive, strategic investment profit centre in Manado], Manado, s.n., 2010.

248 PT MEGASURYA NUSA LESTARI, Kejutan selalu menunggu anda di kawasan Megamas [Always a surprise waiting for you in the area of Megamas], Manado, s.n., 2010.

249 J. LOPULALANG, Development history and marketing strategy of Bahu area, Manado, PT Bahu Cipta Lestari, 29.09.2010 (Personal information).

250 S. TAMIN, Manado’s urban policy, Manado, Planning department Manado, 31.08.2010 (Personal information).

251 A. BROWN, Street trading, public space and livelihoods in developing cities, Warwickshire, ITDG Publishing, 2006, pp. 6-7.

252 X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah 2007-2027 [Spatial plan for the city 2007-2027], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d., p. IV-25.

253 X, “Tak ada relokasi PKL di areal reklamasi” [There is no PKL relocation in the reclamation area] in Komentar, s.d.

REFERENCES

251

254 X, Identifikasi kawasan pengembangan perkotaan cepat tumbuh di kota Manado [Identification of fast-growing urban development areas in the city of Manado], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d., p. IV-9.

255 A. KUSNO, Behind the postcolonial: Architecture, urban space and political cultures in Indonesia, London, Routledge, 2000, p. 146.

256 M. HAJER and A. REIJNDORP, In search of new public domain: Analysis and strategy, Rotterdam, Nai Uitgevers, 2001, p. 28.

257 J. WALANDOUW, The historical evolution of Manado, Manado, Planning department Manado, 07.09.2010 (Personal information).

258 D. HARVEY, “The political economy of public space” in S. LOW and N. SMITH (Eds.), The politics of public space, New York, Routledge, 2006, p.

27.

259 M. DE SOLA-MORALES, “Openbare en collectieve ruimte: De verstedelijking van het privé-domein als nieuwe uitdaging” [Public and collective space: The urbanization of private property as a new challenge] in Oase, 33, (1992), pp. 6-7.

260 A. MADANIPOUR, Public and private spaces of the city, London, Routledge, 2003, p. 156.

261 Ibid. – p. 193.

262 M. LEKAN, Pengucapan: Indonesian Thanksgiving, 2011. (24.03.2011, Compassion, http://blog.compassion.com/pengucapan-indonesianthanksgiving) 263 A. MADANIPOUR, Public and private spaces of the city, London, Routledge, 2003, p. 136.

264 Ibid. – p. 137.

265 Ibid. – p. 162.

266 Ibid. – p. 183.

267 T. HOUWELING and P. NAS, Mega-urbanization in Southeast Asia, Leiden, University of Leiden, 2000, p. 2.

268 A. MADANIPOUR, Public and private spaces of the city, London, Routledge, 2003, p. 186.

269 A. KUNCORO, Development history of Mantos area, Manado, PT Gerbang Nusa Perkasa, 01.09.2010 (Personal information).

270 A. MADANIPOUR, Public and private spaces of the city, London, Routledge, 2003, p. 153.

271 R. SENNETT, Flesh and stone, 1994 (2).

Cit. in: K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 136.

272 M. ANSORI, “Consumerism and the emergence of a new middle class in globalizing Indonesia” in Explorations, 9, (2009), 2, p. 93.

273 Ibid. – pp. 88-94.

274 K. DOVEY, Framing places: Mediating power in built form, London, Routledge, 1999, p. 125.

275 C. TAYLOR, “Liberal politics and the public sphere” in A. Etzioni (Ed.), New communitarian thinking: Persons, virtues, institutions and communities, 1995 (2).

Cit. in: A. MADANIPOUR, Public and private spaces of the city, London, Routledge, 2003, pp. 179-182.

276 A. KING, Colonial urban development: Culture, social power and environment, London, Routledge, 1976, p. 280.

277 P. NAS, “Global, national and local perspectives” in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 154, (1998), 2, pp. 188-189.

278 J. ROSENAU and D. WILDSMITH, “Jakarta as a site of fragmegrative tensions” in R. BISHOP (Ed.), Postcolonial urbanism: Southeast Asian cities and global processes, New York, Routledge, 2003, p. 190.

279 G. SPREIZHOFER, “From farming to franchising: Current aspects of transformation in post-crisis metro-Jakarta” in Asien, 87, (2003), 4, p. 61.

280 J. ROSENAU and D. WILDSMITH, “Jakarta as a site of fragmegrative tensions” in R. BISHOP (Ed.), Postcolonial urbanism: Southeast Asian cities and global processes, New York, Routledge, 2003, pp. 190-198.

281 T. MC GEE, “Jalan, jalan: Invading, destroying and reconstructing the Southeast Asian city” in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 158, (2002), 4, pp. 639-641.

282 M. ANSORI, “Consumerism and the emergence of a new middle class in globalizing Indonesia” in Explorations, 9, (2009), 2, p. 93.

283 J. ROBINSON, Ordinary cities: Between modernity and development, Oxon, Routledge, 2006, p. 22.

284 A. KING, Colonial urban development: Culture, social power and environment, London, Routledge, 1976, pp. 18-19.

285 J. ROBINSON, Ordinary cities: Between modernity and development, Oxon, Routledge, 2006, pp. 6-7.

286 Ibid. – p. 29.

252

REFERENCES

287 D. KAWENGIAN, Dampak reclamasi pantai terhadap pemanfaatan ruang public dan strategi pengelolaanya: Kabawasan boulevard, kota Manado [Impact of coastal reclamation on public space utilisation and management strategies: Boulevard area, Manado], Surabaya, Technological institute, 2003, p. 64.

288 M. RENGKUNG, Pengembangan Manado Waterfront City untuk meningkatkan citra kota [Manado Waterfront City development to improve the image of the city], Manado, University Sam Ratulangi, 2003, p. 77.

289 Ibid.

290 D. KAWENGIAN, Dampak reclamasi pantai terhadap pemanfaatan ruang public dan strategi pengelolaanya: Kabawasan boulevard, kota Manado [Impact of coastal reclamation on public space utilisation and management strategies: Boulevard area, Manado], Surabaya, Technological institute, 2003, p. 62.

291 M. HAJER and A. REIJNDORP, In search of new public domain: Analysis and strategy, Rotterdam, Nai Uitgevers, 2001, p. 28.

292 H. HEYNEN and A. LOECKX, “Scenes of ambivalence: Concluding remarks on architectural patterns of displacement� in Journal of architectural education, 52, (1998), 2, p. 101.

REFERENCES

253

FIGURE LIST BROADER CONTEXT p. 17

p. 20

p. 20

cores of urbanisation in Indonesia _based on X, Indonesia 2002 CIA map, 2007. (14.02.2011, Wikimedia commons, http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/File:Indonesia_2002_CIA_map.png) corridor Manado - Bitung _based on G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, p. 274. thirteen integrated economic development zones (kapet) in Indonesia _based on X, The appointed location of the integrated economic area development (kapet) in eastern Indonesia region, 1998. (16.02.2011, Regional Dua, http://regionaldua.tripod.com/kapet.html)

MANADO p. 24

p. 25

p. 26

p. 27

p. 27

p. 27

p. 29

p. 30

p. 30

p. 30

p. 35

p. 37

p. 37

p. 41 p. 41 p. 41 p. 45

p. 47

254

northern Sulawesi _based on G. JONES and L. SONDAKH, “An economic survey of northern Sulawesi: Turning weaknesses into strength under regional autonomy” in Bulletin of Indonesian economic studies, 39, (2003), 3, p. 274.

Manado _based on X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah 2007-2027 [Spatial plan for the city 2007-2027], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d., p. IV-5.

Manado bay in the 18th century _B. TALUMEWO, Minahasa tempo dulu [Minahasa in the past], 2009. (17.04.2011, http://bode-talumewo. blogspot.com/2009/07/galeri-foto-minahasa-minahasa-tempo.html) Fort Amsterdam 1924 _X, Een straat in Menado met aan de linkerzijde het Fort Menado en aan de rechterkant de sociëteit [A street in Manado with Fort Manado on the left and society on the right], s.d. (21.03.2011, Tropenmuseum, http://collectie.tropenmuseum.nl) Manado port 1925 _X, KPM schuiten en een baggerschip bij Menado, met op de achtergrond Poelau Menado Toewa [KPM boats and a dredger in Manado, in the background the island of Manado Tua], s.d. (21.03.2011, Tropenmuseum, http://collectie.tropenmuseum.nl) Fort Amsterdam 1926 _X, Fort Nieuw Amsterdam, Menado [Fort New Amsterdam, Manado], s.d. (21.03.2011, Tropenmuseum, http:// collectie.tropenmuseum.nl) colonial centre 1922 _based on B. TALUMEWO, Minahasa tempo dulu [Minahasa in the past], 2009. (17.04.2011, http://bode-talumewo. blogspot.com/2009/12/galeri-foto-minahasa-minahasa-tempo.html) map of Minahasa 1853 _R. CRIBB, Nineteenth century, 2010. (21.03.2011, Digital atlas of Indonesian history, http://www. indonesianhistory.info/pages/nineteenth-century.html) city hall Manado 1929 _J. KERCHMAN, “Gemeente Manado” [Municipality Manado] in J. KERCHMAN (Ed.), 25 jaren decentralisatie in Nederlandsch-Indië 1905-1930 [25 years of decentralisation in Dutch-India], Weltevreden, G. Kolff & co, 1930, p. 441.

Kampong Cina 1900 _B. TALUMEWO, Imlek so lewat [Chinese new year], 2009. (17.04.2011, http://bode-talumewo.blogspot. com/2009/02/galeri-foto-imlek-so-lewat-gong-xi-fat.html) historical growth of Manado _based on X, Identifikasi kawasan pengembangan perkotaan cepat tumbuh di kota Manado [Identification of fast-growing urban development areas in the city of Manado], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d., p. IV-2. natural scenery of Manado _X, Manado from sky, 2007. (17.04.2011, Wikimedia commons, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Image:Manadofromsky.jpg) gradient of slope in Manado _based on X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah 2009-2029 [Spatial plan for the city 2009-2029], Manado, Planning department Manado, s.d.

Arabic kampong _personal collection C. SUSILO. kampong street _Ibid.

Chinese kampong 1910 _Ibid. number of religious institutions in Manado _X, Kota Manado dalam angka 2009 [The city of Manado in figures 2009], Manado, Statistical agency Manado, 2009, p. 158. network of roads in Manado _based on Google Earth.

FIGURE LIST

BOULEVARD WATERFRONT PROJECT p. 58 Manado Boulevard Waterfront Project _based on Google Earth. p. 59 Manado _Ibid. p. 60 schematic representation of phase 0 _Ibid. p. 61 low-rise kampong at the coast of Manado _personal collection V. KUMURUR. p. 62 schematic representation of phase I _based on Google Earth. p. 63 reclamation of boulevard Pierre Tendean _personal collection V. KUMURUR. p. 64 schematic representation of phase II _based on Google Earth. p. 65 block plan of the local authority _personal collection J. WALANDOUW. p. 65 reclamation of the six lobs _personal collection V. KUMURUR. p. 66 schematic representation of phase III _based on Google Earth. p. 67 schematic representation of phase IV _Ibid. p. 72 location of the (non-)official boat docks (map) _Ibid. p. 72 location of the (non-)official boat docks (picture) _X, De rede van Manado met twee KPM boten en een oude Japanse boot, Celebes [The

roadstead of Manado with two KPM boats and an old Japanese boat, Celebes], s.d. (21.03.2011, Tropenmuseum, http://collectie.

tropenmuseum.nl) p. 75 Boulevard Waterfront Project in layers _based on Google Earth. p. 79 current situation of the Boulevard Waterfront Project _Ibid. p. 82 current situation of Bahu area _Ibid. p. 84 projected future of Bahu area _based on PT BAHU CIPTA LESTARI, Mall Manado, Manado, s.n., s.d. p. 85 future simulation of Bahu area _Ibid. p. 87 current situation of MCC area _based on Google Earth. p. 88 current situation of Mantos area _Ibid. p. 91 projected future of Mantos area _based on personal collection A. KUNCORO. p. 94 current situation of Megamas area _based on Google Earth. p. 96 projected future of Megamas area _based on PT MEGASURYA NUSA LESTARI, Kejutan selalu menunggu anda di kawasan Megamas

[Always a surprise waiting for you in the area of Megamas], Manado, s.n., 2010. p. 97 future simulation of Megamas area _Ibid. p. 99 current situation of Blue Banter area _based on Google Earth. p. 100 projected future of Blue Banter area _based on personal collection J. BOYKE. p. 101 future simulation of Blue Banter area _PT PAPETRA PERKASA UTAMA, Pusat investasi strategis, menguntungkan dan terlengkap di Manado [The most comprehensive, strategic investment profit centre in Manado], Manado, s.n., 2010. p. 102 current situation of Marina area _based on Google Earth. p. 105 transformation of the street dĂŠcor across the project (above) _personal collection V. KUMURUR. p. 106 sketch by Prof. A. Tinangon _A. TINANGON, Analysing the impact of the Boulevard Waterfront Project, Manado, University Sam Ratulangi,

27.08.2010 (Personal information). p. 115 sketch by Prof. A. Tinangon _Ibid. p. 124 current pasar in Manado _X, Rencana tata ruang wilayah kota Manado 2000-2010 [Spatial plan for the city of Manado 2000-2010],

Manado, Planning department Manado, 1999, p. III-92. p. 136 ground floor of Mantos _based on personal collection A. KUNCORO. p. 137 first floor of Mantos _Ibid. p. 139 ground floor of Mega Mall _based on personal collection H. IRAWAN. p. 140 movement patterns in Mantos _based on personal collection A. KUNCORO. p. 141 movement patterns in Mega Mall _based on personal collection H. IRAWAN.

FIGURE LIST

255

p. 144 number of visitors during Thursday 09.09.10 _based on personal collection H. IRAWAN and A. KUNCORO. p. 145 average number of visitors during August 2010 _Ibid. p. 147 motorcycle event in front of Mantos _ personal collection A. KUNCORO. p. 148 use frequency of the different commercial centres _based on results from the questionnaire in attachment. p. 150 reasons for going to a pasar _Ibid. p. 151 reasons for going to a shopping mall _Ibid. p. 152 use frequency of the different commercial centres - influence of age and educational level _Ibid. p. 155 weekly use of the different commercial centres - influence of age _Ibid. p. 159 Stadion Klabat in its glory days _X, Stadion Klabat menjelang laga Persija v Manado United [Stadion Klabat before the game Persija v

Manado United], 2010. (03.04.2011, Witho, http://witho-sang-pembual.blogspot.com/2010/06/warouw-jangan-jadikan-sepakbola.

html) p. 161 map of Manado _based on Google Earth. p. 162 previous activities at TKB _personal collection V. KUMURUR. p. 162 TKB 1970 _B. TALUMEWO, Minahasa tempo dulu [Minahasa in the past], 2009. (17.04.2011, http://bode-talumewo.blogspot.

com/2009/05/ galeri-foto-minahasa-manado-tempo.html) p. 163 colonial centre 1922 _Ibid. p. 168 previous activities at Tikala Sparta _B. TALUMEWO, Lapangan Sparta Tikala tempoe doeloe [Tikala Sparta in the past], s.d. (05.04.2011,

Manado Indo, http://manadoindo.wordpress.com/manado-tempo-doeloe) p. 168 city hall 1929 _J. KERCHMAN, “Gemeente Manado” [Municipality Manado] in J. KERCHMAN (Ed.), 25 jaren decentralisatie in

Nederlandsch-Indië 1905-1930 [25 years of decentralisation in Dutch-India], Weltevreden, G. Kolff & co, 1930, p. 441. p. 174 previous activities at Sario _J. KERCHMAN, “Gemeente Manado” [Municipality Manado] in J. KERCHMAN (Ed.), 25 jaren decentralisatie in

Nederlandsch-Indië 1905-1930 [25 years of decentralisation in Dutch-India], Weltevreden, G. Kolff & co, 1930, p. 441. p. 174 Permesta 1957 _B. TALUMEWO, Minahasa tempo dulu [Minahasa in the past], 2009. (17.04.2011, http://bode-talumewo.blogspot.

com/2009/05/ galeri-foto-minahasa-manado-tempo.html) p. 190 different transportation means to visit the Boulevard Waterfront Project _based on results from the questionnaire in attachment. p. 190 one-way circulation loop _based on Google Earth. p. 193 piazza of Blue Banter - future simulation _PT PAPETRA PERKASA UTAMA, Pusat investasi strategis, menguntungkan dan terlengkap di Manado [The most comprehensive, strategic investment profit centre in Manado], Manado, s.n., 2010. p. 203 a patchwork of outdoor (public) places _based on Google Earth. p. 223 people with whom one visits the mall _based on results from the questionnaire in attachment. p. 228 activities that preferably occur at home _Ibid.

Any other graphical material in this thesis originates from personal data (pictures, sketches, observation notes) acquired during the field trip.

256

FIGURE LIST

FIGURE LIST

257

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QUESTIONNAIRE

260

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262

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264

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