L
U
C
Y
.
S
Y
K
E
S
s t u d e n t . n u m b e r : 1 4 0 2 2 8 2 9 8
M A . U R B A N . D E S I G N . A N D . P L A N N I N G T H E . U N I V E R S I T Y . O F . S H E F F I E L D
S U
E R
G
R B
E A
G N
A .
T D
I
O I
N M
. E
A N
N S
D
. I
T O
H N
E S
R E D U C I N G . I N T E R - N E I G H B O U R H O O D T E N S I O N S . T H R O U G H . U R B A N . D E S I G N
A
B
S
T
‘Segregation and the Urban Dimensions’ offers an exploration into the realms with which the City is experienced, calling for a heightened awareness of how we experience space in order to produce more effective design. The three realms of our city; the physical, social and the cognitive, are considered in turn through the scope of segregation between two east Manchester neighbourhoods. By analysing these dimensions, and using a combination of interview, cognitive mapping and observational techniques to plot their spatiality, a design is presented which truly responds to the dynamism of segregation as a phenomena. Whilst a structural intervention is proposed to overcome the physical instances of neighbourhood divide, a more informal, agency-led approach is adopted in order to bring social and cognitive cohesion. The case is therefore made for a more holistic and flexible planning strategy, one which recognises the intricacies of our urban experience, and which embraces the less tangible barriers between inhabitants. Public space is argued as a crucial platform upon which these interventions can be mobilised, and thus a call is made to recognise this currently under-utilised resource more frequently in debates regarding the urban form.

R
A
C
T
c
o
n
t
e
n
Introduction
6
1. Literature Review.-
7
2. Site Context
11
3. Methodology
15
4. Research Question One
17
5. Research Question Two
25
6. What Additional Factors Influence the Extent of Segregation? 35
IMAGE: VICTORIA MILL- MILES PLATTING, EAST MANCHESTER (AUTHORS OWN)

7. Research Summary
36
8. Research Question Three
37
9. Vision Statement
39
10. Design Fundamentals
40
11. Policy Analysis
47
12. Structural Intervention- The Hub
48
13. Agency-Led Intervention- Social Injection Sites
54
14. Concluding Remarks
62
Bibliography
63
Image References
65
Appendeces
66
t
s
F
I
G
U
FIG 1- The Three Urban Dimensions FIG 2 - The Open City FIG 3 - The Gradiant of Approaches FIG 4 - Types of Public Space FIG 5 - The Expansion of the City FIG 6 - New East Manchester Neighbourhoods FIG 7 - Street Hierachy over the Site FIG 8 - Household Type FIG 9 - Building Height across the Site FIG 10 - Building Use FIG 11 - Population Change FIG 12 - Demographic Composition FIG 13 - Summary of Cognitive Mapping Analysis FIG 14 - Pathway Analysis FIG 15 - Nodal Analysis FIG 16 - Successful Nodal Points FIG 17 - Ancoats Nodal Success FIG 18 - Miles Platting Nodal Fail FIG 19 - Landmark Analysis FIG 20 - Edge Analysis FIG 21 - Reinforcing the Border FIG 22 - The Original Layout of the ‘Edge’ FIG 23- The Proposed Layout of the ‘Edge’ FIG 24 - Potential Designated Parking Units FIG 25 - Proposed Grid System FIG 26 - Gradation in Density FIG 27 - Enclosure Rate FIG 28 - Gradation in Height FIG 29 - Existing Landuse FIG 30 - Proposed Landuse FIG 31 - Location of Social Injection Sites
b
o
x
e
R
E
S
6 9 9 10 13 13 18 19 20 21 23 23 26 27 29 30 31 31 32 33 34 43 43 44 44 45 45 45 40 40 54
s
BOX 1- Types of Activity within the Public Realm BOX 2- Example Policy References
25 47
IMAGE: MURRAY MILL- ANCOATS, EAST MANCHESTER (AUTHORS OWN)
I
N
T
R
O
D
U
C
T
I
O
N
URBAN DIMENSIONS
Providing the infrastructure upon which we perform our daily lives, the city is often not considered as anything more than a physical arena for our social world. On a tangible level, it is viewed as a passive, built environment; a landscape within which society merely occurs.This perspective, however, is ignorant of the other dimensions through which urban life is experienced. Rather than a static and fixed entity, the city is actually the product of various overlapping dimensions, actively shaping, guiding and influencing our experience as we pass through its space (Amin et al., 2000; Charalambous, 2011; Wirth, 1964; Mandanipour, 1995). In addition to this physical realm, the city is therefore also a social organisation, a platform whereby we move, communicate and interact with others. Although not as immediately obvious as the built form, this realm is crucial in our experience of city life, weaving together individuals and fabricating society as we know it. More conceptually, the city can also be understood as a result of our cognitive thought process, a set of attitudes and ideas which both dictate and are dictated by our daily emotions, behaviours and perceptions (Amin et al., 2000; Mandanipour 1995; Wirth 1964). Based on our personal decisions and experiences, it is within the cognitive realm that we make the decisions which determine how we engage on the physical and social level.
Instead of these realms acting independently to each other, it is important to recognise them as an interlocking set of processes (Amin et al., 2000, 8), and to consider all these dimensions when discussing urban studies and planning. By failing to understand the symbiotic nature of these realms, we undervalue the power which the physical form of cities holds in helping to achieve social change. It is only through recognising these socio-spatial relationships that we can begin to understand the city
not as a passive vessel, but as a holistic, active agent which, if mobilised in the right way, can help to improve the experience of urban life and society for all (Harvey, 1997; Madanipour, 1995). THIS PROJECT
It is with awareness of these relationships that this research project is organised. In an attempt to improve social justice, tolerance and equality within our urban environments, this piece of work will navigate the physical, social and cognitive realms of one specific urban phenomenon- Segregation. Through a deep analysis of how and why segregation within our cities occurs, ‘Segregation and the Urban Dimensions’ will highlight how design and planning can respond sensitively to the issue of separation, and effectively reduce tensions between two juxtaposed neighbourhoods through a heightened awareness of each dimension. Although localised within a case study in Manchester, it is hoped that this method could be applied to the boundary zones of many urban areas, thus allowing inter-neighbourhood tensions to be understood on a much larger basis.
THE COGNITIVE CITY
THE SOCIAL CITY
THE PHYSICAL CITY FIGURE 1 THE THREE URBAN DIMENSIONS
1
.
L
I
T
E R A REVIEW
SEGREGATION IN THE CITY
It is characteristic of a city to show a tendency for expansion, as these spatial forms have recently become the habitat of choice for the majority of the world’s population (UNHABITAT, 2014). By surrendering themselves to the forces of globalisation, economic neo-liberalisation and exponential population growth, these urban landscapes increasingly expose themselves to many local and global influences. It is unsurprising then that, as people from all demographics, cultures and lifestyles collide, cities have become hubs of diversity and heterogeneity (Amin et al., 2000; Paddison and Sharp, 2007). ‘Big cities are natural generators of diversity, prolific incubators of enterprises and ideas of all kinds’ Jacobs, 1961 pp.145 This variety ultimately contributes to the attractiveness of city living. Within mass population, people are more likely to find solidarity and a sense of freedom, thus cities are often celebrated as spaces of progression and opportunity. However, it is also within these metropolises that inequalities become most apparent (Herbert and Thomas, 1997), and the differences which exist within society are exposed (Catling, 2015). Under these circumstances, individuals have shown a tendency to retreat into neighbourhoods of similarity, pulling apart from those who differ in favour of those who share certain identity markers (Badger, 2015; Beunderman and Lownsbrough, 2007). Often these different groups hold a spatial occupation within the city, either in places of worship, places of socialising, or neighbourhoods of residency. Whilst divide to an extent is undeniable, social xclusion is often a by-product of spatial segregation (Charalambous, 2011), and with obvious contrasts between groups, tensions and conflicts are more likely to occur. This process of claiming space therefore reflects the
T
U
R
E
deep and intricate power relations between various groups (Amin et al., 2000), and as the typical city expands, claims made over land becomes more contentious (Atkinson and Bridge, 2005). It is precisely at these border zones and points of divide, where the difference and tension between groups is an obvious reality, that this project considers how design can be mobilised to mitigate against conflict.
localilty (Offe, 1999; Putnam, 1995). This civility and solidarity knits communities together, creating a safer and more supportive environment for residents to inhabit and enjoy (Sennett, 2005). It is these kind of neighbourhoods which are considered to be sustainable, and have since been the target of various planning efforts and reports. SEGREGATION AND THE THREE DIMENSIONS
THE EFFECT OF SEGREGATION
Under ‘border-zone’ circumstances, segregation, whether in a physical, social or cognitive sense, is more likely to occur. Sharp separation between groups feeds into the act of Othering, whereby it becomes easier to discriminate and exclude those who are dissimiliar to ourselves (Sennett, 2005). In this context, it becomes increasingly difficult to build respect and trust into society, instead allowing relationships of competition, indifference and exploitation to exist (Beunderman and Lownsbrough, 2007; Putnam, 1995; Wirth, 1964). Segregation has also been known to foster feelings of insecurity (Atkinson and Flint, 2004; UNHABITAT, 2014), have a negative impact on the quality of life of involved individuals (UNHABITAT, 2014), and in some cases been found to undermine the economic vibrancy of an area (UNHABITAT, 2014). When this is the case, borders between groups, whether physical or social, are likely to become frontiers of potential conflict (Atkinson and Bridge, 2005). On the other hand, neighbourhoods which are more integrated, cohesive, and accepting of one another have a more positive influence on society and individuals. With rich social networks and dense horizontal relationships, also known as social capital, individuals are likely to have access to better educational and employment networks, and are proven to be more civically engaged with their
Like cities, segregation as a phenomena can be considered across the three dimensions; the physical, social and the cognitive. The built environment may be physically inclusive or exclusive, for example the presence of curbs may reduce the ability of wheelchair users to travel over a space, or a material barrier will prevent pedestrians from entering certain areas. In areas with no such physical barrier, segregation may occur as individuals become socially excluded from certain spaces. This can be experienced within spaces which are privatised or which require a payment for entry, thereby systematically denying certain individuals from engaging with a space based on social parameters which have been imposed. In the cognitive sense, individuals may feel separated from areas based on even less tangible barriers. If a traumatic experience in a certain space has occurred, the individual may feel threatened and excluded from returning, and likewise pedestrians may be deterred from walking through a dark and isolated underpass due to their perception of it being unsafe. We can therefore assume barriers exist in a number of contexts; those imposed on us by the urban form, those imposed on us by others, and those imposed on us by ourselves. However, despite segregation being a complex construct, it is often only considered through one of these dimensions at any given time. Planners have arguably shown a preoccupation with the physical, geographical form (Amin et al., 2000), favouring mixed tenure housing policies as a tool to
reduce separation, whilst sociologists have often written about the social and cognitive experience of segregation without much in terms of a spatial output to solve the problem. With an overemphasis on housing or social life, the public realm remains underutilised as both a platform upon which segregation occurs, and also as a tool through which it can be tackled (Atkinson and Flint, 2004; Charalambous, 2011).
THE CASE FOR PUBLIC SPACE
Public space is a crucial arena where social encounters take place and shared experiences are enjoyed (Beunderman and Lownsbrough, 2007; Paddison and Sharp, 2007). If utilised well, it is able to build relationships across the ‘social cleavages’ of groups, generating social capital and allowing for interaction between different members of society (Beunderman and Lownsbrough, 2007). It therefore has the potential and power to reduce instances of segregation if applied effectively, and there is a need to more thoroughly understand it’s role in bringing neighbourhoods together (Atkinson and Flint, 2004; CABE, 2008; Charalambous, 2011). However, in the instances that the public realm has been acknowledged, design has tended to focus primarily on providing inclusive physical access of the elderly or disabled, with little regard for other demographics or the wider social or cognitive factors which may impact pedestrian behaviour (CABE, 2008). It is therefore crucial that we start building for the wider needs and demands of society rather than just dictating housing structures (Woodcraft et al., 2011), and start to recognise the public realm in the segregation debate.
This report argues that there has not always been enough consideration about which of the three dimension segregation is experienced upon, and therefore the ‘solution’ has not been sensitive enough to fully dissolve the catalysts of the problem. What follows is an overview outlining how public space has been used in the segregation debate. Their approaches have varying recognition of the the physical, social and cognitive realms, but all have in common the use of public space as the locality for the intervention. The researcher argues that we can consider these on a spectrum, ranging from the larger scale, structural interventions (which tackle issues such as proximity to work, schools and housing), to more agency- led interventions which bring members of society together through experience, such as place-making activities and community participation. These can also be considered along the lines of top-down or bottom-up interventions respectively. If segregation occurs on a structural level, whereby people are excluded from certain spaces due to the physical fabric of the area or proximity to services, then a large scale masterplan may be an appropriate intervention for cohesion. On the other hand, if segregation is a result of perceived boundaries and social divisions, effort should be taken to reduce these through a different kind of intervention, by bringing the different communities together through shared experiences and recognising the role of human agency more effectively. It is within this project that the merits of each approach will be considered within the context of the chosen site.
Alexander et al. provides a very prescriptive approach with regards of how to deal with segregation in A Pattern Language (1977). In almost advocating the separation of groups to presrve their strong identity, Alexander et al. (1977) claims that it should be possible for subcultures and communities to exist ‘unhampered by their neighbours’ (pp.76), with well-defined boundaries between such neighbourhoods. It is along these boundary zones that community services and mixed use functions should be placed, providing facilities which can be used by the adjoining neighbourhoods without neccessarily having to cross any borders (Alexander et al., 1977). Whilst a focus on boundary activity is useful in recognising the point of connection between two neighbourhoods, it can be argued that such a rigid approach focussing on the edges would fail to generate wider two-way traffic within neighbourhoods, thus the success of the integration may be hampered.
According to Burton and Mitchell (2006) and their Streets for Life publication, inclusive design refers to the design of ‘products, services and environments that as many people as possible can use, regardless of age or ability’ (pp.5). They stress the importance of designing places accessible to those who dont have access to the autombile and to have streets which do not restrict movement, such as shared streets which lack any sort of curb or physical diversion. Whilst undeniably inclusive in its ambition, Burton and Mitchell (2006) fail to fully account for segregation which may occur across spheres other than age and ability, such as divides between groups of different incomes, ethnicity or race. This again is a focus on the physical realm rather than the social or cognitive, thus the approach may be limited and prove redundant in certain areas which suffer from segregation for reasons other than physical separation.
SENNETT
BURTON AND MITCHELL
ALEXANDER ACADEMIC AND PROFESSIONAL APPROACHES
Sennett (2006) goes on to claim that if we pursue making boundaries between groups like the ones which Alexander et al. (1977) suggests, it will result in the development of Closed cities. Closed cities have over-determined urban forms which leave little room for innovation, creativity or integration. They are firmly specified and inflexible, and only connect with the physical dimension of our cities without much awareness of the social or cognitive realm. It is argued that the present day Closed City facilitates social dissociation by only allowing for a narrow range of activities to occur (Beunderman and Lownsbrough, 2007), and it does little to promote chance encounters or integration. Instead of such fixed, solid boundaries, we need to create permeable and fluid borders between places and functions which will generate Open Cities. An Open City allows for different communities to interact; it advocates a more flexible application of planning and encourages local interventions and social connections (Figure 2). In this scenario, conflict is not necessarily a negative occurrence, as such instances are in fact conducive to building relationships (Sennett, 1970). Sennett’s holistic awareness of how to create a more adaptable and cohesive place is interesting but, with his position as a sociologist rather than as a planner, one could say it lacks a clear physical output, and the direction how one should build an Open City remains rather vague. He does suggest, however, that multiple points of contact are good for diffusing hostility (Sennett, 1970). If this is the case, extending outwards from just the border zones of neighbourhoods like Alexander et al. (1977) suggests may be a more effective strategy in combatting segregation.
BEUNDERMAN AND LOWNSBROUGH Furthering this argument for a more flexible approach to planning, Beunderman and Lownsbrough (2007) tell of 8 different types of public space, ranging from formal to informal, deliberate and spontaneous, which can be adopted to help bring various social worlds together (Figure 4). Whilst also advocating the development of border zones, the range of activities suggested by Beunderman and Lownsbrough (2007) show how it may sometimes be more appropriate to adopt informal interventions which allow individuals to share common experiences through both structural and agency led interventions. Experiencing the city through participatory, virtual or staged spaces for example, offers an alternative to structural interventions, and helps to bridge instances of segregation and perceived differences. This flexible approach has also been advocated by other scholars, who argue that it is crucial to leave room for community input and allow for the expression of local circumstances and individuality (Woodcraft et al., 2011).
THE CLOSED CITY TEMPORARY URBANISM
Increasingly, this flexible approach to planning has been adopted as a way to trial interventions without incurring large financial implications. Temporary and meanwhile uses of space capitalise upon otherwise vacant areas, bringing value to underutilised land whilst allowing local actors to experiment with varying services and activities (Patti and Polyak, 2014). Because of their limited time of existence, these interventions concentrate much more on the social experience of space rather than the permanent physical changes which are made. Instead of focussing purely on consumerism or functionality, these spaces allow people to engage with their city in new ways, adding a certain richness and texture to urban life (Amin et al., 2000). Experiences as such are enough to bring people of difference together, thus provide an effective platform for social mixing and to break down preconceptions of Others. Most importantly, the recent adoption of temporary urbanism ‘signifies a shift from city-making through the construction of permanent physical fabric, to the emphasis of the city as a backdrop of activities’ (Major, 2012), therefore blurring the three dimensions which this project addresses.
THE OPEN CITY
FIGURE 2- THE OPEN CITY (SENNETT 2006)
FIGURE 3- THE GRADIANT OF APPROACHES
FIGURE 4. TYPES OF PUBLIC SPACE (BEUNDERMAN AND LOWNSBROUGH, 2007)
EXCHANGE SPACES
PRODUCTIVE SPACES
SPACES OF SERVICE PROVISION
ACTIVITY SPACES
PARTICIPATORY SPACES
STAGED SPACES
IN BETWEEN SPACES
VIRTUAL SPACES
1) Exchange Spaces- Act as a natural place for positive interaction and are effective at fostering a sense of pride and ownership (e.g. Markets). 2) Productive Spaces- Are valued by people on a low income and can lead to instances of cross-community interaction and cooperation (e.g. Allotments, Vegetable Patches). 3) Spaces of Service Provision- Act as contact points between individuals and are effective spaces for breaking down perceived differences. However the agenda and power of the actors running the institutes needs to be considered, as their activities may sometimes generate segregation (e.g. Voluntary Support or Health Care Services).
CHARACTERISTICS OF A SOCIAL CITY...
4) Activity Spaces- Encourage types of physical activity in order to erode predujices (e.g. Leisure Facilities, Shared Streets, Street Parties, Sport Events). 5) Participatory Spaces- Places which are created out of an inclusive process of co-production and community involvement. Disagreements in this setting should be embraced and differences to be tolerated (e.g. Community Build Projects). 6) Staged Spaces- Celebratory events can be mobilised as an entry point for making first contact and connections between people of different social groups. Whilst they may not lead to widespread behavioural shifts, they can instigate creative uses of space and raise the profile of certain areas (e.g. Music Events, Performance Pieces, Cultural Events). 7) In- Between Spaces- Developing on the boundary between two neighbourhoods can help to break down physical and percieved borders and acts of terrirtorialism. This can lead to positive interaction, and reduce community tensions. 8) Virtual Spaces- Solidarity can spread beyond the physical realm and into virtual spaces. Whilst good for spreading ideas, these networks must also be recognised for their role in sometimes exacerbating social stratification.
Utilise the spaces which people engage with out of necessity and connect to the everyday lives of individuals
Create ‘trusted’ spaces where people feel secure to take part in unfamiliar interactions, and try to break down any negative perceptions.
CRITICAL POINTS FROM RESEARCH Foster positive interactions but dont force them. They must occur naturally through the individuals themselves in order to be sustainable social capital Find new and imaginative uses of space and embrace creativity.
2 . S I T E . C O N T E X T
LOCATION Segregation and the forces of inter-neighbourhood tension between two Manchester neighbourhoods will be the focus of this project. Ancoats and Miles Platting are located within the New East Manchester (NEM) boundary, and despite sharing a similar historical trajectory, these localities now greatly contrast each other in various ways explored throughout this project.

SOURCE: WIkipedia (2015)
HISTORICAL CONTEXT
21st CENTURY MANCHESTER
20th CENTURY MANCHESTER FIGURE 5- THE EXPANSION OF THE CITY
19th CENTURY MANCHESTER
During the 19th century, east Manchester neighbourhoods were defined by their industrialised economic functions. Proximity to the city centre, commercial access via the Rochdale Canal and the flat topography of the land enabled the manufacturing sector to flourish (Mace, 2007), awarding the area with the reputation as the world’s first ‘industrial suburb’ (Manchester City Council, 2011). Specialised warehouses and factories defined the street-scape, becoming iconic to Manchester’s identity as the city expanded outwards. Over the course of the 20th Century, however, various factors led to the demise of the manufacturing and industrial stronghold which east Manchester had hitherto enjoyed. Globalisation, outsourcing of certain sectors, and economic restructuring during the 1970s-80s eroded the functionality of the area. As the service sector grew, the manufacturing sector became increasingly redundant, rendering many of the warehouse structures of east Manchester inappropriate to the new demands of the market. As unemployment levels and vacancy rates increased, the area lost its desirability and a significant outmigration of inhabitants occurred. With the clearance of some of these warehouse units, vast areas of open space were created amidst a low quality, post-industrial landscape. Disadvantage in the wards of east Manchester fell to be amongst the lowest and most severe in England (New East Manchester, 2007), thereby catalysing the need for action: - 1951-2001: Population falls from 164,000-62,000 - 1970-1985: 60% of the local economic base is lost 1970-1985: 33,000 jobs are lost
Several interventions have thus existed since the 1980s with a target to regenerate the east of the city, whilst also protecting its rich industrial past: 1982-1989
east manchester initiative
1989
Ancoats-becomes a designated conservation area
1990s
manchester local action team
1990s
east manchester development strategy
1999
new east manchester
STRATEGIC CONTEXT
The New East Manchester (NEM) Urban Regeneration Company was established in 1999 as a partnership between Manchester City Council, the Northwest Regional Development Agency (NWDA) and the Homes and Communities Agency (HCA). With a vision to redevelop the eastern neighbourhoods into thriving, sustainable and high quality spaces, it was recognised that the previously industrialised land would have to be redesigned to accommodate the new economies of the city, and investment in the public realm was needed to encourage residents to return there (New East Manchester, 2007). The plans were outlined in the Strategic Regeneration Framework (2000), complementing the National agenda which, at the time, was also concentrating its efforts on repopulating inner-city districts by bringing about a new Urban Renaissance, as championed by the UK Urban Task Force. It was a concerted effort of the New Labour Government to make cities more sustainable and to reduce the extent of the social polarisation which had been allowed to grow under previous government administrations (Amin et al., 2000). Towards and Urban Renaissance (1999) was a national campaign which outlined the direction urban regeneration should follow, and was a key document in shaping the redevelopment of Ancoats. The NEM Strategic Regeneration Framework (2008), the second publication of the NEM Company, continued the precedent set by the Urban task Force, and agreed that in order to make sustainable improvements in the east, the poverty and disadvantage which riddled the neighbourhoods needed to be addressed. This holistic framework introduced a vision to target and improve many of the social, economic and environmental difficulties of the area. Although both Miles Platting and Ancoats had suffered from a similar severity of deprivation, regeneration of the physical environment favoured Ancoats following its designated conservation status. The Ancoats Urban Village Company (AUVC) was established in 1996 to enable cohesive redevelopment of the neighbourhood, which has since emerged as an ‘attractive mixed-use residential and commercial area that caters to the city’s creative employers and residents’ and is a ‘distinctive space that builds upon the legacy of East Manchester’s industrial past though the creative reuse of its buildings’ (New East Manchester, 2008; 103).
FIGURE 6: NEW EAST MANCHESTER NEIGHBOURHOODS
CITY CENTRE
NEM HEADLINE TARGETS
INTERVENTION IMPACTS
Despite the sudden desirability associated with Ancoats, the physical makeup of Miles Platting has only recently undergone improvement works to some of its housing units under the Housing Private Finance Initiative (PFI), and is yet to see marked progress in becoming a revitalised neighbourhood. As the work of NEM Urban Regeneration Company has been described as a ‘suite of development projects which loosely come together under one banner’ (Mace et al. 2007), it appears that the lack of synchronised action has exacerbated the segregation of the two neighbourhoods, especially with regards to the quality of the public realm. Whilst Ancoats and Miles Platting now share many similar aims and visions within their ward plans (Manchester City Council, 2011; Manchester City Council, 2014; Appendeces), political and physical boundaries mean that many of the interventions focus on the neighbourhoods in separation to each other. The NEM Strategic Regeneration Framework offers some options for how the neighbourhoods can be physically redeveloped, but again these are on the localised, neighbourhood-centric scale. Although there are many methods mentioned in the report which could be used to improve the social realm within these areas, these again fail to refer to how cross-boundary segregation could be minimised, instead directing redevelopment in the two neighbourhoods in isolation.
To double the population of East Manchester from 30,000 to 60,000 over a 10-15 year period Improvement and modernisation of 7,000 existing homes
Completion of the Sportcity complex
Development of an integrated public transport system incoporating Metrolink, rail, bus, automobile, pedestrian and cyclist links
Raising the educational attainment in East Manchester schools to above the city average
Construction of 12,500 new homes
The development of a 160 ha new business park
ANCOATS NEIGHBOURHOOD
Creation of 10,000 new jobs in the area
MILES PLATTING NEIGHBOURHOOD
NEIGHBOURHOOD CLASH
One could argue that the segregation of these two neighbourhoods, for now, is not a pressing concern. However, with the city’s population expected to grow between 2015 -2020 from 514,000 to 550,000 (Williams, 2015), and with expansion expected to occur within the northern and eastern parts of the city, there is a danger that the two neighbourhoods will eventually clash, making their differences more apparent. It is therefore necessary to prepare a strategy which facilitates the gentle cohesion of the two spaces on a physical, social and cognitive level, in order to reduce the potential for conflict, and to help mitigate against the negative attributes of segregation from occurring.
NEW EAST MANCHESTER- STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK NEIGHBOURHOODS
PREDICTED CITY EXPANSION
M
E
T
H
O
JUSTIFICATION
The site for this project was chosen for its unique historical trajectory, its proximity to the researcher for site visits, and because of an apparent need to consider such anti-segregation designs as, with predicted city centre expansion, interneighbourhood tensions may grow to become a real threat to the site. Given the aforementioned complexity of segregation, and in an effort to understand the different realms within which it is exhibited, a mixedmethod approach was adopted which allowed the researcher to fully explore the phenomenon. The researcher can assumed to be of a Constructivist ontological stance and, with the need to recognise the subjectivities of segregation, adopted an Interpretavist epistemological position.
D
O
L
O
G
Y
INTERVIEW'S
COGNITIVE MAPPING
The researcher conducted 12 interviews, with intentions to follow each with a cognitive mapping exercise. The rationale for this dual strategy was that the interview would uncover the general experiences of the neighbourhood, whilst the mapping exercise would allow the participant to localise the information which was previously given, a method encouraged by Niksic (2010). Despite this intention, only 9 participants completed the mapping task (6 of which were Ancoats residents). This was due to mixed reasoning, from an unwillingness of the individual, to other cases whereby allocated interview time overran, denying the researcher the chance to conduct the exercise. Despite concerns that this may weaken the reliability of findings, the researcher concluded that much of the information which would have been mapped was actually spoken about during the interview process (such as the location of edges, pathways and nodes), albeit without the visual accompaniment, thus reaffirming the value of this dual-strategy.
Cognitive mapping allows the researcher an insight into the social experience of the participant, and shows the level of subjectivity with which a city is interpreted. Pioneered by Lynch (1960), the maps plot the behaviour and perceptions of individuals (Paulas, 2015), thus are valuable in helping to understand the social and cognitive realms of segregation for this project. The assumption is made that people store information about their environment, which they then use to make spatial decisions either consciously or subconsciously (Kitchin, 1994). Such an assumption supports the Behaviouralist position, whereby spatial reasoning and decision making are thought to be heavily influenced by the cognitive process and individual subjectivity. ‘The general belief is that cognitive mapping explains and leads not only to the understanding of spatial behaviour, but that the cognitive map is a mental construct…that actually influences behaviour’ -Kitchin, 1994, pp. 6
The researcher had also intended to get a mix of interviews from both Ancoats and Miles Platting in order to collect an equal spread of data and to reduce the bias of the findings. In total, 7 participants were interviewed in Ancoats, and 5 interviewees were from Miles Platting. This skewing of participants can be explained by the fact that a higher proportion of units within Miles Platting were housing, meaning the researcher had restricted access to potential participants compared to in Ancoats, where more active units and open facades allowed for the researcher to approach individuals with ease.
The value of cognitive maps lie in the fact that they act as an external projection of an internal thought process (Kitchin, 1994), providing the researcher with a tangible piece of raw data which does not have to be translated, thus minimising the opportunity to be skewed or misread, as experienced in interviews for example.
The participant was then told they had five minutes to complete the task. By watching this exercise, the researcher was able to see the hierarchy with which features were drawn, thereby assuming their significance in the mind of the participant. By adopting this mapping exercise, the researcher believed that the cognitive dimension of segregation within cities was fully recognised, helping to inform the following design in a sensitive and effective way. For this reason, the project can arguably be said to be helping to bridge the gap between the physical and cognitive realms of segregation, thus furthering the field of holistic planning, research and design. However, the cognitive maps are not without criticism. The small number of completed maps, and their distribution predominantly from Ancoats rather than Miles Platting, allows only for a weak argument to be made regarding individual perceptions and spatial behaviours. The unbalanced nature of results leaves Miles Platting under-represented, again reinforcing the necessity of combining this approach with interview data.
The researcher loosely based the mapping questions on those adopted by Lynch (1960). This involved prompting the participant through directions such as: ‘Could you please draw a quick map of Ancoats/ Miles Platting? Draw this as if you were making a rapid description of the city to a stranger, covering the main features’
SEGREGATION AND THE URBAN DIMENSIONS
RESEARCH QUESTION 1 HOW IS SEGREGATION EXPERIENCED OVER THE THREE DIMENSIONS WITHIN THE STUDY AREA?
ON-STREET QUESTIONS (DIRECTIONS)
Due to the relative difficulty which was experienced when attempting to recruit interviewees, a series of on-street questions were asked to a random sample population to uncover how they engaged with space. 30 individuals in Ancoats and a further 30 individuals in Miles Platting were asked the location of, and location to, 3 features within the adjacent neighbourhood to which they were stopped. Based on their answers, the researcher was able to uncover how well the participants knew the adjacent neighbourhood, and the paths along which the individuals engaged with whilst there. This again helped to contribute to the interview and mapping data, as participants verbally expressed their movements through space, and would often refer to features as a point of reference.
RESEARCH QUESTION 2 HOW IS SEGREGATION EXPRESSED THROUGH THE PEDESTRIAN EXPERIENCE OF SPACE?
INTERVIEW'S
INTERVIEW'S
OBSERVATION'S
COGNITIVE MAPPIING
CENSUS DATA ANALYSIS
ON-STREET QUESTIONS (DIRECTIONS)
RESEARCH QUESTION 3 WHAT KIND OF INTERVENTION IS MOST APPRORIATE TO REDUCE SEGREGATION BETWEEN THE TWO NEIGHBOURHOODS?
POLICY ANALYSIS
OBSERVATION'S
OBSERVATION'S
The researcher conducted various temporal and spatial observations within the study area, recording how space was engaged with. Surveying the site in this manner enabled the movement and behaviours of individuals to be monitored, helping to ‘uncover barriers and to pinpoint pedestrian paths’ through space (Gehl and Svarre, 2013; 14). Photographs have the ability to illustrate certain situations clearly (Gehl and Svarre, 2013) and, combined with observational data, were used to support the information collated from the interviews and mapping exercises. Triangulation as such ultimately allows a stronger argument to be made by the researcher.
9 COGNITIVE MAPS - 6 ANCOATS RESIDENTS - 3 MILES PLATTING RESIDENTS
12 INTERVIEWS: - 7 ANCOATS RESIDENTS - 5 MILES PLATTING RESIDENTS
PARTICIPANT DATA COLLECTION METHODS
60 ON-STREET QUESTIONS - 30 ANCOATS RESIDENTS - 30 MILES PLATTING RESIDENTS
R Q
E U
E
S E S T I
A R O N .
C O
N
H E
H O W . I S . S E G R E G A T I O N EXPERIENCED.OVER.THE T H R E E . D I M E N S I O N S WITHIN.THE.STUDY.AREA?
STRUCTURAL COMPARISON FIGURE GROUND
Figure ground across the study area transcends from a coarse grain within Ancoats to a finer, more permeable grain within Miles Platting, implying a decrease in building size . A void appears to signify a borderzone between the two neighbourhoods. ANCOATS GRID NETWORK
BLOCK ARRANGEMENT
MILES PLATTING RADBURN LAYOUT
E
LM
HU
The block structures also express fluidity across the site, growing in size when moving eastwards. Ancoats shows a clear grid-like arrangement whilst Miles Platting has more of an irregular and incoherent arrangement.
LL
HA NE
LA
RO AD
GRID SYSTEM AND PERMEABILITY
OL D
HA M
The network of routes further confirms the stuctural differences between the two neighbourhoods. Maintaining a 19th Century grid network, Ancoats is easily accessible and well connected via a range of primary, secondary, tertiary and access routes. Such connectivity decreases in Miles Platting, where a typical Radburn layout creates an inefficient neighbourhood network for both pedestrians and automobiles to move around. Very few routes actually connect across to both neighbourhoods.
NG
TI
S
LE MI
T LA
P
MAIN BOUNDARY ROUTE PRIMARY ROUTE
GR
EA
T
S
C
T OA
AN
SECONDARY ROUTE
AN
TERTIARY ROUTE
CO
AT
S
ACCESS ROUTE
ST
RE
ET
FIGURE 7- STREET HIERACHY OVER THE SITE
HOUSING COMPARISON
HOUSING APPEARANCE WITHIN ANCOATS COLOUR PALETTE WITHIN ANCOATS
Ancoats exhibits double the number of flat units than Miles Platting (51.7% compared to 25.4%), whilst Miles Platting has over 15% more terraced units than Ancoats (41.1% compared to 26.4%), suggesting a discrepancy between the market and residential demands of each neighbourhood.
MANCHESTER
ANCOATS
MILES PLATTING
Mass renovation of the former industrial warehouses and factories creates a distinct identity in Ancoats, rich in heritage and character, whilst only a few units of this style remain in Miles Platting. The shift with regards to the massing and appearance of the buildings in the research area is abrupt, with only a small overlap of architectural style attributing to the ‘separated’ nature of these spaces. The red brick of the older units, however, proves to be a common material used throughout both neighbourhoods.
0%
20%
40%
60%
DETACHED
FLAT IN CONVERTED HOUSE
SEMI DETACHED
FLAT IN CONVERTED BUILDING
TERRACED
FLAT OR TENEMANT
FIGURE 8: HOUSEHOLD TYPE (SOURCE; CENSUS 2011)
ANCOATS
80%
100%
COLOUR PALETTE WITHIN MILES PLATTING
The transition between compact, high density, verticalized apartment units in the Ancoats to much lower density, two storey, semi-detached and terraced units in the Miles Platting makes for a stark physical contrast between the two neighbourhoods. Compared to the high enclosure of Ancoats, the units in Miles Platting feel more exposed.
HOUSING APPEARANCE WITHIN MILES PLATTING
MILES PLATTING
HIGH DENSITY HOUSING UNITS WITHIN ANCOATS
DENSITY AND HEIGHT Being located closer to the city centre, it is unsurprising that Ancoats is the neighbourhood with the higher density (approx 75 units per ha). Despite several high-rise units within Miles Platting, density remains much lower (approx 45 units per ha).
2 STOREY
LOW DENSITY HOUSING UNITS WITHIN MILES PLATTING
3 STOREY NG
I TT
S LE
MI
P
LA
4 STOREY 5 STOREY 6 STOREY 7 STOREY 8 STOREY
TS
A CO
AN
9 STOREY 13 STOREY FIGURE 9- BUILDING HEIGHT ACROSS THE SITE
LANDUSE COMPARISON Despite their differences in density and style, both neighbourhoods are dominated by housing and residential units more so than any other landuse. A more robust and vibrant urban landscape is achieved in Ancoats, where various office units are located amongst the residencies, albeit be with many streets having inactive ground level facades. Miles Platting instead relies on public services, places of worship, and warehousing units to contribute to the areas vitality. Both areas severely lack proximity to commercial units, and vacancy rates are exceptionally high, undermining the safety and vibrancy of the street network (Patti and Polyak, 2014).
LOW QUALITY SERVICE UNITS WITHIN MILES PLATTING
HIGH QUALITY SERVICE UNITS WITHIN ANCOATS FIGURE 10: BUILDING USE
G
IN
T AT
S LE
PL
MI
ANCOATS BUILDING USE
S
AT
O NC
A
MILES PLATTING BUILDING USE OFFICE
LOCATION OF VACANT OR UNDERUTILISED SPACE
FOOD AND DRINK
GOVERNMENT OWNED
RESIDENTIAL HOUSING
VACANT
RESIDENTIAL APARTMENTS
CAR PARKING
WAREHOUSING
COMMERCIAL
PLACE OF WORSHIP
PUBLIC REALM COMPARISON The public realm of Ancoats has been upgraded and is of a high quality due to the various regeneration initiatives of the 1990s. Street hierarchy is indicated through a change in material selection which improves legibility, and the removal of curbs allows for a shared road and pedestrian network which forces safer driving speeds. PLACE-MAKING WITHIN ANCOATS
Place-making is further reinforced through various neighbourhood branding efforts, celebrating the identity of Ancoats. The public realm in Miles Platting is instead of a low quality due to a lack of environmental maintenance, with common instances of littering, potholes and poor landscaping.
TYPICAL STREET FURNITURE WITHIN ANCOATS
HIGH QUALITY
ILLEGIBLE
LEGIBLE
CLEAN
LOW QUALITY UNATTRACTIVE
TYPICAL STREET FURNITURE IN MILES PLATTING
HIGH QUALITY PUBLIC REALM IN ANCOATS
LOW QUALITY PUBLIC REALM IN MILES PLATTING
FIGURE 11- POPULATION CHANGE 2001-2011 18,000 16,000 14,000 12,000 10,000 8,000 6,000 4,000 2,000 2001
As well as the physcial realm, segregation is exhibited in the social realm.
In comparison to 2001, Ancoats has experienced a population growth of 4,030, whilst the population of Miles Platting has declined by 793 residents (Figure 11). The growth and desirability of Ancoats will have various impacts; occupancy of units, spending within the local economy, and the number of pedestrians on the street. The decline of Miles Platting as a neighbourhood of choice, on the other hand, for residents threatens to further undermine the areas vibrancy and vitality. The number of 20-34 year old residents who reside in the Ancoats neighbourhood is shown to be above the Manchester average, thus confirming this is a location of choice for a typical graduate or young professional age group (Rosa, 2013). In contrast, Miles Platting has a population of dependents (0-14 and 64-79 year olds) above the city average (Figure 12). The data therefore suggests there is a wide spread of demographic diversity experienced within the study area.
2001
ANCOATS
SOCIAL COMPARISON*
DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGE
2011
2011
MILES PLATTING
FIGURE 12 - DEMOGRAPHIC COMPOSITION
above the City average of 31.6% as well as being 20.3 % more than the Ancoats population in this tenure (32.3%). In contrast, privately rented units are the dominating popular tenure in Ancoats (44.5%), with almost triple the amount of units to their eastern neighbour (17.4%).
60-64
60-64
50-54
50-54
UNEMPLOYMENT AND ECONOMIC ACTIVITY
40-44
40-44
30-34
30-34
20-24
20-24
10-14
10-14
Both neighbourhoods show an unemployment rate higher than the Manchester average. However, when dissected further, there are large discrepancies between those deemed economically active (16-74) who are in employment, with Ancoats having 69% whilst Miles Platting only has 58.4% (Census, 2011).
0-4 10%
0%
5%
ANCOATS POPULATION PYRAMID
MALES
0-4 5%
10%
10%
FEMALES
5% MALES
5% 0% MILES PLATTING POPULATION PYRAMID
10% FEMALES
HOUSEHOLD TENURE 60%
ETHNICITY
Segregation with regards to the ethnicity of the neighbourhood’s composition is proven to be minimal, as both show similarity with the city average of a predominantly white population (Census, 2011). HOUSING TENURE
The social tenure of housing also shows large discrepancies between the two neighbourhoods. With 52.6% of Miles Platting residents socially renting their housing, the neighbourhood is well
40%
20%
*The statistics used in this section are a summary of what is actually the ‘Ancoats and Clayton’ and the ‘Miles Platting and Newton Heath’ census data, however for the sake of this project, the information has been used to represent a smaller boundary area.
0% OWNER OCCUPIED ANCOATS
SOCIALLY RENTED
PRIVATE RENTED
MANCHESTER AVERAGE
MILES PLATTING
COGNITIVE COMPARISON
WHAT WORDS WOULD YOU USE TO DESCRIBE ANCOATS?
MIXED
TRENDY
SATANIC
A language analysis was conducted to compare the descriptive markers used in reference to each neighbourhood. These descriptions of space are generated by various memories and experiences, giving an insight into how the neighbourhoods are perceived by participants and whether there are cognitive elements to the segregation being experienced. A summary would suggests that there an interesting divide between the language used to describe each place. Given the contrast of the sample answers, one can assume that segregation of a cognitive level does exist between the two neighbourhoods. Although the answers can be interpreted subjectively, there is a definite notion of ‘opposites’ when analysing the responses, especially with regard to the price and affluence of each neighbourhood.
'THIS PLACE IS GETTING SO MUCH ATTENTION, I CANT WAIT TO SEE HOW IT ENDS UP'- PARTICIPANT J 'IT'S LITERALLY TEXTBOOK GENTRIFICATION HAPPENING BEFORE YOUR EYES'- PARTICIPANT A 'WHAT I LOVE ABOUT ANCOATS IS HOW IT MIXES THE OLD AND THE NEW BUILDINGS TOGETHER, HOWEVER WHAT I HATE ABOUT ANCOATS IS THE PRICE'- PARTICIPANT B 'NOW ITS ALL DEVELOPED THEY'VE PRICED PEOPLE OUT! THEY ARE JUST SHIFTING'EM EAST!'- PARTICIPANT H
WHAT WORDS WOULD YOU USE TO DESCRIBE MILES PLATTING?
'IT FEELS LIKE IT HAS JUST BEEN LEFT BEHIND' - PARTICIPANT K 'IT HAS A BIT OF A HARD TIME...ITS REPUTATION DEFINITELY GOES BEFORE IT' PARTICIPANT E 'I NEVER HAD ANY GOOD TIMES HERE AS A KID, THERES WAS, AND STILL IS, SO MUCH CRIME' - PARTICIPANT H 'THE LESS YOU KNOW ABOUT IT THE BETTER'- PARTICIPANT L
R Q
E U
E
S E S T I
A R C O N . T W
H O
h o w . i s . s e g r e g a t i o e x p r e s s e d . t h r o u g h . t h pedestrians.experienc o f . s p a c e
n e e ?

BOX 1: TYPES OF ACTIVITY WITHIN THE PUBLIC REALM
spaces of segregation be adopted which builds upon already established networks of use and activity.
Having uncovered the type of segregation which riddles the study area, this section will explore the behaviours of the pedestrians who use the space. This is a useful indicator to show the existing spots of engagement, avoidance, and activity, and will allow the researcher to pinpoint the locations where segregation is most experienced. Such awareness allows for a more effective and sensitive design to
Through the analysis of the cognitive mapping exercises, interview data and on- street questionnaires, the researcher formed a comprehensive overview of how participants engaged with space in the research area. To study the city in this way is to take into account the
subjectivity of the participants involved, assuming that their banal movements through space are the result of wider social and cognitive factors. Introduced in the work of Kevin Lynch (1960), this Behaviouralist connection between the city and its inhabitants is useful for understanding how the city is perceived (Lasek, 2014), and is therefore valuable in understanding the experience of segregation.
Activity in public space can be categorised into three groups (Gehl, 2011). These will be referred to in order to describe the behaviour of the participants of study: - Necessary activities, whereby the participant has no choice but to use the space in order to complete a particular task - Optional activities, which are conducted out of personal choice - Social or Resultant activities, which are reliant on the presence of others in space. These may be planned or spontaneous
* The map shown is a summary of the cognitive maps generated by the six mapping participants
NG
I TT
FIGURE 13 - SUMMARY OF COGNITIVE MAPPING RESEARCH
A
S
LE
MI
PL
LANDMARK FEATURE
NODAL POINT
STUDY AREA PRIMARY PATHWAY SECONDARY PATHWAY PERCEIVED EDGE PARAMETERS (widest) OVERLAP OF PERCIEVED EDGE'S TS
A CO
AN

CHARACTER AREAS
PATHS Paths are ‘the channels along which the observer customarily, occasionally, or potentially moves’ (Lynch, 1960). Supporting the findings of Lynch, the path was the primary feature to be drawn by 7 of the 9 participants during the mental mapping exercise, acting as main point of reference from which the other elements were plotted. INTERVIEWS
neighbourhoods (only 6% of respondents knew where the secondary street was in Ancoats, with 0% of respondents knowing where the secondary street was in Miles Platting). Such findings suggests that more effort needs to be made to give the primary streets of Miles Platting a sense of place and character, and to strengthen their identity so they reflect that of the Ancoats neighbourhood more.
The maps which were generated from Miles Platting participants proved to be more dissimilar from their reality. All participants within Miles Platting plotted both Naylor Street and Varley Street, suggesting that these were the perceived primary routes taken and that a north-west to south-east direction was more prominent. Following the mapping of these streets, participants appeared to take longer to draw their routes along secondary streets, and many roads were plotted to be rather dissimilar from their actual layout in reality. Whilst suggesting a lack of use of secondary streets, this also suggests that the Radburn layout of the neighbourhood is less legible than the Ancoats grid system, which was mapped relatively accurately in comparison.
EY
RL ET
RE
ST
The most commonly referred to pathway during the interviews, however, was the canal, with 66% of the participants talking about this route in some capacity. Given its shared value across the study area, this channel has the potential to act as an effective linkage between the two neighbourhoods. Participant B told how they thought it was ‘quite a nice walk along there’, an opinion shared by Participant H who said how they enjoyed walking the route with their family and ‘feeding the ducks’. Despite reference to the leisurely activities which the canal offered, however, there was also mention of how the canal, in its current form, also felt quite unsafe; ‘I don’t think it’s a particularly safe route…I’ve only ever walked along it once at night and I walked quite fast, put it that way’ (Participant L). This suggests that more could be done to improve the pedestrian experience of this route, and make it a more effective connection to each of the neighbourhoods.
There was a notable westward and eastward movement within Ancoats, with pedestrians moving sideways across the grid structure rather than from north to south. Jersey Street, Redhill Street and Blossom Street in particular appeared to be the routes of choice, with many people using these as connections to the City Centre. At least one of these three paths were included in 100% of the mental maps produced by the Ancoats participants, and even 66% of the Miles Platting participant answers, further confirming their perceived importance.
VA
During interviews, paths were mentioned in a variety of contexts. Whilst 83% of references to paths were made with regards to necessary activities, such as travelling to work, to the local store, or collecting children from school, 50% of the participants also described how they engaged with the paths of the study area for more optional and social purposes. These included visiting nearby friends (Participant C, F, E and J), or for various exercises such as jogging (Participant A) or walking their pet (Participant G).
COGNITIVE MAPS AND OBSERVATIONS
NA
YL
OR
ST
RE
ET
DIRECTIONS
This analysis is also supported in the findings of the on-street questions. When asked for directions, 13 of the 30 respondents (42%) from Miles Platting were aware of where Jersey Street (acting as the chosen primary street) was in Ancoats. When asked about Varley Street (acting as the chosen primary street) was in Mile Platting, however, only 2 of the 30 Ancoats participants knew where it was. The neighbourhood discrepancy was experienced again when referring to the secondary streets of both
TH
A WP
L NA
TO
CA ET
RE
ST OM
SS
BLO
ET
RE
ST EY RS
JE
LL
HI
D RE
T
EE
R ST
FIGURE 14 -: PATHWAY ANALYSIS
BLOSSOM STREET WEST
BLOSSOM STREET EAST
THE CANAL AS AN UNDER-UTILISED PATHWAY
REDHILL STREET
JERSEY STREET
SUMMARY According to Lynch, the paths with the strongest identity are those with a solid origin or end point, thus reaffirming their reason for travelling along that route (Lynch, 1960). It appears that participants in Ancoats would engage mostly with the paths which allowed them entry into the City Centre, and in Miles Platting it was the paths which allowed them to access Oldham Road from their residence. Access to these destination points in each case are exclusive to the individual neighbourhood, thus the paths are separated and fail to overlap. Should a shared destination point, or directional quality, be created, it is more likely the paths of these neighbourhoods will cross and enable more opportunity for integration. With Jersey Street, Redhill Street and Blossom Street already engrained in the behaviour of pedestrians, there is an opportunity to extend these routes so that they meet with Miles Platting, encouraging a two-way movement between the neighbourhoods which is more convenient, safe and enjoyable than the few routes which currently exist. The canal also needs improvement so it is a safe and attractive route at all times. Such interventions would help to overcome the current lack of permeability between the two neighbourhoods.

EFFECTIVE NODAL POINT AT HALLE CHURCH SQUARE (ANCOATS)
NODES Nodes act as the foci of activity, or as a junction where certain elements are concentrated (Lynch, 1960). The researcher observed several nodal points of varying sizes within the two neighbourhoods, however this number appeared to be lower than expected given the physical size of the study area. INTERVIEWS
The green space which is situated between the two neighbourhoods was often referred to as a destination point for optional and social activities (58% of participants). Like the canal, this space acts as a neutral ground between the neighbourhoods of study, therefore holding potential to be a site which brings both communities together. In many instances, participants told how they enjoyed the space for activities such as ‘BBQs with friends’ (Participant D) or ‘laying out in the sun’ (Participant K). Participant I spoke of the green space with particular fondness, claiming that it was ‘…one of my favourites things about living here…you don’t just have a back garden but a whole park’. From responses, the green space appears to have an obvious use value, and is celebrated by the participants. However, the researcher concludes that many of these activities are weather dependent, and therefore the area cannot be relied on as being a robust and permanent nodal zone.
COGNITIVE MAPS AND OBSERVATIONS
During the mapping exercise, nodes were determined as being the intersection of two or more elements, and in most observed cases, it was the concentration of pedestrian activity which determined the site. Halle Church Square appeared to be the most prominent space of concentration, with people using the spacefor a variety of social means. Nodes in Miles Platting were harder to determine, and smaller in scale. The lack of junctions created due to the Radburn Layout, and the high vacancy rates among any commercial spaces, left the neighbourhood lacking a collection of points. Where observations were made, it was clear that the physical environment of these spaces did not particularly cater to social needs, for example there was a lack of suitable seating for pedestrians, or the space was designed predominantly for the use of the automobile (Figure 18).
INEFFECTIVE NODAL POINTS WITHIN MILES PLATTING
SUMMARY
It appears that, with the high vacancy rates, the whole study area lacks functions which would attract a pedestrian population, a point supported by the high number of vacant units as highlighted in the Landuse Composition. Whilst the green space appears to be a popular nodal point for both communities, it lacks the robustness and functionality which would bring individuals together on a more frequent basis. Effort needs to be taken to create more nodal points which will allow pedestrians from both Miles Platting and Ancoats to engage in shared necessary, optional and social activities.
FIGURE 15- NODAL ANALYSIS
FIGURE 16SUCCESSFUL NODAL POINTS: USING ANCOATS AS A PRECEDENT
PUBLIC ART WHICH RECOGNISES THE AREAS HISTORY; IMAGES OF THE FACTORIES PRIOR TO THEIR REDEVELOPMENT ARE DISPLAYED WITHIN THE SQUARE, WHILST THE PLANTERS ARE MADE FROM THE OLD FLOORBOARDS.
INCLUSIVE ACCESS
HIGH QUALITY LANDSCAPING AND MATERIALS PEDESTRIAN SEATING
FIGURE 17ANCOATS NODAL SUCCESS: WHERE THE PEOPLE ARE PRIORITY
FIGURE 18MILES PLATTING NODAL FAIL: WHERE THE AUTO-MOBILE DOMINATES
LANDMARKS Landmarks, considered to be unique or memorable elements of the landscape (Lynch, 1960), are a good way of identifying an area and adding to its character. Within Ancoats, many of the older units act as interesting landmarks, notably Murray Mill and the renovated terraced units along George Leigh Street. The high density and architecturally styled apartment units along Great Ancoats Street add to the number of landmark buildings within the neighbourhood, leaving Miles Platting rather lacking in comparison. COGNITIVE MAPS AND DIRECTIONS
Mapping and Directions During the on street questionnaires, 22 of the 30 participants (73%) were able to point out Halle Church. In addition, the church was mapped by 83 % of participants from within the Ancoats area, reinforcing its status as a landmark building. The equivalent in Miles Platting was the Victoria Mill Health Centre, which was pinpointed during the on street questionnaires by 17 of the 30 participants (56%). This building was also plotted by 100% of the Miles Platting mapping participants, although such a high percentage may be a result of where the mapping exercise was taking place (within the Mill itself). The prominence of these two units, and their recognition across the boundary of the neighbourhoods, leaves an opportunity to create a solid connection which would draw pedestrians across the research site and into the adjacent neighbourhood with more fluidity.
1
2
3
SUMMARY
4
The analysis shows how powerful a landmark can be in the memory of pedestrians. There is an opportunity to situate a landmark building on the boundary zone of the site, which would act as a visual marker for both neighbourhoods, and would potentially attract pedestrians of each side together.
5
6
7
9
8
7
3
4
LANDMARK SITES ACROSS THE STUDY AREA 9
VICTORIA MILL HEALTH CENTRE EET
2
RGE
GEO GR
EA
T
STR IGH
8 LE
1 5
AN
CO
HALLE CHURCH

VICTORIA MILL HEALTH CENTRE
AT 6 S ST
RE
ET
HALLE CHURCH
FIGURE 19- LANDMARK ANALYSIS
EDGES Edges are described as the boundaries between two kinds of areas (Lynch, 1960), thus are valuable in this study in terms of highlighting the socially drawn borders of each neighbourhood. COGNITIVE MAPS
Participants who mapped the edges of Ancoats produced a more coherent and definite boundary line to the neighbourhood than their Miles Platting counterparts. In the majority of cases, participants drew Ancoats as lying within Oldham Road, Great Ancoats Street and the Canal, with some reference to the green space as contributing to the eastern edge. In Miles Platting, the spread was much more variable between participants, and tended to show a smaller area of recognition which was more localised to the participant. The green space was also used to indicate the neighbourhood edge to varying distances. Due to the overlap which occurs when mapping the green space, analysis suggests that this ‘edge’ acts more as a uniting seam rather than an isolating barrier. It is permeable, and accepted by both neighbourhoods as familiar territory, therefore making it a valuable platform upon which integration can be designed. It proved interesting to watch how participants drew the edges during the mental mapping exercise. For many, the edge was roughly dictated by the parameters of the page upon which they drew, leaving the researcher to assume the end of the neighbourhood. 55% of mapping participants drew certain features which were actually outside of the neighbourhood to give the map some reference n the city scale. These distorted the clarity of the edges, with the researcher then having to ask for the edges to be mapped in a following probe.
INTERVIEWS
When interviewed, 91% of participants from across the whole study area described the green space as forming part of their respective neighbourhood border, a point made strongly by Participant A:
industrialised, this space has now been cleared, however various mounds remain and act as remnants of the areas past. Paths across the space are arranged in an unclear fashion around these mounds, and do not always allow pedestrians to walk the most convenient route to their destination.
‘When you get to that park at the top of Jersey Street it’s like you’re stepping into a different world’
SUMMARY Both Alexander (1997) and Sennet (2005) advocate the use of boundary and edge zones. By recognising where this lies in relation to the neighbourhoods of study, the researcher can locate where an intervention can most appropriately be applied. In this case, it appears to be the green-space which acts as the borderland.
When asked why they felt their neighbourhood was limited to this space, Participant J told how: ‘There is just no reason for me to go any further than that…why would I need to go into Miles Platting? I have the whole city on that side (west of Ancoats), the only reason I would ever venture east is if I wanted to watch the football at the stadium, and even then I would drive’. This response was common, albeit using different language, across the Participants, who would often claim that there was ‘no reason’ to pass into the adjacent neighbourhood. Despite offering a route into the city, it appeared that the Participants from Miles Platting would not cross the ‘edge’ into Ancoats and into the city centre this way. Participant H explained that the reason they felt the edge was so strong was potentially due to transportation issues:
AD
AM
RO
DH
OL
‘I dont walk through Ancoats. It would be more difficult for me to try and do that than to just go onto Oldham Road and get the bus. There’s no link, it seems to take ages to get there, and I don’t fancy walking across a field.’ This response again support the findings of the Path analysis, showing that the lack of direct routes between the neighbourhoods actually reinforces the notion of an edge and a boundary. It is across the green space that this illegibility becomes most apparent. Once heavily
L
NA
GR
EA
T
CA AN
CO
AT
S
ST
RE
ET
FIGURE 20- EDGE ANALYSI
SIGNS OF POST-INDUSTRIAL DECLINE STILL REMAIN
ILLEGIBLE GREEN SPACE
THE IMPERMEABLE LANDSCAPE OF THE EDGE
LOW QUALITY PUBLIC REALM
FIGURE 21- REINFORCING THE BORDER
W F T S
H A T . A D D I T I O N A A C T O R S . I N F L U E N C H E . E X T E N T . O E G R E G A T I O N
L E F ?
The data collection process helped to uncover other factors which attributed to neighbourhood divide:
ENGRAINED NEGATIVE ASSOCIATIONS
INACTIVE FACADES AND LACK OF SERVICES
FEELINGS OF INSECURITY
A handful of respondents referred to a tension between the two neighbourhoods which has transcended through history. Engrained reputations about the individuals or communities which inhabit the neighbourhoods needs to be recognised as active factors in maintaining segregation and instances of ‘Othering’.
The commercial activity of the sites is located only along their external boundary edges, and fails to permeate into the core of the neighbourhoods. Even along these streets, there is a high vacancy rate. The lack of function and commercial activity on the streets fails to attract and retain pedestrians within an area, thus undermining the vitality and vibrancy of the public realm. Without offering a function, inactive facades render the pathway redundant for anything other than necessary activities such as travelling between spaces.
When talking about the canal and the green space, various participants spoke about the lack of safety they felt which prevented them using these spaces after a certain time. ‘The canal walk is great when you want a change of scenary, but there is a really narrow bridged section which I avoid [...] sometimes people sleep there, but by the time you realise it’s too late and you have to awkwardly step around them. Its really unnerving to be honest’- Participant I ‘If I’m walking in that direction [to Ancoats] I tend to try and follow the lights! Or I go the slightly longer way through New Islington....its better to be safe than sorry and the park isnt always a safe bet’ Participant J ‘I park my car on one of the converted parking lots near the warehouses in Ancoats [along the eastern edge]. It’s lucky I finish at 5[pm] most nights as I wouldnt leave it there overnight. Leaving it there is just asking for trouble’- Participant A Such fears are likely to deter pedestrian usage over the boundary green space and along the canal pathway, thereby severing the physical connections between the neighbourhoods. These feelings of insecurity therefore exacerbate the extent of segregation, and need to be overcome.
‘With the old Ancoats there was like, one massive clash. Ancoats, Miles Platting and Collyhurst was one big war zone, it was like a cold war or something out of a film. If you was from one side of the border and the other person was from the other side they would want to beat you up. I didnt associate with anyone from that [Ancoat’s] side. There used to be big drama’s everyday, and that kept me away from here for a long time’- Participant H Language used by other participants confirmed that these engrained reputations still exist, and there appeared to be mild dissatisfaction at the inequality of regeneration efforts, which had thus far enabled Ancoats to grow into an area of desirability whilst Miles Platting was not yet considered as such. ‘People want to move here but cant wait to get out of there. Most people who used to live in Miles Platting are either in prison or have moved away. I think its disgusting how much money they have pumped into those flats and we still havent even got a corner shop’ -Participant J The apparent ‘favouring’ of one neighbourhood over its adjacent counterpart therefore not only extenuated physical discrepancies, but also worsened the separatist nature of the cognitive realm by generating feelings of resentment towards those who felt ‘left behind’ in Miles Platting.
‘There is only one place in the whole of Ancoats where you can buy a sandwich on your break. Its ridiculous, for the amount of people who work here and there is nothing but apartments and offices; no shops, no cafes; no bars. It’s unbelievable’ - Participant C In addition to this, the high-rise apartments without ground level functions within Ancoats fail to connect with pedestrians on a human scale. The pedestrian is left feeling unwelcome and disassociated from the built environment: ‘Sometimes I really like the old mills, but they can be quite intimidating and imposing, especially when you walk right next to them’ - Participant F By increasing active facades and commercial units the streets become more attractive to use and more pedestrian traffic can be generated between the sites.
R S
E U
S
E M
A M
R A
C R
H Y
D I M E N S I O N S . O F . R E L E V A N C E
S E C T I O N URBAN STRUCTURE COMPARISON
- NEED TO RECONFIGURE THE URBAN FORM AND REDUCE THE CONTRAST OF THE PLOT, BLOCK AND GRID SYSTEMS
LANDUSE COMPARISON
- VACANCY RATES WITHIN BOTH NEIGHBOURHOODS ARE ALARMINGLY HIGH AND NEED TO BE ADDRESSED - BOTH NEIGHBOURHOODS ARE SEVERELY UNDERSERVED BY COMMERCIAL AND FOOD & DRINK FACILITIES - MILES PLATTING IS UNDERSERVED BY OFFICE FACILITIES, WHILST THIS DOMINATES ANCOATS
PUBLIC REALM COMPARISON
- THE LOW QUALITY LANDSCAPE OF MILES PLATTING IS EXACERBATED WHEN COMPARED TO THE HIGH QUALITY LANDSCAPE OF ANCOATS.
HOUSING COMPARISON
- A SMOOTHER TRANSITION BETWEEN HOUSING TYPE AND FORM IS NEEDED
SOCIAL COMPARISON
- THE DEMOGRAPHIC MAKE-UP OF THE NEIGHBOURHOODS IS CONSIDERABLY DIFFERENT, THUS A WIDE VARIETY OF DEMANDS AND LIFESTYLES NEEDS TO BE CONSIDERED IN THE DESIGN PROCESS
COGNITIVE COMPARISON
- THE AREAS ARE PERCIEVED TO HOLD DIFFERENT QUALITIES AND ATTRIBUTES, WITH ANCOATS BEING CONSIDERED MORE POSITIVELY ON THE WHOLE THAN MILES PLATTING
PATH ANALYSIS
KEY.POINTS.FOR.INTERVENTION
- MORE PATHWAYS ARE NEEDED TO CONNECT ACROSS THE TWO NEIGHBOURHOODS - THE CANAL HAS THE POTENTIAL TO BE CAPITALISED AS A SHARED ROUTE BETWEEN THE TWO NEIGHBOURHOODS - A CONSISTENT EAST-WESTWARD MOVEMENT SHOULD BE ENCOURAGED
NODAL ANALYSIS
- BOTH NEIGHBOURHOODS LACK NODAL POINTS TO BRING RESIDENTS AND PEDESTRIANS TOGETHER, UNDERMINING THEIR VITALITY AND VIBRANCY AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR INTEGRATION - HALLE CHURCH SQUARE WITHIN ANCOATS TO BE USED AS AN EXAMPLE OF GOOD PRACTICE
LANDMARK ANALYSIS
- HALLE CHURCH (ANCOATS) AND VICTORIA MILL (MILES PLATTING) ARE BOTH WELL RECOGNISED LANDMARKS AND EFFORTS SHOULD BE MADE TO CONNECT THE SITES AND ENCOURAGE PEDESTRIAN FLUIDITY
EDGE ANALYSIS
- THE GREEN SPACE BETWEEN THE NEIGHBOURHOODS IS A MUTALLY CONSIDERED BORDERZONE. ITS CURRENT STATE HOWEVER, LACK'S THE ROBUSTNESS AND FUNCTION TO ATTRACT PEDESTRIANS ACROSS
FEELINGS OF INSECURITY ANALYSIS
- THE PERCIEVED DANGER OF THE CANAL WALKWAY AND THE BOUNDARY GREEN SPACE LIMITS PEDESTRIAN ACTIVITY TO DAYLIGHT HOURS
ENGRAINED NEGATIVE ASSOCIATIONS ANALYSIS
- THE HISTORICAL TENSIONS WHICH PREVIOUSLY EXISTED BETWEEN THE NEIGHBOURHOODS HAVE LEFT A LEGACY WITH SOME RESIDENTS WHICH MAY DETER THEIR MOVEMENT ACROSS THE BORDER
INACTIVE FACADE ANALYSIS
- THE LACK OF ACTIVE STREET FRONTAGES FAILS TO RETAIN PEDESTRIANS WITHIN THE NEIGHBOURHOODS, OR TO GENERATE THEIR MOVEMENT ACROSS BORDERS
R E S E A R C H Q U E S T I O N . T H R E E
WHAT.KIND.OF.INTERVENTION I S . M O S T . A P P R O P R I A T E TO.REDUCE.SEGREGATION B E T W E E N . T H E . T W O N E I G H B O U R H O O D S ?
IMAGE: VICTORIA MILL- MILES PLATTING, EAST MANCHESTER (AUTHORS OWN)
INTERVENTION A comprehensive analysis until this point has described the reasons for segregation, its severity, and its spatiality within the study area. Data shows that there is a strong degree of separation between the Ancoats and Miles Platting neighbourhoods, experienced across the physical, social and cognitive realm. These realms are self-perpetuating, interacting with each other in a way which reinforces the divide and exclusion, and therefore all three dimensions to be accounted for during the design process. Given the complex nature of segregation between Ancoats and Miles Platting, the design to overcome such separation will need to be sensitive to this myriad of physical, social and cognitive forces. Rather than just a physical alteration of space, it also has to facilitate the removal of perceived borders, and create social opportunities for long term integration. By adopting a physical or social intervention in isolation, some causes of segregation will be left unaccounted for and will continue to exist. This therefore demands that both a structural and agency-led intervention needs to be engaged with.
STRUCTURAL INTERVENTION: 'THE HUB' The Hub will tackle the physical and structural factors which contribute to segregation, and will be applied over a larger scale in a top-down manner. With relatively fixed land-uses and functions located along the boundary edge, The Hub supports the work of Alexander et al., (1977) and their approach to planning along the seams of neighbourhoods. This will seek to tackle the segregation in the long term, and allow for the fluid eastward development of the city, without the border tensions which would be experienced otherwise. The purpose of this intervention is to provide a functional and robust use for the boundary area, and to attract pedestrians to the edges of their neighbourhoods so they can engage with necessary activities.
AGENCY-LED INTERVENTION'S: 'SOCIAL INJECTION SITES' In addition to The Hub, a more flexible approach will be adopted on various sites deeper within each neighbourhood in order to increase cross-boundary social capital and to reduce the cognitive barriers of exclusion. These will attempt to bring individuals together in a variety of temporary situations, eroding preconceived ideas of difference, and utilising the vacant post-industrial spaces which riddle the study area. Given the mean-time use of these sites, interventions of this kind can be organised on a local level and driven by community actors, a process which in itself will help to bring individuals together and foster social ties. These spaces will encourage pedestrians to engage predominantly with optional and social activities, and will help to ensure further crossboundary movement.

Vision Objectives and Principles - To create a vibrant space known as The Hub which helps to bridge the two neighbourhoods together during the expansion of Manchester City Centre, and which facilitate a seamless physical and perceived transition between the two neighbourhoods whilst retaining each localities identity - To generate pedestrian movement between the neighbourhoods and to increase opportunities for social interaction, helping to foster a more cohesive population and to reduce negative and conflictual preconceptions. - To improve the quality and use-value of the existing green space which acts as the boundary zone, and to capitalise on the opportunities offered by the canal system - To increase the number of commercial, retail and community support facilities accessible by both neighbourhoods and to provide services which fulfil the needs of local residents and workers - To create a legible system which allows for visual and physical permeability throughout the whole site - To remember the historical legacy of the area and to engage with the postindustrial landscape in an innovative and creative way - To adopt flexible and experimental planning methods which unite the neighbourhoods through social activities and events
DESIGN VISION AND FRAMEWORK A cohesive development framework is needed in order to effectively design out the segregation of the neighbourhoods over the long term. By establishing a clear vision and policy, stakeholders invested within the study area are able to work together to achieve a common goal. Transparency during the planning stage also enables any arising contestations during the development process to be resolved early on.
policy
relevant sections
NPPF
PARAGRAPH 69
Vision Statement 'In a celebration of the postindustrial history of the site, the interventions made will ensure that integration of the Ancoats and Miles Platting neighbourhoods will be achieved across the physical, social and cognitive dimensions of space. By eroding borders and capitalising on otherwise under-utilised areas, a new sense of vibrancy, vitality and community will be enjoyed by those who reside and work within the study area, reducing the potential for future tensions and conflict to arise' 
SHARED SPACES
VARIETY IN FORM
NATURAL SURVEILLANCE
GRADATION IN HEIGHT
d e s i g n fundamentals
LEGIBLE LAYOUT
Research has highlighted several design fundamentals which need to be recognised during the development process in order to effectively weave the two neighbourhoods together::
HISTORICALLY SENSITIVE
EFFECTIVE NODAL POINTS
WELL CONNECTED
VARIETY IN FUNCTION
A HIGH QUALITY PUBLIC REALM
P
O
L
I
C
Y
.
A
N
A
L
Y
S
I
S
In order to be cohesive with wider developmentAL aims, the proposed interventions will be situated amidst a network of National and Local planning policies. By adhering to the principles of these documents, it can be assured that the development proposed is locally appropriate and in line with the targets of the City and National agenda. Within each section of the design there will therefore be a reference to existing policy which would support the intervention, and more particularly the policies which also encourage neighbourhood integration (Box 2). Full policies can be found in the apendeces for each document.
Establishing the national precedent for development, the NPPF acts as a guiding document which outlines the Governments agenda regarding the built environment. This intervention proves to support various policies of the framework, especially with regards to the transport, housing and design aims.
MANCHESTER LOCAL DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK CORE STRATEGY DEVELOPMENT PLAN DOCUMENT (MLDF CS) Offering a vision for Manchester as proposed by the City Council, the Core Strategy is the key document of Manchester’s Local Development Framework, and more specifically guides the development process according to the City’s needs than the NPPF. In effect from 2012-2027, this document expresses a relatively long term strategy, with a focus on improving the economy, transport, and housing within the City. It provides a useful overview to the challenges being faced within the eastern neighbourhoods, along with key policies which are to mobilised against such forces.
NEW EAST MANCHESTER STRATEGIC REGENERATION FRAMEWORK (NEM PDP)
MILES PLATTING, NEWTON HEATH AND COLLYHURST WARD PLAN AND
With a target to regenerate the east of Manchester following its post-industrial decline, this document offers a policy to build long term sustainability into various neighbourhoods. The proposed Physical Development Principles (PDP) act as a solid platform which recognises the intricacies of the area and upon which The Hub can be built upon. Lacking, however, is an explicit reference to how the border zones of the neighbourhoods can be developed in a more cohesive way.
BOX 2: EXAMPLE
NATIONAL PLANNING POLICY FRAMEWORK (NPPF)
ANCOATS AND CLAYTON WARD PLAN The ward plans provide the most targeted strategy for the respective neighbourhoods. Predominantly focussed on the social and economic realms of the areas, the physical reccomendations are relatively small-scale, and again only refer to each neighbourhood in isolation rather than in relation to each other. However, many of the policies actually overlap, and there lies an opportunity to provide shared services within The Hub which would be useful to both localities..
policy
relevant sections
NPPF
Paragraph X
MLDF CS
Policy X
NEM PDP
Principle X
AC WP
Ward Priority X
MP WP
Ward Priority X
S T R U C T U R A L . I N T E R V E N T I O N S : '
The Hub will provide the infrastructure and services to nurture a socially rich, cohesive community within a space which, in its current form, runs the risk of only growing tensions and divisions. Through sensitive and targeted redevelopment, the boundary zone will come to act as a new nodal point for the neighbourhoods, generating the increased usage of certain pathways and offering a variety of contemporary landmarks which both Miles Platting and Ancoats can associate with. It is by bringing a functional value to an otherwise service-deprived space that local residents and employees will start to engage in the more banal practices of integration which, over the long term, will help to weave the lives of these two neighbourhoods together. Despite The Hub acting as a predominantly physical intervention, the benefit of shared spaces and increased crossneighbourhood offered will therefore undeniably help to mitigate against any negative social and cognitive dispositions. Acting as an existing body, the NEM Urban Regeneration Company already has the resources to effectively oversee the cohesive redevelopment of this boundary zone. Should their policy be realigned to recognise the importance of design along the boundary as well as within neighbourhoods, segregation within the whole of east Manchester could be tackled, allowing for cohesion and integration on the large scale whilst also maintaining local identities.

T
H
E
.
H
U
B
'
B
L
O
C
K
.
S
I
FIGURE 22- THE ORIGINAL LAYOUT OF THE 'EDGE' LOCATION: LARGE BLOCKS REDUCE PERMEABILITY OVER THE SPACE
Z
E
FIGURE 23- THE PROPOSED LAYOUT OF THE EDGE: SMALLER BLOCK SIZE ENABLES GREATER PEDESTRIAN AND VEHICULAR MOBILITY ACROSS TO THE ADJOINING NEIGHBOURHOOD
RECONFIGURATION Pedestrian traffic across the edge zone is currently undermined due to the large scale, structural layout of the area; wide block sizes and illegible pedestrian routes do little to attract cross neighbourhood movement. By adopting smaller block sizes, ideally between 80-90mts (Bentley et al., 1985), the pedestrian has more choice and is able to permeate the site more easily (Bentley et al., 1985; Jacobs, 1961). Having been previously redeveloped, the green space is classified as brownfield land thus development is likely to be consented.
E
D
A B C
policy
N
N
ONLY BUILDINGS WITHIN THE HUB DEVELOPMENT SHOWN IN IMAGES
SECTION A
SECTION B
SECTION C
SECTION D
NPPF
relevant sections Paragraph 111
SECTION E
g
r
i
d
.
s
y
s
t
e
m REINFORCING THE GRID
PRIMARY STREET: ALLOWS FOR LARGER VEHICLES, NO ON STREET PARKING
SECONDARY STREET: NARROWER STREET WIDTH, BUT ALLOWS FOR PARKING/ LOADING ZONES AND/ OR BIKES LANES GIVEN SLOWER TRAFFIC
TERTIRAY STREET: NARROW WIDTH, ON STREET PARKING ALLOWED
Considering that the grid system proved to be the more legible layout within the research, the intervention proposes that small sections of Miles Platting should be reconfigured to adopt this style once the opportunity arises. Given that this would demand the selective demolition of a small number of units, the time-scale of achieving such a structural alteration would be indefinite, however if pursued then neighbourhood legibility and cohesion would be greatly improved. RECONFIGURED ROAD SYSTEM: FROM RADBURN TO GRID LAYOUT
MOVEMENT ACROSS THE HUB The new road network will allow for increased vehicular traffic across the boundary edge. Routes exclusive to cyclists and pedestrian will be developed between the new-build housing units in order to increase community contact (Figure 25A), and a non-vehicular bridge will act as an extension from The Hub across the canal (Figure 25B). This direct and exclusive route will hopefully encourage pedestrians to adopt more sustainable methods of transport when using the site.
THE STREET-SCAPE In support of Burton and Mitchell’s (2006) definition of an inclusive space, the primary routes through The Hub will act as shared streets which do not exhibit a curb to separate users (Figure 25). This will reduce the physical instances of segregation on the street level and allow freedom of movement in the most banal way.
policy NPPF
MLDF CS NEM PDP
relevant sections Paragraph 29 Paragraph 31 Paragraph 35 Policy T1 Policy T2 Principle C1, C2, D4, D6, F3, F6
C
A
FIGURE 24- POTENTIAL DESIGNATED PARKING UNITS
PARKING Given that The Hub will likely generate more vehicular traffic to the area, parking spaces will have to be designated and maintained. Many parking units can be absorbed within the lowquality, vacant spaces which run through the site. Should demand exceed these limits, a selected green-space could be reconfigured to accomodate vehicles (Figure 24C). Those highlighted in the image would be ideal given their position along primary routes.
N b
(13 MTS) (6 MTS) (5.5 MTS) (4.5 MTS)
EXTENSIONS INTO ANCOATS
(4.5 MTS) (6 MTS)
FIGURE 25- PROPOSED GRID SYSTEM
(4.5 MTS) PEDESTRIAN AND CYCLISTS ONLY Widths appropriated from Bentley et al., (1985)
D E N S I T Y . A N D B U I L D I N G . H E I G H T
ANCOATS
THE HUB
MILES PLATTING
DENSITY In accordance with the Manchster Core Strategy Policy H2, density should radiate outwards from the City Centre from 75 units per ha to 40 units per ha. The current Ancoats -Miles Platting configuration shows this density change albeit in a stark manner. The Hub will act as a transition zone, whereby mixed densities will allow a for gradual density change.
BUILDING HEIGHT Building height should also reflect the transition between the neighbourhoods. Taller buildings to the west of The Hub should transcend into lower housing units into the east, and likewise there should be a gradation down towards the canal side. However, unlike the particularly high enclosure which exists in Ancoats and the exposing enclosure of Miles Platting, The Hub will have a more comfortable enclosure rate. of 1:2 (Figure 28)
policy
MLDF CS
FIGURE 28- AN ENCLOSURE RATE OF 1:2 ALONG ONE OF THE PRIMARY STREETS
relevant sections Policy H2
75 Units per HA 45 Units per HA
TRANSITION ZONE
N FIGURE 26- GRADATION IN DENSITY ACROSS THE HUB: DENSITY TRANSITIONS FROM HIGH TO LOW WHEN MOVING EASTWARDS
FIGURE 29- GRADATION IN HEIGHT ACROSS THE HUB BUILDING HEIGHT LOWERS EASTWARDS ACROSS THE SITE AND TOWARDS THE CANAL
l
a
n
d
u
s
e
A MIXED-USE NODAL POINT
WAREHOUSE RECONFIGURATION
With the planned expansion of the city centreoutwards, the neighbourhood interface zone is likely to be developed beyond its current use as a green space. The intervention therefore holds a dual value in its ability to facilitate this expected growth, whilst also enabling sensitive integration between the two neighbourhoods.
The current warehouses which dominate the east of Ancoats reinforce the border ideology, as their westward facing, impermeable layout prevents the passage of pedestrians to Miles Platting. With expansion and need for housing, it is proposed that these warehouses should be relocated to a more appropriate site. Miles Platting has an already existing warehouse agglomeration with enough surrounding land to accommodate those in Ancoats. By relocating the Ancoats warehouses to Miles Platting through attractive leasing and the incentive of a new-build unit, the boundary will be removed and the new block and grid structure can be implemented. Such a recondiguration is in line with Paragraph 51 of the NPPF.
The purpose of The Hub will be to provide services and functions which replenish the currently underserved neighbourhoods. A mixed-use landscape of commercial facilities, public services and food and drink establishments will attract residents and workers towards the frontiers of their respective neighbourhood to conduct their necessary daily activities.
RESIDENTIAL HOUSING GOVERNMENT OWNED RESIDENTIAL APARTMENTS COMMERCIAL OFFICE FOOD AND DRINK CAR PARKING WAREHOUSING
Integrated residential units in The Hub will ensure a critical mass of people is always present to use the services and maintain vitality within this space. Natural surveillance from overlooking residential units will also reduce the feelings of uncertainty as spoken about during the research.
CURRENT WAREHOUSE UNITS ACT AS A BOUNDARY ALONG THE EASTERN EDGE OF ANCOATS policy
relevant sections
NPPF
Paragraph 37, Paragraph 51 Paragraph 69 Paragraph 70
MLDF CS
Policy EC 5
NEM PDP
Principle B4, B6, B7
AC WP
Ward Priority 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 2.2, 2.5, 3.4
MP WP
Ward Priority 1.3, 1.5, 1.6, 2.4 2.5, 2.7, 2.11, 3.2, 3.3,
N FIGURE 29- EXISTING LANDUSE
FIGURE 30- PROPOSED LANDUSE (GROUND LEVELS AND UPPER LEVELS)
THE GREEN CAFE - IMPROVE THE QUALITY AND USE-VALUE OF THE GREEN SPACE BY CONSTRUCTING A UNIQUE COMMUNITY CAFE - A SLOPING GREEN ROOF WILL ENSURE A SENSE OF ARRIVAL FOR THOSE DRIVING INTO THE HUB SITE, BUT WILL ALSO ACT AS A NOISE BARRIER - POTENTIAL TO CONNECT WITH LOCAL EMPLOYMENT SCHEMES FOR YOUNG PEOPLE (AC WP 1.5, MP WP 1.3)
THE FACTORY LEARNING CENTRE - THE LEARNING CENTRE WILL ACT AS A NODAL BUILDING, COMPLETE WITH A LIBRARY, LEARNING FACILITIES, AND COMMUNITY SUPPORT SERVICES WHICH WILL HELP ANCOATS AND MILES PLATTING TO ACHIEVE THEIR SOCIAL WARD PRIORITIES. - BUILDING STYLE WILL HINT TOWARDS INDUSTRIAL PAST
N
THE MILL SOCIAL CENTRE
- THE SOCIAL CENTRE WILL CAPITALISE ON THE CANAL SIDE, AND WILL BE A FLEXIBLE SPACE WHERE ROOMS CAN BE RENTING FOR VARIOUS SPORTING, SOCIAL OR CONFERENCE EVENTS
Various Government owned public buildings such as The Factory and The Mill will offer spaces for community support and services, which will help to mitigate against the onset of localised social problems (Woodcraft et al., 2011).
b E c
N c
D
D
E
A
A
THE MILL SOCIAL CENTRE
A
A THE MILL SOCIAL CENTRE GREEN CAFE
B
b
B
THE FACTORY
C
C
D
D THE FACTORY
GREEN CAFE
E
E
H
o
u
s
i
n
g
In order to connect with the typical Ancoats apartments, various high-density units will be built, albeit at a smaller height (between 4- 6 storeys). However, lower-density, 2-3 storey housing units will also be developed to weave into the typical housing fabric of Miles Platting. The variety of styles and prices of units will ensure that The Hub is able to cater to the needs of the wide demographic exhibited from across the whole study area. It is also proposed that at least 20% of all new build-units should be within the Affordable category in line with local policy (MLDF H8). Sales should also be open to any individuals currently residing in the Miles Platting neighbourhood prior to being released onto the market, thus ensuring inclusion in the buying process. LOW DENSITY HOUSING EXAMPLE 1 'CHIMNEY POT PARK', SALFORD - TERRACED UNITS AS COMMON IN MILES PLATTING - RED BRICK MATERIAL - 3-4 BEDROOM FAMILY HOUSEHOLDS - AFFORDABLE - COMMUNAL GARDEN ALLOWS FOR INCREASED NEIGHBOURHLY INTEGRATION
LOW DENSITY HOUSING EXAMPLE 2 'ABODE', CAMBRIDGESHIRE
HIGH DENSITY EXAMPLE 2 KELHAM ISLAND, SHEFFIELD
LOW DENSITY HOUSING EXAMPLE 3 'THE GUTS', NEW ISLINGTON, MANCHESTER
-HIGH DENSITY APARTMENTS OVERLOOKING THE CANAL - RED BRICK AND CLADDING AS COMMON IN BOTH MILES PLATTING AND ANCOATS - OVERLOOKING BALCONIES
- UNITS LAYED BACK TO BACK WITH GARDENS POSITIONED TO THE SIDE - 3-5 BEDROOM FAMILY HOUSEHOLD UNITS - WINDOWS POSITIONED TO ENSURE PRIVACY - DOUBLE FRONTAGE ALLOWS NATURAL SURVEILLANCE ON BOTH SIDES - AFFORDABLE
HIGH DENSITY EXAMPLE 1 'HOTEL INDIGO ATHENS', GEORGIA, AMERICA -HIGH DENSITY APARTMENTS - POINTED ROOFS TO HINT AT THE FACTORIES OF ANCOATS - ACTIVE GROUND LEVEL STREET FACADE
policy
relevant sections
NPPF
Paragraph 47 Paragraph 50
MLDF CS
Policy H1 Policy H2 Policy H4 Policy H8 Principle B1, B2, B3
NEM PDP
N HIGH DENSITY HOUSING UNITS SIMILIAR TO ANCOATS
LOW DENSITY HOUSING UNITS SIMILIAR TO MILES PLATTING
T H E . P U B L I C . R E A L M Connectivity is a crucial aim of the development. In addition to physical connectivity across the site, online connectivity should be provided through easily accessible wifi services, allowing fluidity over virtual borders.
HIGH-QUALITY PAVING
The materials and palette used within The Hub should be familiar across both neighbourhoods, such as red brick and cladding.
policy
relevant sections
NPPF
Paragraph 42
MLDF CS
Priority 3.2
MULTIPLE BINS ALLOW FOR RECYCLING NOT ALL THE GREEN SPACE WILL BE DEVELOPED: A CONTINUOUS STRIP WILL STRETCH AROUND THE HUB, HOWEVER THE QUAITY OF THESE SPACES WILL BE IMPROVED AND LIGHTING WILL INCREASE THEIR ROBUSTNESS
Consistent lighting across The Hub will increase perceptions of safety and improve the robustness of the streets, as pedestrians feel more comfortable walking the route without daylight.
N
MODERN SEATING ARRANGEMENTS WILL REFER BACK TO THE SITES HISTORY AS A GREEN SPACE
WOODEN BENCHES AND STOOLS COMPLEMENT THE RED BRICK
A FACTORY CHIMNEY WILL ACT AS A LANDMARK BETWEEN THE HALLE CHURCH AND VICTORIA MILL SITES, ENCOURAGING PEDESTRIANS TO CROSS THE NEIGHBOURHOODS
THE GREEN CAFE WILL OFFER A VIEWPOINT TOWARDS THE CANAL AND ATTRACT USERS TO OLDHAM ROAD
SHARED STREETS WILL FORCE SAFER DRIVING SPEEDS AND ALLOW FOR PHYSICAL INCLUSIVITY
ACTIVE STREET FACADES WILL IMPROVE THE ROBUSTNESS AND VITAITY OF THE SPACE
INFORMATION POINTS WILL GIVE USERS A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE CANAL AND ITS FORMER INDUSTRIAL PURPOSES, WHILST ALSO IMPROVING LEGIBILITY THROUGH A MAP
t h e . c a n a l - s i d e policy
OVERLOOKING RESIDENTIAL UNITS WILL PROVIDE NATURAL SURVEILLANCE AND A CONSTANT POPULATION TO USE THE SITE
THE MILL SOCIAL CENTRE WILL ACT AS A NODAL POINT AND ATTRACT A WIDER USER BASE TO THE CANAL-SIDE FOR A VARIETY OF PURPOSES
NPPF
relevant sections
LDF CS
Paragraph 95 Paragraph 99 Policy EN1
NEM PDP
Principle A4, E1, F4, F5,
AC WP
Ward Priority 3.5
THE CANAL ITSELF WILL BE CELEBRATED AS A FEATURE, SURROUNDED BY OPEN SPACE ALLOWING A RANGE OF INFORMAL ACTIVITIES TO OCCUR
A G E N C Y - L E D . I N T E R V E N T I O N : ' S O C I A L . I N J E C T I O N . S I T E S ' In contrast to the policy-led approach of The Hub which tackles the structural forces of segregation, there is also scope to help break down neighbourhood barriers and foster social capital through more informal interventions. The high number of vacant, post-industrial units between Ancoats and Miles Platting offers a unique landscape upon which more experimental and flexible approaches to planning can be adopted. With the permission of the landowner, the sites should be promoted through competitions and short-term leases to various actors and community groups, who can decide how they would like to use the space temporarily. It is here they can explore which kind of public space as mentioned by Beunderman and Lownsbrough (2007) is favourable for the public in that particular site, before something more permanent can be appropriated. The flexibility of temporary urbanism can arguably be seen as one potential mechanism to realise Sennett’s (1970) Open City, offering a physical output for his theory by providing a fluid space for chance encounters to occur. Being located further within the neighbourhoods and away from the edge, and by offering activities which are experimental and out of the norm, these offer a multitude of contact points where segregation can be broken down, as suggested by Sennett (1970). Whilst care must be taken not to overly privatise these spaces (thereby making the exclusionary), bringing individuals together through the creation and use of the sites will help to achieve social cohesion in an informal setting. The experimental use of the sites may also attract a wider public into the neighbourhoods, thereby instigating a larger process of city-wide inclusion.
planning as to what activities the community would like What follows is a suggestion as to how each of the to see each space be used for during each seasonal sites could be used in a temporary manner: occupation (Patti and Polyak, 2014), thereby reducing segregation even within the formalities of the planning process. If possible, the function of such sites could link to the Ancoats and Miles Platting local Ward Plan Priority targets, outlined in the Appendices.
policy
relevant sections
NPPF
Paragraph 69 Paragraph 111
NEM PDP
Principle G2, G3
By adopting these quick interventions early on, social integration can start occurring before the development of The Hub, thus easing the neighbourhoods together over a longer time-scale. This phasing approach will allow individuals to adapt to the bridging of the two neighbourhoods in a sensitive and holistic manner. Also, unlike the top-down coordination required for The Hub intervention, these Social-Injection Sites will encourage a local dialogue of co-operation and
N FIGURE 31- LOCATION OF 'SOCIAL-INJECTION' SITES
BROADSHEET (2014)
SITE ONE
DESIGN PRECEDENT 1: RMIT UNIVERSITY POP-UP BASKETBALL COURT, MELBORNE, AUSTRALIA
ADD FUNCTIONAL UNITS SUCH AS MOBILE FOOD AND DRINK SERVICES
TEMPORARY SPORTS FACILITIES TO ADD USE VALUE TO THE SPACE
COMMUNITY-LED GRAFFITI PROJECT
SOUTHBANK LONDON (2014)
SITE TWO
FLEXIBLE AND CREATIVE USE OF EXISTING BUILDING
DESIGN PRECEDENT 2: LONDON WUNDERGROUND FESTIVAL, SOUTHBANK CENTRE, LONDON, ENGLAND.
INFORMAL COMMUNITY EVENT SPACE
LIGHTING TO ATTRACT USE DURING ALL HOURS
HULME COMMUNITY GARDEN CENTRE (2011)
SITE THREE
DESIGN PRECEDENT 3: HULME COMMUNITY GARDEN CENTRE HULME, MANCHESTER
SHOP OR KIOSK TO INCREASE LOCAL VOLUNTEER OPPORTUNITIES ALLOTMENTS TO GENERATE SOCIAL INTERACTIONS AND PRIDE
SITE FOUR
SHEFFIELD CITY GUIDE (2012)
SITE FIVE DESIGN PRECEDENT 4: PEACE IN THE PARK, SHEFFIELD ENGLAND
USE THE GREEN SPACE FOR HOSTING EVENTS WHICH WILL ATTRACT PEOPLE FROM BOTH NEIGHBOURHOODS
CITYLAB (2013)
SITE SIX DESIGN PRECEDENT 5v: WILLIAMSBURG INDUSTRIAL ESTATE, BROOKLYN, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
REINFORCE VICTORIA MILL AS A LANDMARK SITE
SWIMMING POOL TO BE CONVERTED INTO AN INDOOR SKATE PARK
CAPITALISE ON THE REDUNDANT PARKING SPACES OF THE VACANT LEISURE CENTRE
C O N C L U D I N G . R E M A R K S In an attempt to highlight the intricacies of space within our urban forms, ‘Segregation and the Urban Dimensions’ has argued for a heightened awareness about how we actually plan and design our cities. It has been made apparent that it is no longer enough to recognise and accommodate for only one of the dimensions of city life; instead a holistic approach which embraces the physical, social and cognitive realm is needed if we want to truly accommodate for the daily dynamisms and conflict which urban areas breed (Amin et al., 2000). To effectively work around these dimensions, however, will require a shift in how we engage with and coordinate the planning process. More flexible, innovative and experimental methods may need to be harnessed, either alongside or in isolation to the usual structural, top-down techniques with which we usually engage. The rise of agency-led, temporary interventions, the physical makings of the Open City (Sennett, 2006), holds the potential to be an exciting alternative, but will only be effective if supported and embraced by local authorities and officials. The social and cognitive benefits of these pop-up sites therefore needs to be highlighted in order to secure their future. It is by understanding the different kinds of value which can be unleashed through adopting different kinds of methods that the power of public space can be wholly appreciated. Whilst we can design locallysensitive and inclusive public places on a structural, physical level, we also need to recognise the beauty of a public space which has the sole function of bringing people together, catalysing chance encounters and new experiences. It is within these informal arenas that the social and cognitive realms of urban inhabitants can weave together in the most interesting ways, often for a fraction of the price of a structural intervention.
This work has particularly made the case for this structural and agency-led approach through the scope of inter-neighbourhood segregation, exploring the myriad of dimensions and presenting a sensitive design which responds to each realm. This method, however, is not limited to segregation, but can be adopted and applied to various urban phenomena, allowing for more comprehensive and aware outputs to be generated. But what perhaps has been the most interesting conclusion of this project has not been the interventions themselves, but rather the discovery of a certain type of segregation which is limiting our debates. For it is not the instances of mass public, inter-neighbourhood divide which is causing difficulties within our urban form, but instead it is the vast fracture which appears to exist between various disciplines, professionals, academics and other stakeholders of the built environment. The borders which exist between planners and sociologists, architects and residents, policy-makers and community groups is the most debilitating divide, hindering our understanding of space and our ability to create truly inclusive places. A city with a plurality of identities, inhabitants and needs requires an interdisciplinary touch (Amin et al., 2000), a touch which is increasingly being offered by Urban Design as a discipline, but against a lot of trepidation and uncertainty.
‘...building flourishing, cohesive, inclusive communities is genuinely chllenging, but it is also because putting into practice what we know is difficult’ - Woodcraft et al. 2011 pp.6)
B
I
B
L
I
O
G
R
A
P
H
Y
Alexander, C et al., (1977) A Pattern Language, Oxford University Press: New York Amin, A et al., (2000) Cities for the Many not the Few, The Policy Press; Bristol Atkinson, R and Flint, J (2004) ‘Fortree UK? Gated Communities, the Spatial Revolt of the Elites and Time- Space Trajectories of Segregation’, Housing Studies, Volume 19 (6), pp. 875-892. Beekmans, J and De Boer, J (2014) Pop-Up City; City-Making in a Fluid World, BIS Publishers: Amsterdam Bentley, I et al., (1985) Responsive Environments: A Manual for Designers, Routledge; London Beunderman, J and Lownsbrough, H (2007) Equally Spaced? Public Space and Interaction between Diverse Communities, Demos. A Report for the Commission for Racial Inequality, July 2007. Burton, E and Mitchell, L (2006) Inclusive Urban Design; Streets for Life, Architectural Press: Oxford CABE (2008) ‘Inclusion by design: Equality, diversity and the built environment’, Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment, Available: https://www.designcouncil.org.uk/sites/default/files/asset/document/inclusion-by-design.pdf. Last Accessed: 25/02/2015. Catling, C (2015) ‘Uneven growth: tactical urbanism for expanding megacties’, The Architectural Review, 2nd April 2015. http://www.architectural-review.com/opinion/reviews/uneven-growth-tactical-urbanism-for-expanding-megacities/8680793.article, Last Accessed: 11th June 2015. Charalambous, N (2011) ‘Understanding Segregation: the relationship between the urban form and social exclusion’, Available: http://www.enhr2011.com/sites/default/files/paper-charalambous-WS10.pdf Last Accessed: 03/06/2015 Gehl, J (2011) Life Between Buildings: Using Public Space, Copenhagen: Danish Architectural Press (6th Edition) Gehl, J and Svarre, B (2013) How to Study Public Life, Island Press Herbert, D and Thomas, C (1997) ‘Social Problems and the City’, in Herbert, D and Thomas, C (eds) Cities in Space, Cities as Place, 3rd Edition, pp. 292-333. Jacobs, J (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities, New York: Vintage Books Kitchin, R (1994) ‘Cognitive Maps: what are they and why study them?’, Journal of Environmental Psychology, Volume 14, pp. 1-19 Lasek, J (2014) ‘The Urban Design Library Number 11- Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City’, Urban Design; Central and Eastern Europe, Spring 2014, Urban Design Journal Lynch, K (1960) The Image of the City, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Major, M (2012) Urban Design Journal: Temporary Urbanism, Urban Design Group Journal, Spring 2012, Issue 122 Manchester City Council (2012) ‘Core Strategy Development Plan Document’, Manchester Local Development Framework, Manchester City Council, Available: file:///C:/Users/Lucy/Downloads/Final_Core_Strategy_-_low_res%20 (2).pdf, Last Accessed: 14/09/2015. Major, M (2012) ‘Dark City’, Urban Design: Temporary Urbanism, Urban Design Group Journal, Spring 2012, Issue 122
Mandanipour, A (2010) ‘Whose Public Space? International case studies in urban design and development’, Routledge. Mace, A et al., (2007) ‘New East Manchester: Urban Renaissance or Urban Opportunism?’, European Planning Studies, Volume 15 (1), pp. 51-65. Manchester City Council (2011) ‘Ancoats and Clayton Ward Plan 2012-2014’, Manchester City Council. Manchester City Council (2014) ‘Miles Platting, Newton Heath and Collyhurst South Ward Plan 2012-2015’, Manchester City Council, Available: http://east-manchester.com/information-hub/, Last Accessed: 12/06/2016. New East Manchester (2007) East Manchester Strategic Regeneration Framework 2008-2018, Manchester City Council, Available: http://www.manchester.gov.uk/info/500106/east_manchester_regeneration/2414/new_east_manchester_strategic_regeneration_framework, Last Accessed, 23/06/2015. Niksic, M (2010) ‘Mapping a perceptual dimension of open public space’, in Marusic, B et al. (eds), Human Cities; Celebrating Public Space, Stichting Kunsst Book, pp. 73-76 NPPF (2012) National Planning Policy Framework, Department for Communities and Local Government, March 2012. Offe, C (1999) ‘How Can We Trust Our Fellow Citizens?’, In Mark Warren (ed) Democracy of Trust, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Paddison, R and Sharp, J (2007) ‘Questioning the end of public space: reclaiming control of local banal spaces’, Scottish Geographic Journal, Volume 123 (2), pp. 87-106. Patti, D and Polyak, L (2014) ‘Recycling the Neighbourhood’, Urban Design; Central and Eastern Europe, Urban Design Group Journal, Spring 2014, Volume 130 Paulas, R (2015) ‘Mental Maps and the Neuroscience of Neighbourhood Blight’, Pacific Standard Magazine, June 1st 2014. Available: http://www.psmag.com/business-economics/mental-maps-and-the-neuroscience-behind-neighborhood-blight, Last Accessed: 03/06/2015. Rosa, B (2013) ‘The Original Modern’, Cities@manchester Blog, 2nd April 2013, Available: https://citiesmcr.wordpress.com/tag/public-space/page/2/, Last Accessed: 15/08/2015 Sennett, R (1970) The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City Life, Allen Lane The Penguin Press. Sennett, R (2005) ‘Civility’, Urban Age, Bulletin 1. Pp.1-3 Sennett, R (2006) ‘The Open City’, Urban Age: Housing and Urban Neighbourhoods, Newspaper Essay: Berlin, November 2006. Urban Task Force (1999) Towards and Urban Renaissance: The Report of the Urban Task Force Chaired by Lord Rogers of Riverside; Executive Summary, Urban Task Force Woodcraft, S et al., (2011) Design for Social Sustainability: A Framework for Creating Thriving New Communities, Future Communities, Available: http://www.futurecommunities.net/files/images/Design_for_Social_Sustainability_0. pdf , Last Accessed: 16/06/2015. Wirth, L (1964) On Cities and Social Life; Selected Papers, The University of Chicago Press Williams, J (2015) ‘Manchester heading for population boom over the next decade’, Manchester Evening News, 26th June 2015, Available: http://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/news/greater-manchester-news/manchester-heading-population-boom-over-9528861, Last Accessed: 15/08/2015
I
M
A
G
E
S
Broadsheet (2014) ‘Pop-Up Basketball at RMIT’, Available: http://www.broadsheet.com.au/melbourne/art-and-design/article/pop-basketball-rmit#gallery-1, Last Accessed: 26/08/2015. CityLab (2013) ‘This Might Be the Most Impressive Pop-Up Park We’ve Ever Seen’, CityLab, Available: http://www.citylab.com/design/2013/07/might-be-most-impressive-pop-park-weve-ever-seen/6265/, Last Accessed: 14/09/2015 Hulme Community Garden Centre (2011) ‘About Us’, Hulme Community Garden Centre, Available: https://www.hulmegardencentre.org.uk/, Last Accessed: 12/09/2015 Sheffield City Guide (2012) ‘Peace in the Park Sheffield’, Sheffield City Guide, Available: https://sheffieldcityguide.wordpress.com/2012/06/05/peace-in-the-park-sheffield/, Last Accessed: 14/09/2015 Southbank London (2014) ‘London Wonderground Festival’, Southbank London, Available: http://southbanklondon.com/london-wonderground-festival-2, Last Accessed: 26/08/2015 Wikipedia (2015) History of Manchester, Wikipedia Website, Available: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Manchester, Last Accessed: 09/07/2015
N A T I O N A L . P L A N N I N G . P O L I C Y . F R A M E W O R K PARAGRAPH 29 PARAGRAPH 31
PARAGRAPH 35
‘In preparing Local Plans, local planning authorities should therefore support a pattern of development which…facilitates the use of sustainable modes of transport’ ‘Developments should be located and designed where practical to…give priority to pedestrian and cycle movements, and have access to high quality public transport facilities’
PARAGRAPH 37
‘Planning policies should aim for a balance of land uses within their area so people can be encouraged to minimise journey lengths for employment, shopping, leisure, education and other activities’
PARAGRAPH 42
The development of high speed broadband technology and other communications networks plays avital role in enhancing the provision of local community facilities and services.
PARAGRAPH 47
Local authorities should: - ’identify and update annually a supply of specific deliverable sites sufficient to provide five years worth of housing against their housing requirements with an additional buffer of 5%...to ensure choice and competition in the market for land. - ‘Set out their own approach to housing density to reflect local circumstances’
PARAGRAPH 50
‘To deliverl a wide choice of high quality homes, widen opportunities for home ownership and create sustainable, inclusive and mixed communities, local planning authorities should: - ‘Plan for a mix of housing based on current and future demographic trends, market trends, and the needs of different groups in the community’
PARAGRAPH 51
Local Authorities should normally approve planning applications for change to residential use and any associated development from commercial buildings where there is an identified need for additional housing in that area,
PARAGRAPH 69
Local planning authorities should create a shared vision with communities of the residential environment and facilities they wish to see.
PARAGRAPH 70
: To deliver the social, recreational and cultural facilities and services the community needs, planning policies and decisions should: - Plan positively for the provision and use of shared space, community facilities, and other local services to enhance the sustainabilityof communities and residential environments - ensure an intgrated approach to considering the location of housing, economic uses and community facilities and services
PARAGRAPH 95 PARAGRAPH 99 PARAGRAPH 111
‘The transport system needs to be balanced in favour of sustainable transport modes, giving people a real choice about how they travel’
Local planning authorities should adopt proactive strategies to mitigate and adapt to climate change, taking into full account flood risk, coastal change and water supply and demand considerations New development should be planned to avoid increased vulnerability to the range of impacts arising from climate change. Planning policies and decisions should encourage the effective use of land by re-using land that has been previously developed (brownfield land), providing that is is not of high environmental value.
MANCHESTER.LOCAL.DEVELOPMENT.FRAMEWORK C O R E . S T R A T E G Y POLICY EC 5- East Manchester Employment
‘East Manchester to provide 80-85ha of employment land’
POLICY H 1- Strategic Housing Location
‘ 60,000 new dwelling units to be provided between March 2009- March 2027’
POLICY H 2- East Manchester
‘East Manchester wil accommodate 30% of all new residential developments’
POLICY H 8- Affordable housing
‘New development will contribute to the city-wide target for 20% of new housing provision to be affordable’
POLICY T 1- Sustainable Transport
The Council will develop alternatives to car travel and improve and further develop Manchester’s cycle network
POLICY T 2 Accessible Areas of Opportunity and Need POLICY EN 1- Design Principles
‘The opportunity should be taken to use the canals to create a distinctive urban environment and enhance access to the City
N E W . E A S T . M A N C H E S T E R . S T R A T E G I C R E D E V E L O P M E N T . F R A M E W O R K
PRINCIPLE A4
Restore and Enhance unique natural features
PRINCIPLE B1
‘Ensure housing with a high quality of design and amenity
PRINCIPLE B2
Provide for a full range of housing types and tenures
PRINCIPLE B3
Ensure integration of public and private housing
PRINCIPLE B4
Support residents with a full range of community and social services
PRINCIPLE B6
Create high-quality shopping
PRINCIPLE B7
Diversify the employment base
PRINCIPLE C1
Establish a diversity of connections (physical, visual, historic, social)
PRINCIPLE C2
Create a continuous and connected street grid to provide easy and understandable connections
PRINCIPLE D4
Create a high-quality and safe environment for walking and cycling
PRINCIPLE D6
Create a street-hierachy that identifies landscape character
PRINCIPLE E1 PRINCIPLE F3
Ensure streets provide a safe and quality environment for public use
PRINCIPLE F4
Locate Active uses adjacent to and overlooking public places to enhance sense of safety
PRINCIPLE F5 PRINCIPLE F6 PRINCIPLE G2 PRINCIPLE G3
Conserve and rehabilitate heritage structures and artefacts wherever possible
Foster a sens of ownership over public space Ensure accessibility and long term maintenance of public space Use the development process to stimulate creativity Promote flexible building types to allow for adaptation and new uses
A W
N
C O A
A
T R
S
. D
A
N .
D
.
C P
L
A L
PRIORITY 1.3
Raise aspirations of young people within the ward via targeted initiatives
PRIORITY 1.4
Support locally based training and skills providers to target those in greatest need to access opportunities for employment, with a particular focus on supporting young people
PRIORITY 1.5
Support and promote volunteering to individuals and the local community with local providers
PRIORITY 2.2
Work with health professionals,key partners, stakeholders and residents to organise and promote Health and Wellbeing activities and signpost residents to local facilities.
PRIORITY 2.3
Improve communication with local residents about actions to reduce negative perceptions of anti-social behaviour and crime.
PRIORITY 2.4
Develop and support initiatives supporting older and vulnerable residents
PRIORITY 2.5
Continue to work with key partners, stakeholders and residents to develop and deliver community based activities and events to improve community cohesion.
PRIORITY 3.2
Ensure all parks within the ward are maintained to Green Flag standard and in the future the ‘Manchester Standard’ for all parks in the City.
PRIORITY 3.4
Work with key stakeholders to develop and improve retail provision within the ward
Y
T A
O
N N
MILES.PLATTING.NEWTON.HEATH.AND.COLLYHURST W A R D . P L A N PRIORITY 1.3 PRIORITY 1.5
PRIORITY 1.6 PRIORITY 2.4 PRIORITY 2.5

Support locally based training and skills providers to target those in greatest need to access opportunities for employment, with a particular focus on supporting young people. In response to Welfare Reform changes, where possible, provide front line worker with training, information and advice.
Encourage and support community associations and third sector organisations to establish and resource Work Clubs in the ward s Engage local residents in health and wellbeing initiatives Improve communication with local residents about actions to reduce perceptions of anti social behaviour and crime.
PRIORITY 2.7
Continue to work with key partners, stakeholders and residents to develop and deliver community based activities and events to improve community cohesion.
PRIORITY 2.11
Continue to work with key partners, stakeholders and residents to develop and deliver community based activities and events to improve community cohesion.
PRIORITY 3.2
Working with key stakeholders to develop and improve retail provision within the Ward.
PRIORITY 3.3
Where need has been established, continue to support key community assets in the ward such as community centres to introduce delivery methods that will sustain and retain the resource.
PRIORITY 3.5
Support the Waterways Trust to ensure that the Canal Connections programme is extended for a further 12 months which will deliver the maximum amount of environmental, educational and social benefit to the Rochdale Canal.