Neon Community Project 2015 Kypseli Loukas Bartatilas (eng) by loukas_bartatilas

Loukas Bartatilas

KYPSELI

research and mapping of the neighbourhood

Community Project 2015 1

Loukas Bartatilas

KYPSELI

research and mapping of the neighbourhood

Community Project 2015

Loukas Bartatilas

KYPSELI

research and mapping of the neighbourhood

concept development - research - texts - photos: LOUKAS BARTATILAS collaborator: OURANIA MAVRIKI bookâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s collaborator - graphics: MARIA KIKIDOU English proofreading: BECKY CAMPBELL production support: Place Identity NGO Project Coordination (NEON): ALKISTIS DIMAKI

Community Project 2015 5

Ταble of contents

PREFACE

INTRODUCTION

PART ONE

Community Project’s Concept Development

•

Theoretical Context

•

Local Context

•

Community Project “syn.desmoi”

PART TWO

Research and mapping of Kypseli

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Aims and Methodology

•

Social and spatial facts

•

Multiple reflections on Kypseli through its details

•

Strolling through Kypseli

104

EPILOGUE

117

• Conclusions

119

•

120

Photographic addendum

Αcknowledgements

The research and mapping of the Kypseli neighbourhood for the NEON Community Project was from the very beginning a great challenge. It required the study of the current situation of an area full of contradictions and hidden potentials which each had to come to light. Its residents, given their love and special connection to the neighbourhood they live in, are constantly searching for initiatives that can contribute to the improvement of their daily life. However, they are sceptical and hesitant towards every new initiative since they have already been disappointed many times in the past. Nevertheless, the positive mood of everyone to contribute in his or her own way to diverse creative initiatives is remarkable, something that increased the responsibility of the research even further. I would like to warmly thank the Director of NEON Organisation for Culture and Development, Ms. Elina Kountouri, for giving me the challenge to accomplish the Kypseli’s mapping project, for her trust during the whole process of the project and the support of her lucid feedback whenever needed. Special thanks to the Project Coordinator of the Community Project on behalf of NEON, Ms. Alkistis Dimaki, for her constant support and help, on an almost daily basis. The sensation she cultivated that she was always standing next to the research, ready to listen and facilitate the resolving of any issue that would arise was essential for its evolution. I wish to express my gratitude to Athens’ Vice Mayor for Civil Society and Municipality Decentralization, Ms. Amalia Zepou, as well as her supporting team, Mr. Stelios Voulgaris, Ms. Maria Chatzopoulou and Ms. Betty Papadopoulou for their help and support during the application for receiving the permission for use of the Stella cinema. My thanks to all of the residents of Kypseli that I had the chance to meet and exchange information with during the research and for helping me to collect the material. Special thanks to the president of the 6th Municipal District, Ms. Eleni Zontirou as well as to Ms. Angeliki Tseliou, Mr. Babis Stamatakis, Ms. Nadina Christopoulou, Ms. Melita Adam, Ms. Foteini Mpanou and Mr. Dimitris Alexakis.

I would like to express my appreciation to Place Identity NGO for their production support. Thank you to the artist Becky Campbell for her generous acceptance to translate and proofread the texts in English and her comments. I would also like to thank Maria Kikidou, for her precious help, remarks, and overall contribution to the last phase of the research, when all collected material was being shaped into this book. Finally, special thanks to Ourania Mavriki, who through her dedication and special interest from the beginning of the research, contributed in an essential and constructive way to its implementation.

Loukas Bartatilas

Preface As a child born and raised in Kypseli during the 80’s in an apartment block (in Greek called: polykatoikia), I had the chance to absorb stories from older people about the city of Athens before its reconstruction, the idealization of life in the countryside and their abhorrence of polykatoikia. The point of reference for the majority of my parents’ generation, who left their villages as teenagers and came to Athens for a better future, has always been their childhood in the countryside, their close contact to nature, the strong human relationships that existed in villages and the relatively free and worry-free life there. In contrast the city has been symbolized through stereotypes such as massive concrete buildings, its overall grey colour, the lack of green spaces, the alienation between the polykatoikia residents and fast daily rhythms that limit social relations. For some reason – and as I didn’t have another place to compare it with - growing up in Kypseli as a child didn’t seem so bad. Perhaps because Fokionos Negri (the central pedestrian street of the neighbourhood) was still at its peak - full of life with many green and free spaces for playing. Perhaps because the sense of neighbourhood was still so intense that its residents wouldn’t go to other areas for shopping or their leisure activities. Or perhaps because the place of birth, in the eyes of a child, is by definition idealized.

The alley

Amongst all the above there was also a weekly local event that gave me special pleasure. This was Tuesday’s street food market on the - then called - Limnou Street, now Lelas Karagianni Street. I was always awoken early in the morning by the strong voices of the food-sellers and would go for groceries with my grandmother. I remember the street being full of people, the variety of colours of the fruits and vegetables and the many leaves from oranges, mandarins or lettuces on the asphalt that made me slip whilst walking. I was impressed by the fact that for one day the car circulation paused and the street was transformed into a huge open food market. However what I remember the most – and this is the reason why I was eagerly waiting every Tuesday to come - was that the transversal to Limnou Street’s alley (Samothrakis Street) was closed by the parked trucks of the sellers. This alley, since it didn’t have frequent car use, was turned every morning into a place for play for all the children of the district. Our grandmothers, who were taking care of us, were sitting on chairs on the sidewalk and chatting - an image that can be regularly found in the countryside – while we were playing. Every once in a while that a car crossed the street our grandmothers were calling to us, so we had to step aside with our toys in order to let the car pass. This was a frequent, repetitive and somehow frustrating process. On Tuesdays, however, as the alley was closed due to the food market, we could finally play without any bother from the cars and without our grandmothers being stressed. Thus the street food market symbolized to us a pleasant morning full of games - in safety.

Photo: The alley of Samothrakis Street as it is today, November 2015

Coming back after years to the neighbourhood, in order to map the area for the community project, I walked again in all the places that are so familiar to me. Through the lens of my adulthood and my professional experience in urban issues, I started to re-read the structures of urban daily life and see how these can affect a neighbourhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s social life. I remembered how the weekly street market turned the inaccessible-to-cars alley into an alternative free space of social encounter for children, right next to the parked cars and big apartment buildings. Through this sequence of activities the urban space was transformed, without any physical intervention, into a playground. The street playground had provided to us, as children, a core of sociability, a place to build friendships and created memories that, no matter how many years pass, will remain. The alley to Samothrakis Street has, since then, always been for us a place for play on Tuesdays. Such transformations of the urban space, which come from everyday life events, can create a â&#x20AC;&#x201C; at the beginning unpredictable - social impact and can be found in many areas of the city. One role that art can have is to be able to recognise, highlight and through participation help to create such spatial and social qualities. The NEON Community Project initiative in various Athenian districts is therefore for me the most appropriate means for the abovementioned role of art in contemporary society.

introduction When art is located outside the gallery, the parameters that define it are called into question and all sorts of new possibilities […] are opened up. Art has to engage with the kinds of restrains and controls to which only architecture is usually subject. In many public projects, art is expected to take on ‘functions’ in the way that architecture does, for example to alleviate social problems, comply with health and safety requirements, or be accessible to diverse audiences and groups of users. But in other sites and situations art can adopt the critical functions outlined above and works can be positioned in ways that make it possible to question the terms of engagement of the projects themselves. This type of public art practice is critically engaged; it works in relation to dominant ideologies yet at the same time questions them; and it explores the operations of particular disciplinary procedures – art and architecture – while also drawing attention to wider social and political problems. It might best be called critical spatial practice. Jane Rendell

Rendell, Jane, Between art and architecture: Public Art, in Rendell Jane, ‘Art and architecture, a place between’, I.B. Tauris Publisers, London – New York, 2006, p. 4

What you have in your hands

This mapping report is the product of field research and multiple reflections on the extensive area of Patission Street during 2015. Its aim is to analyse the concept development for the NEON Community Project on a specific Athenian neighbourhood, to set its framework and to provide a substantial foundation for further investigation of the area for the participating artists. It presents, in the form of a mapping report, diverse spatial and social information that was identified and collected in the wider area of Patission Street (the selected neighbourhood for the Community Project), which compose and depict its identity. The research was intentionally chosen not to be a mere quotation of archives (visual and written material) or a repetition of existing sources found in â&#x20AC;&#x201C; indeed limited â&#x20AC;&#x201C; related Greek literature. In other words, an important factor that defined and shaped the research was the decision for the production of primary material during the field study as a result of: the subjective-experiential observation of the area by the researcher; the interaction with local stakeholders through ongoing contact and discussions; the systematic recording of current social and spatial characteristics of the neighbourhood.

The mapping report is divided into two main parts. In the first part the concept development for the Community Project is developed and explained. In the second part the results of the research about the neighbourhood are presented.

Structure of the mapping report

The first part starts with the presentation of a historical and theoretical framework of Public Art, the closest art field to community projects. Following this it explains why the specific district of Kypseli was selected to be the research area and how the project’s title interprets it and summarises the Community Project’s main principles. The first section closes by presenting how the research led to the decision of running the Community Project’s activities inside an abandoned open-air cinema and explaining the importance of the activation of the neighbourhood through the project. The second part is divided into four subsections. Firstly the main research questions and the methodology followed are thoroughly presented. The second subsection presents the historical background of the area and the landmarks of the neighbourhood as well as a map of the local stakeholders through their activities, their spaces or their well-developed web discourses through social media. In the third part information about the area is analysed, from the researcher’s subjective point of view, presenting his spatial and social reflections on the neighbourhood’s everyday life. Finally three thematic routes have been designed and proposed which summarise many of the aforementioned data, in order to enrich the reader’s understanding. The epilogue, as the conclusion of the research, presents some basic principles to be followed by the selected artists. These principles have emerged from the historical and field research in the neighbourhood and can help each artist to contextualize better his or her project. The aim is to raise questions and awareness from participating artists in order for a meaningful impact on local everyday life to be achieved through the Community Project. The issue closes with a photographic addendum that visualises details from the neighbourhood gathered during the field study.

The ΝΕΟN Community Project

The aim of the NEON Community Project initiative is to implement contemporary art programs in Athenian neighborhoods that rely on the participation of local inhabitants, groups and artists. These Community Projects will create lively pockets of artistic activity in the city, where artists will join forces with citizens to highlight issues that interest and concern their local communities.1

Collaboration with NEON Organisation

The first collaboration with NEON Organisation was in 2014 through the context of the programme Support Creativity where NEON supported the production of Loukas Bartatilas’ first solo exhibition, Urban Details, Ongoing reflections on Patission Street. Part of the exhibition’s concept was for it to be presented as an artist-run initiative. Together with the presented artworks an intense schedule of parallel activities was running, focusing on different aspects of Patission Street and aiming to develop a public discourse around the relationship between the urban environment and contemporary art. The parallel activities2 included a guided walk on Patission Street and a three-part discussion series with invited guest speakers from Greece and abroad. These activities were held in a former restaurant on the ground floor of a neoclassical building that was transformed into a temporary showroom for the three weeks that the exhibition lasted. During the exhibition local citizens already interested in neighbourhood engagement and their activities were mapped, while interaction with all of the visitors helped the collection of initial data for the area.

Opposite page: Patission Street, detail

1 description of the Community Project initiative as it is presented in the NEON’s website: www.neon.org.gr 2 For more details: www.urbandetails.gr

part one

Community Project’s concept development

When I was teaching at Cooper Union in the first year or two of the 1950s, someone told how I could get onto the unfinished New Jersey Turnpike. I took three students and drove them somewhere in the Meadows to New Brunswick […] This drive was a revealing experience. The road and much of the landscape was artificial, and yet it couldn’t be called a work of art. On the other hand, it did something for me that art had never done. At first I didn’t know what it was, but its effect was to liberate me from many of the views I had had about art. It seemed that there had been a reality there which had not had any expression in art. There is no way you can frame it, you just have to experience it. Tony Smith

Smith, Tony, I view art as something vast, in: Dohery, Claire (ed.), ‘Situation– Documents of Contemporary Art’, Whitechapel Gallery – The MIT Press, London, 2009, p. 64

1. Theoretical context The first expressions of art to experiment with new forms, going out of museums and acting in public space started to emerge in Europe and USA during the first decades after the Second World War. Of course, sculptures and monuments already existed in parks, squares and emblematic buildings but their principles followed those of the works presented in museums. Therefore they corresponded to the context of art in public space rather than to what would later be called Public Art. Elements that gave substance to Public Art first appeared in Dada’s activities during the interwar period and spread through artists and artistic groups who started to experiment in public space with happenings, interventions and activities that referred to a specific place at a specific moment. In other words, what was then promoted as the most important element of this - still undefined - field of art was the experience gained by the viewers during their interaction with the artwork.

Historical theoretical context of Public Art

Theoreticians and curators such as Lucy Lippard1 started, through their writings, to propose new perceptions and interpretations of what an artwork was or could be. At the same time young artists of the 60’s were experimenting with new contexts and locations that until that time had not been considered as places where art could occur. Robert Smithson and Donald Judd worked in the deserts of Utah and Texas respectively, Dan Graham used to work in the suburbs of New Jersey, and Bernd and Hilla Becher at the abandoned industrial buildings of post-war Europe. The abovementioned artists, through their works and texts2, presented a different relationship between art and the public space in which they placed their works. At the same time the wider prevalence of conceptual art, the introduction of the meanings of a process based or an open work3 of art as well as the socio-political changes in USA and Western Europe during the 70’s and 80’s rendered contemporary art more extrovert and created the need for art to creatively respond to this new situation and the current circumstances. Two eminent examples which describe this progress and, mostly, the consolidation of Public Art, are (from USA) the project Tilted Arc by Richard Serra in New York in 1 Lippard Lucy, Six Years: The Dematerialization of the Art Object from 1966 to 1972, University of California Press, Berkley and Los Angeles, 2001 (renewed) 2 Robert Smithson with his text: A Tour of the Monuments of Passaic, New Jersey, first published in Artforum, Donald Judd by moving in Marfa, Texas and creating Chinati Foundation, Dan Graham with his continuous research on New Jersey, starting from Homes for America, published in Art Magazine, 1967 until his recent published book: Dan Graham’s New Jersey, Lars Müller Publishers, 2012. Bernd and Hilla Becher published his first exhibition catalogue in 1970 under the title: Anonymous Sculptures. 3 Eco, Umberto, ‘The Poetics of the Open Work’ in Bishop, Claire ed. (2006), Participation, London: Whitechapel Art Gallery/MIT Press, pp. 20-40. First published 1962

1981, and (from Western Europe) the artwork 7000 Eichen - Stadtverwaldung statt Stadtverwaltung4 by Joseph Beuys, in the context of documenta 7 in Kassel 1982. In Serra’s project, what is remarkable and opened new pathways to art is not the project itself but everything that happened after its installation in Federal Plaza of New York until its removal from the square eight years later. After the installation of the sculpture local residents and users of the square started a communication with U.S. General Services Administration (that commissioned the project from the artist) asking, through complaint letters, for the removal of the artwork from the square. The artwork was a huge arc made of steel, following the artists’ known vocabulary, which ran diagonally across the square from side to side, causing difficulties to the movement of passers-by. Although many artists, and Serra himself, tried to defend the meaning and the importance of the artwork, the result was - after 8 years of public debate - the removal of the artwork. The whole controversy within parts of the debate as well as letters of support from other artists for Serra’s work was published in a book5 which summarised the whole process. This kind of participation and interaction of the public with art brought into focus the relationship of the audience with the artwork and how the audience can intervene, affect and shape the artwork anew. Joseph Beuys introduced the term Social Sculpture into art. His work for documenta 7 in 1982, involving the planting of 7000 oak trees in cooperation with citizens of Kassel, is the example that best describes the term’s meaning. Kassel, a small, former industrial city was bombed during the Second World War and was quickly rebuilt in the 50’s. The project focused on an existing problem of the city: the lack of green spaces, which was addressed through the creation of this oak forest around the city with the active participation of its residents. The importance of the project lies in the value of participation, the connections developed during the planting and the relationship that each citizen built with their own city through this process. The planting per se, without the participation of the citizens and without the social dimension that Beuys attributed to it, is something that may seem obvious for the department of green of every public authority. However, what transformed that activity into a social sculpture was the social relationships and the social impact the project brought to the city not only during the planting time in documenta but also after its completion.

4 The title is a pun. Stadtverwaltung in German means “local/city administration” and Wald “forest”, so Stadtverwaldung (which in reality does not exist as a word) could mean in free translation the “city’s forest administration”. 5 Buskirk, Martha (ed.), The Destruction of Tilted Arc: Documents, The MIT Press, 1991

Since then, the problematic that developed during the 90’s through texts and curatorial projects by Mary Jane Jacob6 in USA, and Nicolas Bourriaud’s7 book Relational Aesthetics in Europe, led Public Art and the role of the artist into a new context. The epicentre of the artwork was not only the end product that the artist produced but also the value of the interactive relationship that was developed between the artist and the audience. According to the English definition of Public Art thereafter, the term public was more associated with the audience rather than public space. The next turning point in the evolution of Public Art that broadened the definition and helped the development of the subsections of Public Art is the book “Mapping the terrain – New Genre Public Art” by Susanne Lacy. Dissociating art totally from the space of the museum and the gallery (known as the white cube), and the art that is presented in public space, Lacy introduced the term New Genre and focused on the relationship of art with citizen communities, marginalised groups, neighbourhoods with social problems, engagement and the effect of the wider social context in the creation of an artwork. According to her definition: “We might describe “new genre public art”, to distinguish it in both form and intention from what has been called “public art” - a term used for the past twenty five years to describe sculpture and installations sited in public places. Unlike much of what has heretofore been called public art, new genre public art -visual art that uses both traditional and non-traditional media to communicate and interact with a broad and diversified audience about issues directly relevant to their lives- is based on engagement.”8 The subsections of the field that emerged at that moment - with minor differentiations among them but a common frame of reference – are: socially engaged art, participatory art and community art. In recent years two elements that have started to enter the discourse and consolidate in the contemporary practice of Public Art are time and the extended meaning of curatorial practice. In many contemporary art projects that focus on communities or neighbourhoods and on the concept of site-specificity, a very common comment by the local participants is that the positive impact to the community or neighbourhood lasted for as long as the project took place. Usually, after its completion, everyone 6 Jane Jacob, Mary, Conversations at The Castle: Changing Audiences and Contemporary Art, The MIT Press, 1998 και Jane Jacob, Mary, Culture in Action: A Public Art Program of Sculpture Chicago 7 Bourriaud, Nicolas, Relational Aesthetics, les presses du reel, 1998 (English translation) 8 Lacy, Susanne (ed.), ‘Cultural Pilgrimages and Metaphoric Journeys’ in “Mapping the Terrain – New Genre Public Art”, Bay Press, Seattle Washington, 1995, p. 19 - 30

went back to their everyday routine, which made the project seem more like a pleasant break than as the starting point that could bring - even on a small scale - a change in the community. This common comment renders the dimension of time as an important part of the process, recommending the model of durational art instead of one-day events or short performances and ephemeral situations9. Time is an important factor not only necessary for the artists to build strong relationships with the local communities but also for the locals to be engaged and familiarized with the work. Claire Doherty and Paul O’neil say: “We may be able to move beyond the individual participatory encounter of an eventful exhibition moment. This leads us to understand participation not as a relation or social encounter with artistic production, but as a socialised process necessary for art’s production. [...] Durational projects could be considered as discursive exhibitions that evolve over time, but, instead of prioritising the moment of display, or the event of exhibition, they allow for open-ended, accumulative processes of engagement.”10 Therefore, the difference between projects that are based on participation, addressing local communities and artistic events or festivals is that these projects also work for the building of relationships between the participants, something that, subsequently, would offer the dimension of sustainability or continuity of the project in that particular local community. As Lacy puts it: “What exists in the space between the words “public” and “art” is an unknown relationship between artist and audience, a relationship that may itself become the artwork.”11 The opening of art towards new directions automatically meant the need to define the new role of the artist and the curator. These two roles often now coincide or contradict each other with common intentions, but this switch of the roles has, indeed, been a subject of research in contemporary art theory12. Most often public art projects are presented as curatorial projects regardless of whether they are produced by an institution, an organisation, a curator or one or more artists. Each of the above initiators keep a wider role during the production process of any public /socially engaged / community art project with the clear intention to produce a specific result with a broader impact to society rather than only inside the art world. Beatrice von 9 see Doherty, Claire & O’Neil, Paul, Locating the producers – durational approaches to Public Art, Valiz Antennae, Amsterdam 2011 10 Doherty, Claire & O’Neil, Paul, ibid., p. 14 11 Lacy, Susanne (ed.), ibid., p. 19-30 12 A significant book reffering to the contemporary extented curatorial practice is: Cultures of the Curatiorial, edited by Beatrice von Bismarck, J.rn Schafaff and Thomas Weski, Sternberg Press, Berlin, 2012

Bismarck, Jörn Schafaff and Thomas Weski describe this expanded role of artist as curator and talk about the broadening of curatorial practice: “The curatorial has developed as a field of overlapping and intertwining activities, tasks, and roles that were formerly divided and more clearly attributed to different professions, institutions and disciplines. This development has affected the notion of curating -principally an activity of putting together- and widened its scope beyond showing or presenting to include enabling, making public, educating, analysing, criticizing, theorizing, editing, and staging. [...] The curatorial has also gained a specific socio-political relevance within contemporary society.”13 The fact that curatorial practices are now identified as projects and not as group exhibitions automatically means the transfer of the project’s meaning or intention into a new framework, which, in the past, has often been an point of conflict between artists and curators. Helmut Draxler considers this fact not as a conflict but as a result of the overall shift of art that inevitably affects established perceptions and roles between artists, curators and institutions: “the crisis refers to the relationship between artists and curators. Traditionally there was a clear division of roles between productive artists and selective curators, who would engage in critical reflection and mediation. But already the first independent curators were faced with the criticism that their actual intention was to be “grand artists” who used other artists as their material. Since the 1980s however, a reverse tendency can be observed in the increasing number of curatorial projects conducted by artists. Today, many of the most interesting art projects are essentially curatorial. What appears to happen is a kind of continuous exchange between artists and curators, in which the specific roles are not abandoned but constantly readjusted in relation to each other.”14 In conclusion, the historic evolution of Public Art and the new roles of artists and curators have helped us not only to understand the challenges that art is called to address by going out to public space, but also to investigate how art could integrate them into the production process of the artwork/project in a creative way. The expanded role of the artist and curator as well as the upgraded role of the audience in these practices are the key for successful community projects that can contribute with an actual impact on the context on which they focus.

13 von Bismarck, Beatrice, Schafaff, J.rn, Weski, Thomas (eds.), ibid., backcover note 14 Draxler, Helmut, Crisis as From – curating and the logic of mediation, in ‘Cultures of the Curatiorial’, von Bismarck, Beatrice, Schafaff, J.rn, Weski, Thomas (eds.), Sternberg, Berlin, 2012, p. 54

Art and local communities

Five questions were given to the research team by NEON at the beginning of the mapping. These are the research team’s responses.

How can (curators and) artists explore new methods of collaboration with the social nexus of a community? The relationship that art has developed in recent years with society as well as sociopolitical and economic changes increasingly affects not only the nature of the artwork (or what can be today defined as an artwork) but also reviews the role and the position of the artist in this context. The traditional three-part studio – artist – artwork has been conceptually expanded and the studio can now be considered urban space; the artist can develop peer-to-peer collaborations with stakeholders from other disciplines, and of course the definition of what is called an artwork has broadened. Emphasising the importance of the process over the final product, the production of an immaterial artwork or the use of new media is leading artistic creation into new paths that constantly alter. The role of the artist and curator is broadening as well in order to correspond to the changing art field and to the current demands of various complex problems that art is expected to respond to. The positioning of the artist and the curator as mediators, catalysts or initiators instead of the exclusive creators or producers of an artwork can ostensibly create cracks around the perception of the art and the artist. Viewing it from another perspective, particularly through the field of Public Art, since the primary conditions of art has been transformed the role of the artist or the curator has therefore also changed. The artist as being the exclusive creator that needs by his or her side the help of participants in order to produce the artwork that he or she has conceived does not create the necessary conditions for participation. On the contrary, keeping for his or herself the role of the catalyst or the conductor (in other words, the one who listens and accordingly creates the answers, instead of the one who comes with ready solutions or proposals), he or she develops relations and creates the necessary preconditions of trust, respect and the need for exchange with the audience. As a result of this essential cooperative climate, the artwork is developed and co-created. As Susanne Lacy states: “public art is not built on a typology of materials, spaces, or artistic media, but rather on concepts of audience, relationship, communication and political intention”.1

1 Lacy, Susanne (ed.), Mapping the Terrain – New Genre Public Art, Bay Press, Seattle Washington, 1995, ‘introduction’, p. 28

What are the boundaries of the aesthetic values of the work in a community project? Are they important? The term aesthetics is by definition complex to be interpreted and explained. Certainly nowadays it does not simply correspond to the concept of beauty, but to something more than that. In the context of a community project that calls for the creation of artworks related to a neighbourhood community, creatively responds to its needs and engages the ones who want to be part of the process, aesthetics of relations are being created through participation and engagement. These aesthetics will, in turn, create Social Aesthetics that will be attributed to the collaborative and shared experience, something that â&#x20AC;&#x201C; we should admit - is not always easy to achieve. According to Lacy: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Ethnic artists [...] worked in ghettos and barrios with specific constituencies, struggling to bring together their often highly developed art-school aesthetic with the aesthetics of their own cultures. Emphasising their roles as communicators [...] artists who work in the community need to consciously develop organizing and critical skills among the people with whom they workâ&#x20AC;?.2 However in the successful cases that such an engagement exists, Spatial Aesthetics can be produced which symbolize the spatial result of social aesthetics and provide the material result of these relationships. The aesthetics of this spatial expression are not based, therefore, on the concept of beauty but rather with the criteria of how successful the special representation of the relational aesthetics among the participants has been. How can the public be mobilized through art? Placing the discourse into a stereotypical context it can be stated that until recently the pattern of the mobilization of the audience through art was linear: the artist displays his creations in appropriate and controlled spaces and the visitor chooses the right time and the right mood to visit this space and become a shareholder of the experience that the artist provides. In the field of Public Art, which focuses on local communities and neighbourhoods, the pattern follows a different direction. In most such cases the artwork responds to something pre-existing - a local situation, a socio-spatial condition (problematic or not) that invites the artist to act in their own way and methods. This chosen space for action is being constantly enriched by external, unexpected factors that the project is expected to incorporate: from daylight changes and the weather to reactions of 2

Lacy, Susanne (ed.), ibid., p. 26-27

disrespect for the project from the audience. Potentially, therefore, a specific end of the process cannot be defined. The exposure of the project/artwork in the city context creates a direct interactive relationship with the viewer without them necessarily being able to choose if and when they would like to interact with it as the artwork is always present. In the case that the artwork addresses and properly communicates a current need of the specific place, society or locals and it has become part of that community, the viewer will then likely interact. At this crucial point lies the challenge for Public Art. How, in other words, will it manage to communicate, interact with and finally transform the viewer into an active participant? The successful outcome of this interaction and the activation of the spectator or passerby in a way that will motivate them to act further will, therefore, contribute on the one hand to artâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s extroversion to wider audiences and on the other hand help the public to better understand the meaning of art. How do community-based art projects re-examine the values of the people living in that community? The aims of community art projects are, on one hand, to be able to see, identify and understand the existing context in which they are expected to act and on the other to, within this context and together with the engaged local community, be able to develop community-based artistic practices. Therefore, the practices that will arise through the understanding of the community, the surrounding context and the participatory processes, will promote a new vision for the existing framework and cultivate a new way of perception of the community itself and its local daily life. If this perception corresponds to emerging and existing local needs (if it is site- and people-specific) then, public art practices can create a substantial wider impact, attract new audiences and eventually produce new values and principles for the area. The most important factor in order for this goal to be achieved is to show respect for local circumstances, to each person individually and to create a common vision that responds to their needs and values.

Is there an oral story that can link different neighbourhoods and areas? The involvement of local citizens in community art projects, not only as spectators but also as active participants, will potentially result in a shift of perception and conscience for the community, the neighbourhood and the role of art, principally on a small scale. The factor of time and the activation of local stakeholders in such community projects, in order for them to have undertaken initiatives for continuing these practices by its end, could redefine the concepts of common place, common values, collective common interests and stories. The role of art and the artist to inspire and stimulate the participants to act within their own neighbourhood can become an example to inspire similar initiatives in other neighbourhoods and communities. In this case, art is not converted to a means to achieve something else: on the contrary, it is the flame by which creative communities and neighbourhoods are revived and awakened.

2. Local context Why Kypseli?

The surrounding area of Patission street was considered since the beginning an interesting area for exploration by NEON Organization for being a neighbourhood full of contrasts. On one hand it carries a significant historical memory and importance for the evolution of post-war Athens, and on the other hand it is characterised today by intense demographic changes and social problems that make it seem degraded in many peoples’ eyes. The research focused on the neighbourhood of Kypseli due to its prominent position in relation to the wider area of Patission and the presence of several emerging citizens’ groups during recent years that give the neighbourhood a special dynamic. Fokionos Negri (Kypseli’s main pedestrian street which functions as the neighbourhood’s core) is the centre for the local social nexus and its collective memory. Furthermore, Kypseli is an area with significant examples of neoclassical and modern architecture, has many collective stories, carries a myth of being a bourgeois area and at the same time deals with issues of multiculturalism in both positive and negative ways. The opposing characteristics of the historical prestige and current degradation composed, since the beginning, a mosaic of contradictions upon which the existing challenges and the future potential of the area were expressed. In this context, what is the role that contemporary art (and especially Public Art) can play? How can art contribute to the shaping of a better everyday life for local citizens? These were the very first questions and motives in order to decide how the Community Project of NEON would be developed in this particular area.

Fokionos Negri, detail

3. Community Project “syn.desmoi” The development of the Community Project is based on the principle that part of the image of the city is formed through human interactions and small-scale initiatives. The project’s goal is, through participatory artistic practices, to explore new ways of perceiving the city and everyday urban life, cultivating a new type of urban behaviour and culture, all on a neighbourhood scale.

syn.desmoi

It is related to the field of Public Art which focuses on the establishment of creative links between artists, the public and local communities and networks, aiming to create site-specific, participatory and socially engaged works of art. The Community Project’s title is syn.desmoi. The term comes from the combination of words syndesmos (link) and desmos (bond) which both reflect the goal of the project. That is, the development of links and therefore bonds, through engagement, collaboration and exchange between artists’ and citizens’ groups, past and present, people and neighbourhood, local residents and contemporary art. Methodologically, syn.desmoi intends to become the fertile ground where invited artists and local groups or active citizens associated with the artists’ work can collaborate in order to build upon the aforementioned mosaic of contradictions of the neighbourhood, and provide a creative and positive response towards existing negative feelings.

The open-air Stella cinema

Through the field-study and the research of the historical evolution of the area through the decades, we came to the conclusion that the significant cultural dimension Kypseli has been a stable and fundamental part of its identity throughout the years. The public open-air cinema Stella, located at Tenedou Street, parallel to Fokionos Negri, is a landmark and cultural symbol for the area, registered today as a contemporary monument which is protected from being altered or demolished. It first opened in 1969 under the name Pigal and functioned until 1989. It opened again in 1992 and then following renovations it re-launched in May 2002 under the name Stella in honour of Melina Merkouri (a former Minister of Culture and actress, Stella being her most significant and well-known film). However, since 2008 the cinema has remained closed.

The importance of Stella for the local collective memory as a cultural landmark

The importance of Stella for the local collective memory as a cultural landmark is great. While discussing with people on the site and attending online group discussions with residents, we saw their evident will for the reactivation of the cinema. Some of them persistently ask for its reactivation since out of the many open-air cinemas in the neighbourhood only one is still in use. Others say that if the space cannot open as a cinema it could function with another use that does not alter its character and respects its public nature. The intention of activating the cinema through syn.desmoi, with respect to its history, has multiple implications, symbolic or otherwise. The reactivation of the cinema after almost a decade will communicate a symbolic message to the local people that the area is becoming live again and culture is at the centre of this transition. At the same time its reactivation reconnects the traditional bonds of the area with culture and presents a new, positive view for the future of the area. It also proposes ways about how abandoned buildings can be reused through participatory cultural activities either on a permanent or a temporary basis. Finally, it creates a social core through contemporary art and presents projects, collaborative activities, workshops and educational activities that aim at empowering the local community.

Opposite page and following pages: The open-air Stella cinema as it is today, September 2015.

The location of Stella, close to Fokionos Negri, yet hidden within apartment buildings in a backyard, makes it function on the edge between a public space and an opento-all backyard, that will host activities open and accessible to the wider audience, aiming to create an impact on local, everyday life.

Entrance view from Tenedou Street Interior view, detail

Interior view, detail

part two

research and mapping of Kypseli neighbourhood While there are many ways of viewing art, not all of them require voluntary participation on the viewer’s part. Much as our experience of architecture or nature is not always dependent on a conscious decision to go out and look at either one, so the encounter with art need not to be restricted to those occasions when we choose to go to a museum or gallery. On the contrary, it is entirely conceivable that, by catching us unawares, art can have an impact that might not be possible in an environment where one has consciously prepared for what one is going to see. Being immersed in a fast-paced cosmopolitan urban environment, on the other hand, tends to heighten one’s perceptions of space and time, so that aspects of the mundane are occasionally transformed into something more compelling that they might at first appear. Most of us have experience moments when our gaze has been caught by a structural or incidental detail of urban life that might have always been there, but which appears more striking or emblematic by the mere fact that one day it suddenly seems to stand out of its surroundings. Such encounters run against the grain of our day-to-day routine, reminding us that the privilege of being part of a metropolitan center includes the underlying knowledge that there is infinitely more richness of experience at hand than one can possibly find the time to process adequately. Dan Cameron

Cameron, Dan, City of Wonders, in Eccles, Tom, Wehr, Anne, and Kastner, Jeffrey (ed.), ‘Plop: recent projects of the Public Art Fund’, Merrel Publishers, London – New York, 2004, p. 21

1. Aim and methodology

What is the aim of the mapping of Kypseli?

The research for mapping and understanding Kypseli was formed according to all the information presented above in the context of syn.desmoi. The core question that directs the research, What is Kypseli today?, seeks to highlight several perspectives of its urban and social space through the interpretations and beliefs of the residents and to reveal the meanings and values behind its shaping. The local daily lifestyle of the area is captured through the collection and elaboration of information about citizensâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; activities, their social relationships and the spatial impact these provide. The information, either as general information or as subjective descriptions, will be used as the raw material for the invited Community Projectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s artists as well as being the basis for the development of syn.desmoi as a collective neighbourhood project.

Using ethnography as the main research method, the research focused on building a direct, quotidian and long-term relationship with the people and communities of Kypseli, aiming to understand their way of living and their opinions on the neighbourhood. For this reason the visits to Kypseli for observation and documentation were carried out at different times of the day and across a 6-month period: long enough to investigate the diverse factors that characterize the neighbourhood. Furthermore, the long-term research allowed a multileveled approach to documentation with attention to details and to the diverse development of multiple perceptions.

What are the main principles and research methods?

An emphasis was given to the identification of qualitative characteristics that distinguish life in Kypseli from life in other Athenian neighbourhoods. The observation was conducted without any preconditions, and the initial question was open enough in order to include as many diverse criteria about the areaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s atmosphere as possible. It therefore consists of an open-ended research where observation is the main source of results. This acts in combination with the study of the physical context so that the reciprocal relationship between human behaviour and urban space can be better understood. Another important element of the research, which falls inside the principles of ethnography, is the direct and personal engagement of the researcher. It is worth mentioning that what is often presented as the disadvantage of this method is that it is based on the mutual trust and acceptance of the researcher by the participants, something that many times is minimally achieved. Nevertheless, in this particular case the researcher not only works, but was also raised and currently lives in the area (as mentioned in the Preface), something that promises personal engagement and local expertise through personal experiences from several historical periods. Therefore in this case and for this reason the mutual trust-building and identification with the audience was clearly easier. The double role of the researcher, being on the one hand a local interlocutor with residents about local issues, and on the other hand a local expert who maps and collects the material for the further development of syn. desmoi, created the necessary conditions of trust with the local stakeholders. This, in combination with the profound knowledge of the culture and history of the area produced a primary research material for further exploration. The methodological tools used for knowledge production during the field study were: participatory observation; interaction with residents through short or analytical, unstructured interviews and the recording of personal stories and points of views.

Research results

The results of Kypseliâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mapping, as they are presented below, follow a holistic approach that was also followed during research. They compose a versatile description of the district, addressed to the people or artists that will come to the area for the first time. The mapping highlighted the two basic features that best describe the area: the old urban prestige that stills characterizes the area, found both in its buildings and localsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; narrations, and the sense of neighbourhood, a characteristic that remained stable in time despite the changes. The chapters to follow, Spatial and Social Facts and Multiple Reflections of Urban Space through Details, represent two sides of the same coin. On one hand, data (qualitative and quantitative) that characterize its history, the cultural scene and the local identity are presented, and on the other hand a narrative description follows which focuses on spatial details and views of local everyday life. In the last chapter three walks are proposed to the readers where one can experience everything that was presented in the preceding chapters.

2. Spatial and social facts

Kypseli’s timeline

1887 Kypseli becomes part of the city of Athens.

Early 20th century Patissia is a suburb of Athens, mainly built up until where the National Archaeological Museum of Athens stands today. Patission Street and the neighbourhoods on either side of it are areas for Athenians to make short excursions, being full of abundant water, streams, flowers and vegetable gardens.

Inter-war period Kypseli becomes organized. Its systematic urbanization starts with the emergence of the first neoclassical and modern apartment buildings, with the significant detail of the erker, an architectural characteristic of the times. The first buses appear on Patission Street and Kypseli slowly becomes one of the most aristocratic districts of Athens.

1950 - 1960 The golden decades of Kypseli and the first years of polykatoikia.

The region, offering spacious and luxurious apartments, attracts the Athenian bourgeois class and just-married couples who come to Athens from the countryside. Its main attractions are the centres of social life in the region: Fokionos Negri (a pedestrian street) and Patission Street. The magnificent building of the Municipal Food Market, the luxurious pastry shops, such as Floka or Select, some legendary bars and restaurants such as Au Revoir or Quinda stand as the points of reference next to numerous cultural sites including theatres and cinemas. Many films of the Golden Age of Greek Cinema depict the landscape of Kypseli. At the same time, the neighbourhood is also being commercially developed.

Photos from left to the right side: Top line: The buildings of Evelpidon Schoold (Army School) at their construction time, the house of Konstantinos Kanaris, an old postcard from Patission street at the beginning of the 20th century, Kypseli’s square with the first trolley-buses of Athens, the bus “Kypseli - Omonoia”, school kids in the 50’s (private family archive of Mr. Angelopoulos).

1970 - 1980 The apartment buildings of polykatoikia are multiplied and Kypseli becomes one of the most overpopulated areas of Athens. Difficulties in the everyday life of its inhabitants start to appear. However, numerous cultural spaces enrich its cultural identity and much of the art scene of Athens has Kypseli as a point of reference, action and meeting.

1990 The glory of Kypseli starts to fade. The demographic characteristics of the area changes, several – mainly younger - residents move to the new suburbs of Athens, while new populations from Eastern Europe start to settle in the neighbourhood, primarily in the basements and ground floors of apartment buildings. Local commercial activity is shrinking, while new shops with products from other countries are opening in order to cover the needs of the new residents.

2000 The demographic changes become more intense and the social structure of Kypseli alters. These changes facilitate the emergence of stereotypes about the neighbourhood as degraded, with an emphasis on it being dangerous, which circulates in the streets of the area. All the above contribute to the introversion of Kypseli and a general sense of decline.

2010 - today The absence of local political will to change the quality of life of the neighbourhood during the last decade, combined with the everyday social and practical issues that the residents face, become a fertile ground for the clustering of the inhabitants and the appearance of many active citizen groups. Therefore a new perspective of development is created in the region, based on individual will and conscience. The neighbourhood is organized in innovative social cores, focusing on extroversion and development on the basis of an alternative development model.

Bottom line: Malkolm’s pension, workers in the Municipal Food Market of Kypseli (1950’s), school parade, Fokionos Negri pedestrian street in the 1960’s. All photos come from posts on the Facebook groups: KYPSELI and KYPSELIOTIS, as well as from the private photo archive of Mr. Stelios Chamodrakas.

aerial-photo of Kypseli in 1939, aerial-photos’ source: Military’s Geographical Administration aerial-photo of Kypseli in 1959

aerial-photo of Kypseli in 1969 aerial-photo of Kypseli in 2002

Landmarks Fokionos Negri

Streams, rebellious youths and endless human stories have woven Fokionos Negri, the long pedestrian street in the heart of Kypseli. Fokionos Negri is considered as the most vibrant social core of the area, creating social clusters along its length. In terms of space the street occupies six blocks. The first block, which starts from the intersection between Patission Street and Agiou Meletiou, is the only part of the street on which cars pass and for this reason not considered as significant as all the other blocks. Fokionos Negri, with the particular symbolism it holds, starts from Drosopoulou Street and heads towards Kypseli Square. The next two blocks mainly consist of cafes on each side of the - unfortunately - fenced green park in the middle of the pedestrian street. The Municipal Food Market of Kypseli is the landmark of the fourth block, at the middle of the pedestrian street. The Food Market’s history begins in 1935. During the 50’s and 60’s, along with the general flourishing of the region, the Market became the commercial centre of the neighbourhood and consequently a strong social core of the inhabitants’ everyday life. In 2003 it closed permanently after the general decline of the area and because of the appearance of many shopping malls. The local municipality later had thoughts of demolishing the building but the local residents reacted and saved it from demolition. During the period 2006-2012 the Market was occupied by civil groups and reopened on a self-managed basis, hosting an organic market every Saturday. Today the building is in the process of renovation, aiming to become again the symbolic core of the neighbourhood. The last two blocks of Fokionos Negri, surrounded mostly by restaurants, provide wider - but always fenced - green spaces and benches. This last part is the greenest one, as it has many tall poplars and eucalyptus trees with thick trunks. Fokionos Negri is also exploited by the domestic dogs of the area, along with their owners, a meeting point of friends - both people and animals - around the iconic statue of Loyal Dog by Evr. Vavouris. Other statues that decorate the pedestrian street are the busts of Mayor K. Kotzias, a work by Loukia Georganti, and Mayor Sp. Merkouris by B. Falireas. The most famous and unique statue is the Daughter in Ecstasy by Tobros which is next to a semicircular fountain. The fountains are an additional embellishment on Fokionos Negri which were inactive for the last five years, but were reactivated in November of 2015 after pressure from residents and local groups. Fokionos Negri is a socially active space and above all it features sense of a local lifestyle, offering the populous neighbourhood a breath of space and time, with the waters and trees reminding its passersby of the stream that still runs buried beneath their feet.

The sculpture â&#x20AC;&#x153;Daughter in Ecstasyâ&#x20AC;? and the fountain The fountain at the corner between Fokionos Negri and Agias Zonis Street

The big eykalyptous trees on Fokionos

Daily snapshot

The dog statue and the small open theatre of Fokionos Negri

The building of the Municipal Food Market of Kypseli before its renovation (February 2015)

Daily snapshot

Agios Georgios Square

Agios Georgios Square is a circular square at the corner between Eptanisou and Ithakis streets. One can see from a distance the imposing church of Agios Georgios which was painted in 1954 by Fotis Kontoglou, his students and other important painters of the time. Reaching the Square, however, oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s gaze falls to the centre, where there stands, at first sight, a beautiful sculpture. As an old inhabitant narrated: this is a lamp post, designed by the famous architect Ernst Ziller, was placed along with a second one outside Athens City Hall, at a time when gas was used to light the streets. The Square - surrounded by traditional bakeries, cafes and restaurants is always vibrant, with children running around the lamp post, mothers chatting on the benches and elders seeking companionship through simple and discrete social coexistence.

Kypseli Square is situated at the top of Fokionos Negri. Its official name is Kanaris Square, in memory of Admiral Constantine Kanaris (who was in service during the War of Independence from 1821-1828), who lived on Kypselis Street most of his life. His bust now decorates the Square and local legend says that in honour of this important local resident, the local municipality decided to give all the streets of Kypseli names from Greek islands. Although his house has been demolished, the apartment block which was built in its place (56 Kypselis Street) states on a marble inscription that: in that place lived and died the hero of the revolution of 1821, Admiral Contantine Kanaris.

Kypseli Square (Kanari)

Penetrating the spacious Square, one observes immigrants sitting on benches, either alone or in groups, children playing and giving a sense of life inside the Square. A fenced playground exists next to the Square, being unfortunately - as said by many parents â&#x20AC;&#x201C; dangerous and unsuitable for young children. The Square is planned to hold a metro station as part of Metro Line 4.

Agias Zonis Street

Another important street of Kypseli, perpendicular to Fokionos Negri, is Agias Zonis. It took its name from the Agias Zonis Church which is located there. However, the semantic relevance of the street is not limited only to that Church. In 1831 the British Admiral Sir Malkolm Poltnef decided to build his mansion there as a signal of his hope for Greece at that period of time - just after its independence as a national state. His mansion still exists as part of the Hospice, founded in 1896 by Kalliroi Paren. Today, passing outside the Hospice, one is likely to encounter a patient, who will greet people with a disarming, genuine smile, wanting above all to make you feel comfortable. Most of the neighbours know the patientsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; names and it is common for them to have a quick chat and then continuing their walk, passing by the many small local stores of the neighbourhood, such as mini markets, grocery stores, coffee shops, a dvd club, a bookstore and some old restaurants.

Ameriki Square

Amerikis (Americaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s) Square is a landmark that the majority of Athenians know, even if they have never actually visited it. What many people do not know and the local inhabitants narrate, is the stories about the older names of the Square. It starter as Anthesteria Square (Square of Flowers), because in this area during the 19th century people were celebrating and welcoming the coming of spring with numerous gardens and flower shops to exist around. From Amerikis Square and along Patission Street, old Athenians made a parade full of songs and wine accompanying it. Later on the Square was renamed as Square of the Unmarried, (Agamon Square): as it wasnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t a busy public location, many unmarried couples would meet there for amorous encounters. It ended up being named Amerikis Square in honour of the USA, a name that remains. Today there is a paradox observed: while Amerikis Square is commonly used as a point of reference by the inhabitants, few of them actually visit it. On one of its sides a wooden swing still functions on top of a sand pit that fills with water during the first rain. At the benches of the recently renovated Square groups of immigrants sit, talking in their native languages, creating small social hives without interacting with the surrounding environment. In the centre of the Square a piece of the ground, paved with marble and an elegant fountain in decay, testifies to a landscape with structures that invite people to claim ownership and enjoy the Square, yet ultimately this is not achieved.

The above photo could easily summarize the case of Pedion tou Areos. This massive park has all the infrastructures needed to become a green breath for the surrounding neighbourhoods; however its goal does not seem to have succeeded. It works more as a shelter for drug addicts and - recently - war refugees. The park seems to have been left to its own fate, and despite its location at the heart of Athens, just a few meters from the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s centre, it stands as an abandoned space for most Athenians. Nevertheless there are still some inhabitants who insist on visiting the park: a ride with the trolley for the young mothers or grandmothers, a run for the athletic types, a simple walk for others. Yet these cases are, unfortunately, the exception rather than the rule. A potential green escape for the overpopulated Kypseli leads - at least for now - to a sad dead-end.

Pedion tou Areos

However a walk on Pedion tou Areos, forgetting for a while the sometimes heavy silence and the particularly sad atmosphere, reveals the potential of the park, taking into account its recent reconstruction in 2010.

Photos: Ourania Mavriki

Cultural spaces KET (Kentro Eleghou Tileoraseos = Centre for Repairing Televisions)

KET is a vigorous cultural space at the corner of Kyprou and Sikinou streets. The space was first opened in 2012 by the actress Foteini Banou and the writer and translator Dimitris Alexakis. Theatre, performance, music concerts, screenings and various seminars make up the rich program of KET, while in the mornings it also functions as theatrical rehearsal space. It experiments with contemporary aspects of the cultural field and meanwhile also explores new ways of approaching and communicating with the local community with respect and emphasis on the multicultural character of the neighbourhood. Through discussion with the two owners one can easily perceive this motivating force in their eyes. They live in the neighbourhood, believing in its potential. Therefore approaching the locals is their biggest challenge. During the three years that KET has been open several children from the neighbourhood have been attracted by the space and are now interested in culture and theatre, becoming a special and exceptional public for KET. KET - which previously operated as a centre for repairing TVs carries a particular atmosphere and communicates the energy of the people who take care of it. It is a creative core and a positive voice for the future of Kypseli. www.polychorosket.gr

Snehta Residency offers residency programs to artists from abroad, bringing together the city of Athens with members of the international artistic community. Through the residency program the city - especially Kypseli - becomes the inspiration for artists’ works. Meanwhile, Snehta organizes exhibitions, artist talks and screenings focusing on the creation of an artists’ network both in Greece and abroad.

Snehta Residency

The initiative belongs to the artist Augustus Veinoglou, while Becky Campbell - a Scottish artist from Edinburgh who lives in Kypseli - is the curator and exhibition manager of the Residency. They are also working on the connections of Snehta with the local community and local organizations. In 2015 Snehta expanded and now runs two spaces in Kypseli, one being the residency space on Agias Zonis and the other the studio and exhibition space on Drosopoulou. www.snehtaresidency.org

bhive describes itself as an experimental space for the arts in Athens. It is situated in a detached house at Mithimnis Street and is used as an event space and an artist’s studio.

bhive

The artist Gerasimos Avlamis is responsible for the operation and the program of the space. Last October he developed the ephemeral art project The Labyrinth of Kypseli, exploring the cityscape of Kypseli through dance performances and art installations, supported by NEON. Although he does not live in Kypseli, he has held this studio in the neighbourhood for many years, which makes him part of both the artistic scene of the area and its everyday life. Restless to find new ways of involving the locals with art spaces, he experiments with different mediums in order to attract the neighbourhood’s attention. www.bhive.gr

NGO’s Babel

Babel is an NGO dealing with mental health issues of migrants who live in Athens. Through various programs and events, the organization offers diagnosis, treatment, monitoring and support services, while working to inform and raise awareness on mental health issues. By entering Babel’s offices on Drosopoulou Street one can immediately feel the warmth of the people running the programs. Furthermore, in the eyes of the migrants visiting Babel one can see the gratitude for the support provided to them. Babel has developed several artistic programs in the past, with both bhive and Snehta Residency. www.syn-eirmos.gr

Melissa (= Bee)

Melissa is located in a neoclassical building on Victoria Square. It started operating in this space last year as a network of female immigrant organizations from the area. Melissa’s co-founder, anthropologist Nadina Christopoulou - who holds a recognized scientific status - approaches the topic with respect and appreciation of the target audience. As she states: “Melissa is a network of female immigrants living in Greece. Its purpose is to promote their empowerment and active participation in society’s nexus, by building communication bridges with Greek society. It is based on the notion that society must be an open beehive of communication and creative coexistence, in which everyone can contribute”.1

1 Christopoulou, Nadina, The name of the bee, article at Huffington Post online newspaper, 19.11.2014: http://www.huffingtonpost.gr/nadina-christopoulou/-_165_b_6176282.html

Citizen groups The group was created in 2010 by active citizens with the goal of improving the quality of life in the 6th Municipal District (which Kypseli belongs to), with a specific focus on Kalliga Square, also known as Karamanlakis Square. Their actions are based on the triptych Solidarity - Urban Environment - Culture and through their constant activities they aim to enhance the sense of neighbourhood, the promotion of personal initiatives and the value of collaboration. The group, apart from actions that directly address the everyday problems of the inhabitants, focuses on the contribution of various cultural activities which can help improve the Squareâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s everyday activity.

Citizen Union of Kalliga Square

Every year they plan various events for the Square to link the local community with local history and street arts. Their biggest goal is the creation of a playground in the square, which once existed but was removed. Through this playground they hope to engage the children of the neighbourhood along with their parents with the Unionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s actions, and furthermore for the playground to become a vehicle for socializing, extroversion and intimacy between people. Babis and Aggeliki, two of the members of the Union, continually demand an increasingly better quality of life, insisting on the potential of the neighbourhood. With a lot of energy, many creative ideas and the will to act, they restlessly think about the next step of the Union, as well as ways of activating the neighbourhood with the contribution of culture in order to solve problems that the locals face on a daily basis. sites.google.com/site/plateiakalliga/

Citizen’s Movement of Kypseli

The Citizen’s Movement of Kypseli is an active citizen group of the neighbourhood that deals with the quality of life of its residents in both practical and cultural dimensions. With the old prestige of Kypseli still in mind, it offers rich online material about the cultural identity of Kypseli through photos and texts. It mainly consists of locals who want to praise the past of Kypseli, but also discuss the contemporary neighbourhood’s problems. An interesting feature of the group is their cultural online map as well as the photographic archive that has been collected over several years. Furthermore, on the movement’s Facebook page daily posts are uploaded with memories and narrations from old residents along with photographs that depict everyday life in the area from the past. The Movement’s work can be seen as a constantly enriched museum of collective memory, which documents and keeps alive the stories and memories of the neighbourhood. The main administrator of the online material is Mr. Stelios Chamodrakas - a native resident of Kypseli - who ceaselessly explores and brings to light the seemingly endless material of the neighbourhood, creating a huge archive both in terms of volume and variety. www.kypselis.gr

Our Kypseli

This group describes itself as A companion with will and vision for a Kypseli with neighbours and friends who know each other and not a Kypseli of alienation and impersonal relationships. Mr. Konstas and his wife were the main initiators of the group, which began their actions in 2012. Since then the group has organized numerous activities and a diverse program in order to enrich the lives of residents, addressing every age and target group. Dance, singing, foreign languages, reading, computer workshops, movie screenings and hiking are some of their activities which aim to enliven the neighbourhood and recreate personal relationships between its inhabitants. www.facebook.com/kypseli2012

This group was created in 2011 and is working in order to enable the local community itself to record its own history through a mosaic of narratives. It is based on the practice of training seminars on the methodology of oral history and then on the reception of oral testimonies. On OPIK’s website one can find posted material and different themes in relation to the neighbourhood.

Oral History Group of Kypseli (ΟΠΙΚ)

Initiators of the group are the historian Tasoula Vervenioti, the social anthropologist Ricky Van Boeschoten and the historian Lida Papastefanaki. sites.google.com/site/opikdomain/home

Gefyres Group offers Greek lessons for free to immigrants and other people interested, such as Erasmus students. The group started its activity in May 2007 when, under the name The Open School of the Market, they transformed four spaces of the Municipal Food Market of Kypseli into classrooms, offering the opportunity for hundreds of students to learn how to read, write and communicate in Greek.

Gefyres (=Bridges)

During 2014-2015, while the Market has been going through renovations, the group has continued to offer Greek courses in a private flat, now as Gefyres Group. The individuals behind this initiative are working on a voluntary basis and spoke us through their unique experience: it is a trip in which both sides, teachers and students, overcome their fears and prejudices in order to find a common ground of collaboration. Furthermore, the team’s work contributes to the smooth integration of immigrants into Greek society and is the starting point for a rich cultural exchange. With love and humanitarian awareness they continue their activity, offering a fresh perspective to the new inhabitants of the area who come from abroad, but also to the existing locals towards them.

Head of the team: Anna Damianidi

Fotini Kypseli (Bright Kypseli)

Fotini Kypseli is a local initiative which tries to give light, both literally and metaphorically, to Kypseli. The idea is simple: the illumination of the entrances of apartment buildings and shop windows of Kypseli with LED lamps. Connecting the lack of sufficient light with the feeling of fear and insecurity developed in the area during recent years, this solution can transform the nocturnal image of the neighbourhood and give life even to the most hidden alleys of Kypseli. The team of Fotini Kypseli hopes to convince as many residents as possible to allow their apartments to be lit so that the neighbourhood can be illuminated in two different ways: the physical illumination of buildings and also the emergence of its identity and hidden potential to a wider audience. www.fotinikipseli.gr

Free press Patission Zei (Patission Lives)

Patission Zei is a monthly local free press which focuses on the wider region of Patission Street, its people, its history and its businesses. The free press launched in 2012 with its symbolic title, Patission Zei, which represented a need during that year – in the throes of the crisis - to believe in the city’s potential. The paper’s team works guided by their love for the region, its people and for the insistence that Patission Street is a vital artery for the surrounding neighbourhoods. Through various articles, interviews and surveys they project their own vision about the beauty and the challenges of the contemporary reality of the region. www.patisionzei.com

Internet - social media Kypseli has a very strong online presence. Each citizen group that has been mentioned above has its own website and Facebook page. Through these means the groups inform locals about upcoming events and at the same time they convey to the digital world the hives created in the real world. Furthermore there are also other Facebook groups that gather an even bigger amount of users as well as a noteworthy archive of memories and stories, succeeding in transferring the neighbourhood’s vibe into the digital universe by creating corresponding social cells.

Kypseliotis is a Facebook closed group with more than 2.500 members. It could be considered as the Internet pulse of Kypseli.

Kypseliotis (The Kypselian)

Memories and personal narrations of older inhabitants, emotional texts and photos from everyday life revealing the lifestyle of the area in past decades make up one part of the group’s activities. The other part presents members’ uploaded posts about contemporary life in Kypseli and its challenges, their favourite spots and special elements of the neighbourhood as well as their concerns and complaints about the area. Kypseliotis can be seen as an online archive of collective memory for the neighbourhood, a continuously enriched testimony of the pace of today and a connection between the current and former inhabitants of Kypseli. The administrators of the group are members of Citizen’s Movement of Kypseli.

Kypseli is a Facebook closed group with more than 10.550 members. It is the biggest online group for the area and was launched in 2008. It focuses on reaching all the inhabitants of the region, both new and old, in order for everyone to share his or her personal memories and experiences of the neighbourhood. The material, posted daily, is large in volume and of great interest.

KYPSELI

Patissia Ano Kato

This open Facebook group has more than 3.400 members. It is made up of a large online family from Kypseli and Patissia where people share upcoming events such as group walks in the neighbourhood, memories and photos, narrations and recordings of the cultural wealth of Kypseli. The content uploaded by its members is either past memories or various announcements for events that are taking place in the wider region. It is yet another digital world that demonstrates the almost worshipful relationship between the neighbourhood and some of its inhabitants, as well as their need to express themselves and share personal narrations, all starting from an urban corner of Kypseli.

Fokionos.com

Fokionos.com is an attempt between friends to highlight Fokionos Negri as a historical and important local landmark. This website combines small narrations about Fokionos Negri with practical information such as business directories etc. A photographic archive from the past and today enriches the website, which invites us to discover this flagship pedestrian street.

Vembos Thanassis

Resident of Kypseli, the researcher mr. Vembos Thanassis has a passion about photography. Due to this love and his interest on the neighborhood he lives in, he developed an interesting project called Timeslip. In this project, he juxtaposes urban corners of Kypseli in the past and present. He has created an impressive archive of many rare photographs from the past. Furthermore the same view captured during different decades intriguingly reveals changes to the urban landscape over time. More details in: http://www.vembos.gr/Project_Timeslip_List.htm

3. Multiple reflections on Kypseli through its details

Co-existence

“Patission street can be distinguished from other major streets of Athens, particularly because one can recognise – throughout its expansion – the revolution of the urban history of the capital, step by step, just as one can read the life of a tree, on the cutting of the trunk, through its annual layers of wood”.1 The successful parallelism from Biris applies not only to Patission Street, but also to the neighbourhood of Kypseli in general. Indeed, anyone walking in the area realizes the existence of building blocks with distinctive architectural features. One can see many two-floor, prestigious neoclassical buildings; some decaying while others have been renovated. However in both cases they are capable of transmitting the aura and bourgeois status of Patission Street and the Kypseli area of the early 20th century. Beside them one can also see the so-called polykatoikia of the 30s (specific Modern Architecture apartment blocks), with the characteristic erker on their balconies. All represent the construction boom in the neighbourhood during the interwar period and the variety of social classes that inhabited the area. Erker, an architectural characteristic which expands the interior space of the house to the balcony – often used for bigger and lighter dining rooms – was abolished in 1938, a feature that can help us calculate the minimum age of those buildings. Next to them stand buildings which are commonly called polykatoikia of antiparochi. The antiparochi system is a unique Greek arrangement whereby the owner of a building gave his land to the engineer in order to build a higher building with many flats and in exchange was given two or three of those flats –a solution to the problem of the rapid urbanization of Athens during the 50’s. The system of antiparochi, which started in 1950, gave to the city its main identity in terms of architecture: the polykatoikia apartment block. They have many different styles, depending on the decade and the current architectural trends and social needs. In recent years office buildings or buildings for special uses - such as garages - have appeared in the area. Furthermore, old buildings have been completely renovated to accommodate new uses, for example restaurants, supplementary schools and language schools, NGOs’ offices and hotels (both for long and short term accommodation). A common challenge inside architectural discourse is the smooth integration of a building into the natural or urban environment. The coexistence of different styles and periods of buildings in one block might not facilitate the thought of achieving the above objective. However, this architectural diversity can be viewed as a prominent and positive feature of the neighbourhood. From this point of view, Kypseli is a vibrant area in every period of the modern history of the city; renewed, transformed, and seeming to fit everything within the area. Consequently, integration in the Kypseli 1 “Kathimerini” newspaper, “Seven days, Patission Street”, Sunday 28th of March 1999, “Kypriadou garden-city”, Manos Biris, p.22

area has a historical rather than a morphological character. This close coexistence of buildings - which refers to the different historical periods of the area - shows the continuity of Kypseli over time and reflects the historical development of the whole city. Thus, although no visual integration is produced, the passerby can experience an alternative harmony, that of coexistence and integration. What applies to the urban landscape of Kypseli also applies to its anthropological point of view. People from different generations, origin and with different interests live in the neighbourhood and, despite the problems that have occurred, this social diversity reflects an interesting social nexus, a feature of every large contemporary city.

Apartment building (polykatoikia) and social vertical stratification

Polykatoikia of antiparochi, as was previously explained, is the basic building type of the neighbourhood of Kypseli. Due to its architectural characteristics it is divided into three concrete periods: the first period during the 1950’s and 1960’s; the second being the 1970’s and 1980’s; and the third one from 1990 until today. An element that characterizes the first period of polykatoikias is the main entrance hall, with their unique design and the luxury of the materials that were used: colourful marbles, elaborate iron doors with large glass windows, big interior mirrors and a special central chandelier, to name a few. Furthermore, the many square meters given to the interior space of the entrance, the concierge’s desk, the special additions at the entrance stairs for placing a carpet during winter and the engraving of the architect’s name contribute to creating an image that is unique. Through all the above elements the entrance’s architecture stands as a symbol for a luxurious ritual of transition, passing from the public space of the city into the private space of the home. In the polykatoikia’s second period, the magnificence of the entrance hall, with its spacious common areas remains. However its aesthetics move to more minimalistic lines and also materials are no longer as luxurious as before. The doors become wooden, with clean-cut lines, while the window frames start to adapt to the later well-known aesthetics of aluminium. However what remained the same in the design and the uses between the two periods is the vertical stratification of polykatoikia. In both periods, polykatoikias are layered as: the basement; the semi-ground floor (a floor approximately 1.5m above ground level); three or four further floors; and one or two higher floors with penthouse apartments. As the architect Thomas Maloutas indicates1, the stratification of polykatoikia has a very important social dimension: through this layered floor design, each floor represents the social class divisions at that time between the inhabitants. Despite the fact that this particular building structure provides a clear social stratification, it introduces the inhabitants to a state of coexistence and communication. In other words, it does not create conditions of ghettoization or exclusion but rather reinforces the diversity. The polykatoikias of the 1990’s and onwards started to show a different floor design approach as they begin to adapt the symptoms of contemporary Greece: easy and quick profit. Every square meter are only translated into money; therefore the entrance space are shortened into only the absolutely necessary dimensions without any special decoration or unique materials. The basement and ground floor are abolished 1 Speech as part of a round table discussion entitled: The Athenian apartment building (polykatoikia). At the Onassis Cultural Center , 27-1-2015 in the context of the discussion series: re-think Athens: Urban challenges 2014-15.

to make space for the pilotis, an open-air ground level with parking spaces and the buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s entrance. Pilotis along with the underground parking level were of course a solution for the over-populated area and a response to the parking difficulties (it was normal before the pilotis that one could spend more than 45 minutes searching for a parking space in Kypseli, and still consider it as a short amount of time). In all the other floors the polykatoikia had the same floor plan: a copy-paste from the first till the last floor. This structural style, on the one hand, facilitates the constructor and on the other hand equalizes the lifestyles of the inhabitants as the inhabitant of the first floor has exactly the same apartment as the one on the top floor, with the only difference being the lack of sunlight to the first floor apartments. This social equalization captures the changes in contemporary Greek society towards a higher living standard and less social inequalities. In conclusion, what is clear from the evolution of polykatoikia is the change in the perception of the shared space. During the decades of the 1950â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and 1960â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, the magnificence of the entrance symbolized the importance of the shared space. In this way, the entrance space belongs to every inhabitant and therefore must be well made. In recent years, the sloppy construction of the entrances symbolizes the absence of any particular interest for the shared space, creating the need for quick transfer from public space to each apartment. In this case, the shared space of the polykatoikia becomes irrelevant, belonging to nobody and can, therefore, be built with the simplest and cheapest materials. Additionally, either as a cause or as a consequence of the previous fact, the relationship between the neighbours becomes more impersonal, as the lack of a sense of common ownership of space results in the lack of a sense of coexistence in a single building structure.

Entrance details of polykatoikias of the 50â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s-60â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s with marbles, large mirrors, the central chandelier, the small additions for placing the carpet in the stairs and the design of the iron doors

Entrance hall of polykatoikias, 1970’s-1980’s

Two characteristic typologies of polykatoikia from different periods. One the left (50’s-60’s) one can see the vertical stratification of each floor and therefore the different life-style in each floor, whereas on the right (90’s-00’s) one can see the repetitive model of each floor

Staff entrances

A detail that stands out at entrances to polykatoikias and captures the social and class stratification in the area - evident mainly during the years 1950 - 1970 - is the specially designed door next to the main entrance of polykatoikias that leads to the underground floor. Rooms and stairs for the service staff were two of the elements found in buildings of that time since there were still servant women working 24/7, mainly for the top floor (high class) penthouse apartments. For these workers there was a special way to enter the building which passed through the underground floor and the backyard. On the underground level the laundry room and warehouse were housed, as well as access to the backyard and the serviceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s staircase. Despite the fact that the staircase for the underground level was located in the common space of the ground floor, the access to it was provided by another door even if the main entrance would seem to be physically suitable for everybody, making the second door unnecessary (if not useless). Therefore, its existence has a symbolic value, confirming the class and social stratification of that time in Kypseli in a spatial way.

The uninhabited semi-ground floor apartments

The architectural community has started recently to review the typical Athenian apartment building type of polykatoikia, propounding another interpretation beyond the established negative stereotypes. Within the wider discussion about the future of Athens, a developed discourse about the future possibilities of the city proposes examples for changing the perception and use of these buildings. In this context, Kypseli is an iconic area for this issue and which can participate in this particular discussion while possible proposed solutions can lead to a new spatial and social condition for it. A common image in the streets of the neighbourhood is the many For Sale signs in the entrances and ground floor columns of buildings. Due to the high taxation on real estate, many owners of small, empty apartments are interested in selling them in order to avoid the additional tax costs. What is widely discussed within the neighbourhood is that the apartments announced to be sold are those located on the 1st, 2nd and 3rd floors. Top floor apartments - with large balconies and views have already been bought by real estate offices that are simply waiting for the right moment to sell them in the future; or those apartments are simply inhabited since they provide isolation, spacious rooms, silence and no visual contact with what is going on downstairs on the street level. Many of the basement level apartments are already being rented to low-income immigrants. Therefore what is left are the apartments at semi-ground floor level: despite the fact they are on sale at incredibly low prices nobody buys them. The difficulty for these apartments to be sold seems quite easy to understand; no one would want to stay in a dark, small apartment at street level. These apartments also do not have a balcony or they do have only a very small one, with space only for a tiny table and a chair. It is therefore clear that they do not cover contemporary living needs, and in combination with the fear of burglaries, inhabiting them seems quite impossible. Nevertheless, this observation can become the starting point to think in different ways: the large number of such apartments could lead either to the devastation of this layer of the city, or alternatively to the finding of a new use for it. Literally the image of building entrances with symmetrically closed shutters is ubiquitous, and wherever this is combined with a closed ground floor shop the feeling of abandonment which impacts on the street level is even more intense. This layer of the city includes a large network of empty apartments and it is very difficult to change, through architectural interventions, something that creates a challenge (which is also a need) for inventing new apartment uses in direct proximity to the street, and hence the city.

Views of the uninhabited semi-ground floor appartments

Security and xenophobia

One of the recurrent images when walking in Kypseli is that of the blocked-off windows and balconies of the semi-ground floor apartments, as well as the entrances to those polykatoikias. The changing population during the 90’s and onwards was the starting point for a general feeling of xenophobia and the creation of negative stereotypes about the neighbourhood. Many young people who were born and grew up in the area started migrating towards the suburbs, while economic migrants - at first from Eastern Europe and later from Africa and Asia from 2000 onwards - were moving to the area. Frequent incidents of burglaries, settling scores, drug dealing and prostitution on the street established the stereotype of an infamous area and furthermore contributed to the development within many people - regardless of their origin - a feeling of fear and insecurity. As a result residents became more introverted, something that was also expressed in the public spaces of the neighbourhood. The first changes came with the replacement of the old, grand entrance doors with security doors. The architectural details of the door which revealed the once urban prestige disappeared because they were perceived as a luxury when feelings of fear began to dominate in the area. Many of the basement and semi-ground floor apartments were reinforced with additional rails, covering the entire balcony up to their ceilings; this prevented the intruders from entering yet simultaneously strengthened the image of living in a cage. On the rest of the floors, where no such danger of burglary existed, raised reed mats were installed or a combination of reed mats covering the railing and closed awnings. These prevent visual access to the balconies, yet they also turn them from an open space into a shielded room without light or visual contact with the sky. As a result of the lack of security a feeling of abandonment then developed. According to many people Kypseli was seen as the shame of the sparkling capital during the Olympic Games held in Athens in 2004; the city’s shine barely reached as far as Alexandras Avenue and the Archaeological Museum. The public authorities during the 00’s never showed a clear intention to address the issues of the area and citizens’ feelings, resulting in the intensification of social problems, xenophobia, illegal prostitution – especially on Patission street -, drugs, empty streets during the evening and a lack of proper street lighting. Fokionos Negri and the desolation that it conveyed - to both locals and visitors - was in sharp contrast to the crowded and lively neighbourhoods of Metaxourgeio, Gazi, Pagkrati or Panormou (not to compare it with the historical city centre). Characteristic of the situation is that according to many children of diverse nationalities, they grew up with their parents not allowing them to go out into squares to play even during the day, a situation that continues.

The abovementioned changes had both negative and positive consequences. On the one hand, they contributed to the increase of fanaticism, highlighting the dichotomy between the old, “pure” and beautiful Kypseli in comparison with the new, “dirty” and dangerous one. On the other hand they have, along with the emergence of the economic crisis, led to the creation of many citizens groups who decided to act by themselves for the neighbourhood and thus developed important social networks and activities, promoting, slowly but steadily, new prospects for the area.

Inhabitants’ interventions in balconies, windows and the central door due to the feeling of fear

The technique of artificial stone coating

If someone would like to describe Kypseli through a material this could be the carved coating. It can be found on many apartment buildings’ façades, also known as artificial stone coating (or simply artificial, as it is often referred to in Greek). Artificial stone coating is a special technique of carving. It looks like plaster and is made by mixing cement powder with marble powder. Experienced craftsmen apply it to the façades of buildings then use a chisel to carve the surface. These craftsmen were simply called pelicans because of the similarity of the word pelican in Greek with the verb to chisel: πελεκώ = peleko. According to the artist David Whelan1, this technique was like a human hand that had caressed each and every inch of the building before it was delivered to its residents. During the process the façade would be divided into smaller areas: small, straight lines were drawn horizontally and vertically in alignment with basic elements of the façade, following, for example, the line between the balcony and a window. Each area would then be chiselled by one pelican so that a uniformity of that part of the façade was achieved. The method of hewing changes was dependant on the height of the building. Following the structure of the neoclassical building on the three-part: Basis – Trunk – Coronation, the polykatoikia had respectively larger carvings of different styles on the ground floor (as equivalent to the basis) and then more classical style carvings on other floors (the trunk). The top floor apartment, in this case, does not create a requirement for coronation. Another feature of the artificial technique is the sense of touch and roughness that is emitted primarily through the variations of light and shade from the textured surface. It can be compared to the limestone used in traditional Cycladic architecture which, through several coatings, produces a rough texture. This technique is no longer used for contemporary buildings; it has been substituted by plaster and the façades are now covered with paint. There are only a small number of the skilled pelicans remaining. In Kypseli there is a young craftsman, Vassilis, who learnt the technique by working close to older and experienced craftsmen. Since he is a specialist he has undertaken the project of applying this technique over the building of Kypseli’s Municipal Food Market on Fokionos Negri. The Food Market, now listed as a contemporary monument, is an emblematic building in the area. It is currently being renovated under regulation to restore earlier design features, so the entire external perimeter has to be chiselled anew, all by the hand of Vassilis. 1 During a walk on the neighborhood together with the Snehta artists-in-residency and the editorial group of the “Flaneur” Magazine, which its Autumn 2015 issue was dedicated to Fokionos Negri, 15.04.2015

Artificialâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s details on the top pictures, showing the different carving and the specific texture

Local landmarks

“Ok, you stand on the stairs of Skopelou Street and you go down towards the square. As soon as you reach Spetson Street you turn to the left. There, at the top of Zakynthou Street, approximately at the Billiards, you turn right and reach Kypselis Street, at the Rialto. From there you go downwards, pass the 60th, and on the next street you turn right. You reach Agios Georgios Square, and as you look down to Dionysos you take the alley that starts from there until Drosopoulou Street, where you turn right. As soon as you reach the Goody’s at Fokionos Negri, you walk up the pedestrian street, pass the Spider and Spitiko, and there, at the fountains just before the Market, you turn to Agias Zonis Street. Continue straight, past the church, the hospice and then you will reach the Platanos. From there, go opposite to Meraklides and continue straight up. After two streets you will find Megistis Street and then turn left. At the end of Megistis Street you get to Damaria with the small court that you are searching for.”

The above narration is imaginary but it follows an existing route, understood only by Kypseli’s locals. What are Dionysos, Rialto, the 60th and Damaria? Why do Goody’s, Spitiko and Meraklides become points of direction? What are the Spider, the Market and Platanos? They are all local landmarks, buildings and stores, many of which do not still exist yet are still known and referred to by the locals, sometimes generations or decades after they closed. They are places that the locals have transformed into their own common characteristics that help to define and describe the area. Skopelou Street starts from Kypselis Street and heads towards the mountain of Attiko Alsos, which leads to Polygono and from there to Mesogeion Avenue. At the end of Skopelou Street there is a large territorial shift which is covered by multiple steps. The streets parallel to Skopelou have a relatively gentler grade, so there are long slopes instead of steps. Thus, the numerous steps of Skopelou Street mark a border point in Kypseli in relation to neighbouring areas and are often avoided by passers-by because the incline is so steep.

Stairs

The Billiards of Aeginis Street in one of the various billiard halls that opened in the region, enjoying their heyday in the 80’s and 90’s and continuing a local situation already immortalised in the 60’s in the famous movie: The Punk of Fokionos Negri. Another well-known billiard hall is the Roxy on Kypseli Square, where there also used to be a cinema. These billiard halls served as gathering places for the youth of the time, either for some fun after school - Do you wanna go to play billiards before going home? was a typical question that one could hear in the school yards at the end

Billiards

of the day - or on weekend evenings before school friends would go out for a coffee on Fokionos Negri. Then, with the blossom of video games during the 00’s, Internet cafes replaced the billiard halls. In recent years corresponding meeting places to replace all the above, symbolizing the games of each generation, are mostly new cafes offering nargile and big screens or projectors for watching football matches.

Rialto

An old photo from “Rialto”, private archive of Mr. Stelios Chamodrakas

Rialto was the name of an open-air cinema on Kypselis Street during the 50’s. It was later replaced by a large apartment building, where - at its ground level - the cinema Rialto still functioned. It later became a theatre. In the early 00’s the theatre closed and reopened again after some years as Alekos Alexandrakis Theatre. However, to the locals it remains the Rialto. Kypselis Street and the wider region until Patission Street is still a theatrical neighbourhood with the most well-known theatres to be the theatre of “Kefallinias Street” and the theatre of “Kykladon Street”.

The 60th is the shortened name of the 60th High School of Athens. Formerly it operated with the alternating morning-afternoon system (one week the morning time was for the Gymnasium and the afternoon time for the Lyceum then the opposite and so on), while in recent years it merged with the neighbouring 15th High School and the whole school block was renamed as the 15th School of Athens. Despite the fact that the 60th has now turned into the 15th Gymnasium, for the locals it is still the 60th or - going further back in time - the Military Hospital. The building, which is located at the corner of Kypselis and Paxon, is impressive in shape, size and form and of the era before the First World War. It was primarily built to house the Italian School of Nuns. During WW2 it was used as a hospital by the German occupying forces and by the end of the war it was used as a military hospital, the General Hospital of the Hellenic Royal Air Force. Since 1981 - with a short renovation period - it has functioned as a school, well-known for its extracurricular cultural programme including famous dance and theatre groups which have won various student awards, all due to the dedication of its teaching staff.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;The 60thâ&#x20AC;?

Dionysos

Agios Georgios Square is a famous and large square of the area next to Agios Georgios Church. It is used as a place for hanging out by people of all ages. The numerous cafes around it constitute a common evening meeting point for the older inhabitants to play cards while children - especially during summertime - play football in the courtyard of the Church. The street food market every Thursday and the bazaar on Saturdays are usual events for the housewives and the grandmothers of the area to visit. Also, of course, there are many restaurants and grills around the square. An old restaurant at the northern part of the Square, serving homemade-style food, is a well-known place for actors to go, as it stays open until late, waiting for the actors to eat after their performances in the nearby theatres of the neighbourhood. However, the most famous place of the square is Dionysos, a renowned grill for eating souvlaki. When entering the place, one will see many clippings from newspapers and magazines that have devoted articles to the grill, as well as photos of its famous guests.

Τhe “Goody’s” of Fokionos

The widely-known fast-food chain Goody’s is situated at the beginning of Fokionos Negri, as one goes up from Patission Street, at the corner of Drosopoulou. Following its dynamic entrance onto the fast-food market at the beginning of the 90’s the chain has attracted a very large audience. The Goody’s of Fokionos Negri, besides the fact that it still operates (there used to be another Goody’s on Kypseli Square, as well as a Wendy’s, both of which have since closed), has become a typical meeting point for the locals: Let’s meet at Goody’s and then we can go somewhere nearby is a typical phrase used to determine it as a meeting point for friends.

The Spider is situated on Fokionos Negri, at the height of Eptanisou Street. It consists of a circular iron pergola on top of which grows bougainvilleas with their characteristic purple colour. It is named Spider by its users, as the circular metal construction of the pergola is like a spiderâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s web. It is used as a space for children to play as well as a meeting point for the local youth.

Spider and Spitiko

Spitiko is one the oldest fast-food venues on Fokionos Negri, operating 24 hours a day. For this reason it is the last stop for locals who have been out until late and want to eat something before returning home. Therefore its peak time is at dawn.

The fountains

The fountains of Fokionos Negri are situated near to the Municipal Food Market, at the corner with Agias Zonis Street. They are not as well known as the fountain next to the Daughter in Ecstasy sculpture which is at the corner with Eptanisou Street. There are four metal fountains, in a simple design and are an intensely dark green colour and they all still function after many decades of use. Next to them there is a green open space with benches, where previously it used to be a much larger space. For this reason, the spot is familiar to the locals who may often sit there for a break during a walk.

Platanus

The tree Platanus is big, both in height and the width of its trunk. It is just next to the Hospice and has also given its name to the small square situated there, as well as to one of the many cafes and restaurants that exist around it. It is a well-known and calm meeting place of the area under the dark shadow of the tree. In this particular square and its traditional cafes many old movies have been filmed, with the most famous one being “The Aunt from Chicago” (which was filmed entirely in Kypseli).

Screenshot from the movie “The Aunt from Chicago” in the square of Platanos.

Meraklides is another famous souvlaki grill in the neighbourhood, at the corner of Lesvou and Agias Zonis. People would waiting in long queues for a souvlaki before delivery services were developed. It is like Dionysos but at the other end of Fokionos Negri. It has been operating since 1986, while next to it other grills later opened, initially to serve the impatient visitors who did not want to wait in the long queue of Meraklides. Due to the grillâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s popularity in the area it has become a central reference point when directions are given (before/after/beyond Meraklides etc.).

Meraklides

Finally, Damaria, an old quarry, is situated on a hill at the upper limit of Kypseli at the part of the neighbourhood named Alepotrypa. It retains the name from the old quarries exporting primary materials used in the construction of buildings in Athens. Damaria has a particular landscape with panoramic views of Athens from different angles. Around Damaria there are still many two-floor old houses with gardens and flowers, as well as fenced plots which operate as storage spaces or gardens. In the centre of Damaria there are two municipal soccer and basketball fields, as well as a small playground.

Damaria

Human geography through the neighbourhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s stores

One of the elements that capture the vibe of the neighbourhood is the existence of specialized small stores which reveal the human geography of its inhabitants and its historical continuity. For older residents who have lived in Kypseli almost their entire lives, there are - even nowadays - stores that have been catering to needs and many professions that are not commonly found. For new residents coming from different countries there are also shops and professions that have opened to meet their own specific needs. Kypseli is an area with many seamstresses, whose profession survives until today. In the past there were a lot of shops making tailor-made coats, suits, shirts and other clothing for the neighbourhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s customers. Koketa (Coquette), one of the most famous stores for buttons and other sewing equipment in Ameriki Square, has been operating since 1962 and is a local landmark. There are also many cobblers, drycleaners and a lot of hair salons with their own client list. In relation to gastronomy: there are still many fishmongers, butchers and bakeries. An interesting fact is that many bakeries, being traditional and operating for many years, still produce their own bread on a daily basis, as well as their own biscuits, croutons and seasonal sweets. Finally, there are also many small grocery stores operating either as small kiosks or as mini markets. Furthermore, one encounters many stores for electrical equipment, plumbing, repairing electrical devices, installing solar boilers and other stores that deal with home-equipment repairs. Interestingly, these types of stores are found everywhere and new inhabitants have been incorporated into them, either by some of them working there, or because of financial difficulties which impel them to buy secondhand equipment or repair already old and broken appliances. Another element of the neighbourhood - which mainly concerns the elderly male population - is the existence of many old cafes which operate as gambling clubs and still serve only Greek coffee or Frappe, with pensioners playing cards from eleven in the morning until late at night. Many barber shops for men and hair salons for women have been developed by and for the new inhabitants of the neighbourhood coming from abroad. Some hair salons, which are mainly addressed to women from Africa, specialize in unique hairstyles, dreadlocks or braids that reflect African culture. Barbershops mostly attend to men coming from Arab countries, following their own cultures.

There are also numerous Internet cafes and calling centers which offer low-cost calls to African and Asian countries, as well as currency exchange and money transfer stores. Furthermore, one can find many stores for paint and building materials; as many inhabitants are working in the construction industry they buy the materials needed locally. Lastly, many electronic stores operate in the area, selling used cell phones, mainly owned by people coming from India, Pakistan or Bangladesh.

The cardphones

A characteristic detail of the neighbourhood of Kypseli is the existence of many cardphones which are still used by some of the population. One might wonder about the usefulness of such devices in the current era of smartphones and 4G. However in Kypseli cardphones are being used by inhabitants from abroad who can speak to their relatives in, for example, Nigeria, Bangladesh and elsewhere, using inexpensive calling cards. Furthermore, many small stores operate as calling centers and low cost Internet cafes, which survive thanks to the abovementioned use. These stores, as well as the cardphones, constitute social hives for this community. According to several residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; narratives, one of the first things that started to be vandalized by groups opposed to the immigrants (it is a characteristic that most residents avoided naming these groups) were the cardphones. The cardphones were targeted in order to attempt to halt the communications and the presence of many immigrants in squares and benches next to the payphones. Despite these incidents, many cardphones still exist and operate today in the region.

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Catholic Church of St. Theresa at Eptanisou Street

At number 32 Eptanisou Street, just a few blocks after Fokionos Negri and next to the courtyard of a neoclassical house, stands a tall building with a large cross on it. Anyone in Athens who is not familiar with the architecture of Catholic Churches may not understand what the function of this building could be as it does not resemble the aesthetic of the Greek Orthodox Church which are more numerous in the city. From the street it looks more like a strange apartment building but it is actually the Catholic Church of Saint Theresa which has served as a parish since 1976. Due to the large immigrant population in the area, mainly of Africans, of whom many are Catholic, the parish offers important charity work in the neighbourhood, from donating food and other essential supplies to providing translation and communication services for visas and residency permits. Every evening the vesper (prayer service) takes place, while on Sundays there is the main mass. Most of the masses are held in Greek with some held in French during the week. The two big Sunday masses (the first one at noon and the second one at 6p.m.) are held in English and these attract the largest congregation. According to narrations of some residents who live in the same polykatoikia as some African families, it is common to wake up at 8a.m. on Sunday mornings because of the noise: Sunday mass is seen as the peak of the week for the African Catholic Community and preparations follow a particular ritual, hence the early morning rise. This ritual mainly involves the clothing traditions of women and girls. All of them wear special colourful dresses with bright colours, mainly in shades of green with intense purple, bordeaux or white details. It is a characteristic garment worn in a particular way. It can be seen from afar and is made of a large piece of cloth knotted and folded where needed following the unique technique. An important part of this garment is the headpiece, essentially an imaginatively knotted fabric which stands like a high halo around their heads, in reference to the Orthodox Church. The moments when African families meet on buses or on the street, before going to the church, help to create a unique image in the neighbourhood. Going to the mass of that church one Sunday morning, I entered a parallel universe which exists in the neighbourhood and has its own traditions, rituals and behaviours. The first feeling that I encountered as a white man in a room with over 200 darkskinned African people was a sense of diversity because of my different skin colour which, inevitably, placed me at the centre of attention. I had never encountered discrimination issues due to skin colour and it made me wonder how the members of the African community might feel in a city where something that makes them look different is their skin colour. This issue is significant whilst considering how the many different cultural populations of the neighbourhood can coexist.

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The mass in the Catholic Church is characterized by the participation in singing of all the attendees, unlike the Orthodox Church, where despite the church’s chanters, the congregation does not participate in the chanting. The broken English of the Nigerian priest and the others, as well as the “cooler” rendition of the Catholic Gospel from the Nigerians, makes the chanting sound like a strange hip-hop music piece. The breadth and depth of everyone’s participation creates a unique atmosphere of alternative devoutness within the church. The mass was completed with the baptism of a daughter of a young couple. It is worth mentioning that all the attendees stayed during the whole ceremony, which is an indicator of the sense of community that exists between them. However, the main characteristic that gave me food for thought is the name that the young African couple decided to give to their daughter. Her name was chosen to be Eleni, without an additional name referring to their African origin. What came into my mind is the many Greek or other migrant communities around the world, where the names of the second or even third generation’s children almost always symbolizes their country of origin. Meanwhile, there are many cases of migrant children whose native language is that of the language of the country they grow and live, while they barely speak their parents’ native language, the language of their country of origin. Despite the linguistic differences that inevitably occur from generation to generation, names often remain as a constant. The African couple’s decision to name their daughter Eleni reveals something touching about their close relationship with the country they currently live in. Either because they have accepted the fact that their daughter will grow up here and they won’t return back to Africa, or driven by a feeling of intimacy in this - previously foreign - place, the decision to associate their daughter’s name with the country and the culture in which they live shows positive aspects of multiculturalism through small-scale gestures.

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4. Strolling through Kypseli

Street food market

The street food markets, even if they are not an activity exclusive to Kypseli, suggest a route through the area that can help one to understand the neighbourhood’s social and spatial characteristics. There are four street food markets in Kypseli. They are divided according to the geography of the area which separate Kypseli into smaller areas. The geographical borders are Patission and Fokionos Negri streets, the two largest axes of the neighbourhood. Tuesday’s street food market serves the area on the left side of Fokionos Negri, having as its centre the pedestrian street Agias Zonis. The open market takes place every Tuesday: on Lelas Karagianni Street during winter; on Sikinou Street during spring; and on Naxou Street during summer and autumn. Wednesday’s street food market is for the area below Patission Street, close to Amerikis Square, on Fylis Street. Thursday’s street food market is in the area at the right part of Fokionos Negri, serving the neighbourhood around Agios Georgios Square, on Hydras street. Finally, Saturday’s street food market supplies the Ano Kypseli area, starting from the end of Fokionos Negri, on Kerkyras Street. At the same time, the market, due to its function, is also a place where one can understand the human geography of the area.

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Fokionos Negri - Kypselis Street - the alleys in between

The walk on Fokionos Negri, Kypselis Street and the alleys in between, is a route where one can see the basic landmarks of the neighbourhood and its intense contradictions. The route starts from the beginning of Fokionos Negri, at the crossroad of Agiou Meletiou and Patission streets, and runs all along Fokionos. From there one can see its geography, the bars and cafes located at its first blocks, the restaurants on its last blocks, the fountains and sculptures all along the Street, and the commercial character of the part near Kypseli Square, where Fokionos Negri ends. Kypselis Street is the central artery that begins from the homonymous square and ends up at the Panellinio (a large sports centre) and Patission Street with the intermediate transversal alleys (Chaeronias and Kastelorizou streets) to present the residential density and the characteristic everyday image of the neighbourhood.

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Architectural walk

The third proposed route is divided into two parts and shows the architectural wealth of the neighbourhood through the co-existence of buildings from diverse historical periods. The first part of the route includes all the blocks surrounded by Pattision, Kyprou, Agias Zonis, Fokionos Negri and Thiras streets, all on the left side of Kypseli. The other part, on the right side of Fokionos Negri, includes the area within Tinou, Spetson, Troias and Drosopoulou streets. The two sections are located on either side of Fokionos Negri, with only a short distance between them. A common characteristic of both areas are the many pre-war buildings (with examples in both good and bad conditions), that can demonstrate the ambience of the area during the interwar period. At the same time there are a lot of examples from the first post-war polykatoikia that show through their details the urban prestige of the neighbourhood at that time.

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epilogue

A free summer where everyone wanted to feel happy, to laugh, to fall in love and they did it through strolling through the beloved Fokionos Negri in the cafes or the tavernas in a flirty mood. At nights people went to one of the many open-air cinemas which were having an intense smell of jasmine. [...] Melita Adam

Adam, Melita, Stories from my neighborhood and ... a bit further, Kypseli 1919-1959, Zacharakis editions, Athens, 2013

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Conclusions

Through the research for the Community Project’s concept development, the multiple reflections on the area, the communication with locals and the field studies, several factors were defined that could help the Community Project in order to create an impact for Kypseli and its residents. The nature of the Community Project, as a series of artistic activities focusing on Kypseli’s community and taking place inside the re-activated open-air Stella cinema, constitutes the establishment of basic axes that would define and frame the artworks. In that sense, the Community Project can function as a large project consisting of individual artworks, each contributing in a unique way to the overall context. These axes, as they are defined below, follow a process-based approach, focusing more on the process of the artworks than on their results.

Kypseli’s history and initiatives from active citizen groups during recent years can provide the necessary input for creating something unique and a specific context through the constructive blending of different perceptions. The project’s sitespecificity lies at the core of its concept, since it can provide a common framework for the identification of the local community, an enhanced sense of connection in the neighbourhood amongst its residents and the improvement of existing social structures.

Site-specificity

The activities of local active citizen groups are one of the most important assets of Kypseli today, a fact that can be used by the participating artists. Cooperation between artists and local groups is strongly recommended since it can further reinforce the existing local community’s dynamics through new perspectives, develop a feeling of co-creation and encourage art to expand into new fields.

Collaborations

Having as a goal the creation of an impact for the selected area and the local community through the Community Project’s activities, sustainability becomes the key element of the project. The site-specific approach and cooperation between artist and locals can be the catalyst for the Community Project’s ideas and results to develop further and on a long-term basis. Therefore, new narratives of the neighbourhood’s identity, new urban cultures which identify new, shared values and mentalities, can be tools used by the local community after the completion of syn.desmoi.

Sustainability

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Photographic addendum

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photo by Ourania Mavriki

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photos of these two pages by Ourania Mavriki

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Loukas Bartatilas was born in Athens, Greece, in 1981. He holds a Diploma of Architecture from the University of Thessaly, Volos, Greece (1999-2006) and an MFA in “Public Art & New Artistic Strategies” from the Bauhaus University Weimar, , Germany (20082010). In 2009, he was an exchange student at the School of Art Institute (SAIC), Chicago, USA. He works in the inerdisciplinary space between public art and social urban development, investigating how small-scale artist-run initiatives interact with specific socio-spatial contexts. In 2014 he organized, with the support of NEON Cultural Foundation, his first solo exhibition: “Urban Details, ongoing reflections on Patission str.” He is a member of the European network “Actors of Urban Change” of the Robert Bosch Foundation. He lives and works between Athens and Berlin.

www.loukasbartatilas.com

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