he Elusive Search for Perfection

Spain' s New Government and the Catalan Crisis

A Weekly Political News Magazine

What "America First" Will Cost Europe

Messages of Unity, Humanism at Tony Awards

Issue 1701 - June 22/06/2018

The Elusive Search for Perfection Is "Good Enough" the New Perfect? www.majalla.com

A Weekly Political News Magazine

Issue 1701- June 22/06/2018

What "America First" Will Cost Europe 14

Messages of Unity, Humanism at Tony Awards

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A man face's riot police as protestors holding Greek flags walk amid smoke during a protest at the village of Pisoderi near the border with Macedonia in northern Greece on June 17,2018 as the foreign ministers of Greece and Macedonia signed a historic preliminary accord on renaming Macedonia. (Getty)

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Hannes Halldorsson of Iceland saves a penalty kick from Lionel Messi of Argentina during the 2018 FIFA World Cup Russia group D match between Argentina and Iceland at Spartak Stadium on June 2018 ,16 in Moscow, Russia.

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The Elusive Search for Perfection Is "Good Enough" the New Perfect?

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Perfectionism can also be a sign of procrastination, or in other words, finding an excuse to bide our time as a response to fear wrong and life can feel very lonely and pressurised as you continue to uphold and raise the bar in order to meet and even stun individual and social expectations.

The search for perfection in different areas of our lives can feel like an addictive high, which hooks us into believing that if only we owned, or achieved just one more thing we’d will feel happier, wealthier and healthier. Yet, ironically although you may achieve that goal, perhaps you still feel unfulfilled, empty and judged in response to your nagging internal voice which replays the following; am I good enough? What happens if I fail to meet or exceed expectations? What happens if I don’t fit in or I don’t present myself as less than perfect? Will I be judged and cast out into the sea of rejection? And to top it off, it doesn’t help that the media and other’s expectations reinforce the pressure to be perfect.

by Samantha Morris* Have you ever wondered what your life would be like if and when you acquire everything? Perhaps you’ve been planning to buy, or you already own that luxury home, Chanel Wardrobe, or state of the art car in the hope that you that these will improve your life and make you happy? You may already have, or are working towards that fantastic career or next investment which requires you to jet set across the world for both work and pleasure, and yet although your lifestyle may elicit jealousy, gossip and assumptions that your life is seemingly perfect from the outside, somehow you feel that this couldn’t be more

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However, rarely do people see ‘good enough’ as being successful. Instead, the term seems to stir up images of being satisfactory, ordinary, boring, unsuccessful and so forth. For example, recently I watched two affluent and successful women being harnessed by the phenomenal hypnotising power of taking the ‘perfect’ Selfie. From the outside, they portrayed the very essence of what some people may regard as being highly successful; they were wealthy, beautiful, intelligent, well educated and extremely well connected. Yet sadly, as they continued to take more than 20 photos with the hope of receiving +150 likes on social media, I became aware that despite seeming to have it all, they really didn’t! As with other people, they too were on the search for the elusive perfect vision and confirmation of themselves.

I've also known high flying professionals as well as actors, musicians and people in the public eye to live in a crippling prison of self-doubt and anxiety as they profusely sweat for hundreds of hours over a presentation, a phrase within a piece of music, a script, or they feel that as soon as they open up the morning papers, or step outside of their front door they will be scrutinised within an inch of their life by the media, society and peers. Their personal and professional

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lives become blurred and privacy is sacrificed, through the pressures of having to uphold the very expectations that cast them into the limelight to begin with.

THE COSTS OF PERFECTIONISM Although we know that aiming high can help us to fulfill our potential, take us to the next level and leave us feeling exhilarated, we have to ask ourselves, at what point do we begin to experience the detrimental side effects of perfectionism?

We learn in different ways and from a very young age that we need to either 'fit in' to society or to over-achieve in order to set the new bar. After years and years of both soaking in this message and practicing it's philosophy, people can sometimes begin to feel lost, stressed, burntout, lacking in confidence and can feel unseen and unheard, yet the need to portray the ‘perfect’ image and life lingers over people’s heads as a dark cloud as they wake up every morning and step outside their front doors.

Perfectionism can also be a sign of procrastination, or in other words, finding an excuse to bide our time as a response to fear. Sometimes we may both be excited and yet be hugely fearful of either failing, or worse still actually achieving greatness and our fear of what this will bring and whether we'll be able to accept or manage the rewards it brings.

As human beings we are naturally wired to survive so any hint of self-doubt and so, the search for ‘perfectionism’ in all aspects of our lives protects us from the unknown whether this be positive or negative.

8 ESSENTIAL TIPS TO OVERCOME PERFECTIONISM

and produce satisfying and successful results leak into wanting to achieve a perfect result?

1. The Need to Control: Perfectionism communicates a need to control the unknown and can, at the extreme, be a response to fear. The results of being a perfectionist can be detrimental in terms of both affecting your health and holding you back. Ask yourself what am I fearful of? And how is my perfectionism holding me back from attracting all that I want and need?

3. Return to Your Original Goal. Sometimes we strive to achieve things in life, and yet when we get there it may not be as fulfilling as we would have liked. We may even get so caught up in actually achieving something that we lose ourselves and our original goals along the way. The key is to initially focus on how you want to feel and what you can realistically achieve in order to experience and create a great result. Then be honest with yourself and explore who in your life and what is honestly going to help you to achieve this.

2. Acknowledge Your Boundaries: Ask yourself, at what point does my healthy desire to want to create, experience

4. Success and Happiness Comes From Being Yourself.

More often than not, our greatest memories, happiness and

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Sometimes we strive to achieve things in life, and yet when we get there it may not be as fulfilling as we would have liked amounts of stress and expectations?

6. Be True to Yourself. Ask yourself: When I feel the need to be ‘perfect’ am I really being true to my own happiness?

Or am I trading these values in to be someone I am not or in order to please other people?

7. Progress is Better Than Perfection: Sometimes we want things to be ‘just so’, but at what cost? By facing your fears and demons and doing it anyway, you will be empowering yourself to make progress.

Sure you may not achieve or acquire how you want things to be at first, but at least you’ll be getting closer to your goals. Perhaps even set yourself a realistic deadline for finishing a piece of work, otherwise you may find yourself never finishing that life-long project.

achievements emerge when we are naturally at one with ourselves and relaxed. So ask yourself what would help me to relax, to have fun and to be spontaneous? Embrace the smaller and the larger things in life and give yourself permission to sometimes ‘let go’ rather than always feeling the need to control your life. Sometimes feeling ‘good enough’ and satisfied leads to incredible experiences!

5. Positively Challenge Your Thoughts: Acknowledge your thoughts and challenge them. Ask yourself: Where does my need to be perfect come from? Who am I trying to please here? Are these my own or others expectations?

At what point do I say enough is enough? What is the cost to my health, happiness and wellbeing? Can the same result be achieved without the excess extreme

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8. Take Action and View Failure as a Positive Experience.

Ok… I know you’re probably thinking this is crazy but just hear me out. We are conditioned to think failure is negative, but what if we were to consider that failure offers us a golden opportunity to learn what is and isn’t working and to turn things around? The greatest success stories come from people who have taken faced their fears head on and responded to fear and failure as signs and opportunities which will lead them closer to their goals.

The reality is that perfectionism is elusive and deceptive!

It leads us down a never-ending path towards an elusive pot of gold, which promises to reward us with a ‘one way ticket’ to a perfect life. However, you deserve more than the con that perfectionism promises. You deserve the real deal! *Samantha Morris is a Certified and Qualified Life Coach and an Integrative Art Psychotherapist.

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What "America First" Will Cost Europe Could Trump’s Neglect Undo the EU?

By Jeremy Shapiro The new U.S. ambassador to Germany, Richard Grenell, is quickly becoming Europe’s favorite bête noire. He seems to share his boss’ uncanny ability to offend people with a potent combination of professional incompetence and personal

arrogance. Within hours of taking up his post in early May, he had tweeted out a demand that Europeans disinvest from Iran, essentially commanding his hosts to heed President Donald Trump’s decision to end the Iranian nuclear deal. Then last week, he gave an interview with Breitbart, a right-wing website that operates in both Europe and the United States,

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enormous leverage, even as Trump has outraged many European leaders with his policies on trade, climate, and Iran.

Trump’s malign neglect of the EU comes at an inopportune moment of weakness for the European project. With the recent installation of a Euroskeptic government in Italy, at least five EU governments (Greece, Hungary, Italy, Poland, and the United Kingdom) are now avowedly anti-Brussels. Across the EU, populists are gaining political strength in part with the message that Brussels is responsible for their problems.

Voters in the south blame European monetary policy for a decade of austerity and anemic growth; voters in the east blame European immigration policies for threatening their identity and independence. And, of course, there is the United Kingdom, which is trying to get out of the EU altogether. All of this threatens to make the EU ungovernable, particularly if the European Parliamentary election next year delivers what Mark Leonard has called “a self-hating parliament”—that is, a parliament whose majority wants to secure its own abolition.

Supporters of the EU have hardly given up the struggle.

France and Germany are at the center of a broad and ambitious effort to reinvigorate the European project and demonstrate its worth to voters. They are seeking to launch new European defense initiatives to demonstrate that Europe can protect its citizens and manage immigration. They are seeking to reform eurozone governance to make the euro better able to promote prosperity and stability. And they are looking for a formula to rein in the most illiberal tendencies of EU governments to show that the EU remains committed to democracy and protecting human rights.

All of these initiatives face considerable internal obstacles and their fate is far from certain. The integrationists would under normal circumstances get U.S. support, at least behind the scenes. But in the Trump administration they are hardly noticed. So even as the EU is struggling to maintain its cohesion, the Trump administration is, according to Reuters, sending diplomats to the EU’s most recalcitrant members in the east to break European unity on the Iran nuclear deal. The Trump administration has already peeled off Romania and the Czech Republic from the European consensus, which opposed

Trump’s malign neglect of the EU comes at an inopportune moment of weakness for the European project

Trump’s decision to move the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, supposedly in return for assurances of U.S. support in those countries’ struggles against Brussels.

Populists in Europe now seem to understand that, although they won’t get American support just for acting like European Trumps, they can get support in their internal struggle if they appeal to U.S. priorities. The new Italian prime minister, Giuseppe Conte, for example, was the only leader at the G7meeting in Canada to support Trump’s call to include Russia, and he was rewarded by a Trump tweet praising his election

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Donald Trump Rally (Getty Images).

and inviting him to the White House.

Of course, previous U.S. administrations at times succumbed to the temptation of trying to divide Europe when it suited.

But they also valued European unity and ultimately sought to limit the damage they did to the overall process of European integration. After President George W. Bush successfully divided Europe over Iraq in 2003, for example, he began his second term with a symbolic visit to EU headquarters in Brussels to send a message that the United States still stood behind European integration.

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By contrast, the Trump administration’s stance of indifference to European integration and hostility to the EU’s trade policy gives hope to populists throughout Europe that they can and will have the support of the United States even in struggles that threaten the integrity of EU. It is this toxic interaction between the Trump administration’s strategic indifference to Europe and the populists’ effort to undermine the EU that threatens the United States’ most enduring strategic accomplishment in Europe.

This article was originally published on ForeignAffairs.com.

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Spain's New Government and the Catalan Crisis

How Sánchez Plans to Undermine the Region's Independence Claims

By Omar G. Encarnación It should come as no surprise that Spain’s new prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, has made solving the separatist

crisis in Catalonia his top policy priority. As the most pressing issue in Spanish politics, the Catalan crisis looms large over Sánchez’s reelection prospects. No date has been set for Spain’s next general elections, but they are

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widely expected to come sooner rather than later given the unusual circumstances that brought Sánchez and his Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party to power. It was through a vote of no confidence, an arcane feature of the Spanish constitution, that Sánchez was able to topple the conservative government of Mariano Rajoy of the Popular Party. This was the first time in the history of the democratic regime that Spain inaugurated in 1977 that parliament used this procedure to force a change in government.

Even if the Catalan crisis were not so pressing an issue, it is not as if Sánchez could do much on other fronts, such as the economy. Next year’s budget was already in place before Rajoy’s ousting. And Sánchez had promised to stay the course on Rajoy’s economic program even before taking office. Although very unpopular with some of the political groups that aided Sánchez in ousting Rajoy, especially the leftist populist Podemos, Rajoy’s economic program is widely credited with restoring economic growth in Spain after the global financial crisis. Moreover, staying the course on the economy pleases international investors, EU bureaucrats, the Spanish business community, and other political groups that supported Sánchez’s move to oust Rajoy, such as the Basque Nationalist Party.

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez makes a speech during an event in regards to '25th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Spain and Andorra' in Madrid, Spain on June ,04 2018. (Getty)

Sánchez’s strategy for solving the Catalan crisis, or at the very least for getting a grip on the situation, goes well beyond engaging the Catalan separatist government through dialogue, something the Rajoy administration had pointedly rejected. It appears that the new government’s intention is to erode Catalonia’s claims to independence by changing the discourse about nationhood in Spain—in other words, by reconceiving the very essence of Spain and of what it means to be a Spaniard, not just for Catalans but for the nation as a whole. The reality is that Catalonia’s fate rests less on what the separatists in Barcelona want than on how the greater Spanish electorate reacts to what Madrid does.

At the top of Sánchez’s Catalan playbook is advancing the view of Spain as a multicultural state. regional nationalists, who, since Spain became a democracy in 1977, have been fighting Madrid—in some cases literally, as in the Basque Country—for greater control of their own affairs.

Change has come in fits and starts. In 1977, Madrid granted home rule to the “historic regions” (those whose claim to nationhood is based on having their own language and culture—Catalonia, the Basque Country, and Galicia); the rest of the regions secured home rule by 1981, which completed the current system of 17 regional governments.

Since then, however, Madrid has resisted a comprehensive reform of the system, preferring instead to negotiate individual autonomy agreements with the regions. This dynamic helped bring about the current crisis in Catalonia after the region voted for more autonomy powers that were later opposed by the Rajoy administration.

SÁNCHEZ’S CATALAN PLAYBOOK

Projecting as progressive a national image for Spain as possible is the second prong of Sánchez’s Catalan strategy.

This is intended to strike at the heart of one of the key tenets of contemporary Catalan separatism: that the region’s progressive aspirations are hindered by Spain’s outmoded institutions. During his swearing-in ceremony, Sánchez raised eyebrows in what is still an overwhelming Catholic nation by forgoing the use of the Bible, a crucifix, or any other religious symbol when pledging his allegiance to the Spanish constitution and the crown. According to El País, this was a first for an incoming head of the Spanish government. He also expanded the cabinet to accommodate a minister of equality entrusted with fighting inequality wherever it is present in Spanish society.

At the top of Sánchez’s Catalan playbook is advancing the view of Spain as a multicultural state. This entails, among other things, abandoning the intense embrace of Spanish nationalism by the Rajoy administration and, more important, working to advance the autonomy of the Spanish regions. To drive these points home, Sánchez has taken to referring to Catalonia as a “nation within a nation” and to Spain as “a nation of nations.” He has also shown a willingness to amend the Spanish constitution to allow for greater regional autonomy. All of this is music to the ears of

It is the gender composition of the new cabinet, however, that has sent the strongest message of progressivism. For the first time in its history, Spain will have a femalemajority government: 11 of the 17 new appointed ministers are female, including such heavyweight posts as the deputy prime minister and the heads of the Ministries of Justice, Economy, Defense, and Regional Administration. This far surpasses the “parity cabinet” of the first administration of Socialist Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in 2004, which had a 50/50 gender composition. It is also

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a stark reminder of how far Spain has come on the issue of women in positions of political power. According to Spain’s Women’s Institute, as recently as 1986, under the Socialist administration of Felipe González, Spain had an all-male cabinet.

In fact, with an almost 65 percent female composition, Spain will have “the most female-dominated cabinet in the world.” In justifying a “a government by women,” Sánchez cited the events of “-8M,” or March 8 of this year, when Spain convened a nationwide “feminist strike” to observe Women’s International Day and to raise awareness about issues affecting women in Spain, including domestic abuse, sexual discrimination, and the wage gap. According to Spain’s leading trade unions, some five million Spaniards participated in the two-hour walkout.

Last but not least, Sánchez is tying his administration as much as he can to the European Union. Josep Borrell, a Catalan-born former president of the European Parliament, is the new foreign affairs minister. His most important job will be explaining Spain’s position on Catalonia to the rest of the world. European Commission Budget Director Nadia Calviño is the new economy minister. The importance of all this is twofold. Closer ties to Europe reinforce the view of Spain as a modern European nation. Less apparent is that, historically, the Catalans have associated Spain’s incorporation into Europe as a defense against Madrid.

Indeed, one of the biggest mistakes the separatists made in their aborted attempt to break away from Spain last October was the short-lived suggestion that the new Catalan republic might entertain a referendum on EU membership.

WILL IT WORK? There is no guarantee that Sánchez’s Catalan playbook will succeed, given the Catalan government’s continuing

Projecting as progressive a national image for Spain as possible is the second prong of Sánchez’s Catalan strategy

insistence on independence. But Sánchez’s strategy is really not intended to appeal directly to the Catalan separatist movement; instead, it is aimed at isolating the movement by cultivating support from the Spanish electorate as a whole. It is this constituency, not Catalan separatists, that will ultimately decide the fate of both Catalonia and the Sánchez administration.

In particular, Sánchez hopes that his Catalan policy will revive the fortunes of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party in Catalonia, once a major force in the region, especially in Barcelona. This, in turn, would make it more difficult for the separatists to stay in power. More important, Sánchez hopes to blunt the momentum of the new darling of Spanish politics: Ciudadanos (Citizens), a center-right party originally from Catalonia that opposes Catalan independence. According to polls taken just prior to the change in government, Ciudadanos is poised to win the next general elections, with the party enjoying support across

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Spain's Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez (L) speaks with Spanish minister of foreign affairs Josep Borrell (R) during his first cabinet meeting at the Moncloa Palace on June 2018 ,8 in Madrid, Spain.

(Getty)

Spain for its stance on Spanish unity.

Sánchez’s strategy is not without significant perils.

Although multiculturalism is not a novel idea in Spain (it has been a staple of previous Socialist governments), its policies could easily mobilize conservatives against the Sánchez government. Indeed, Sánchez already began his new position with considerable mistrust by the right on the issue of Catalonia. Even though he supported Rajoy’s controversial decision to revoke Catalonia’s autonomy charter last October, after the separatist government declared the region an independent republic, many on the right suspect that Sánchez reached a secret deal with the Catalan separatists in parliament in exchange for their support for the vote that ousted Rajoy. Sánchez has denied such a deal and points to his support for Rajoy’s decision to assume direct control of Catalonia as evidence that he can hold the line on the restive region’s independence aspirations.

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On the other hand, in the era of the #MeToo movement, which has struck a chord in Spain, a country infamous for its machismo, Sánchez’s singling out of women’s issues to highlight his progressivism leaves his government wide open to criticism and even ridicule. Conservative Spanish media outlets are having a field day dragging out disparaging behaviors and sexist comments from past and present Socialist leaders, including those currently in the cabinet. Feminists have warned about the administration using women as mere props or window-dressing. Aránzazu Borrachero, a feminist writer in Madrid, cautions that “a government by women does not make it feminist. We have to see what these women actually stand for.” But Sánchez is clearly banking that, as far as his Catalan policy is concerned, the benefits outweigh the risks.

This article was originally published on ForeignAffairs.com.

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Messages of unity, humanism at Tony Awards

By Jessica Gelt The most powerful presence onstage Sunday at the 72nd Tony Awards at Radio City Music Hall in New York City was absence. A performance of “Seasons of Love” by the

drama department from Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School left the star-studded audience drenched in tears and the viewing public silently wondering about the lost potential of the 14 students shot dead on Valentine’s Day at the school in Parkland, Fla.

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The importance of diversity and representation was underlined repeatedly throughout the night merit of art itself.

Although the show’s political overtones were many and obvious, the president was not mentioned until the eleventh hour, when, before introducing a performance

by Bruce Springsteen, Robert De Niro denounced Donald Trump by name and a bleeped epithet beginning in “F.” He received a rousing standing ovation for his efforts.

Anticipating some heavy and emotional moments, hosts Josh Groban and Sara Bareilles leavened the evening with well-measured comedy, beginning with a selfeffacing opening number devoted to the night’s losers.

“We are your hosts, and we’re perfectly suited to be because — did you know — neither one of us has ever won anything,” the pair quipped in a duet, which was capped by the boisterous arrival of ensemble dancers from all the nominated shows, including the evening’s biggest winner, “The Band’s Visit,” which capped off the telecast by nabbing its 10th Tony, for best musical.

Andrew Garfield set the inclusive, at times defiant, tone.

Upon winning the night’s first award, for lead actor in a play for his work in the revival of Tony Kushner’s 1991 Pulitzer Prize-winning drama about gay life in the late 20th century, “Angels in America,” he dedicated his Tony to the LGBTQ community.

Award winners Tony Kushner, Jordan Roth, Rowan Ian Seamus Magee, Lisa Burger, Rufus Norris pose in 72nd Annual Tony Awards Media Room at 3 West Club. (Getty)

Despite the aching national wound the performance opened, its underlying message was one of unity and humanism, both themes that provided the foundation for a night in which winners made bold, heartfelt statements in support of LGBTQ rights, diversity, feminism, immigration, the perils of depression and the healing

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“We are all sacred and we all belong … So let’s just bake a cake for everyone who wants a cake to be baked,” an emotional Garfield said during his acceptance speech, referring to the high-profile Supreme Court case of a Colorado baker who refused to bake a cake for a gay wedding.

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The Tonys are the only awards show that must introduce much of the TV audience to the material being celebrated. This presents the telecast with both a handicap and an opportunity, the latter of which was easily seized this year by the wealth of material culled from wildly popular television and film franchises, including “SpongeBob SquarePants,” “Frozen,” “Harry Potter” and “Mean Girls.”

One of the evening’s most creative performances came from a four-legged Gavin Lee gleefully tapping his way through “I’m Not a Loser,” from “SpongeBob SquarePants,” backed by sea anemones in buoyant fuchsia wigs. It also answered the question on many people’s minds: How on earth could a cultish cartoon about a sea sponge living in a fictional underwater town called Bikini Bottom become one of the night’s mostnominated musicals?

Less impressive was the evening’s most anticipated performance. Bruce Springsteen won a special Tony for “Springsteen on Broadway,” but the Boss’ seated piano rendition of “My Hometown” was lackluster in comparison to the numbers from the night’s nominated shows. These performers, less accustomed to the spotlight, seemed far more enthusiastic about a chance at being broadcast live into millions of American homes.

The importance of diversity and representation was underlined repeatedly throughout the night.

Along with the politics and pathos, threads of whimsy, humor and hope wove through the proceedings on the heels of the hashtag #TonyDreaming

Lindsay Mendez, who won a featured actress Tony for “Carousel,” said: “When I moved to New York, I was told to change my name from Mendez to Matthews or I wouldn’t work … to all you artists out there, just be yourselves, and the world will take note.”

John Leguizamo, who won a special Tony Award for “Latin History for Morons,” told of a rocky early career in which no one could pronounce his name; Tony Shalhoub dedicated his award — for lead actor in a musical for “The Band’s Visit” — to his father,

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Tina Fey and Jeff Richmond attend the 72nd Annual Tony Awards at Radio City Music Hall. (Getty Images)

who arrived at Ellis Island as a boy from Lebanon, and Ari’el Stachel, who took the award for featured actor in a musical for the same production, said: “I am part of a cast of actors who never believed they would be able to portray their own races, and we are doing it.”

Along with the politics and pathos, threads of whimsy, humor and hope wove through the proceedings on the heels of the hashtag #TonyDreaming.

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At the invitation of Groban and Bareilles, fans tweeted images of themselves engaged in theater, often at very young ages, and mostly looking earnest and hopeful.

The results were projected here and there throughout the night, reminding viewers at home, and the famous faces in the room, of the power of theater to unite, even as it celebrates difference.

This was originally published by The Los Angeles Times.

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