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Undergraduate Dissertation
Explaining Educational Gender Gaps: Within the diverse Indian context, explore whether cultural factors or political structures play a bigger role in determining gender inequality in education. By Maria Floyd: Student #6061184 Supervised by: Dr Elizabeth Cobbett Word Count: 8,800
Abstract Gender inequality in education is a long existing problem for India, and specifically for the state of Jammu and Kashmir. This paper uses a feminist framework of analysis to explore the possible explanations of educational gender inequality using Jammu and Kashmir as a case study. Theoretical perceptions are combined with statistical evidence in order to evaluate both cultural and political explanations of inequality. In reality, elements of both views explain inequality in this case. This work illustrates that political structures have the power to eliminate educational gender inequality in India, but only if policy considers cultural differences. This topic is essential for India’s future if she wishes to harness the power of her demographic dividend and fulfil her potential as a globally competitive tiger economy.
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Contents List of Abbreviations .……………..…..…..…..………...……......……..........................3 Chapter One – Framing the Question ….…….………….…...………………...............4 Introduction ……………………………...………….………………...………...4 Literature Review …….………………………...……………………………….6 - Why Feminism? ......………………...…………...………………….7 - Feminist Perspectives of Global Political Economy …..………........8 - Indian Feminism .…………………………………………...……...10 - Explanations of the Gender Gap in the Indian Context .……….......12 Methodology .………………………….……………………………...........….14 Chapter Two – Research and Analysis …..………...…...…..……................................16 India’s Educational Gender Gap .………………..………………....…..……...16 - Positioning India ...…………………...…………...………….….....17 - Case Studies in the Context of Regional Disparities ......….……….19 Case Study: Jammu and Kashmir ..…..……………………...……..........……...20 - Background: An Unequal State .…….……….………...….…..…...21 - Cultural Factors ………………..…………………....……..….……22 - Political Structures .……..…..………...……………......…..............26 Chapter Three – Conclusion ……….…………..…..………...…......……….................31 Summary………………………………………………………………………...31 Recommendations………………………………………………………....……32 Bibliography ……….……………..…..………...……...………………………....….....33 Appendices ……...……………..…..………...……...………………………….…........37
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List of Abbreviations
DPEP
District Primary Education Programme
EFA
Education for all
FICCI
Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry
GPE
Global Political Economy
HDI
Human Development Index
ILO
International Labour Organisation
J&K
Jammu and Kashmir
KGBV
Kasturba Gandi Balika Vidyalaya scheme
NPEGEL
National Programme for Education of Girls at Elementary Level
UN
United Nations
UNDP
United Nations Development Programme
UNESCO
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
WEF
World Economic Forum
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Chapter One: Framing the Question ‘Raising a daughter is like watering a shady tree in someone else’s courtyard’ - Indian Proverb (Moose, 1993: 52)
Introduction, Literature Review and Methodology This first chapter highlights the importance of my topic and introduces my argument and case study. It outlines the existing discourse and research in this field and explains my theoretical standpoint. Additionally, it reveals the purpose of my research and shows why my chosen research methods are appropriate and useful.
Introduction In this dissertation I argue that political structures play a fundamental role in determining educational gender inequality. I argue that reforms initiated by political structures are an essential component necessary to reduce the educational gender gap. I acknowledge that cultural factors are also important as they may create the differences between genders, and therefore argue that political institutions need to acknowledge cultural constraints when addressing gender inequality. Discovering what determines educational gender inequality is necessary to reduce it. This is important due to the many negative connotations of gender inequality and the multifaceted benefits of education. Despite significant progress in closing the global gender gap, inequality remains as an important and inescapable global problem (World Economic Forum, 2013: 39). Gender equality is important not just for moral reasons grounded in egalitarianism, but also for the social and economic progress of a state (UNESCO, 2013: 32), as it maximises ‘competitiveness and development potential’ (World Economic Forum, 2013: 36). This applies to India, a state that suffers from the persistent problem of gender inequality. The World Economic Forum (WEF) ranks India’s gender gap 105th out of 136 countries (World Economic Forum, 2013: 12-13). However, national rhetoric suggests that India, as a April 2014
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collective nation, fundamentally identifies that gender inequality is morally wrong. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, the chief architect of the Indian constitution, believed that freedom from inequality and discrimination conflict were fundamental human rights; article three of the constitution prohibits discrimination on the grounds of ‘religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth’ (Ministry of Law and Justice of the Government of India, 1949). Eradicating gender inequality is thus supported by ethical arguments, as suggested in national level legislation. Furthermore, the WEF claims that ‘female empowerment is fundamental for India’s economic growth’ (Mohindra, 2012: 1). The India Development Report concurs with this claim, by revealing a positive relationship between growth and increases in equality (Dev, 2013: 227). This focus on economic development is particularly important for India because the country is currently attempting to harness the power of its growing demographic dividend in order to induce growth.1 If India could achieve this, she would have a comparative advantage over global competitors, as a higher proportion of the population would be participating in the labour force than ever before. This in turn would increase opportunities for entrepreneurship, family incomes and standards of living, all of which are the desired consequences of development. The actual participation of the Indian labour force has been much lower than anticipated and thus the expected growth has not arrived. One reason for this has been India’s failure to harness the power of their female population (FICCI, 2013: 40). Thus, eradicating the problem of gender inequality would both support the generalized notion of Indian morality, and induce faster development in the state, which is particularly important given the state’s current demographic dividend. The gender gap manifests itself in many forms of social life; comparative economic analyses show that gender discrimination occurs in education, health, economic opportunities and political participation (O’Brien & Williams, 2010: 282). In order to provide a rich 1
A demographic dividend is the effect of a period in which fertility rates fall which leads to a change in the age structure of the population, increasing the relative size of the working population (Aiyar & Mody, 2011: 3).
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analysis, this paper solely focuses on inequality in the education sector. Education is a powerful tool because of the ‘trickle-down’ effects it can produce; it improves health, nutrition, and economic circumstances by enabling women to enter a greater number of jobs roles, specifically those with higher pay. This is beneficial for overall development; analysts within India have even argued that education is the ‘main instrument of human development’ because increasing women’s prospects is beneficial for their whole household, which constitutes ‘a micro unit of that nation’s economy’ (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 159160). Additionally, as women would be better informed about their own sexuality and rights, education may also lead to a transformation of social norms which could help to reduce other manifestations of inequality. The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Human Development Report found that investment in education for girls is a precondition for economic growth (UNESCO, 2013: 5). Thus, where the WEF suggests that female empowerment is a catalyst for India’s development, the UNDP specifically claims that female empowerment achieved via education is a catalyst for development. Although the Indian constitution guarantees equality, it also states that women must prescribe to the personal law of their own communities (Moose, 1993: 77). Therefore, gender inequality varies between regions. India’s vast landscape and multi-level government therefore provides an opportunity to examine whether the differences in political structures between regions is the cause of the educational gender gap. Additionally, India’s diverse culture provides the opportunity to examine whether differences in culture affect the extent of the educational gender gap. I examine one region in India which experiences high levels of educational gender inequality, in order to discover whether political institutions are in fact the most influential cause of educational gender inequality.
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Literature Review Why Feminism? Part of the problem of the gender gap is the tendency for international actors as well as states to ignore the gendered nature of the global political economy. This is also evident in the key theories of international relations (liberalism, realism, Marxism) which are traditionally ‘gender-blind’ (O’Brien & Williams, 2010: 284). This has started to change in recent years with the emergence of feminist scholars within the academic field of Global Political Economy (GPE). Since the publication of Cynthia Enloe’s Bananas, Beaches and Bases (1989), which sought to make ‘feminist sense’ of international politics, gendered problems have gradually appeared on the agenda for GPE scholarship (O’Brien & Williams, 2010: 286). Enloe claims that women are disproportionately affected by the submissive and dominating power of political structures, as they are a disadvantaged sector of the population and resultantly easier to control (Enloe, 1989: 42). As the first perspective within GPE studies to consider gendered problems, and the only perspective to do so in any depth, feminism is the most appropriate theoretical standpoint for this paper. The underlying object of this literature review is to use existing feminist literature to display the debate between cultural and political explanations of gender inequality. It outlines the relevant debates within the study of Global Political Economy and subsequently within Indian feminist scholarship, providing a balanced background of information for my own research and analyses.
Feminist Perspectives of Global Political Economy In order to address India’s educational gender gap using feminism as a critical perspective, it will initially be useful to consider the relevant discourse of feminism within GPE studies. This paper is concerned with discovering who/what has the power to eliminate, April 2014
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or at least reduce, gender inequality. This is a fundamental question and has therefore been widely debated since the debut of feminist studies (in GPE) in the 1980’s right through to present day discussions in post-modern feminism.2 Within GPE studies, debates concerned with the possible causes of gender inequality fall into two main categories: cultural and political. Cultural explanations suggest that gender inequality is a product of social customs and norms, which traditionally place women in a secondary role within society. They are likely to consider ‘other’ factors such as race and class when thinking about gendered problems, believing that an inclusive approach is the only way to understand inequality (West & Fenstermaker, 2002: 56). These ‘other’ factors are relevant because they are a part of the culture that encourages gender inequality, which is just one of many types of discrimination. A cultural explanation would suggest that the state’s role in constructing gendered power is limited by the idea that such a role is only the result of existing gender dynamics inherent in a given culture (Connell, 1994: 148). This two-way relationship between gender inequality and the state suggests that a change in cultural norms would facilitate a change in the state, through the action of political structures. Alternatively, political explanations of gender inequality are based on the idea that institutions create inequalities. International development theorists often interpret gender subordination as a structural problem. Oxfam representative Talia Mosse uses Marxist analysis to justify this, suggesting that individuals are products of their society, which is controlled by the political institutions which hold power (Mosse, 1993: 49). The political approach is predominantly a state-centric approach; as the central institution of power, the state is seen to ‘regulate gender relations as a whole’ (Mosse, 1993: 155). However, the approach invariably depends on the circumstances of a given community; the institution 2
The key debates and arguments of post-modern feminism, including questions of power, are concisely summarised by Lorraine Weir in her article ‘Post-Modernizing Gender: from Adrienne Rich to Judith Butler’ (Weir, 1994:210-218).
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which has the most power, whether local, national or even international, will also have the most influence over gender inequality. A problem for the implementation of gendered policies is that structures often have multiple layers; a structural change in just one layer will not necessarily create meaningful change. It is a general ‘challenge’ to development that ‘legislative change is often not followed up by political and economic realities’ (Cornwall, Harrison & Whitbread, 2007: 1). In terms of gender inequality, international organisations such as the United Nations have realised the difficulties found in the transfer of policy from international to national, and even national to local levels when trying to enforce equality (Hannan, 2013: 86). This suggests that a communal commitment to change at all levels of government is necessary to eradicate gender inequality. Political explanations of gender inequality within feminist GPE scholarship argue that political institutions can reduce gender inequality, and therefore multilevel systems of power are a barrier to this method of change.
Indian Feminism Feminism must be located ‘within the broader framework of an unequal international world’ (Chaudhuri, 2006: xv). Therefore, before considering the strengths and weaknesses of different explanations of gender inequality (cultural and political) within the Indian context, it will firstly be necessary to outline the qualities of feminism in India as a whole. Specifically, I will clarify the meaning of feminism as a discipline within India. It is difficult to locate Indian feminists because the feminist movement is seen as a western phenomenon (Chaudhuri, 2006: xi). However, the lack of self-confessed feminists in India does not mean that people do not agree with the sentiments and ideas behind feminism. Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India from 1980 to 1984, acknowledges the disadvantages women face and advocates their liberty. However, she does not identify herself as a feminist
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because she believes the western idea of feminism is ‘equated with imitation of man’ and that women need to be liberated ‘as women’ (Gandhi, 2006: xx). Gandhi’s opinion explains the lack of the ‘F word’ feminism in Indian scholarship; however, she clearly shares the opinion that women deserve to have increased freedoms, which is the underling purpose of feminism. It is clear that these beliefs are not unique by looking to India’s rich history of women’s movements (Ray, 1999). In 1993, India formalized its national commitment and support of gender inequality by joining UNESCO’s E-9, which is a set of nine countries committed to ‘Equality for All’; India has repeatedly pledged its belief in this goal (UNESCO, 2011). As this paper draws upon an existing feminist framework grounded in GPE scholarship, it will be appropriate to remove the western aspect of feminism in order to create a specifically Indian feminism. This is not a new quest, others have both realised that feminism does exist in India and that there is demand to create a new feminist theory.3 For the purposes of this paper, pro-woman, pro-equality scholarship in India will be referred to as feminist, however this does not guarantee that all authors identify as feminists. Gail Omvedt analysed the key debates within Indian women’s movements and was consequently able to create a generic description of Indian feminism as the ‘developing self-consciousness of women as an oppressed section struggling for liberation’ (Omvedt, 2006: 178). This definition recognises women as a disadvantaged group that are fighting for their own freedom. As a conception of feminism, it does not presuppose that women want to have an identical role as men within society, but simply that they want to enhance their own role to its potential; this idea of feminism will guide the rest of this paper.
3
See Kalpagam’s article Perspectives for a Grassroots Feminist Theory for an overview of these ideas
(Kalpagam, 2002).
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Explanations of the Gender Gap in the Indian Context In the Indian context, cultural factors have been described as the reason for the gender imbalance from an international perspective. The World Bank claimed that Indian culture places the woman in the home (John, 2006: 252). The position of the World Bank is supported by the idea that cultural norms induce a gender gap. For example, it may be an intrinsic feature of a culture for women to get married young, making it likely that girls will leave school young too, which is common for Muslim Indian women (Moose, 1993: 81). However, this idea is widely disputed within India. Gender theorists argue that women do work, and explain the mistaken interpretations by the fact that a large proportion of women’s work goes unappreciated due to India’s huge and unaccountable informal sector4 (John, 2006: 252). In line with the cultural explanations given by feminist GPE scholars, Indian feminism inherently considers gender as one source of discrimination amongst many others, and therefore the women’s movement ‘has to be linked to the broader movements against all kinds of social oppression’ (Omvedt, 2006: 183). Therefore, in general terms, Indian feminism agrees with cultural explanations believing that gender should be considered in the context of a wider field of factors. However, this does not indicate that culture is the sole reason for gender subordination. Indian women play a more complicated role than homemaker, but culture may still have an impact on educational gender inequality. The actions and failures of political structures may provide a clearer explanation of inequality. Within India, the debate within political explanations of gender inequality focuses
4
An informal sector is the unaccounted sector of the workforce, which is large in many developing countries
because small amounts of government restrictions make it easier to find work with little money and/or qualifications. In India the informal sector made up 68.8 % of non-agricultural employment in 2005 (ILO, 2011: 3).
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on which political structures are most influential. Gender theorists using India as a case study give ‘considerable emphasis [to] the role of the nation-state and international structures in fostering gender inequalities’ (Purkayastha et. al, 2009: 93). The international emphasis relies on the idea of an international division of labour. Supporters argue that female workers in India, and indeed in the rest of the developing and semi-developed world, are more disadvantaged because of their gender in comparison to western women (Miles, 1982). Some Indian feminists therefore point out the gains from feminist intervention in the UN, which they see as a global standard setter (Hannan, 2013: 91). The national focus implies that national structural change can help to reduce gender inequality. This concept is based upon the belief that macro (national or international) change is more effective than micro (local) change (Chaudhuri, 2006: xxxviii). The oppositional argument is that local structures are most important. This is a typical conclusion of smaller scale or ‘micro studies’ of Indian communities and villages. 5 These studies recognise the village as a ‘para-political system’, meaning that it is controlled by a combination of different structures (Madan, 2002: 224). This is clearly an inclusive approach as it considers the multiple levels of power which may influence a local community, therefore, this approach is consistent with the requirements of Indian feminism. Political explanations which allow for an inclusive approach see regional differences as the result of a combination of political actors. The view that national and international institutions are the most important political structures (the macro approach) typically ignores ‘lower’ levels of government, whereas the view that local institutions are most important (the micro approach) includes all levels of government within its analysis. Given the inclusive nature of Indian
5
Vandana Madan’s influential book ‘ The Village in India’ clearly displays the differences in power structures
between different regions in India; ‘contradictions and conflicts abound at the local level and the nature of local power struggles varies regionally’ (Madan, 2002: 223) .
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feminism, this suggests that the micro approach is the most useful framework of analyses. The validity of this framework is evaluated further in chapter two, within the analysis of my own research.
Methodology The purpose of this paper is to find out whether, and to what degree, political structures are responsible for the variegated gender gap found in India’s education system. Given the theoretical and conceptual ideas outlined in the literature review, I anticipate that this link does exist, but that there may also be evidence that cultural factors influence the gap. I seek to find an unbiased and legitimate way of proving this link; this section outlines and justifies my own research methods. The first stage of my research will be to use statistical analyses in order to understand India’s gender gap at the national level. Then, acknowledging the extent of diversity and regional disparities within the state, I explain the national position of my regional case study, Jammu and Kashmir. I then analyse the cultural factors and the political structures active in influencing educational gender inequality within Jammu and Kashmir. In the analysis of cultural factors, I use one particularly disadvantaged cultural group within the state to explore whether culture inhibits the educational progress of girls. In the analysis of political structures, I evaluate the successes of and responses to legislation and political action which aims to reduce the size of the gender gap. This will enable an evaluation of whether the educational gender gap in Jammu and Kashmir is the result of a lack of political action, or of the right kind of political action. I do this at both the national and the regional level enabling me to discover which level of governance is most responsible for the persistence of the gender gap in the Indian context. The benefit of using a regional case study, instead of simply researching India as a whole, is that India is too vast to consider as one individual entity as India’s states have
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‘widely varying socio-economic conditions’ (Omvedt, 2006: 185). However, as I do explain both the position of Jammu and Kashmir within India and the position of India within the global political economy, I will be using my case study as an example of problems which also exist elsewhere. By considering both national and regional legislative efforts, I combine micro and macro considerations and avoid the problem of allowing my research to guide my results towards a national or local bias. Throughout my research I analyse secondary data such as official statistics, which is a useful method because this data has been collected using large sample sizes and has experienced a high level of scrutiny, leading to accuracy (Bryman, 2001: 204). I am thus able to analyse these statistics with the relevant theory from the feminist framework in the Indian context.
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Chapter Two: Research and Analysis ‘Girl’s education is a critical vehicle of a possible demographic dividend’ -United Nations (UNESCO, 2013: 6)
A Regional Case Study in the Indian Context This second chapter contains my own research and findings, which I present in two parts. Firstly, I depict India’s national level of gender inequality in comparison to global norms, providing a contextual view of India and allowing me to explain why the case study I use is appropriate. Secondly, I investigate my case study, the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, focusing on the effect that cultural factors and political structures have on educational gender inequality. Throughout, I analyse what I find in relation to my theoretical framework, facilitating my conclusions in chapter three.
India’s Educational Gender Gap Positioning India Chaudhuri argued that feminism and gender inequality need to be understood contextually, as there is no universal level of gender inequality (Chaudhuri, 2006: xv). The following discussion will therefore contextualize the educational gender gap in India in relation to the broader framework of the global political economy. To do this I will use statistics from international institutions including the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report (2013) and the United Nation’s Human Development Report (2013), which both use education as an indicator of their measures of inequality. National and internationally produced reports with a direct focus on India are also used to support or dispute their claims. The intention here is to provide an account of the status of India’s educational gender gap. April 2014
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India’s overall level of gender inequality is much higher than the global average. The Global Gender Gap Report uses health, education, political and economic indicators to calculate the relative amount of gender inequality for 136 countries. Each country is given a score between 0 and 1, with 1 representing total equality and 0 representing total inequality (World Economic Forum, 2013: 11). The Gender Gap Report ranked India close to bottom in 101st place, scoring 0.65 (World Economic Forum, 2013: 13). These conclusions are mirrored by the Human Development Report; the UN’s gender inequality index ranked India in 132nd place out of 186 countries with a score of 0.6106 (UNESCO, 2013: 158). These are accumulative scores drawing upon data from a number of indicators; the score can therefore be broken down in order to focus on India’s educational gender gap. The WEF produced a graph which shows global averages in gender inequality for each of their indicators, which is shown in appendix A. In appendix B, I map these global averages against Indian averages, this comparison reveals that India’s gender inequality is worse than global averages in terms of education, health and economics, but is in fact more equal than global averages in political terms.7 Statistics indicate that India’s educational gender inequality is more severe than its overall level of gender inequality. In the Global Gender Gap Report, India was ranked in 120th place for educational attainment and in 123rd place for literacy rates (World Economic Forum, 2013: 13). Once again, the Human Development Report data leads to the same conclusions; it gives India a score of just 0.264 in the inequality adjusted education index, as opposed to 0.610 for gender inequality overall (UNESCO, 2013: 154).8 6
By the same method as the Gender Gap Report, this score is between 0 and 1, with 1 representing total equality and 0 representing total inequality. 7 This distinct result in politics means that India is closer to equality within political structures in comparison to global norms. Note that this does not necessarily affect the thesis of this paper which argues that political structures effect gender inequality in education, and only that political institutions are more likely to have more female employees. 8 This data was not ranked and therefore does not explicitly show India’s relative position but only that, according to the Human Development Index, India’s educational gender inequality is more extreme than the overall level of gender inequality.
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India has higher levels of gender inequality than the global average, and specifically suffers from educational gender inequality at an even higher comparative level. These ideas correspond to the idea that education is a catalyst for change in other forms of inequality (Mohindra, 2012: 1). The comparatively high level of educational gender inequality in India reinforces both the usefulness of India as the case study for this paper and the importance of focusing on educational progress.
Case Studies in the Context of Regional Disparity I select my regional case study with awareness of India’s vast regional differences. A recent article in The Economist discusses these differences and the problems they create for national level governance; elections are ‘less than a two-horse race than a noisy, at times bewildering, merry-go-round’ and result in indecisive governments which struggle to pass policy (The Economist, 2014: 53-54). India is far from united; regional disagreements and the absence of a two-party system has led to a weak federal government and a multi-level system of governance in which power is distributed between national and regional levels. Thus, as Talia Moose from Oxfam argues, women in India prescribe to both the national legal system and to the personal law of their own communities (Moose, 1993: 77). This explains why regional analysis suits the Indian example, specifically in this paper which considers political structures within its analysis. A national analysis would not consider the power of local and regional politics and therefore generalizations would likely be inaccurate. Given their political differences, it is unsurprising that India’s regions have uneven levels of gender inequality. A report by the International Institute of Population Studies (IIPS) suggests that although there is a gender gap across India, some states are more egalitarian than others (IIPS, 2006-07: 32). The graph produced in appendix C uses data from
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the 2011 Indian census and shows that there is a gender divide in all thirty-five regions in India. However, it also shows that the size of the gender divide varies across the country. A region with a high level of gender inequality is the most appropriate case study for this paper, which explores why such high levels exists. Appendix D shows literacy rates for males and females, the percentage point difference between these values and the population of each region in India. The states in green font are those with exceptionally high gender gaps, which I have measured as those states which have a male to female percentage point difference in literacy rates of over 20; there are seven of these states. From these, I wish to choose a region with a relatively low population in order to make my analysis more manageable. I do not use the region with the lowest population because it is a Union Territory9, which means that it is controlled by central government as opposed to having its own state legislature. This would therefore be an irrelevant example as it does not allow for the analysis of a multi-level government which is necessary in order to consider the different political explanations of gender inequality. Therefore, I have chosen the region with the second smallest population from those regions which have very high levels of gender inequality, this is the state of Jammu and Kashmir.
Case Study: Jammu and Kashmir Background: An Unequal State Jammu and Kashmir has a population of over twelve million people (India Census, 2011). It is the northernmost state in India, bordering China to the Northeast and Pakistan to the Northwest, as well as the Indian states of Himachal Pradesh and Punjab to the south. Parts of the state are occupied by China and Pakistan, although this paper focuses explicitly on
9
Thus far I have referred to the geographic divisions in India as ‘regions’, each region is politically labelled as either a state (of which there are 28) or a union territory (of which there are 7).
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Indian Territory. Prior to India’s independence in 1947, the state endured ‘oppressive feudal regimes for centuries’ and simultaneously experienced persistently high levels of illiteracy and poor education (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 166). Therefore, long-term analyses of the state concluded that politics and inequality were correlated; ‘the demand for education was inextricably tied up with the struggle against feudal policies’ (Khan, 2005: 150-151). Historically, the problem of educational gender inequality has been viewed as a political problem. Other explanations became redundant because all cultures experienced very poor levels of education, over hundreds of years, and this only began to change when the political system did. Given this context, my research focuses on educational gender inequality postindependence, where education in Jammu and Kashmir has seen much more progress. In 2011, the overall literacy rate was 68.7%. Although this is one of the lowest overall rates in India,10 it is a significant improvement upon the states own past, considering that in 1961 the overall literacy rate in Jammu and Kashmir was a meagre 12.25% (Government of Jammu and Kashmir, 2008-09: 577). This progress was not the result of any immediate change, but of a slow and progressive rise over time. There are geographical disparities in the level of educational gender inequality within Jammu and Kashmir. Much the same as the national picture, there is gender disparity in education in all districts and regions of the state, but its severity does differ (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 173). The state has three predominant regions: Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. The overall and gender-based levels of education vary between these regions, as indicated by the disparity in literacy rates shown in the table produced in appendix E. In terms of gender, it is important to acknowledge that although the overall level of education has improved dramatically, the level of gender inequality has not. As suggested by the
10
The lowest rate of any state is Rajasthan which has an overall literacy rate of 67.10% (see appendix D).
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percentage point difference between male and female literacy rates, which was 20.3 in 2011 (as shown in appendix D), Jammu and Kashmir’s level of gender inequality is one of the worst in India. This is echoed by the India Development Report which predicted that the state’s gini coefficient was just 0.221 in rural areas and 0.318 in urban areas11 using data from 2010 (Dev, 2013: 214). Given the knowledge that the level of gender inequality in Jammu and Kashmir is extremely high, even in the Indian context, I now bring the focus back to the education sector and consider how to explain this inequality. Under a feminist framework, cultural factors and political structures are the two primary explanations of gender inequality. Therefore, in the following section I consider these two features within Jammu and Kashmir. Specifically, I am interested in how the educational gender gap has been improved in the past, and why efforts to reduce the gap have failed.
Cultural Factors Cultural explanations of inequality realise that different values, traditions and norms may lead to different levels of educational gender inequality. These explanations take an inclusive approach, arguing that it is not only gender that determines access to education, but also other factors such as race, class and religion, which all help to construct an individual’s way of life and therefore their culture (West & Fenstermaker, 2002: 56). The population of Jammu and Kashmir is diverse, being comprised of different ethnicities, Castes and religious groups each located in different geographic areas. As a result of this variation, contrasting cultures have emerged within the state; distinct communities exist which are very different from each other, from the ‘Indo-Tibetan’ culture in Ladakh to the pastoral culture of the Bakkarwala people in Jammu and the Valley of Kashmir. It would be irrelevant to define here the qualities of all of the different cultures present in Jammu and Kashmir, but it will be 11
With 1 meaning total equality, 0 meaning total inequality.
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useful to take an example of a cultural difference in order to discuss whether culture can explain the state’s high level of educational gender inequality. I explore the different levels of gender inequality present between different religious groups in Jammu and Kashmir as an example of a cultural difference. Religion and culture are not treated as synonymous; instead, religion is interpreted as one particular aspect of culture, as defined by UNESCO (2009: 4). This fits into the broader cultural analysis as ‘inequality between various religious communities is another critical aspect of this broader phenomenon of disparity in education in India’ (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 161). This is a relevant example in terms of my theoretical standpoint because religious groups have different values and traditions, and therefore different cultures. It is also a relevant example in the context of Jammu and Kashmir because of the religious diversity within the state. This is evident from the different religious compositions of each of the three geographical divisions in the state. Kashmir is almost entirely Muslim, Jammu is predominantly Hindu but also has a large Muslim population, and Ladakh is divided between Muslim and Buddhist people. Overall, Jammu and Kashmir has a population which is 66.97% Muslim, 29.63% Hindu, 2.03% Sikh and 1.36% Buddhist and other (Census India, 2001a12). Given that Islam is the most popular religion, it would be logical to expect the Muslim majority to have some societal advantages, specifically in the context of democracy (Hastie & Kameda, 2005: 494). Yet, in terms of educational gender inequality, this is not the case. The table produced in appendix F, comprised by research scholars at the Aligarh Muslim University in Uttar Pradesh, India, shows the differences in literacy rates by religion in Jammu and Kashmir. I compare the literacy rates of Muslims and Hindus, as these two religions represent 97% of the state population. Overall literacy rates are 47.3% for Muslims and 71.2% for Hindus, implying that the difference in religion creates a disadvantage in
12
The 2001 census is the most recent census which has given statistics for the religious profiles of citizens.
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educational attainment. This indicates that Muslim people in Jammu and Kashmir have much lower levels of educational attainment overall. They also have a higher level of educational gender inequality, with a gender gap that is 1.6 percentage points higher than their Hindu counterparts (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 172). With a literacy rate of just 34.9%, Muslim women are the most disadvantaged sector within the state. I now suggest how cultural and political theoretical viewpoints may explain the disadvantage that Muslim women face. A cultural analysis would argue that there must be a feature (or features) of Muslim culture that leads to educational gender inequality. An example is that Muslim culture includes the tradition that women get married very young, making it likely for girls to leave school young, or not to attend at all (Moose, 1993: 81). Specifically in Jammu and Kashmir, this argument is supported by the fact that educational institutions are available to Muslim communities; there is no formal discrimination between religions, which suggests that nonattendance is a choice (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 168). Krishna Kumar, writing about the problems India had in establishing universal education post-independence, argues that the contrast between tradition and modernity was a barrier for some communities (Kumar, 2005: 203). This contrast may be stronger in Muslim culture than in Hindu culture, Muslim communities may resist change because they believe that it would damage their traditions and customs. This is consistent with historical analyses, which claim that Islamic communities believed that modern education ‘would turn them into apostates’ (Om, 1986: 93). This arguably explains why the overall level of Muslim participation in education is so low in comparison to other religions. Despite the correlation between educational gender gaps and Islam suggested by statistics, analysis of the features of Islam as a religion finds that ‘the educational backwardness of Muslim women is generally assumed to be due to certain principles and
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norms of Islam which however is not true’ (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 159).13 Political explanations of the disadvantaged position of Muslim women acknowledge this correlation, but argue that the inequality is the result of marginalization by the government. Although there were no actual discriminatory measures against Muslim girls, they ‘received no encouragement’ to attend school (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 168). Although Islamic people are a majority in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, they are a minority across India, comprising just 13.4% of the population (India Census, 2001b). Therefore, the earlier suggestion that the disadvantaged position of Muslim women was surprising due to their majority status may in fact be false if the national status is more important. As Muslim women are an overall minority in India, simply allowing them to participate in education may not be enough. It may be that more focused political policies should be used to reduce educational gender inequality in this particular cultural group. In Jammu and Kashmir, culture has had a clear effect upon educational participation and attainment. With the example of the Muslim population, I have shown that a difference in religion (as an example of a cultural factor) can lead to differing levels of educational gender inequality. Cultural explanations suggest that this is explained by the traditions associated with that culture. Conversely, political explanations suggest that, although cultural differences may exist initially, they persist due to the failure of political structures to address cultural differences within their policies.
Political Structures In this section I show that the desire to reduce the educational gender gap at the national level is reiterated at the state level in the case of Jammu and Kashmir. The persistent existence of gender gaps suggests that there are difficulties in enacting change at both levels
13
This research uses passages from Quran to show that Islam inherently encourages education and equality of women (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 162-166).
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of government. This section firstly looks to national level legislation and then to state wide legislation, questioning why policies which have targeted educational gender inequality have failed and highlighting those which have been most successful. This multi-level analysis is appropriate because the state in India is a ‘para-political system’ (Madan, 2002: 224). A multitude of legislative processes and initiatives which focus on eliminating educational gender disparity have developed in India, specifically over the last 20 years. These include broad and encompassing schemes aiming to promote gender inequality such as the National Programme for Education of Girls at Elementary Level (NPEGEL), the Kasturba Gandi Balika Vidyalaya scheme (KGBV) and the District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 179; Gul & Khan, 2013: 132). There are also more specific policies aiming to promote the attendance of children from families with financial constraints, such as scholarship schemes for girls and the Mid-day Meal Scheme (Gul & Khan, 2013: 132). I do not analyse the technicalities and specific qualities of each motion, but simply attempt to aggregate the reasons for the failure of these seemingly positive policies. There are two possible reasons for which national policies have failed; either the policies have not been implemented effectively, or the policies are not adequate to eliminate educational gender inequality in Jammu and Kashmir. Due to the size and diverse nature of India, bureaucratic problems associated with the implementation of policy are inevitable, meaning that factors such as ‘administrative malfunctioning, financial constraints and resistance to innovation’ may have reduced the effect of national policies (Kumar, 2005: 193). These problems form a barrier to the implementation of policy, and suggest that more cooperation and the investment of more time and money is necessary to make policies work. Alternatively, it is possible that the actual policies used were inadequate to eliminate educational gender inequality, as they have focused on the wrong goals. Krishna Kumar
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argues that the national agenda for reform was ‘impatient and ambitious’ and did not recognise ‘Gandhian ideals’ such as the ‘recognition of the masses as distinct, individual faces’ (Kumar, 2005: 193). Kumar exaggerates her argument by suggesting that national policies need to recognise ‘individual faces’; the value of this view is that national policies need to recognise the specific qualities of different cultures and the diversity of populations. I argue that this second perspective is most compelling, that is that national policies have been ineffective because they have not focused on the individual needs of communities. This is the most convincing explanation of the failure of policies in Jammu and Kashmir because it is supported by the statistical analyses of past policies, acknowledges the importance of culture and resonates with the feminist theoretical perspective in the Indian context. Statistical analyses of past policies at the national level are shown in the table produced in appendix G. They show that the most successful policies were the KGBV, scholarship schemes and the mid-day meal scheme (Gul & Khan, 2005: 134).14 These policies all physically enable girls to attend school by providing practical incentives for girls in the most economically disadvantaged and educationally backward cultures. The most successful of these policies, the KGBV, goes further than simply providing financial support by also directly targeting minority groups (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 180). The policy was approved for use in Jammu and Kashmir in 2005. Within Jammu and Kashmir, the KGBV set up residential schools specifically for girls belonging to Schedule castes and tribes, Muslim groups as well as other ‘educationally backward blocks’ (J&K Government: 2009-10: 1). This method therefore used political means to tackle educational gender inequality whilst considering cultural groups; this suggests that the integration of both cultural factors and political structures is necessary for effective change.
14
I have measured the ‘most successful’ as those policies which have attained the most ‘very useful’ and ‘useful’ responses.
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The problem with the least successful national policies, the NPEGEL and the DPEP, was that they focused too generally on vague aims such as to ‘promote gender inequality’ and increase awareness, failing to care for the ‘material and pedagogical conditions prevailing in them’ (Kumar, 2005: 194). This suggests that considering why children do not attend school, for example because their families cannot afford to send them or because their families fear that it will compromise their traditions, is necessary for effective policy. In simple terms, just building schools is not enough; policies need to consider the circumstances of the people they wish to help. Considering cultural factors, and specifically minority cultures, is an inherent feature of the theoretical framework of Indian feminism, which sees gender discrimination as just one of many sources of inequality (Omvedt, 2006: 183). Citizens from different cultures view education differently and therefore generalized policies are not effective, as shown with the example of Muslim communities previously discussed, minority cultures can feel alienated by forced education, perceiving that it encourages people to conform to a national cultural norm which they do not identify with. Similar themes emerge at the state level. The state government of Jammu and Kashmir has implemented many reforms and initiatives specifically targeting educational gender inequality. The state has produced successive ‘five year plans’ to address these issues, these plans guide the state-wide agenda for socio-economic and legal reform. I focus on the goals the plans produced over of the last two decades. Plans formed between 1992 and 2007 (the 8th, 9th and 10th plans) focused on trying to ensure that women share in the benefits of development and on empowering women overall (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 178). These plans do not focus on the individual needs of women given their varying circumstances, which may explain why ‘results have not been commensurate with the targets’ (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 184).
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However, the most recent plans have realized the importance of this factor; the 11 th plan (2007-2012) focuses on ‘bridging gender disparities in educational access, focusing specifically on Schedule Caste, Schedule tribe, tribal and Muslim communities’ (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 179). The 12th and current five year plan (2012-2017) wishes to improve the ‘position and condition of women by addressing structural and institutional barriers as well as strengthening gender mainstreaming’ (J&K Planning, 2012: 3). This plan advocates gender mainstreaming, which desires to increase the position of gendered issues on the agenda for (in this case educational) political issues. These two most recent plans have bridged the gap between cultural and political solutions by using political methods that recognise cultural needs. They have focused on cultural differences of disadvantaged groups and also acknowledged structural constraints, overcoming a common barrier to feminist strategies (Hannan, 2013: 82). Looking to the policies which evolved from the earlier plans reiterates these theoretical ideas. The successes of state level policies, categorised by type, are shown in appendix H (Gul & Khan, 2013: 134). This shows that policies which concentrate on ‘personal guidance to girls’ and ‘meeting with parents’ were more effective than financial support or vague policies such as ‘providing motivation’. Thus, policies which focused on the individual needs of girls and their families worked best. This resonates with the response to national legislation; an individualistic approach which considers the specific circumstances of disadvantaged girls is the most effective way to tackle educational gender inequality in Jammu and Kashmir. As similar themes emerge at the state and the national level, it seems that the level of governance from which policy emerges is less important than the focus of that policy. Indeed, problems associated with the implementation of policy are stronger at the national level, such as in creating awareness of new policy, corruption and supervision problems arising from
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bureaucratic complications (Gul & Khan, 2013: 136). However, the failure of policies to realise the importance of cultural differences exists at both levels of government. Recent policies at the state level in Jammu and Kashmir have been more promising because they do recognise these problems and actively try to address them. Statistical analysis of past policies suggests that political policies which address cultural differences are most successful.
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Chapter Three: Conclusion ‘Women are the most powerful engine of global growth’ -The Economist (2006: 1)
Political Methods with Cultural Awareness In this dissertation I argued that political structures can reduce gender inequality in education. I have shown that, specifically in the Indian context, policies which consider cultural factors are most effective. In this final section, I summarize what I have found in this paper, highlighting the theoretical and conceptual ideas which have proved most accurate. I then offer my own recommendations for future attempts to tackle educational gender inequality and reiterate the importance of this field of research.
Summary My exploration of Jammu and Kashmir gives support to both cultural and political explanations of educational gender inequality. In terms of culture, the example of the disadvantaged group of Muslim women showed that cultural factors did create a barrier for women wishing to gain an education. This particular cultural constraint is manifested in the deep-rooted traditions of Islamic people. Muslim Indians became alienated by modern education, fearful that it could have a detrimental effect on their culture. However, these sentiments are exacerbated by the minority position of Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir, as the state made no historical effort to address these problems or encourage participation. This factor has changed in recent years, which has led to recent progress and emphasises the importance of political structures. However, the usefulness of political structures does not necessarily negate the importance of cultural factors. In Jammu and Kashmir, the most successful political policies aiming to reduce educational gender inequality at both the national and the state level were
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those which considered cultural factors. They have targeted the hardest to reach groups and the most educationally backward communities. The lack of cultural awareness within the political policies of the past is the most convincing explanation of educational gender inequality in India. Indeed, ‘sound policies and good governance can lead the State to a faster development in education’ (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 184), but this is not the only requirement for progress. The key claim of Indian feminism has proved essential for explaining educational gender gaps; inequality must be assessed in mind of other forms of social oppression (Omvedt, 2006: 183). As Vimala Ramachandran explains, the necessary action for change requires ‘not only a strong political will, serious bureaucratic commitment and mammoth investment in development…but also social engineering in order to mobilize Indian parents’ (Ramachandran, 2004: 32). Cultural and/or political factors may be the initial cause of inequalities, and so political action must acknowledge cultural differences in order to effectively tackle educational gender inequality, especially in a country as diverse as India.
Recommendations Given the diverse culture of India, the example of Jammu and Kashmir provides an indication towards national problems. Political structures can eliminate educational gender inequality in India only by considering the cultural composition of its vast population. Future policy aiming to achieve educational gender inequality should therefore acknowledge the cultural differences within localized regions; policies tailored specifically to help minority cultures will bridge the gap between national and local allegiances, which has been a common problem for policy in India in the past (Moose, 1993: 77). Recognising the inequalities between cultural groups was crucial in understanding gender inequality in my research. All forms of inequality prevalent in a given location need to be recognised in order to understand and tackle gender inequality, as argued by Gail Omvedt April 2014
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(2006: 183). Therefore, to anyone using India as a case study for further research, in the topic of gender inequality or even more broadly in other types of inequality, I would reiterate the importance of an inclusive approach. In a similar vein, I would also suggest to anyone considering taking a feminist standpoint, to avoid generalizing and instead to consider situations contextually, given the diverse power structures which operate within India (Chaudhuri 2006: xv; Madan, 2002: 224). An analysis of gender inequality must consider other forms of inequality prevalent within the specific context of a given case study. To conclude, I reiterate the reason for which the focus on educating women and girls is so vital for India. Education empowers women, ‘lightening the burden of tradition of ignorance and strict seclusion in the home’ (Akhtar, 1992: 75). Education removes long existing biases and the ‘remorseless cycle of inequality’ (Gul & Khan, 2013: 131). It relieves women from their cultural constraints, by giving them the ability to do more and want more than their traditions prescribe. It also aids development; it is ‘not just a concern for gender justice and equality, it also has implications for democracy and could lead to social violence’ (UNESCO: 2013: 32). By acknowledging the cultural differences within the population, India’s policy-makers will be able to reduce educational gender inequality and consequently reap the benefits of the state’s demographic dividend and secure India’s position as a globally competitive nation.
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Appendices Appendix A: Global Patterns in Gender Inequality (World Economic Forum, 2013: 7).
Appendix B: Global and Indian national Patterns in Gender Inequality, using data from the Global Gender Gap Report (World Economic Forum, 2013: 7&13).
0.00 = Inequality, 100.00 = Equality *
* Note that 100.00 represents total equality as opposed to 1.00 in appendix A, the purpose here is to make the figures more easily recognisable as the percentages which they represent.
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Appendix C: Literacy rates in India, using data from Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s national census 2011.
Literacy Rates in India 120.00%
Literacy Rate
100.00% 80.00% 60.00%
Male Female
40.00% 20.00% 0.00% 1
3
5
7
9
11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 State/Unition Territory
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Appendix D: Table of Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s states and territories showing literacy rates and population, data from the Indian census (2011).
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Appendix E: Regional distribution in literacy rates for Jammu and Kashmir, (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 174).
Appendix F: Regional distribution in literacy rates for Jammu and Kashmir, (Bhat, Khurshid & Hussain, 2011: 172).
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Appendix G: The effectiveness of different national policies in promoting educational gender inequality (Gul & Khan, 2005: 134).
Appendix G: The effectiveness of initiatives and policies aiming to promote educational gender inequality within Jammu and Kashmir (Gul & Khan, 2005: 134).
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