The Big Impact of Small Parties on British Politics

Revising Egypt’s Constitution

Why Trump Rejects Detente With Iran

A Weekly Political News Magazine

A Weekly Political News Magazine

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Walking Through the Yorkshire Countryside on a Very British Vacation

Issue 1745 - April - 26/04/2019

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The Big Impact of Small Parties on British Politics www.majalla.com

Editorial British politics has long been compared to American politics with people often citing that both systems are rigid two party systems.

While the American political structure started out as two party system in its infancy stages, the parliamentary system in Britain has made its political sphere susceptible to penetration from small factions or parties, which in turn have made considerable shifts in British politics.

This week’s issue of Majalla explores the structure of Britain’s system and how its susceptibility enabled non-establishment groups from gaining strong footholds in the system and how new groups might be attempting to repeat such history.

In this week’s first cover story, Ali El Shamy writes a brief history of the turning points in Britain’s political history. Events explored include the English Civil War, the Irish Potato Famine and the First and Second World Wars. Throughout these events, major political shifts happened which rocked the British political system, which is widely believed to be rigid and never changing. The article also explores the development of the Whigs and Tories and how they evolved into the Conservatives and Liberals and how figures such Thatcher and Blair caused major ideological shifts within their respective parties.

The second cover story by Yasmine El Geressi is a report on the newly formed Brexit Party. The Brexit Party was founded by former UKIP leader Nigel Farage, the reason why he formed the party is because he believes that people no longer believe in the traditional party lines of Labor and Conservative, but rather identify with Leave and Remain camps, as such his party is meant to appeal to the former. The party is set to stand for the upcoming European parliamentary elections and polls indicate that it will make big gains in said elections.

Youssef El Deeny writes on the Marrakesh Charter, which is an initiative that came out of the Muslim Peace Forum in Abu Dhabi, UAE. The Charter aims to establish tolerance toward religious minorities living in Muslim states and is based on the Constitution of Medina, which established peaceful coexistence between the early Muslims and non-Muslim inhabitants in Medina.

George C. Herring compares the current quagmire of the US military in Afghanistan to the one it found itself in Vietnam in the 1970s. The writer further explores the lesson the current US establishment can take from the trauma of the Vietnam War. Yasmine El Geressi writes again, but this time she focuses on the referendum that recently happened in Egypt over the proposed constitutional amendments and the implications they will have on the future of Egypt’s government structure.

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A Weekly Political News Magazine

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Editor-in-Chief

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A Weekly Political News Magazine

38 The Marrakesh Declaration: Start of a New Era?

Issue 1745 - April- 26/04/2019

28 Lessons From Vietnam on Leaving Afghanistan

14 A Brief History of Political Shifts in Britain

32 24 Wil Guaidó Call for U.S. Military Intervention?

44 Egyptian-American Actor Ramy Youssef Stars

in TV’s First Muslim American Sitcom

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Sudanese General Ahmed Awad Ibn Auf: Leader for Just One Day 3

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54 Fried Foods Linked to Earlier Death

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Hooded catholic faithful representing Roman soldiers, known as 'Farricocos', carry flaming torches during the annual Fogareu Holy Week procession in Goias, 350 km west of Brasilia, Brazil, early on April 2019 ,18. The Christian religious ceremony is a re-enactment of the arrest of Jesus Christ. The costumes are of medieval origin and were used by penitents so they could atone for their sins without having to reveal their identity in public. (Getty)

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Protesters gather at Parliament Square in Westminster as the Extinction Rebellion protests enter their seventh day on April 2019 ,21 in London, England. The environmental campaign group has blocked a number of key junctions in central London in a bid to highlight the ongoing ecological crisis. (Getty)

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Egyptian Voters Back Constitutional Changes Nearly 90 percent of Egyptian voters in a referendum have approved constitutional changes, the election commission said on Tuesday, in a move that could pave the way for President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to stay in power until 2030. Voter turnout during the three-day referendum was 44.33 percent and 88.83 percent of those taking part approved the amendments while 11.17 percent voted no, the commission said. “These (changes) are effective from now as your constitution,” commission Chairman Lasheen Ibrahim said after he announced the result on state TV, adding that more than 23.4 million voters had endorsed the changes in the referendum. The amendments will extend Sisi’s current term to six years from four and allow him

to run again for a third six-year term in 2024 and to appoint one or more vice presidents. They will also grant the president control over appointing head judges and the public prosecutor from a pool of candidates, and give Egypt’s powerful military the role of protecting “the constitution and democracy”.

African Summit Gives Sudan Military Three Months for Reforms African leaders meeting in Cairo on Tuesday agreed to give Sudan’s ruling military council three months to implement democratic reforms, Egypt said on Tuesday, amid pressure for a quick handover of power to civilians. The decision extends a -15day deadline set by the African Union last week for Sudan’s Transitional Military Council (TMC) to hand over power to civilians or to be suspended from

the grouping. The TMC took over after President Omar al-Bashir was ousted on April 11The TMC has been under pressure from demonstrators to hand power rapidly to civilians since the military ousted Bashir following months of protests against his 30 years in office.

Libyan Forces Push Back Haftar›s Troops South of Tripoli Forces supporting Libya’s internationally recognised government pushed back troops loyal to eastern commander Khalifa Haftar to more than 60 km (37 miles) southwest of the capital, Tripoli, on Tuesday, Reuters reporters said. The town of Aziziya was fully under the control of the Tripoli forces, with shops reopening after days of fighting, a Reuters team at the scene said.

Haftar’s Libyan National Army (LNA), which is allied to a rival government in eastern Libya, mounted an offensive on Tripoli almost three weeks ago but despite heavy fighting last week it has failed to breach the city’s southern defences. In recent days, forces backing the Tripoli administration have pushed back the LNA in some areas.

U.S. to End All Waivers on Imports of Iranian Oil The United States on Monday demanded that buyers of Iranian oil stop purchases by May 1 or face sanctions, a move to choke off Tehran’s oil revenues which sent crude prices to six-month highs on fears of a potential supply crunch. The Trump administration on Monday said it will not renew exemptions granted last year to buyers of Iranian oil, a more stringent than expected decision that caught several key importers who have been pleading

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outside Iraq and Syria. Sri Lanka›s state minister of defense said Tuesday that the attack was «carried out in retaliation» for the shooting massacre at two New Zealand mosques last month, according to a statement.

Comedian Wins Presidential Election in Ukraine

with Washington to continue buying Iranian oil sanctions-free. Tehran remained defiant, saying it was prepared for the end of waivers, while the Revolutionary Guards repeated a threat to close the Strait of Hormuz, a major oil shipment channel in the Gulf, Iranian media reported.

Sri Lanka Easter Bombing Attack Kills Over 350

North Korea's Kim Holds Talks with Putin Ukraine entered uncharted political waters on Monday when a comedian with no political experience and few detailed policies had dramatically upended the status quo and won the country’s presidential election by a landslide. Volodymyr Zelenskiy’s win was a bitter blow for incumbent Petro Poroshenko and presents a riddle for investors, the West and Russia who wonder what approach he will take on everything from relations with Moscow to the domestic banking sector. Zelenskiy, 41, will take leadership of a country on the frontline of the West’s standoff with Russia following Moscow’s annexation of Crimea and its support for a proRussian insurgency in eastern Ukraine.

Ex-Vice President Biden Launches 2020 Presidential Campaign More than 350 people were killed in bomb blasts that ripped through churches and luxury hotels in Sri Lanka on Easter Sunday, the first major attack on the Indian Ocean island since the end of a civil war 10 years ago. The government declared a curfew in Colombo and blocked access to social media and messaging sites, including Facebook and WhatsApp. It was unclear when the curfew would be lifted. The attacks were claimed on Tuesday by ISIS militant group, which said they were carried out by seven attackers but gave no evidence to support the claim. If the ISIS claim is true, that would make it one of the worst attacks carried out by the group

Thursday, betting that his working-class appeal and ties to Barack Obama's presidency will help him overcome questions about his place in today's increasingly liberal Democratic Party. He made his announcement in a video posted on Twitter.

Thursday's announcement marks the unofficial end of the chaotic early phase of the 2020 presidential season. The field now features at least 20 Democrats jockeying for the chance to take on President Donald Trump next year. Several lesser-known candidates may still join the race. Biden, a -76year-old lifelong politician, becomes an instant front-runner alongside Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, who is leading many polls and has proved to be a successful fundraiser . Among Democrats, Biden has unmatched international and legislative experience, and he is among the best-known faces in U.S. politics.

Former Vice President Joe Biden formally joined the crowded Democratic presidential contest on

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Russian President Vladimir Putin hosted North Korean leader Kim Jong Un on Thursday at a summit intended to show that the United States is not the only power with enough clout to engage with the reclusive communist state on its nuclear programme. The two men held a day of talks on an island off the Russian Pacific city of Vladivostok two months after Kim’s summit with U.S. President Donald Trump ended in disagreement, cooling hopes of a breakthrough in the decades-old nuclear row. The first session, comprising one-on-one talks with just a few aides present, lasted twice as long as the 50 minutes allocated in the schedule. “We talked, of course, about the situation on the Korean peninsula, we exchanged views on how and what we can do so that there are good prospects for an improvement in the situation,” Putin said during an interval in the talks. A second session of talks, involving larger delegations, ended with no statements from either side.

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Could The Brexit Party Disrupt the British Two-Party System?

Nigel Farage’s Brand New Party is on Course to Come First in the EU Elections 10

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Farage says that the British public no longer identifies along party lines and are now increasingly affiliating themselves with Leave and Remain camps instead. party called Change UK, and former UKIP leader Nigel Farage launched the Brexit Party to “start the fightback” against an establishment that has “will-fully betrayed our trust.” Both groups have promised to introduce a new kind of politics: Change UK’s slogan is ‘Politics is broken. Let’s change it,’ while the Brexit Party’s website repeatedly features the slogan ‘Change politics for good.’

Despite the party being its in infancy, an opinion poll published

by YouGov put Farage’s new party in first place in next months elections. The party is on 27 percent, ahead of Labour on 22 percent, and the Conservatives on 15 percent. Sky News reports that its findings “will heighten fears in Downing Street that the Tories are on course for a damaging defeat that will likely reignite calls for Theresa May to resign”. While The Guardian says that the polling “shows that a significant chunk of voters who backed the Conservatives in 2017 are dissatisfied with the direction the party is heading on Brexit”.

WHAT IS THE BREXIT PARTY AND WHAT IS ITS PURPOSE?

British politician and The Brexit Party leader, Nigel Farage addresses the first public rally of their European Parliament election campaign in Birmingham, central England on April ,13 2019. (Getty)

by Yasmine El-Geressi On May 23, two months after the country was scheduled to leave the EU, the UK will take part in the European elections unless Britain negotiates a Brexit deal before May 22. Britain’s two main parties are facing serious competition from brand new and much smaller Europhobic and Europhilic parties led by prominent politicians who are trying to capitalise on the poor state of support for the Conservative and Labour parties. YouGov has found that only 63 percent of people support either of the two main parties, down from 80 percent as recently as December.

Eleven Labour and Conservative MPs formed an anti-Brexit

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The Brexit Party formally launched on April 12 and is led by Ex-UKIP leader Nigel Farage, who is proud to be referred to as “Mr Brexit”. Farage was one of the most prominent and instrumental figures of the leave campaign and so it is unsurprising that he is leading a party that revolves around the Brexit issue and exists to defend it. Farage and many other leavers feel betrayed by the current conservative government and believe that their delays and tactics go against the will of the people. “What we have seen over the last few weeks is the willful betrayal of the largest democratic exercise in the history of this nation,” he told the audience during the launch event of his new party in Coventry.

The launch of the party comes after Prime Minister Theresa May agreed on a Brexit delay to 31 October with the EU, with the option of leaving earlier if her withdrawal agreement is approved by Parliament. Farage had previously promised that if MPs “kick the can down the road” by extending Article 50 “then logically we would have to fight the European elections and I would certainly stand in them in those circumstances”.

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MP’s considering such a move “need to be aware there could be a very serious electoral threat to them”, he warned.

The Brexit party has nine MEPs - all of whom are UKIP defectors - making them the third biggest UK party in the European Parliament. This puts them ahead of the party that they left which is now the fourth biggest party. The Brexit party have a new batch of MEPs running and looking to gain more seats for the party. Farage said the Party had an «impressive list» of 70 candidates for the elections. Among those revealed at the launch was Annunziata Rees-Mogg, sister of leading Conservative Brexiteer MP Jacob Rees-Mogg.

The Brexit party aims to change politics and claims to represent people that aren’t currently being represented. “This party is not here just to fight the European elections... this party is not just to express our anger - May 23 is the first step of the Brexit Party. We will change politics for good,” Farage said.

«Yes I›m angry but this is not a negative emotion, this is a positive emotion. I said I wanted to cause an earthquake in politics... but now we will achieve a democratic revolution in politics.»

The EU elections tend to be used as protest votes against the main parties if they are unpopular. This, along with the proportional representational system used to elect MEPs, allows smaller parties to do a lot better than they do in the UK parliamentary elections. In the 2014 EU elections, Farage’s old party, UKIP, won more seats than any other party, yet they have never had more than two MPs in the UK parliament at the same time. This marked the first time the Conservatives or Labour hadn’t topped the ballot in a nationwide election since 1906.

Farage promised that the Brexit Party would be «deeply intolerant of all intolerance» and would represent a crosssection of society. He told BBC Radio 4›s Today programme: «In terms of policy, there›s no difference (to UKIP), but in terms of personnel there is a vast difference.

«UKIP did struggle to get enough good people into it but unfortunately what it›s chosen to do is allow the far right

According to two surveys, Conservative members and activists are likely to abandon the party in vast numbers in the European elections in favour of the Brexit party.

to join it and take it over and I›m afraid the brand is now tarnished.»

“OUR TWO PARTY SYSTEM IS SHATTERED” Farage says that the British public no longer identifies along party lines and are now increasingly affiliating themselves with Leave and Remain camps instead. He, therefore, believes that a Brexit party would draw “support from across the entire spectrum.” Farage revealed on April 20 that 60,000 people have become paid supporters raising a grand total of 1.5£million In an article published in the Daily Telegraph, Farage explained that the current democratic system is broken and that our representatives in Parliament do not represent the people who elected them on the matter of Brexit. He said that the main political parties had underestimated the extent of voters’ anger over the failure to leave the European Union. He added: “A lot of Conservatives are disgusted with what the party has done.”

“Our two-party system is shattered. It must be put out of its misery. The electorate has the power to effect this desperately

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A pro-Brexit campaigner displays placards in Westminster, central London on April ,3 2019. (Getty)

Britain’s two main parties are facing serious competition from brand new and much smaller Europhobic and Europhilic parties led by prominent politicians who are trying to capitalise on the poor state of support for the Conservative and Labour parties.

needed change if it acts now”, he wrote.

During a rally on Sunday attended by around 700 activists, the party leader launched a fresh attack on the dominant twoparty establishment, and said: “Our intention is to fight these European elections and our intention is to win these European elections.”

«We have not formed this party just to protest, just to stick two fingers up to the establishment on May 23, just to get our own back and tell them what we think of them.

«No, our ambitions are much, much higher than that. I think it›s obvious that our two-party system simply doesn›t work any more,” he said.

According to two surveys, Conservative members and activists are likely to abandon the party in vast numbers in the European elections in favour of the Brexit party.

The survey by leading Conservative party website ConvervativeHome found that more than 60 percent of Conservative Party members will vote for Nigel Farage’s party in the European elections. ConservativeHome regularly publishes surveys of what party members think that in the past have served as broadly accurate guides to how members end up voting in internal elections,

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but Paul Goodman, a former Tory MP and the editor of ConservativeHome, said the results released on Sunday were “the most astonishing we have ever published”.

He said that there are four reasons why almost two-thirds of the members were willing to abandon their party: “sheer anger” at the Brexit delay; a belief that the European elections do not matter; a sense that voting for the Brexit party is respectable because it is less extreme than UKIP; and the hope that a terrible result could prompt May to resign.

A similar poll of Conservative councillors by Survation for the Mail on Sunday showed that 40 percent of Tory councillors also planned to back their rivals. Researchers were bombarded with vitriolic remarks including: “The Conservative Party is dead. It will take a strong leader to dredge it out of the mud.”

Another councillor said: “For God›s sake get on with it [Brexit] - it is killing us on the doorstep.”

Many Tories are likely to point to the latest polling as fresh evidence for why May should resign and allow the party to elect a new leader.

It’s not just the Tory party that are feeling under threat from Farage’s Brexit party. In an extraordinary intervention that exposes the tensions at the top of the party over its Brexit strategy, the Labour party’s deputy leader Tom Watson warned that Labour will lose to Farage’s new “far right” Brexit party in May’s elections if it continues to give the impression that “we half agree with him” and called for a more enthusiastic backing to a second referendum by his party.

“We cannot just sit back, watch this fight on the far right, and allow Farage to prosper with a backward-looking brand of politics that offers no solutions. Instead, we must offer a radical alternative based on our values that speaks directly to the people we represent and demonstrate Labour as a way forward out of the crisis,” he wrote in the Observer.

With the traditional two-party system in deadlock over Brexit and new political forces emerging to challenge the status quo, the first battleground for profound changes in British politics looks likely to be the European elections next month.

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A Brief History of Political Shifts in Britain

How Small Factions have Made Great Impacts in Britain’s Political Structure

By: Ali El Shamy Like its friend across the Atlantic Sea, the United Kingdom has had a long history of a two party democratic system. While today people associate the two party system with the Conservative Party and the Labor Party, there was a period of time in which

British politics were dominated with two other parties, namely the Whig Party (which would evolve into the Liberal Party) and the Tory Party (which would become the Conservative Party).

While the past century has made it seem like the two party system is rigid and cannot be changed, there was a period in time in which political circumstances led to the downfall of the Liberal

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Party, which was replaced by the, at the time, newly formed Labor Party. As such, the confusion and factionalism caused

by Brexit may be a turning point in these contemporary times which could see the rise of new parties.

ORIGINS OF THE WHIGS AND TORIES: ALL ABOUT THE ROYALS

British Conservative Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, with Geoffrey Howe, Keith Joseph, John Nott, Norman Tebbit on the Conservative front bench in the House of Commons.

(Getty)

The end of the English Civil War in 1651 witnessed the execution of King Charles I who was the King of the Kingdom of England, the Kingdom of Scotland and the Kingdom of Ireland. It should be noted that at the time England, Scotland and Ireland were not united as one kingdom, but rather three separate kingdoms which were ruled over by one monarch.

Following the execution of Charles I, the army general Oliver Cromwell ruled as a republican (though he was more of a military dictator) over England. He struggled to establish rule over Ireland and Scotland, which had more royalists than republicans.

To secure rule over these Kingdoms, Cromwell tried carrying out armed attacks. In Ireland, there a was a faction of royalists called the Tories who would plan guerilla attacks on Cromwell’s forces, while in Scotland there was a similar group of republicans called the Whiggamores. Then, the Restoration occurred in which Cromwell was removed and Charles II (Charles I’s son) ascended to the throne. However, as Charles II left no heir, his brother James succeeded him to the throne. This was a problem since James was a convert to Catholicism and many feared he would take England back under the control of the Roman Catholic Church. As such, in 1688 a group of lords invited the Dutch Protestant King William of Orange to remove the Catholic James. These lords were insulted by royalists and were called Whigs (shortened form of Whigamores) by their detractors, they in turn called their opponents Tories, a reference to those guerilla fighters who were loyal to the old monarch. As such, the Whigs would become a faction that advocated for weakening the power of the monarch, while the Tories would become a royalist faction .

TRANSITION INTO CONSERVATIVES

As noted, the Tories were the party that was more royalist and preferred maintaining a certain status quo within the state and government. However, by the 19th century broader issues started to take center stage within British government. For instance, there was the issue of expanding the franchise and more crucially Catholic Emancipation. For years, the British government had enacted several laws that were designed to oppress Catholics and those who were not members of the Church of England, for example the Test Acts made so that only adherents of the Church of England were allowed to hold public office or gain public employment and the Act of Uniformity ensured that the Anglican prayer practices were the only form of prayer that could be performed in public. Considering the fact that Ireland was a predominately Catholic nation, these anti-Catholic laws effectively oppressed the Irish by design. As the Whigs were

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Controversially, Conservative Prime Minister Peel decided to join forces with the Whigs and Radicals and revoke the Corn Laws. While this decision helped Ireland it effectively destroyed his political career. pushing for more reforms, the Tories remained largely static.

However, by the 1830s a huge wave of changes would occur within the Tory Party, changes that would effectively lead to a rebranding of the party as it would later transform into the Conservative Party. While the Whig Party was known to be the more progressive of the two ruling parties, it did not always have a progressive politician leading it; Whig Leader William Lamb, 2nd Viscount Melbourne, who was Prime Minister from July 1834 to November 1834 and again from 1835 to 1841, was anything but progressive. For example, while the Whig MPs in parliament were pushing for the Reform Act 1832, which would give more people the right to vote, he vehemently opposed it and only accepted it due to party pressures. On another unrelated note, Lamb was also opposed to the abolition of slavery within the entire British Empire. Ironically, King William IV was also opposed to the Whig’s reform proposals and he dismissed William Lamb as Prime Minister in spite of the fact that he too was not in favor of many of these laws. The King would then give Robert Peel, the leader of the Tories in parliament, the opportunity to form a new government. As such, Robert Peel started his process of reforming the Party; he knew that the Tories needed to move passed its hardline rightist state in order for it to be more appealing to the public. As such, he wanted to move the party to become more centrist, this was a smart strategy as it would accomplish the goal of appealing to more voters as well as keeping his base both in the public and within parliament. While the Ultra Tories, the Tories who opposed to all progressive reforms, were against Peel’s proposed new laws they would never in good conscience vote for the Whigs. Even before its official rebranding, many members of the public had already started calling the Tories under the leadership of Peel Conservatives. Peel had then called for a general election to be held in 1835 so that he could further consolidate his power, during his campaign he wrote the Tamworth Manifesto and had it published in newspapers. The Manifesto was meant to be for both the constituents of Tamworth and members of the public, as he laid down the policies he would follow as Prime Minister and more importantly it was the first manifesto of the newly branded Conservative Party as it became the basis by which the party would build itself on. The manifesto had also laid down reforms for expanding the enfranchisement and even had subtle hints of

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Catholic Emancipation (he appealed to the Church of England to reform itself to save itself) and most importantly it stated that he would keep the 1832 Reform Act. He also stated that he would be open for change which would, in his words, lead to "the correction of proved abuses and the redress of real grievances", a stark contrast to the Ultra Tories. Things would eventually take a turn for the worse for Peel however, as one certain act he took as Prime Minister would eventually cause his downfall within Conservative ranks.

WHIGS JOIN FORCES WITH SMALLER FACTIONS Ever since Peel’s reformations within the Conservative Party, the Whigs would grow even weaker. However, certain circumstances within parliament would pave the way for Whigs to also undergo a rebranding of sorts, albeit a much more drastic kind of rebranding. Going back to Robert Peel, one thing that would define his premiership and indeed his legacy was how he responded to the Great Irish Potato Famine. In 1846, both the Whigs and the Radicals (a faction within the parliament which pushed for radical changes and reforms) appealed to repeal the Corn Laws (tariffs that restricted imported food) as a means to help the Irish out of their misery. Controversially, Peel decided to join forces with the Whigs and Radicals and revoke the Corn Laws. While this decision helped Ireland it effectively destroyed his political career as it angered Conservatives in parliament and forced him to resign as Prime Minister in 1846. His resignation led to the rise of his long-time opponent Benjamin Disraeli who would become the new leader of the Conservatives. Meanwhile, Peel was forced to create his own faction in government comprised mainly of those who remained loyal to him and this faction was called the Peelites. The Peelites were not a small faction as during certain parliamentary sessions, it had as many as 80 members in parliament. So now, there were four different groups in parliament the Conservatives, the Whigs, the Radicals and the Peelites. Despite the fact that it was much more extreme than the mainstream Whig party, the Radicals had often united with the Whigs in opposition to the Conservatives. Meanwhile, the Peelites were somewhat of a balancing force between these

two sides, in spite of the fact that it is principally opposed to the Conservatives.

During the 1850s, there was a lot of infighting within the Whig Party which had prevented it from becoming a strong opposition force. Both Lord Palmerston and Lord Russel wanted to lead the Whigs and both men despised each other, naturally some Whig MPs were in favour of Palmerston while others wanted

During the 1850s, there was a lot of infighting within the Whig Party which had prevented it from becoming a strong opposition force.

Benjamin Disraeli, 1St Earl Of Beaconsfield, 1804 To 1881. British Prime Minister, Parliamentarian, Conservative Statesman And Literary Figure.

(Getty)

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Similar to how Robert Peel shifted the Tories to be more centrist, Tony Blair did the same to Labor in the 1990s. grab. On the night of June 6, the two diametrically opposed Whig leaders, Palmerston and Russel held a meeting with the Whigs, Radicals and Peelites. In the meeting, both men promised that they would work together if all three factions united to table a motion of no confidence against the Conservatives, which they agreed on. From there the Liberal Party was officially born out of three factions all united under a banner of animosity towards the Conservatives. Then on June 7, the day the new parliamentary session was meant to start, the Liberal Party tabled the motion of no confidence and after three days of political battles within parliament, the Conservatives lost the vote of no confidence and a new Liberal government would be formed in its place with Lord Palmerston as Prime Minister and Lord Russel as Foreign Secretary.

FALL OF THE LIBERALS AND RISE OF LABOR 1846: Father Matthew visits a farming family during The Great Famine (1849 - 1845) which was caused by the failure of the Irish potato crop and British government inaction.

(Getty)

Russel to be the leader. Such circumstances did not help the Whigs in the 1859 General election as they lost 21 seats, while the Conservatives gained 34 seats; this of course meant that the government would remain a Conservative one. The next parliamentary session was meant start on June 7 of that year, however what would happen the night before can be described as nothing other than an extraordinary legal attempt of a power

British statesman Henry John Temple (- 1784 1865), the 3rd viscount Palmerston. He joined the Whig government as foreign minister and annexed Hong Kong to the British Empire.

He was prime minister between 1855 and 1857 and from 1859 until his death.

(Getty)

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After winning the 1865 General election, the Liberal government enacted the 1867 Reform Act which gave more working class men the right to vote. In theory, the act would help the Liberals as they would seem more appealing to a working class electorate than their Conservative counterparts, however the broadening of the franchise would eventually pave the way for a another party that would appeal more to working class men. In 1893, the Independent Labor Party formed as a result of a general belief that the Liberal Party was not doing enough for the working class. During the 1895 General Election, 28 Independent Labor candidates stood for parliament but none of them gained a seat.

In 1900, a pressure group called the Labor Representative Committee (LRC) formed and subsequently stood in the general election of that year. It proved to be more successful than the Independent Labor Party as it gained the two seats it was campaigning for. Interestingly, both the LRC and the Liberal Party would start to cooperate after that election, and both agreed that only a Liberal candidate or a Labor candidate should stand in each seat against the Conservatives during the next election, in other words Liberals and Labor would not compete against each other for parliamentary seats. 1906 was a breakthrough year for the LRC, as it gained 28 seats in the general election of that year; it later set itself as an official party rather than a pressure group and called itself the Labor Party. It became a force to be reckoned with during the 1910 election having won 42 seats in what turned out to be a hung parliament. Although the Liberals did not form a coalition with Labor, it still needed its support to oppose the Conservative MPs. Infighting within Labor Party during the First World War set the party back as some members

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supported going to war, while others opposed the notion. The Liberal Party was also split over the prospect of going to war as it was the traditional anti-war party, the Liberal government at the time eventually gave in and declared war on Germany on August 1914 ,4. However, the Liberal government had major setbacks during the war, such as the 1915 Shell Shortage Crisis which forced it to form a war time coalition with the Conservatives. The Liberals had other failings during the war which it never truly recovered from as it failed to ever return to its glory days. Labor, on the other hand, quickly regrouped in 1918 and published its own manifesto. The manifesto called for radical proposals such as industry nationalization and redistribution of wealth, proposals that solidified it as the party for the working class. It could be argued that Labor had the benefit of not gaining power too soon as its war time party splits was largely ignored by the public and thus did not cause a massive decline for the party. The General Election of 1924 was Labor’s crowning achievement, the Conservatives gained the most seats having won 258 but they did not have enough for a majority. Labor came in second with 191 seats, while the Liberals had won 158 seats, as such they formed a coalition to command a majority and Ramsay MacDonald became Labor’s first ever Prime Minister.

CLEMENT ATLEE’S WELFERE STATE After World War II, wartime Conservative Prime Minister Winston Churchill ran against Labor leader Clement Attlee.

While Attlee ran on an extensive platform of creating a welfare state that would help Britain recover from the war, Churchill did minimal campaigning thinking his war efforts were enough to keep him at 10 Downing Street. Attlee’s Labor eventually won a landslide victory and he and his cabinet began work on the welfare state. In 1948, Attlee’s Health Minister, Aneurin Bevan, established the National Health Service (NHS) which proved to be the only remaining legacy of Attlee’s premiership.

Attlee would also implement a policy of nationalization as the steel, iron, gas, coal, electricity and railway industries all fell under government control. Attlee’s other policies were largely

The UK’s two party system is not set in stone and many small pressure groups and factions have rocked the boat of British politics in the past.

overambitious and unsustainable as such he could not create the welfare state he had envisioned.

WINTER OF DISTONTENT AND RISE OF THATCHER By the late 1970s, Labor Prime Minister resigned and James Callaghan took over his post. Callaghan’s tenure comprised of a series of economic failings that dwindled Labor’s reputation for the next 20 years. In 1975, inflation had risen by 20 percent and the government had to raise taxes. By December 1976, Labor fell to global embarrassment as the government had to take a loan of 3.9 billion USD from the IMF, which was at the time the largest ever loan given by the IMF. The growing public discontent led strikes by many public sector workers such as garbage collectors and lorry drivers. At that point, the public thought that the country was in need of a strong medicine to cure its economic ailments. At the time, Margaret Thatcher had become leader of the Conservatives, which caused the party to shift towards the harder right. By the time of the general election in 1979, the public had grown to see Thatcher as the right person to breathe new life in Britain. After becoming Prime Minister, Thatcher

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Former British Prime Minister and former Labour MP for Sedgefield, Tony Blair gives a speech to waiting party members ahead of a visit to the construction site for the new Hitachi Trains Europe factory on April 2015 ,7 in Sedgefield, England. (Getty)

14th March 1980: Fleet Street printers on a protest march against the Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. (Getty)

sharply decreased public spending and enacted policies that made it harder for trade unions to strike. The Thatcher years witnessed severe decreases in union memberships as she singlehandedly weakened the power they had over government. Thatcher also undid the nationalization efforts of Labor, as her government sold British Gas, Jaguar, British Aerospace and British Telecom.

TONY BLAIR’S NEW LABOR Similar to how Robert Peel shifted the Tories to be more centrist, Tony Blair did the same to Labor in the 1990s. Tony Blair’s New Labor would no longer pursue policies of public ownership, which Blair deemed to be inefficient. Rather, the government would pursue free market economic policies, which was believed to benefit both the economy and the social wellbeing. Eventually, Blair resigned as Prime Minister in 2007 after ten years in power and appointed Gordon Brown as his successor. The Blair-Brown era caused many economic setbacks such as increased national debt, higher taxation and price hikes; this resulted in an all-time low popularity for Labor which eventually led to a Conservative return to power in 2010.

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The 2015 Labor leadership party resulted in the victory of the socialist Jeremy Corbyn who aims to bring the party back to its socialist roots; however the centrist elements within his party have been opposing his attempts.

PARALLELS WITH PRESENT TIMES If this brief history lesson is to teach us anything, it is that the UK’s two party system is not set in stone and many small pressure groups and factions have rocked the boat of British politics in the past. As it stands, Change UK, the Brexit Party and UKIP are standing in the upcoming European elections which will serve as a litmus test on how popular they really are. If they make big gains, these parties might stand in the next general election and create major changes within British politics, just as the Peelites and LRC did in the past. Furthermore, Corbyn has proven to be quite resilient as Labor leader despite many setbacks such as the fact that many MPs within his party have resigned from Labor.

While it is unlikely, Corbyn’s efforts might have a lasting impact on Labor and like Peel, Thatcher and Blair, he might cause a significant political shift within his party.

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Why Trump Rejects Detente With Iran The Rhetoric of Senior Officials and Tehran’s Voyeuristic Policies Bespeaks an Aggressive Power Not Easily Deterred 20

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Temperamentally and ideologically, the Trump administration was inclined to take a dim view of both the Iranian leadership and of President Obama’s optimistic assessment of the JCPOA’s potential to block Iran’s path to nuclearization. have often argued that this aspiration could be contained by diplomatic negotiations. Iran, in this telling, was merely seeking to “extend its power” in rational ways. Furthermore, they argued, even should the country eventually acquire nuclear weapons, the same logic of deterrence which had prevented nuclear exchanges in the Cold War might still hold true. The Iranian regime remained “distinctly non-suicidal” and “guided by a cost-benefit approach,” as a 2007 U.S. National Intelligence Estimate stated.

U.S. President Donald Trump announces his decision to withdraw the United States from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal in the Diplomatic Room at the White House May 2018 ,8 in Washington, DC. (Getty)

by Joseph Braude While the Obama administration pursued accommodation with Iran in the belief that its government was rational and deterrable, the Trump administration has opted for a path of containment predicated on a darker view of the Iranian leadership.

Of the two schools of thought underlying these differing policies, the former has been weakened.

THE DEBATE OVER IRANIAN INTENTIONS Western proponents of an accommodation with Iran, while rarely crediting Iranian assurances that the Islamic Republic does not seek a nuclear weapon,

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Opponents of this view have argued that in key respects, the mutual deterrence model of the Cold War does not align with Middle Eastern realities. The Cold War featured two highly professional militaries with extensive non-nuclear capabilities, large nuclear arsenals with assured second strike capabilities, and excellent lines of communication both internally and to one another. Should Iran obtain nuclear conditions, none of these conditions would apply. Iranian nuclearization would likely spawn new nuclear programs in several Middle Eastern countries. In this polynuclear Middle East, most nuclear arsenals would be relatively small and without an assured second-strike capability, while most conventional capabilities would remain relatively weak. This could render nuclear weapons the first, rather than last, line of defense, and increase pressure on Middle Eastern militaries to “use or lose it.” Likewise, the Iranian system of decision-making is often opaque — even to Iranians — while leaders in Riyadh, Abu Dhabi, and Jerusalem have ample reason to harbor deep suspicions of Iranian intentions. In such a landscape, it is easy to imagine limited nuclear exchanges, potentially costing millions of lives, arising from sheer miscommunication.

The rhetoric of senior Iranian officials, moreover, has

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called some Cold War-era assumptions about nuclear deterrence into question. For example, the highest levels of Iran’s leadership have made statements which appear to reject the logic of “mutually assured destruction” as a deterrent. In 2001, Ayatollah Rafsanjani famously declared that a nuclear strike on Iran “will only harm the Islamic world,” whereas one directed at Israel “will destroy everything.”

THE ROLE OF IRANIAN EXPANSIONISM AND MILITARISM Such rhetoric, viewed together with Iran’s voyeuristic policies in the Middle East and beyond, bespeaks an aggressive power not easily deterred.

Consider Iran’s regional posture since 2012, when it launched a military intervention in Syria that has been crescendoing ever since. The IRGC-led restructuring of the Syrian military, combined with the shift in power within Syria to a vast web of Iran-backed sectarian militias, enabled the Assad regime’s reconquest of wide swaths of the country, perpetrating several atrocities in the process. As recently as 2016, the head of the Iranian military, Maj. Gen. Mohammad Bagheri, even announced Iran’s willingness to send hundreds of thousands of Basij to fight in Syria.

As the Syrian conflict enters its pacification phase, the behavior of Iranian-aligned forces has come to resemble something not far from colonization. In reconquered areas, Iran is offering Syrians cash, food, Iranian ID cards, public services, and free education, “The goal is to re-create the Persian empire,” said Muneer al-Khalaf, a member of the City Council of Raqqa. Iranian forces on the ground have reportedly gone so far as to encourage locals to convert to

Over the last several months the Trump administration has rolled out a series of initiatives designed to maximize pressure on the Islamic Republic.

Shi’ism. “From every family you find one or two people who have become Shiite,” according to one local. “They say they do it so they can find jobs or they become Shiite so they can walk and no one bothers them.”

In Iraq, the IRGC has undertaken a similar process since 2014. After ISIS threatened to capture Najaf and Karbala, the Qods Force undertook an enormous effort to elevate Shi’ite militias willing to serve as proxies. These include Harakat al-Nujabah -- whose leader publicly stated his willingness to overthrow the Iraqi government if Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei ordered it -- and Asa’ib Ahl al--Haqq, whose leader, Qays alKhaz’ali, is now a prominent member of the Iraqi parliament.

Meanwhile, in the last nine months, the Iranian

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As the Syrian conflict enters its pacification phase, the behavior of Iranian-aligned forces has come to resemble something not far from colonization. officials have also threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz, an economic lifeline for the entire GCC.

THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION’S TURN TO CONTAINMENT Temperamentally and ideologically, the Trump administration was inclined to take a dim view of both the Iranian leadership and of President Obama’s optimistic assessment of the JCPOA’s potential to block Iran’s path to nuclearization.

Secretary of State Pompeo noted that the agreement “failed to end the country’s nuclear ambitions” and instead has “boosted the economic fortunes of a regime that remains bent on exporting its revolution abroad and imposing it at home.” President Trump himself famously, and repeatedly, condemned the agreement as “one of the worst and most one-sided transactions the United States has ever entered into”.

Defense ministry has tested at least five new types of short and medium-range tactical ballistic missiles as well as cruise missiles. It began in August 2018, when the Fakour and Fateh Mobin missiles were unveiled and has continued with the testing of the Dezful ballistic missile in February. Each of these missiles has a range of over 600 miles, placing most of the Gulf well within their reach. According to General Amir Ali Hajizadeh, commander of the Revolutionary Guards’ aerospace program, the IRGC plans “to carry out more than 50 missile tests each year.”

And so over the last several months the Trump administration has rolled out a series of initiatives designed to maximize pressure on the Islamic Republic. These began with the withdrawal from the JCPOA in May 2018, continued with several rounds of sanctions on key regime figures, and crescendoed this week with the administration’s decision not to renew sanctions waivers to key US allies and to designate the IRGC a terrorist group. The goal of these measures has been to bring Iranian oil exports to zero and to bankrupt key elements of the regime.

In addition, National Security adviser John Bolton has reportedly asked the Pentagon to develop military options for a strike on Iranian nuclear facilities.

The rationale for these tests may be inferred from Iran’s semi-official Fars news agency, which released a video threatening the capitals of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates with missile attacks.

A voiceover from the Supreme Leader proclaimed, «A heavy punishment is underway.» Senior regime

By all indications, neither Tehran nor Washington is yet prepared to blink. The Trump administration has redoubled its commitment to containing Iran through economic pressure, while the Ayatollahs look to the forthcoming 2020 presidential elections in the U.S. and hope they can ride out the storm.

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Will Guaidó Call for U.S. Military Intervention?

Venezuela’s Debate Over Article 187-11

By Giancarlo Fiorella The Venezuelan political crisis has reached a familiar stalemate. In the two and a half months since it began, National Assembly president Juan Guaidó’s challenge to President Nicolás Maduro’s legitimacy has lost its momentum, stymied by the same mechanisms that have foiled opposition efforts in the past. On April 1, the

government-controlled Constituent Assembly, acting on the instructions of the Supreme Court, stripped Guaidó of his parliamentary immunity, removing a legal barrier to his arrest. And the Venezuelan armed forces—the central pillar upon which government power rests—have remained loyal to Maduro throughout Guaidó’s challenge.

But there is still uncharted terrain into which the crisis could spiral. Increased international attention on

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Venezuela—particularly from the United States—has moved the threat of a military intervention to remove Maduro from power past the point of idle talk. Senior U.S. officials, including Vice President Mike Pence and National Security Adviser John Bolton, have asserted that “all options” remain on the table, a turn of phrase familiar from previous administrations in the run-up to military interventions.

In the case of Venezuela, the loudest calls for intervention are coming not from the White House and its media mouthpieces but from some members of the Venezuelan opposition and from residents of the country desperate for a solution—any solution—to their years-long plight.

For many, that solution lies in the country’s constitution: article 11(187) grants the opposition-controlled legislature, the National Assembly, the power to authorize foreign military missions in the country. First launched into the sphere of public debate by a fringe parliamentary bloc just over a month ago, talk of invoking article 11(187) has become commonplace in the country.

187-11 Article 187 of the Venezuelan constitution sets out the powers of the National Assembly. Section 11 of the article grants the legislature the power to authorize not only Venezuelan military missions abroad but also foreign military missions inside the country.

The article rose to prominence in the Venezuelan lexicon following the highly publicized attempt to deliver humanitarian aid into the country on February 23. The attempt had been weeks in the making, spearheaded by a defiant opposition (backed by its foreign allies) eager to prove that they could do what Maduro could not: provide relief to the country’s humanitarian crisis. After delivery of the aid was blocked by government forces, a small, hardline parliamentary faction called the Bloque 16 de Julio, which enjoys the support of Vente Venezuela party chief Maria Corina Machado, began to campaign for the National Assembly to apply article 11(187). Machado is one of the fiercest critics of the government in the Venezuelan opposition and a leading proponent of mass civil disobedience and protest. Machado argued that 11(187) would “[open] the way” for the international community to apply the Responsibility to Protect principle, which legitimizes foreign intervention in order to prevent crimes against humanity, to Venezuela. Similarly, Machado’s ally, the former Caracas mayor and Alianza Bravo Pueblo party founder Antonio Ledezma, has said that article 11(187) would allow for a “humanitarian intervention” in Venezuela.

These calls for intervention have spread among the general population. A public opinion poll conducted March -11 14 by the Meganalisis firm found that 87.5 percent of respondents supported the idea of the legislature authorizing

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A public opinion poll conducted March 11-14 by the Meganalisis firm found that 87.5 percent of respondents supported the idea of the legislature authorizing “foreign military missions” in Venezuela as per article 187-11 “foreign military missions” in Venezuela as per article -11 187. Although this figure is likely inflated—the surveys do not define what a military intervention under 11(187) would look like—the country’s prolonged socioeconomic collapse and Maduro’s increasing authoritarianism have combined to make foreign military intervention, for many, an appealing panacea for the country’s problems. As a result, the push for a military intervention in Venezuela is most intense not among hawks in Washington but inside the country itself.

On the evening of February 23, Guaidó cited the Maduro government’s refusal to allow the aid into the country as justification for asking the international community to consider “having all options available” to “liberate” the country. Given the dramatic developments of the day, Guaidó’s statements appeared to be inching toward openly advocating military intervention. Two days later, the Lima Group, a hemispheric bloc of fourteen countries working to promote a peaceful transition to democracy in Venezuela, turned down the temperature of Guaidó’s rhetoric by reiterating its commitment to the idea that the political transition in Venezuela “must be conducted by Venezuelans themselves ... without the use of force.”

Despite the Lima Group’s calls for a peaceful resolution to the crisis, however, talk of intervention has continued.

At a rally in Caracas on March 9, Guaidó suggested to supporters that he would invoke article 11(187) “when the time comes.” Then, on March 27, Guaidó said that article 11(187) was “of course” an option in the opposition struggle against the Maduro government.

"PUT THAT WAY, NO" The question remains how seriously to take these calls for intervention. Guaidó’s two-and-a-half-month-old challenge to Maduro appears to be stalling, and his public statements referring to article 11(187) may be a reflection of the mounting pressure he feels to sustain momentum

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against the regime.

Guaidó has been careful to caveat his statements on 11(187) at public rallies. At the March 27rally, after mentioning the possibility of invoking 11(187), Guaidó sought to temper hopes that the article would furnish a magical solution to the country's problems. He said that the decision to authorize a foreign military mission “cannot be taken lightly” since it requires the delineation of “very specific” boundaries such as troop numbers and operational parameters.

More telling are Guaidó’s comments not before anxious crowds but to media outlets. When asked point-blank in a March 17 interview with Spain’s ABC if he supported a military intervention in Venezuela, Guaidó responded bluntly: “Put that way, no.” And, in a March 20 interview with Univision’s Jorge Ramos, Guaidó said that article 11(187) was not a tool for the “use of force” by a foreign power in Venezuela but, rather, a mechanism for “international cooperation” to put pressure on the Maduro government.

Other leading opposition figures have echoed Guaidó’s reservations. Following the March 27rally, Henrique Capriles, the opposition candidate in the 2012 and 2013 presidential elections, weighed in on the debate over 11(187). Without naming her, Capriles questioned Machado’s motives in advocating for the article, asking rhetorically if the purpose of her campaign was really to “test Guaidó’s patience.” Again without speaking her name, Capriles wondered why Machado and her allies were never present at opposition rallies. His clear implication was that Machado and her allies are duplicitously pushing 11(187) for their own political benefit.

Article 187 of the Venezuelan constitution sets out the powers of the National Assembly. Section 11 of the article grants the legislature the power to authorize not only Venezuelan military missions abroad but also foreign military missions inside the country.

And in fact, the debate over intervention could strengthen Machado. Were Guaidó to unequivocally dismiss the idea of a military intervention via article 11(187), disillusioned supporters might look to a figure like Machado, who seems willing to go to any lengths to remove Maduro from power. By promoting a national debate about article 11(187), Machado might be planning for a postMaduro future, seeking to improve her credibility as an implacable opponent of the regime. Given the scale of the ruin that Maduro has brought to Venezuela, voters would undoubtedly find a politician who held nothing back in her fight against the regime to be very attractive.

BACK FROM THE BRINK The debate over article 11(187) began on the fringes.

But rather than remaining there, it has gained traction

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where extremist ideas everywhere take hold: among the desperate, the disillusioned, and those for whom state institutions hold no answers. Guaidó has been clear in interviews that he does not want to invite a foreign military mission to remove Maduro from power by force. He has been less clear at public rallies, likely out of a fear that his stance would drive away supporters who have bought the idea that the article is a viable solution to the Venezuelan crisis. Although this strategy may pay off in the short term, Guaidó will eventually have to state his opinion on the matter unequivocally, possibly under more precarious conditions than those in which he finds himself today. The alternative, in which Guaidó yields to popular pressure and calls for an application of article 11(187) to save his leadership position, would be disastrous.

On April 3, U.S. Special Representative for Venezuela Elliott Abrams said in a radio interview with Colombia’s

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Caracol Radio that it would be “premature” for the Venezuelan opposition to request foreign military intervention through article 11(187), and that he did not think that any of Guaidó’s international allies were thinking about a military solution to the Venezuelan crisis. Although the full effect of Abrams’ comments have yet to be felt in Venezuela, Guaidó could see in them an opportunity to finally break free from a line that has been forced upon him. The true test of leadership for Guaidó will not be whether he can channel the support for article 11(187) into action on someone else’s terms but whether he can find the courage to relegate the debate back to the outskirts of the Venezuelan political consciousness.

This article was originally published on ForeignAffairs.com.

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Lessons From Vietnam on Leaving Afghanistan America›s withdrawal from Vietnam offers useful lessons for postwar Afghanistan

By George C. Herring The prospect of an end to the conflict in Afghanistan has led many U.S. foreign policy experts to ponder the ignoble conclusion of another war, now a half century past. Vietnam reportedly offers a cautionary tale for some Pentagon officials who worry about reliving the ignominious events of 1975, when the North Vietnamese and the National Liberation Front (NLF) marched triumphantly into Saigon and the last Americans, along with some South Vietnamese allies, struggled frantically to escape by helicopter. Former U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan Ryan Crocker and others who worry about the humanitarian and geopolitical consequences of withdrawing from Afghanistan warn of a “Vietnam redux” and hear “echoes of America’s retreat from Vietnam.” They seem to fear an Afghanistan syndrome, like the socalled Vietnam syndrome before it, that could cripple the United States’ ability to intervene militarily.

Just how similar was the war in Vietnam to the war in Afghanistan, and how similar are their endings

likely to be? What will be the consequences of U.S. withdrawal for Afghans and Americans— and what lessons might the United States take from Vietnam to mitigate them?

GRAVEYARDS OF EMPIRES Vietnam and Afghanistan are both reputed “graveyards of empires,” countries fiercely resistant to the will of even the most powerful outsider. The American wars in both countries were offshoots of larger global conflicts: Vietnam was a Cold War front and Afghanistan a front in former U.S.President George W. Bush’s “war on terror.” In both cases, local insurgent forces who fought the United States took the long view, determined to wait out their superpower foe.

“You have the watches,” an Afghan insurgent told an American reporter, “we have the time.”

The United States and North Vietnam negotiated the 1973 peace settlement directly with each other, ignoring their respective allies, the government of South Vietnam and the NLF. In Afghanistan, the United States is now negotiating directly with the Taliban, sidestepping its ally,

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Groups of officers, seen in the typical Jungle Uniform, with their belongings in suitcases and boxes, waiting for transportation, Phu Bai Combat Base, Vietnam, 1964. (Getty)

Vietnam and Afghanistan are both reputed “graveyards of empires,” countries fiercely resistant to the will of even the most powerful outsider.

the government of President Ashraf Ghani.

The U.S. ally in Kabul, like its ally in South Vietnam, controls only a fragment of its territory, exercises weak leadership, and is afflicted with political and governmental dysfunction as well as rampant corruption. The Afghan military, like its South Vietnamese counterpart, depends on U.S. financial aid and support. And just as in Vietnam, the timing of a U.S. troop withdrawal is an essential element of any agreement. Now,

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as then, U.S.officials seek a “decent interval,” in the phrase coined by Henry Kissinger, national security adviser to U.S. President Richard Nixon, between the departure of the United States and the fall of its allied government.

For all that, the two wars are also strikingly dissimilar—beginning with their entirely incomparable scale. U.S. troops in Vietnam peaked at slightly more than half a million, of which more than 58,000 were killed. The United States has committed barely a fifth the forces to Afghanistan and has lost fewer than 3,000. Of course, the enemy is incomparable, too. North Vietnam was a formidable foe with one of the world’s largest armies and substantial outside support from the Soviet bloc and China. The U.S. enemy in Afghanistan is mainly the Taliban insurgents, a far smaller military force. No great power rivalry adds complexity or cost to the Afghan war.

The war in Vietnam provoked an outcry at home that would define a legacy shared by no U.S.war before or since. By the time the Paris peace negotiations began in earnest in 1972, that war was deeply and irredeemably unpopular in the United States. Domestic pressure left Nixon and Kissinger, his chief negotiator, little choice but to settle quickly for the best terms possible. In part because of the rift Vietnam opened in the American social fabric, the United States has fought in Afghanistan with a volunteer army, employed far fewer troops, and sought to keep casualties low. There have been no war taxes to rile the public, no street demonstrations to rattle decision-makers. Media coverage has been limited and boosterish. Polls show that a solid majority of Americans think the war was a mistake, doubt that progress is being made, and want to get out. But unlike Vietnam, the present

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war has not aroused opposition potent enough to force discussion of a withdrawal.

GETTING OUT Oddly, the major impetus for extrication from Afghanistan has come not from strategic thinkers or antiwar protesters but from a chief executive who is a foreign policy neophyte and who often behaves quite erratically. As a candidate for the U.S. presidency, Donald Trump expressed concern about costly, neverending wars, such as the one in Afghanistan, and vowed to terminate them. When he took office, his advisers persuaded him to authorize a small increase in U.S. troops instead. Now, with the departure of establishment figures such as former U.S. National Security Adviser H. R. McMaster and former U.S. Secretary of Defense James Mattis, Trump has again set out, in his words, to extricate the nation from these “endless wars” and “bring our folks home.” The foreign policy establishment and some more hawkish senators, such as Lindsey Graham, the Republican from South Carolina, have sought to obstruct or at least delay the president’s plans and sustain the commitment in Afghanistan.

The ignominious end to the war in Vietnam haunts this discussion. Many Americans retain indelible images of North Vietnam’s devastating final offensive against the South, the complete

For a nation accustomed to victory in war, such memories are searing. Would a withdrawal from Afghanistan look like Vietnam and have similar consequences for Afghans—and Americans?

collapse of the Saigon government and its army, and the desperate, belated efforts of Americans and South Vietnamese to escape the onslaught.

For a nation accustomed to victory in war, such memories are searing. Would a withdrawal from Afghanistan look like Vietnam and have similar consequences for Afghans—and Americans?

At this point, the details of the agreement under negotiation are unsettled. The Taliban seeks an early withdrawal of U.S. troops; the United States favors a process that could take up to three years. U.S. negotiators seek guarantees from the Taliban that terrorists will not again use Afghan territory as a base from which to strike the United States. There is no way to ensure that the Taliban would keep such a pledge, but the group

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Picture released on May 1964 ,27 of a US helicopter landing to allow American and vietnamese soldiers to unload resupplying in the Southern Vietnam jungle, during the Vietnam War. (Getty)

apparently has its own concerns about al Qaeda and the Islamic State (also known as ISIS), both of which have nests scattered across Afghanistan, and might seek to curtail their activities for its own reasons. The agreement includes a provision for a cease-fire, which would likely hold only as long as the various parties in Afghanistan want it to—perhaps not long. In Vietnam, the Saigon government broke the cease-fire before the ink on the 1973 agreement was dry; North Vietnam was not far behind.

We can’t know what will happen in Afghanistan when the United States withdraws. One possibility is that the country will revert to a Taliban-dominated nation-state and a patchwork of ethnic groups and warlords, just as before

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2001. As North Vietnam did in the South after 1975, a Taliban government might try to impose its ideology on the part of Afghanistan it controls, in this case re-creating an Islamic state similar to the one it ran before it was deposed, with all the obvious implications for human rights and the treatment of women.

HISTORY LESSONS Using historical analogy to inform policy decisions is tricky at best and perilous at worst.

Nonetheless, Vietnam may offer some useful lessons for postwar Afghanistan. For instance, Nixon deluded himself into thinking that the promise of economic aid and the threat of

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renewed bombing would give him leverage over North Vietnam after U.S. troops withdrew.

In reality, the Watergate scandal and fierce opposition in Congress and the country to any form of reintervention tied his hands. Even without Watergate, Nixon would likely not have been able to forestall North Vietnam’s victory.

In Afghanistan, similarly, the United States will have little influence on events on the ground after it has left. The reintroduction of troops seems highly improbable; the most the United Statesmight do would be to attack terrorist bases with bombs and missiles, as it has done in Syria and elsewhere.

Vietnam should also remind us of the costs of wishful thinking in the final stages of war.

In the spring of 1975, U.S. Ambassador to South Vietnam Graham Martin stubbornly refused even to plan for withdrawal, for fear of encouraging the enemy and discouraging the South Vietnamese—a stance that made the U.S. departure more chaotic than it might have been. A quiet, well-planned, orderly withdrawal from Afghanistan would look much different from a Vietnam-like exit under extreme duress.

And it would militate against the “Afghanistan syndrome” that many foreign policy analysts fear.

Another lesson from Vietnam is the critical importance of consulting with U.S. allies well in advance of departure. Nixon’s announcement of U.S. troop withdrawals from Vietnam just hours after informing allies of the decision deeply antagonized several of those governments.

Australia, the most zealous U.S. ally at the start of the war, responded by disengaging from Vietnam even more rapidly than the United States. The Trump administration should avoid repeating this mistake; unfortunately, its track record in dealing with allies does not bode well in this area.

American officials would also do well to follow the courageous example of U.S. President Gerald Ford in welcoming South Vietnamese refugees by providing for the emigration of those Afghans who have been most closely tied to the United

States—again, no simple task, especially given the current administration’s hostility toward immigration.

Because the war in Afghanistan has largely been invisible to most Americans, the domestic political effect of the withdrawal will likely be less dramatic than with Vietnam. A flap in Congress over who lost Afghanistan seems improbable.

The most the withdrawal might do in terms of domestic politics is widen the intraparty rift between Trumpian nationalists and mainstream Republicans and sharpen the already discernible public weariness with costly and interminable conflicts abroad. A survey commissioned by the

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Acting Pentagon chief Patrick Shanahan (front 2nd R) arrives in Kabul on February 2019 ,11.

(Getty)

Eurasia Group Foundation in 2018 shows that a majority of Americans favor a more nationalist approach that prioritizes urgent needs at home over costly campaigns to remake the world in America’s image. This represents a shift in attitudes away from public acceptance of a more interventionist policy in the aftermath of 11/9 and exposes a widening gap between the views of the public and those of foreign policy elites—a gap that leaders will have to address when framing future policies.

The options before the United States today are familiar ones. Washington could escalate in hopes of winning the war; it could persist just

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as it has so far, inviting a prolonged stalemate; or it could put an end to a failed venture that has lasted 18 years and whose long-term costs may run to trillions of dollars. The choice seems obvious. The United States must abandon its fixation with abstractions, such as credibility or the fear of appearing weak, and act instead on the basis of common sense. The most enduring lesson of Vietnam—and Afghanistan—may be that there is no good way out of a bad war except to end it.

This article was originally published on ForeignAffairs.com.

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Revising Egypt’s Constitution A National Referendum and Parliamentary Vote Approve Changes That Could Mean Sisi Rule Until 2030 Majalla - London A former army chief, Abdelfattah el-Sisi stormed to the presidency at the 2014 polls winning 96.9 percent of the

vote, a year after having led the military in ousting Islamist President Mohamed Morsi. Sisi was reelected in 2018, sweeping the poll with 97 percent of the ballots.

In early 2018, some Egyptian policymakers and

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Sisi has been very careful not to publicly comment on the amendments, saying only that he would abide by the “will of the [Egyptian] people.”

Elderly Egyptian women cast their ballots in a box as they vote at a polling station in a referendum on constitutional amendments, at a school in the capital Cairo›s northern neighbourhood of Shubra, on the first day of a three-day poll, on April 2019 ,20. (Getty)

media outlets began discussing the importance of constitutional amendments. While these calls initially focused on presidential terms limits, on February ,3 2019, the pro-government parliamentary bloc known as Support Egypt, submitted a broader package of draft constitutional amendments to the Speaker of the House of Representatives. This proposal was then reviewed for compliance with the constitution and the House’s bylaws and voted on by the General Committee on February 5.

After a -10week debate, parliament’s Constitutional and Legislative Affairs Committee approved the final draft of proposed amendments. The draft, formulated by a seven-member subcommittee, was finalised then approved overwhelmingly by the 485 lawmakers in the -596seat chamber on 16 April and by the public in a three-day national referendum on 22-19 April.

Sisi has been very careful not to publicly comment on the amendments, saying only that he would abide by the “will

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of the [Egyptian] people.”

Parliament speaker Ali Abdelaal has said that the amendments were a parliamentary initiative and that Sisi may not even choose to run again.

“This suggestion came from the representatives of the people in gratitude for the historic role played by the president,” the legislative committee report said.

The legislative committee acknowledged some opposition to the amendments from members of the judiciary and two non-governmental organizations. Just 22 members of parliament voted against the amendments.

Salah Hasb-Allah, the Parliamentarian Spokesperson, told Majalla that it was necessary to amend the Egyptian constitution at this time because the constitution was shaped at time when Egypt had just experienced “the bitter rule of the Muslim Brotherhood that fell in the June 30 revolution and Egypt needed to develop a constitution suitable for the climate at the time.”

“I would like to emphasise the constitution is not a sacred text and when the political climate changes, it should change accordingly,” he explained, adding that the new amendments have longevity as they are being made under “normal conditions”.

Abdelaal has said the constitutional amendments will not be the last in Egypt. “I think we will need to write a completely new constitution within the next 10 years,” he said, indicating that the subcommittee responsible for releasing the final draft was keen that it was in line with internationally recognised constitutional principles.

THE PRESIDENT According to Egypt›s current constitution, which was adopted six months before Sisi was first elected, this term should be his last as the charter says that the president serves four-year terms and can only be re-elected once.

Under the new changes, the presidential term will become six years. This is the most significant of the amendments although it technically maintains the two-term cap stipulated in the current charter. However, Article 241 outlines a transitional arrangement specific to Sisi which extends his current second four-year term by two years

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and allows him to stand for another six-year term in 2024.

These sweeping constitutional changes could keep the president in power until 2030.

Speaking to Khaled Saleh, the editor-in-chief of the Egyptian daily Youm 7, Parliament Speaker Abdelaal said that the amended presidential term was one of the most important articles discussed by the lawmakers.

“We considered it as one of the main articles to maintain political stability.”

He added that “we asked ourselves: does the constitution›s period of four years in presidency achieves the country’s stability? The answer was no.” Abdel Aal explained that the presidency terms in other countries are being reviewed, and have been expanded from five to seven years in several countries. He noted that Egypt needs longer presidency terms for the sake of its economic plans.

The amendments also permit the appointment one or more vice-presidents - a post that was removed following the adoption of the 2012 constitution.

THE MILITARY The military in Egypt is in change of major infrastructure projects and generals occupy key positions throughout the government. The amendments to article 200 declare the military the “guardian and protector” of the Egyptian state and further enshrine the authority of the Armed Forces in maintaining democracy, the constitution and the civil nature of the state, while also granting military courts wider jurisdiction in trying civilians.

The amendment to article 234 would meanwhile enshrine the role of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in approving the minister of defence›s appointment. The

Parliament Speaker Abdelaal said that the amended presidential term was one of the most important articles discussed by the lawmakers.

“We considered it as one of the main articles to maintain political stability.”

article had been set to expire at the end of Sisi›s second term.

According to Abdelaal, the amendments do not in any way push the Armed Forces into politics. “The articles only state that the main role of the Armed Forces is to protect the state and its authorities, and that civilians will face trial before military courts only in crimes related to assaulting its establishments, and that this is the norm in all countries of the world,” Abdel-Aal said.

THE JUDICIARY The amendments empower the president to appoint the heads of various judicial bodies and the prosecutorgeneral from a pool of senior candidates pre-selected by the judiciary and to chair a Supreme Council for Judicial Bodies and Entities. They also put him at the head of a new council, presiding over judicial affairs.

Commenting on these changes, Abdel-Aal said they do not violate the independence of the judiciary or infringe upon its powers. “It gives the president the right to appoint heads of judicial authority only upon the nomination of its members and their general assemblies,” Abdel-Aal said.

THE SENATE Various other provisions in the amendment proposal package include the re-establishment of a second parliamentary chamber, known as the Council of Senators.

It would have 180 members, two-thirds elected by the public and the rest appointed by the president.

Abdel-Hadi Al-Qasabi, head of the Support Egypt coalition, told a meeting held by parliament›s constitutional and legislative affairs committee on 14 April that the objective of the formation of a Senate is to widen the scope of political participation.

«The restoration of the bicameral system in Egypt shall give the opportunity for many sections of society to join parliamentary life, voice their opinions about public policies and help improve the legislating process,» said AlQasabi.

A -51page report prepared by the constitutional and legislative affairs committee also indicates that the formation of the Senate will allow high-profile public figures, experts and the intelligentsia to contribute to improving public policies and drafting legislation in Egypt.

«Many of these figures refrain from standing in parliamentary elections, but with the formation of the Senate and via appointment they will be able to have their voices heard and participate in shaping public policies,» said the report.

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Egypt›s members of parliament attend a session in Cairo to vote on constitutional changes on April 2019 ,16. (Getty)

The committee’s report said that they rejected the stipulation that the Senate should comprise 250 members, as originally drafted.

«This had been the case under the two regimes of Sadat and Mubarak,» said the report, arguing that «this number would be too much at the present time.”

«The US Senate comprises just 100 members, while the House comprises 435 deputies, and so we think that the number of the Senate›s members should not be too much, and that it should be at least 180, leaving the final say to the law which will be issued in this respect,» said the report, also revealing that «the constitutional amendment stipulating that women will be allocated 25 percent of seats in the lower house will not apply to the Senate.”

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES The amendments reduce the number of seats in the

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The formation of the Senate will allow high-profile public figures, experts and the intelligentsia to contribute to improving public policies and drafting legislation in Egypt. lower house, the House of Representatives, from 596 to 450. They also established a quota for women in the House of Representatives setting their representation at a minimum of 25 percent and greater representation for other minorities. There are currently 90 female MPs (12 percent) in parliament, the highest in Egypt’s history.

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The Marrakesh Declaration: Start of a New Era? Muslim Peace Forum in Abu Dhabi: a Light during Dark Times

By Youssef El Deeny

THE TOLERANCE DEFIECENCY

Jeddah: For the past few decades, the world has become a much smaller place thanks to instant communications, social media and ease of access to information. In spite of this, the world is no nearer to eradicating acts of violence and terror which are largely inspired by ideologies of hate, racism and prejudice.

It is these manifestos that promote tribalism, which in turn pose a threat to national unity and social cohesion, especially if certain sects in society start distancing themselves from their national identity.

As it stands, humanity suffers from a “tolerance deficiency”. Today, the only time tolerance is expressed is during diplomatic protocols, media campaigns and when world leaders express the dire need for tolerance in their speeches. This problem is not one to be sniffed at, because the previous century’s tolerance deficiency caused two world wars, tens of international wars, civil wars and the operation of religious minorities.

The signing of the Constitution of Medina is evidence of the Arab-Islamic world’s early adoption of tolerance.

TALK IS CHEAP Tolerance has become a practical goal that all developed societies seek; it is no longer just a humanistic or religious virtue that one attempts to achieve. Most, if not all, religious and secular doctrines name tolerance as a necessity for harmony and peace. Nevertheless, the existence of multitudinous ethnicities and religions make it difficult for people to live in harmony. This

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is especially true in this age in which migration rates are moving at an unprecedented pace, which in turn has caused multiple culture clashes. As such, it is paramount that tolerance moves from just an idea and becomes a tangible reality.

In the past, the need for tolerance was necessary in many developing and under developed nations which tended to have many from differing religions, groups, tribes and sects. However, many developed countries in the Western sphere now have a new need for tolerance as they have become new homes for people coming all around the world.

DEVELOPMENT OF TOLERANCE IN WEST Western tolerance did not happen overnight; in fact it developed as a result of a long and grueling process to end the fragmentation that these societies experienced during the bloody religious wars. From there, a new philosophical doctrine of tolerance developed, and the English philosopher John Locke was among the thinkers who advocated for such ideas during the

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The Marrakesh Declaration has established a serious and honest dialogue among Islamic scholars and scholars of other religions and cultures. seventeenth century. In 1688, Locke wrote A Letter Concerning Toleration, in the document stated the key roles of a modern civilian state, namely the protection of the rights of citizens. He also refuted Thomas Hobbes’s view that religious uniformity within society was necessary for its functioning. On the contrary, Locke thought that civil conflict arises when government powers try to prevent people from practicing their own religion. As such, the freedom to openly practice one’s religious beliefs and the very existence of different religious groups in society actually prevent civil unrest, rather than cause it. Furthermore, in 1763 French philosopher,

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Voltaire, added to this philosophical base when he wrote the Treatise on Tolerance in which he called for religious tolerance within Europe and criticized religious fanaticism.

The works of such European philosophers became the basis of the Declaration of Principles on Tolerance, which advocated tolerance as the universal principle to perpetuate the equal relations between states and to end the tendencies of hegemony, colonialism and the use of force.

HISTORICAL LEGACY Europe’s long history of violence and religious wars made it necessary for the establishment of a legal and constitutional legislature of tolerance, similar to those of the medieval Arab-Islamic world which understood the basis of tolerance early in its history, since the founding of Islam in fact. The signing of the Constitution of Medina is evidence of the Arab-Islamic world’s early adoption of tolerance.

The Marrakech Charter is an ambitious initiative that emerged out of the Muslim Peace Forum in Abu Dhabi, the capital of the UAE. The Charter aims to use the Constitution of Medina as a basis for Islamic scholars, which they will use to advocate for policies that would instill tolerance within Muslim societies many of which are suffering from tolerance deficiencies.

Moreover, the lack of lawful and constitutional legislature that encourages tolerance within these societies has caused a widespread in religious fundamentalism, extremism and terrorism. In turn, this has caused a domino effect on Western societies which are experiencing a surge in far right extremism, white supremacist ideology

The Marrakesh Declaration is based on bringing the Constitution of Medina to the 21st century.

and Islamophobia. The rise of such ideologies threatens the fabric in which European society is built on.

A COLLECTIVE AGREEMENT The Marrakesh Declaration has established a serious and honest dialogue among Islamic scholars and scholars of other religions and cultures. Moreover, these scholars have all come together to this “cultural workshop” to lay the blueprints for reviving the Medina Charter for the 21st century. This modernizing revitalization strives to clearly indicate the legal basis of citizenship and the rights of citizens regardless of their religion, ethnicity or sect. The head of this initiative is Sheik Abdallah Bin Bayyah, the President of the Forum for Promoting Peace in Muslim Societies and the Grand Mufti of the UAE. Significant religious leaders and scholars took part in the forum, which had the pleasure of hosting over 350 influential individuals. The forum was also honored to be blessed with the presence of His Holiness Pope Francis of the Vatican, who made a second historic visit to Morocco after his visit to the UAE. The Pope spoke at the King Hassan II Mosque in front of many esteemed individuals including King Mohamed the Sixth of Morocco. The Pope stressed the importance of establishing a doctrine of tolerance that recognizes the value of human life. He went on to say that there needs to be a full recognition of the rights of humans and citizens and those rights need to be supported by a legislative framework and state powers.

CITIZENSHIP PARTICIPATION The forum in which the Marrakesh Charter was adopted had the following banner: The Rights of Religious Minorities in Predominantly Muslim Lands: Legal Framework and a Call to Action. As such, the discourse that came out of the forum revolved around outlining the roles and duties of all citizens living in Muslim societies, as well as

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establishing the coexistence among all members of said societies. The plans of clarifying citizen roles and rebuilding coexistence will be based on the Constitution of Medina. The forum further emphasized the importance of renewing religious discourse, as well as the peaceful coexistence between all segments of diverse societies, lest the cultural clashes we see today will only become worse. The Muslim scholars also called for the consolidation of citizenship as the only means that a modern state can use to eradicate discrimination between people of differing religious backgrounds and protect religious minorities from persecution. The forum would go on to point out the important role those Muslim scholars and leading imams have in their societies and how they have to lead the way in promoting pluralism, equality and tolerance.

They also need to correct certain misconceptions in religious doctrine which have been used to promote hatred, fundamentalism, division and extremism. Finally, the closing statement of

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Western tolerance developed as a result of a long and grueling process to end the fragmentation that these societies experienced during the bloody religious wars. the forum stated: “Religion must never be used to justify penetrating the rights of any citizen from any other religious background.� There is no doubt that this is an important first step that must be further built upon. If this initiative moves towards its full potential, then this exceptionally dark period of Islam’s history, which has seen the religion being used for fundamentalist teachings, can end and people will see the true tolerant and peaceful teachings within Islamic doctrine.

A Weekly Political News Magazine

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Walking Through the Yorkshire Countryside on a Very British Vacation

www.majalla.com

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Egyptian-American Actor Ramy Youssef Stars in TV’s First Muslim American Sitcom Hulu’s Millennial Comedy ‘Ramy’ 44

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“When people watch it, they’re not really going to see a culture clash, they’re going to see it like, ‘Oh, wait, I see my family in this family,’” says Youssef.

When he’s not searching for his next girlfriend or hanging out with his wheelchair-bound friend Steve (Steve Way), he’s looking for a comfortable spot between his parents’ old world (a pre-Arab Spring Egypt) and the new world in which he grew up and still lives (suburban New Jersey).

The tension makes for some of the best culturespecific jokes — and universal situation comedy — around.

The -10episode series, which employs Muslims and Arabs in front of and behind the cameras, premiered this month. It breaks ground like “Fresh Off the Boat” but with the raw, subculturespecific spirit of “Insecure” or “Master of None.”

During a recent interview in Los Angeles, Youssef says, “There’s this idea that when you say you’re Muslim, that you’re either all in or you’re trying to escape it. I love the idea of gradations and levels, just like everybody else has.”

It’s the kind of TV that was missing from his childhood.

Ramy Youssef participates in the «Ramy» panel during the Hulu presentation at the Television Critics Association Winter Press Tour at The Langham Huntington on Monday, Feb. ,11 2019, in Pasadena, Calif. (Photo by Willy Sanjuan/Invision/AP) WS Pasadena, CA, USA (AP Photos)

by Lorraine Ali Egyptian American millennial Ramy, played by comedian and show co-creator Ramy Youssef, is an Allah-fearing Arab, but not the sort viewers are used to seeing on their screens. He doesn’t come with decimated war-zone scenery, a dusty kifaya headscarf or a Kalashnikov.

Ramy is a shaggy, unsure -28year-old in a baseball cap, rumpled T-shirt and jeans who still hasn’t kicked a childhood habit of smothering whatever’s on his plate with too much ketchup.

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“The stories I always see about a first-generation kid trying to erase where they came from, or trying to just be white, I would watch those shows or movies and I was like, ‘I don’t get this,’” Youssef says. “This isn’t how I feel. I really respect this culture and this faith, but I’m not perfect and I’m struggling. I’ve drawn my lines, and yeah, I cross them. The best jokes and stories come from that conflict and guilt, and I’ve never seen that talked about on TV.” “Ramy” is edgy and raw, too graphic for Youssef to show his own parents but exactly the right

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temperature for a room full of his generational peers who recently watched a few episodes at a Hollywood screening. It was clear from the laughter that the audience, Muslims and otherwise, recognized themselves or their families in the people they saw on screen.

Executive produced by Youssef, Jerrod Carmichael (“The Carmichael Show”) and Bridget Bedard (“Transparent”), the semi-biographical series — co-created by Youssef, Ryan Welch and Ari Katcher — has its origins in Youssef’s stand-up routine.

Says Bedard, “Almost every episode was born out of some joke we just pushed deeper. We explored why it was a joke in the first place. What’s the pain behind that?”

Youssef honed his stand up in small New York clubs, amassed a local following, then picked up national attention in 2017 when he appeared on “The Late Show with Stephen Colbert.” Youssef now has a stand-up comedy special airing on HBO in June. Clearly, he’s come a long way since his first big break — a Taco Bell commercial and a gig as a regular on Nick at Nite’s Scott Baio comedy “See Dad Run.” “I moved from New York to L.A. to be on the show,” Youssef says. “My mom was like, ‘It’s amazing. You’re going to meet so many actors.

Then, you can become a lawyer for actors.’ Like this show was a networking experience for what

It was clear from the laughter that the audience, Muslims and otherwise, recognized themselves or their families in the people they saw on screen.

would eventually be my future job.”

The fictional Ramy lives at home with parents Maysa (Hiam Abbass) and Farouk (Amr Waked) and sister Dena (May Calamawy). They are moderately religious, speak a mixture of English and Arabic, use Uber and shop at Costco.

On the show, Ramy appears to attend mosque more than his parents, praying with a hole in one sock. It’s there, during one episode, that his friends notice a new face in the crowd. “He’s a spy,” comments one of them casually, referring to Homeland Security’s post11/9- policy of

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(L-R) Jerrod Carmichael, Ramy Youssef, and Bridget Bedard of the television show ‹Ramy› speak during the Hulu segment of the 2019 Winter Television Critics Association Press Tour at The Langham Huntington, Pasadena on February 2019 ,11 in Pasadena, California

placing informants in American masjids. Another lets out an exasperated huff: “Look at him. He’s Dominican. The FBI isn’t even trying anymore.”

yourself in the most human way possible? You show them you’re struggling to be good.”

That’s about as close as Youssef comes to what he calls “All Arabs Are Not Terrorists” humor.

Concerns that “Ramy” might be too culturally specific for a wider audience aren’t, in fact, concerns for the folks behind its creation.

“I didn’t want ‘Ramy’ to be a commercial, like ‘Hey, Muslims are good!’” Youssef says. “We’re underrepresented, so the instinct when we get an opportunity like this is to show people that we’re good, that we have the same shared values.

What’s more important to me is showing that we have the same flaws. How do you show someone

“When people watch it, they’re not really going to see a culture clash, they’re going to see it like, ‘Oh, wait, I see my family in this family,’” says Youssef. “I know people want to hear that this is an East versus West culture clash, but the reality is, we’re all clashing with each other in our own homes all the time. This is no different.”

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Sudanese General Ahmed Awad Ibn Auf: Leader for Just One Day

by Moncef Mezghini Illustration by Ali Minadalou

out genocide during the country’s Darfur conflict in which 200,000 people were killed. He is one of just a handful of world 1 - Born in 1957, Ahmed Awad Ibn leaders on this list, which includes North Auf is a career military man who took Korea’s Kim Jong Un, Syria’s Bashar alover the country for just 24 hours on 11 Assad and Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro.

April following the protests that ended But unlike Bashir, the International President Omar al-Bashir’s -30year reign. Criminal Court (ICC) did not indict “I, the defense minister, chairman of the Ibn Auf for war crimes, crimes against High Security Committee, announce the humanity or genocide. uprooting of the regime and placing its head under custody in a safe location after 4 - On 22 February 2019, when President Al arresting him,” said the key insider in Bashir announced the State of Emergency in the country while protests were rocking Bashir’s leadership.

Sudan and dissolved the government (for 2 - Auf previously served as Head of the third time within one year), Ibn Auf Military Intelligence, and also Chairman was appointed Vice-President. As the of the Joint Chiefs of Staff before being protests morphed into a vast sit-in in the relieved in June 2010 as part of a military capital, Khartoum Ibn Auf told a group shakeup. Following his military service, of military chiefs that “Sudan›s armed he served as the Sudanese Ambassador forces understand the reasons for the to Saudi Arabia. In August 2015, he was demonstrations and are not against the appointed as Defense Minister of Sudan by demands and aspirations of the citizens, but will not allow the country to fall into Omar al-Bashir. chaos,” according to local media 3 - Auf was on a May 2007 list of individuals sanctioned by the United States due to links to militias accused of caring

5 - On 11 April 2019, he announced on Sudanese national television that the government had been dissolved and the

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constitution suspended. In his speech upon assuming power, Ibn Auf said that the military would be in charge, with a 10 pm curfew and a two-year transition period.

From a gold-upholstered armchair, he declared the closure of Sudan›s airspace, closure of border crossings, and a threemonth state of emergency. Many protesters saw this move as an attempt to shut down the round-the-clock sit-in and branded the transfer of power a ‘palace coup,’ rejecting the seizure of power by Sudan’s military.

Ibn Auf was generally viewed as ‘too close to the Al Bashir regime’ for his appointment to be embraced as a substantial change.

6 - On Thursday night the military did not enforce the curfew. and on Friday morning, Ibn Auf buckled to pressure from the Sudanese public, opposition forces, and the international community and resigned. ”In order to ensure the cohesion of the security system, and the armed forces in particular, from cracks and strife, and relying on God, let us begin this path of change,» he said. Auf named his successor Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman Burhan.

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Walking Through the Yorkshire Countryside on a Very British Vacation Things to Do in the North English Region

By Dave Hage For Americans who fell in love with the England of buttered scones and Agatha Christie, a visit today can be jarring. London has become a city of vaping millennials and unfortunate skyscrapers, while even provincial capitals such as York have embraced Colonel Sanders and BabyGap.

It’s a better place, on balance, than when my wife and I lived there 35 years ago — more vibrant and open-minded.

Yet even so, one sometimes yearns for the postcard version, the England of tea and tweeds.

And so we found ourselves one foggy night in the North Yorkshire village of Kettlewell, sipping a pint of Tetley’s at the King’s Head pub and drying our boots before a Tudor

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North Yorkshire is a place of breathtaking beauty, a landscape of deep, winding river valleys and high rolling fells — the green hillsides so steep that even horses step carefully. for my money, and one of the prettiest spots on Earth.

It’s also a place of great continuity, where sheep have grazed the same meadows for 300 years and an inn can stay in the same family for four generations.

If the American West is the landscape of opportunity — the unknown around every corner — then Yorkshire is the landscape of history, a place that wraps you in tradition and enfolds you in comforting familiarity.

Because we wanted to see several towns in just a few days, we chose a “sherpa” travel service. They give you a walking itinerary, book your accommodations and then ferry your luggage from one inn to the next while you are out testing yourself against nature. Our package called for three days of hiking, about 11 miles a day, along the beautiful valley known as Wharfedale. (The word “dale” is derived from Old English and Norse words for “valley.”)

Wildflowers and sunset in Ribblesdale, Yorkshire Dales. (Getty)

fireplace as wide as a two-car garage.

We had come to the Yorkshire Dales for a quintessential English holiday — walking — in a quintessentially English locale. North Yorkshire is a place of breathtaking beauty, a landscape of deep, winding river valleys and high rolling fells — the green hillsides so steep that even horses step carefully, the crests so high that their rounded tops disappear into wisps of fog. It’s the most beautiful place in England,

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Thus on Day 2, fortified by an English breakfast of poached eggs, broiled tomato, bacon, beans, smoked salmon, black pudding, tea, coffee, sausages and toast with marmalade, we set out from Kettlewell to ascend Yew Cogar Scar, a high, wooded fell that rises just east of town. Mist shrouded the valley as we set out, lending the woods a hint of mystery and coating every mossy rock with a dripping wet that put us in mind of woodland fairies and Tolkien’s Frodo Baggins.

About halfway up the hillside we stopped in a tiny bower to catch our breath. We took swigs from the water bottle and tightened our bootlaces, both of us silently thinking: “Nine more hours of this?”

But the summit rewarded our exertions. The fog had cleared so that, looking west, we could see clear across the valley of the River Wharfe to the vast hillside on the far side, its green meadows quilted by gray stone walls and dotted with white sheep. Turning east, we could see our path zigzagging

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down a long hillside of rusty bracken and descending into Littondale, a valley of stone-built villages and Norman churches.

After an easy descent, we made our way into Arncliffe (from the Norse for Eagle’s Cliff), a tiny village straight out of Emily Bronte. Though it consists of little more than a modest green, a church and a clutch of fieldstone houses, it is home to a well known 18th-century pub, the Falcon. At tiny tables around a coal fire, we refueled with a Ploughman’s Lunch and cauliflower soup while the barman and his aunt debated Brexit.

By mid-afternoon we had gained the summit of a second fell, this one more windswept and lonely. Although Yorkshire’s valley bottoms are green and friendly, the fell tops can be desolate — places where you have only the sheep for company, and sometimes even they desert you.

After a three-hour hike along the ridgeline we arrived at the head of a dramatic, boulder-strewn ravine that descended steeply to the lip to Malham Cove, a spectacular limestone gorge that climbs 260 feet from the valley floor.

From there, a footpath led into the village of Malham and our accommodation for the night, Beck Hall, an elegant

18th-century stone cottage with king-size bathtubs and a sign that read: “Dogs and muddy boots welcome.”

One test of a good vacation is the question: Would we do it again? If that means heading back to Yorkshire for more hiking, we would do it in a minute. If that means using a sherpa service, the answer is not so clear.

On balance we were happy with the company we chose, Contours Walking Holidays. The itinerary was well designed, including some of the Dales’ most picturesque sights, and the accommodations, except for one rather drab B&B, were beautiful and comfortable.

If we had a nagging complaint, it was with the daily sheet of hiking instructions. Each day’s packet came with a page or two of detailed directions (“There is a clear path to follow marked by obvious stiles, toward the left-hand side of the limestone outcrop on the horizon”). Except that the grassy paths weren’t always clear, the stiles weren’t always obvious, and distant landmarks could be decidedly ambiguous.

More than once we found ourselves at the edge of a meadow, utterly flummoxed about how to cross it and quite

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The Shambles, a famously narrow lane in the city of York, predates Harry Potter by about five centuries but is now home to several wizardry shops for tourists. (TNS)

unsure whether our destination was just around the corner or another four hours away. After the first day, my wife downloaded an Ordinance Survey app onto her iPhone, which proved invaluable at moments of doubt.

Then, too, budget-minded travelers should consider the cost. We paid about 900$ for a package that included four nights’ accommodation, with breakfasts so hearty they doubled for lunch, as well as a packet of maps, a useful introduction to hiking in the Dales and the luggage transfers.

It’s true that hiring an expert can bring peace of mind.

On the other hand, if you have some familiarity with Yorkshire, you could save money by booking your own accommodations, mapping your own walks and using one town as a base for day hikes.

Tiny Malham (population 238) is a popular hiking destination because of nearby scenic features such as Malham Cove and Gordale Scar. It lies at the confluence of several excellent footpaths and has several inns as well as a working smithy where the blacksmith gives demonstrations and sells her wares. Nearby Grassington, the metropolis of the region with a population of 1,100, has hotels, provisioners, hiking outfitters, gift shops and innumerable

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Tiny Malham (population 238) is a popular hiking destination because of nearby scenic features such as Malham Cove and Gordale Scar. teashops lining a pretty village green.

One afternoon outside Grassington, hopelessly lost near a beautiful limestone ravine called Conistone Dib, we encountered an English couple who were happy to give us directions. We fell in with them on the trail for a couple of miles and they explained that they had been coming to Yorkshire every year for more than a decade. My first thought: Every year? Wouldn’t it get boring?

By the time our third day’s hike was finished and we were packing for home, that skepticism had been swept aside by a deep infatuation with the Dales. Would I do it again? I’d go back tomorrow.

Originally published in the Star Tribune (Minneapolis).

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Fried Foods Linked to Earlier Death Time to Ditch those Deep Fat Fryers 54

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Women who ate one or more servings of fried chicken daily were %13 more likely to die prematurely from any cause.

The study also had bad news for fried seafood lovers. Women who ate fried fish or shellfish daily were %7 more likely to die early from any cause and %13 more likely to die from heart-related causes during the study period than women who didn’t eat fried food.

STUDYING THE EFFECTS OF FRIED FOODS The study’s authors came to these conclusions after looking at diet questionnaires and mortality among more than 100,000 women ages 50 to 79 who participated in the Women’s Health Initiative. Researchers followed the women from the time they enrolled in the study in the mid1990-s for roughly 20 years.

The elevated risk of early death among heavy eaters of fried foods remained even after researchers adjusted for other factors, such as lifestyle, overall diet, education, and income level.

Woman contemplating, thinking, making healthy decision about what to eat, (Getty)

Healthier options, such as baking, can offer similar taste without the health drawbacks.

Fried foods are crunchy, crispy, and tasty, but as tempting as they are, eating them too often might shave years off your life.

A study published online January 23 by The BMJ found that women who ate one or more servings of fried chicken daily were %13 more likely to die prematurely from any cause and %12 more likely to die from heartrelated causes than women who didn’t eat any fried food.

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“It’s not a perfect study, but the researchers have controlled for many of the things that could have affected the results,” says Teresa Fung, adjunct professor in the Department of Nutrition at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health. The overall message is also not very surprising, she says. Less is more when it comes to fried foods.

“Although not encouraged, eating fried food less than twice a month is probably okay, if someone is eating an otherwise healthy diet,” says Kelley Bradshaw, outpatient clinical manager and senior dietitian for nutrition and wellness services at Harvard-affiliated

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Brigham and Women’s Hospital.

REDUCING CONSUMPTION AND RISK It makes sense that fried foods might trigger health problems. Not only are they high in calories, but most people aren’t cooking them at home, because frying is difficult and messy, says Fung. Common restaurant practices, such as reusing cooking oils and going heavy on the salt, may make fried foods even worse than they could be if you were to make them at home, she says.

For this reason, if you do eat fried foods, making your own could be a slightly better option, she says.

Other strategies to reduce your fried food intake include the following: Swap cooking methods. Breading foods and then baking them in the oven is one way to get some of the texture of fried foods, but with fewer health hazards, says Bradshaw.

For example, dip chicken in egg or buttermilk and then coat with bread crumbs. Cook in the oven at 400 degrees for a crispy, yet healthier version of “fried chicken.”

Some people recommend trying an air fryer, which is essentially a mini-oven that circulates hot air around the food. These

Swap cooking methods. Breading foods and then baking them in the oven is one way to get some of the texture of fried foods, but with fewer health hazards.

devices “fry” the food with little or no oil.

Learn to spot fried foods. Most people conjure up images of fried chicken and French fries when they hear the words fried food, but they often don’t think of others, such as tortilla chips, donuts, and crunchy salad toppings.

Look for words such as “fritter,” “crispy,” or “golden,” on the menu. They are often a tipoff that a food is fried.

Focus on your overall diet. While you want to watch your fried food intake, don’t ignore your overall diet in the process. Many of the women in the study who ate a lot of fried food also had a less healthy diet in general, with fewer fruits, vegetables, and whole

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Close-Up Of Meat In Plate. (Getty)

grains, and more sugary drinks.

So, it’s not just about avoiding one food; it’s about making sure you have a healthy dietary pattern. Ideally, this should include lots of fruits and vegetables, whole grains, healthy fats such as olive oil, and lean meats.

Originally published in Harvard Women’s Health

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