Right-sizing, The Right Approach For A Shrinking Baltimore?

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THE RIGHT APPROACH FOR A SHRINKING BALTIMORE?

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H+U March Term 1 ! Shaping the Modern City!

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Submitted by Amanda Palasik! 12th January 2015


CONTENTS!

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THE DECLINE OF CHARM CITY & ITS PURSUIT FOR A REMEDY…………………..….! 1!

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RECONSIDERING ‘LESS IS MORE’ ………………………………………………………….! 3! CASE STUDY: SAXONY-ANHALT……………………………….…………………………….! 4! CANDIDACY FOR RIGHT-SIZING …………………………………………………………….! 5! APPROACHING A STRATEGIC PLAN ………………………………………………..………!5! PROPERTY ACQUISITION IN TARGET ZONES ………………………….…………………!6! THE UNBUILDING OF BALTIMORE…………………………………………………..………! 7! A RIGHT-SIZED BALTIMORE…………………………………………………….….…………! 8! BIBLIOGRAPHY ………………………………………………….….………………………..… 9! FIGURE CREDITS ………………………………………………….….………………………… 11! APPENDIX ………………………………………………….….…………………………………….

A: POPULATION OF BALTIMORE CITY FROM 1900 - 2010 ………………….……12! B: MAP OF BALTIMORE CITY’S VACANT BUILDINGS & LOTS…………..…..……13! C: OVERVIEW MAP OF BALTIMORE’S VACANT BUILDINGS …………….…….…14! D: BALTIMORE CITY OWNED BUILDINGS & LOTS, VACANTS 2 VALUE …….… 15! E: BALTIMORE CITY OWNED LOTS, ADOPT A LOT…………………………..…… 16!


RIGHT-SIZING! THE RIGHT APPROACH FOR A SHRINKING BALTIMORE?!

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Shrinking cities, the vast decline of urban populations, are a global phenomena resulting from a multitude of natural, social, political, and economic conditions. Often seen as the white elephant of planning ambitions, a city’s shrinkage is generally understood as a negative attribute due to lingering social, economic, and physical consequences. In American cities in particular, planning strategies tend to concentrate on promoting growth and prosperity, despite inadequate resources for implementation. Baltimore, synonymously refereed to as the “Monumental City”, “Charm City”, and “City of Neighbourhoods”, is an example of an American Rust Belt city plagued by the spiralling effects of post-industrialisation. Since the 1950s, Baltimore’s population dropped by over one-third down to its current population at 622,1041, burdening the city with a projected budget deficit of $745 million over the next decade (Nuckols, 2013).!

THE DECLINE OF CHARM CITY & ITS PURSUIT FOR A REMEDY

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Until the 1950s, Baltimore was a booming industrial city, reliant on its successes in manufacturing and shipping. The decline of urban industrialisation, paired with the pursuit for the ‘American Dream’ of a suburban lifestyle led to a severe decrease in the city’s population. As a result, sprawl of middle and upper class citizens to the suburbs severely depleted the city’s tax base (Ref Figure 4). Consequently, Baltimore’s remaining population of mostly low-income, minority, and migrant workers, were left with ongoing social and economic issues.!

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Despite its richness in American history and eccentric charm, the city currently holds the reputation as a haven for violent crime, drug scenes, political corruption, high tax rates, and increased poverty levels2. Furthermore, as a result of its ongoing population loss, 16,4533 vacant4 structures in addition to 17,2305 vacant lots degrade Baltimore's urban fabric. The ongoing question that Baltimore and other shrinking cities have struggled to deal with is how to physically reshape the shrinking city. !

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Figure 1. Baltimore’s industrial port and skyline booming with factories in the early 1900s.

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Over the past six decades, Baltimore has had a multitude of top-down and bottom-up initiatives for redevelopment, focusing primarily on populating its abundance of vacant lots and housing. One of the city’s most ambitious plans was the redevelopment and infill of blighted industrial land around the harbour into a cultural and leisure destination. The project, known as Harborplace, was initiated in 1958 and completed in 1980 (Waterfront Partnership, 2015). Harborplace was nationally acclaimed as a pioneer for urban waterfront development due to its success in attracting thousands of tourists to the region each year.!

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Based on Public Data compiled by Google from data of the United States Census Bureau, last updated 19 Sep 2014. Reference Appendix A for more information on the history of Baltimore’s shrinking population. 2

According to the United States 2010 Census Bureau, 24% of Baltimore’s population lives below the national poverty level.

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to ‘Vacant Structure’ map sets provided by OpenBaltimore https://data.baltimorecity.gov, last updated on 04 April 2014

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The Baltimore City Building & Fire, Article 116.4.1 defines “Vacant structure” as “an unoccupied structure that is unsafe or unfit for human habitation or other authorized use. 116.4.2 Determinations. A determination of vacancy and a determination of noncompliance with a notice or order issued under this section may be based on observation that a structure: 1. is open to casual entry, 2. has boarded windows or doors, or 3. lacks intact window sashes, walls, or roof surfaces to repel weather entry. 5

According to ‘Vacant Lot’ map sets provided by OpenBaltimore https://data.baltimorecity.gov, last updated on 04 April 2014 . Reference Appendix B - E for a graphic breakdown of Baltimore’s vacancies.

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Despite the accolade of Harborplace, it failed to address the greater underlying issues of Baltimore’s housing and lot vacancies remote from the harbour. Subsequently, former Baltimore Mayor William D. Schaefer initiated an urban homesteading plan in 1975, just as the waterfront development was drawing completion. Also referred to as the Dollar House Program, the city sold vacant row-homes to residence for a mere $1 while offering assistance with construction loans to facilitate renovations (Hinds, 1986). The Dollar House Program was an acclaimed alternative to the topdown urban renewal process, although in a decade’s time a mere 600 homes were sold.!

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Inspired by the direct, albeit overall marginal, success of the Dollar House Program in restoring vacant homes, Baltimore’s current Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake initiated a similar program deemed ‘Vacants 2 Value’ in 2010 (Ref Figure 2) . The program offers various economic and tax incentives to both homebuyers and developers. Homeowners can invest in vacant homes assessed in rehabable condition at significantly reduced rates, in addition to a $5,000 grant to be used as downpayment. Likewise, developers can bid on city owned property offered through auctions at reduce prices. However appealing these incentives may be marketed, a good deal of uncertainties and responsibilities rest on the purchaser to facilitate and implement the renovation. For new home owners without experience, the process of procuring permits and finding contractors can be very arduous. Despite the Mayor’s acclaimed success in restoring approximately 2,000 structures since 2010, the staggering numbers of vacancies, particularly in East and West Baltimore, show there is a long road to recovery (Hirst, 2014).!

Figure 2. Map of target areas (outlined in fuchsia) and vacant buildings (in red) available under Baltimore City ‘Vacants 2 Values’ program, updated 05 Jan 2015

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Similarly, bottom-up initiatives by non-governmental organisations such as Baltimore Green Farm, who in conjunction with local volunteers, turn vacant lots into community gardens, have been on the rise. The city has been supportive and harnessed these grassroots ambitions by offering grants and creating guidelines such as the Green Pattern Book6. Critics to such bottom-up approaches argue the inability to coherently address the issue of vacancy on a city-wide scale, offering Neo-liberalist development as the only hope for regeneration in a financially distressed city. !

Figure 3. Row of vacant homes in West Baltimore

The Green Pattern Book, designed as a resource for NGOs, community-based organisations, and residents is Baltimore, outlines planning strategies for transforming vacant lands into “green” amenities. 6

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RECONSIDERING ‘LESS IS MORE’ Whether striving to renovate new homes or create gardens, these programs ultimately focus on one key strategy: to fill in the void. They offer piecemeal solutions (some temporary) to occupy vacancies but often encounter constraints and issues, such as limited funding and resources, lack of participation, and land turnover. Quite simply, the city needs an innovative solution to this ongoing issue that has yet to be comprehensively resolved. !

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One approach to Baltimore’s shrinking dilemma is evaluating the potential to consolidate its built environment to a size capable of sustaining its infrastructure to better serve the needs of its existing population. This concept, referred to as “smart-shrinking”, “right-sizing”, and “down sizing”, is a fairly new concept in American planning ideology and has thus far not been successfully implemented on a citywide level. Similar to a twelvestep program, the first step in right-sizing is simply admitting that a city’s population is not growing. Instead of planning for the prospects of growth, right-sizing challenges the conventional American planning mentality by accepting the reduced population and embracing a downsized urban footprint of manageable size. It is a complex approach to planning which involves a long-term strategic plan with commitment from several entities, particularly political leaders and residents potentially participating in the migration. !

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The ultimate intent of right-sizing ambitions are to improve citizen quality of life and to strengthen the prospects of the city by eliminating underutilised and deteriorating infrastructure that place additional strain on limited resources. Just as the natural (although sometimes induced) event of wildfires occurring in forests to rid debris and destroy parasites within the ecosystem, the strategies of right-sizing can return derelict urban zones into valuable natural assets, providing public amenities and potential for future smart growth7. !

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Right-sizing suggests that cities return to the era of Romanticism and re-concentrate nature into the urban fabric, transforming blight into valuable greenspace (Bekaert & May, 2002, p.29). As evident in the evolution of the English gardens in London or Central Park in New York City, urban ecology is a resilient and vital component of the urban fabric. As public amenity, it creates refuge from the rigidity of the built city, promotes biological diversity, and provides an arena for social activity. !

Figure 4. Satellite mapping of Baltimore City’s decline attributed to the consequence of urban sprawl.

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Smart Growth is an urban planning technique termed in North America as a response to combat the issues associated with sprawl. Smart growth refocuses urban growth into concentrated areas, relying on transit oriented development and the city in relation to the pedestrian scale.

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CASE STUDY: SAXONY-ANHALT Similar to Baltimore’s circumstance, the post-industrial shrinking federal state of Saxony-Anhalt in Germany implemented a pioneering strategic plan that parallels the right-sizing approach. The State, in collaboration with the Bauhaus Dessau Foundation and the Saxony-Anhalt State Development Company (SALEG), compiled polycentric research on pilot programs conducted in nineteen of its cities to present at the 2010 International Building Exhibition (IBA) (State of Saxony-Anhalt, 2010). Initiated in 2002, Each pilot focused on a different approach to the issue at large, based on the resources and unique identity of the city. The goal of the research was to evaluate the success of the pilots in addressing the social, economical, and physical issues associated with shrinking cities on both a local and federal scale.!

Public participation was an integral part of the redevelopment process. Residential and local organisations were encouraged to appropriate the new landscaped zone by sponsoring a 400 square meter parcel, to which the only constraints were the parcel must be maintained, noncommercial, and free to the public. Such initiatives include a bee keeping garden, BMX biking areas, Japanese Zen Garden, and bio-mass plantation. Perhaps the most critical lesson to be learned from IBA Urban Redevelopment 2010 is recognising the plan must be flexible and “realigned time and again with the changing realities in the city in order to be able to react at the right time and the right place” (Steglich,Beeck, & Bruckner, 2010, p. 32). !

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In particular, the city of Dessau-Rosslau’s thirteen-year plan focusing on turning vacancy to natural landscape is a prime example for Baltimore to follow. Like Baltimore, Dessau-Rosslau was left with a surplus of vacant homes and commercial structures, remnants from the loss of industry and migration of its population8 elsewhere in search of a favourable job market. The proposed pilot tapped into Dessau’s urban identity using its first English style garden, Dessau-Wörlitz Garden Realm, as inspiration to create landscaped zones from demolished blight (Steglich, Beeck, & Bruckner, 2010). These zones consist of natural meadows for ease of maintenance and to promote wildlife biodiversity. A once fragmented city became “city islands”, connected by a sea of landscape (Steglich, Beeck, & Bruckner, 2010, p. 27).!

Figure 5. (Above) Conceptual plan of Dessau-Rosslau’s natural zone interlinked by recreational trials (red).

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Figure 6. (Left) Plots within the landscaped zones are made available for adoption by citizens and open to appropriation. 8

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The current population of Dessau-Rosslau is approximately 90,000 inhabitants. Prior to merging with the city of Rosslau in 2007, the population of Dessau fell from 100,000 inhabitants in 1989 to 76,000 in 2007 (State of Saxony-Anhalt, 2010).

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CANDIDACY FOR RIGHT-SIZING

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What makes right-sizing a plausible candidate for the redevelopment of Baltimore? From the vacancies map (Ref Figure 8 ), it is clear the majority of Baltimore’s vacancy is heavily concentrated to the west and northeast of central downtown. Coincidentally, the vast majority of violent crime also occur in these areas (Ref Figure 7 ). For years, these unfavourable social conditions, coupled with poverty and drug use, have plagued these neighbourhoods and degraded the reputation of the city as a whole. Furthermore, a study conducted in 2008 by the City determined that police and fire service costs an additional $1,472 for every vacant structure on a block9, collectively a huge strain on a tax base with over 16,000 vacant properties (Winthrop & Herr, 2009). Baltimore’s present condition is favourable to downsizing in these afflicted regions of East and West Baltimore due to fairly consistent patterns of concentrated vacancy (Ref Figure 10 ). Naturally, cities with more sporadic vacancy patterns will encounter greater difficulty in encouraging the relocation of residents to developed areas.! ! ! ! ! ! ! APPROACHING A STRATEGIC PLAN!

Figure 7. Heat map indicating concentrated locations of total homicides and shootings in Baltimore City in 2014 (571 combined). Generated based on data provided by Baltimore City Police Department.

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As with any approach to urban development, it is critical for residents to be properly informed and involved in policy and planning from the start. As a progressive American planning concept with no tried precedents on a metropolitan scale, gaining collective support for right-sizing Baltimore would be a major feat. The former industrial town of Youngstown, Ohio is one of the first attempts at implementing right-sizing in the United States. Although implementation of the strategic plan was never realised due to political turnover, the city was victorious in gaining the initial widespread support of citizens in favour of the proposed vision for Youngstown (Kidd, 2014). Youngstown attributes the schematic success of its strategic ambitions through collaborative and open engagement amongst residents and community organisations, facilitated by the strong leadership of planning consultants (Dewar & Thomas, 2013, p. 95). Working in small focus groups with representatives from a diverse array of organisations such as schools, religious institutions, neighbourhood associations, etc., proved an effective method in

Figure 8. Heat map indicating concentrated locations of current vacant structures in Baltimore City. Generated based on data provided by Housing Authority of Baltimore City.

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Determined by a private consultant working with the City of Baltimore based on figures in 2008. The study included “vacant and unsafe” properties as defined by the City of Baltimore Housing and Community Development Department.

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organising an often chaotic forum for community input. The planning approach to right-sizing is unique, albeit complex, in that it relies equally on the participation of both top-down and bottom-up representatives as stakeholders.!

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PROPERTY ACQUISITION IN TARGET ZONES

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The next step in developing a successful downsizing approach, and perhaps the most difficult, would be for the City to procure private-owned land within the zones slated for demolition. It is not unrealistic to question why one would choose to live in blighted areas, but for many who have invested their whole life into the home, there may not be another option. The question begs, how can and should the city go about acquiring the land? Should the city follow in the footsteps of Robert Moses’ Slum Clearance, condemn and demolish all properties within the designated zones by deeming them uninhabitable and unsafe? Where will the existing inhabitants go? These are all critical questions that need to be at the forefront of the discussion as part of the public engagement process.!

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experience10,

In recent relocation the City has been criticised for its manipulation of mandatory compliance with the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) Uniform Act11, offering residents monetary compensation far below the fair market value and assisting with relocation in regions of similar declining demographics (Hutton, 2005). Since then, the City claims to abide by HUD standards, “paying property owners fair-market value for the house and buys them a comparable house anywhere of their choosing [including relocation out of the city]” (Wenger, 2013). Despite the compensations outlined in the HUD standards, forcing residents to evacuate their homes via eminent domain could prove detrimental to the collaborative relationship between the citizens and the city that is critical to the success of right-sizing.!

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Figure 9. Residence often left as the last home standing on the block

One alternative could be offering a voluntary house-for-house swap similar to the pilot program proposed by the city of Detroit, offering residents the option to relocate to a more stable and safe neighbourhood (Detroit Future City, 2012). This option could facilitate growth and increase density in transitional neighbourhoods within developed regions of Baltimore. Logistics, such as providing incremental tax reliefs and minor renovation grants, must be considered as part of the program. !

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The city of Dessau-Rosslau successfully implemented a similar housing exchange program in the acquisition of private property (Steglich, Beeck, & Bruckner, 2010). However, eminent domain was ultimately used in the city’s plan to buy out some privately owned land slated for demolition. Ideally, all remaining residence, landowners, and businesses in Baltimore would eagerly buy into the concept of right-sizing and voluntarily relocate to the newly concentrated city. Including favourable incentives and assistance with relocation to entice voluntary relocation could be used as a pilot program to combat the negative connotations associated with eminent domain. A more passive approach, residents unwilling to leave would acknowledge a new reality of living with severed amenities, including lack of road maintenance, reliable access to fire and police services, disconnect from public transportation. Realistically, the use of eminent domain may be unavoidable, as a last resort, in ensuring the transformation is cohesively implemented.

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The East Baltimore Development Incorporation's (EBDI) Biotech project, in conjunction with major stakeholder Johns Hopkins University Medical Center, were publicly scrutinised for negligence to inform and involve residents of plans for redevelopment in addition to its inability to provide appropriate compensation for resident relocation. 11

Details of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) Uniform Act can be found at http://portal.hud.gov/hudportal/HUD?src=/program_offices/comm_planning/affordablehousing/training/web/relocation/overview

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THE UNBUILDING OF BALTIMORE

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Once land is acquired, the next step would be demolition within the evacuated zones (Daskalakis, Waldheim, and Young, 2001). City utilities would be capped off in these areas, an investment on behalf of the city. Demolition of the building structures is said to cost Baltimore City an average of $13,000 per structure (Wenger, 2013). To help alleviate the accrued costs, innovative participation, such as volunteer or prison force labor, could be used to help subsidise expenditures. Additionally, building materials could be recycled or salvaged and sold for additional subsidies. !

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Once the extent of demolition is complete, these now cleared zones are to be returned to nature. Allowing a more native and natural landscape such as open meadows, as opposed to manicured gardens, reduces the need for maintenance and promotes biodiversity. Minor interventions such as soil preparation and fundamental planting would be introduced as part of the un-development of the area. Additionally, practical considerations such as east-to-west transportation access and irrigation resources, would need to be considered as part of the physical plan for the landscaped region.!

Existing Green Infrastructure Potential Demolition Zone

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Justified concerns for public safety would need to be addressed given Baltimore’s crime-ridden reputation. As in Dessau-Rosslau’s ‘City Islands’, the public is a stakeholder in the maintenance and utilisation of the newly formed greenspace. Providing opportunities for local organisations, schools, and residents to adopt and maintain select parcels would provide an ‘eyes on the street’ approach to security, dually serving as a public realm for educational and recreational activities such as urban farming and outdoor classrooms.From immediate use as a public amenity to future real-estate, the transition from blight to greenspace will serve as a valuable asset to Baltimore. !

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Figure 10. Conceptual overlay of potential demolition zone based on patterns of existing vacancies.

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A RIGHT-SIZED BALTIMORE

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In contrast to Robert Moses’ plan for Stuyvesant Town in New York City, the new zones shall remain in the hands of the City of Baltimore, rather than succumb to the hands of private developers for duration of the strategic plan. The overall financial risk associated with right-sizing is ultimately reduced since a majority of investment will be through the acquisition of lower value land offset by housing trade-offs, demolition (capping/ cutting of utilities), and minor remedial and landscaping interventions. However, this is not to undermine the financial challenges the city will face in soliciting government and philanthropic funding to help subsidise the plan’s budget.!

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Over time, as the newly reduced footprint of the existing city begins to prosper and outgrow its physical form, the undeveloped green fields can be strategically developed with a smart growth approach. In turn, the city has the potential to recuperate and even profit from its initial investment by selling off parcels of now valuable greenfield to private developers or may choose retain portions of the greenspace as a valuable amenity, a Hyde Park of Baltimore.!

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Right-sizing is not a one size fits all solution to shrinking cities, nor is there a fundamental strategy that guarantees success. It invokes several unpredictable questions which require a long-term strategic plan, as well as commitment from the political leadership of the city. In the case of Baltimore, the fragile foundations of its footprint afford the opportunity to strengthen the city’s core, concentrating development in the north and south by eliminating vast areas of blight in the east and west. !

With more than a half-century of failing efforts, Baltimore must seek an innovative solution to it’s shrinking issues in order to secure its future. Instead of falling back to familiar tactics that rely on the anticipation of unforeseen growth, striving to fill in the voids, Baltimore must first strengthen its existing foundations before it can tackle the prospects of growth. Right-sizing proposes a twofold sustainable solution, not only introducing urban ecology into the city but maximising economic, social, and political resources by purging the physical boundaries of the city to a more manageable and densified region. A new footprint of Baltimore would facilitate rebranding of the City, restoring its reputation as a resilient “Monumental City”, flourishing in charming landscape and thriving safe neighbourhoods.! !

The unbuilt is green, ecological, popular. If the built - le plein - is now out of control - the suspect to permanent political, financial, cultural turmoil - the same is not (yet) true of the unbuilt; nothingness may be the last subject of plausible certainties.

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Rem Koolhaas, S,M,L,XL

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BIBLIOGRAPHY!

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Bekaert, G. and May, A. (2002). Xaveer De Geyter Architects: After-Sprawl: Research for the Contemporary City. Rotterdam: NAi Publishers, p.29.! Daskalakis, G., Waldheim, C. and Young, J. (2001). Stalking Detroit. Barcelona: Actar, p.112-114.! DeCourcy Hinds, M. (1986). Baltimore's Story of Homesteading. The New York Times. [online] Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/1986/01/16/garden/baltimore-s-story-of-city-homestaeding.html [Accessed 17 Nov. 2014].!

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Detroit Future City (2012). The Neighborhood Element: The City of Distinct and Regionally Competitive Neighborhoods. 2012 Detroit Strategic Framework Plan. [online] Detroit: Inland Press, p.564. Available at: http://detroitfuturecity.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/DFC_Neighborhoods_2nd.pdfD [Accessed 26 Dec. 2014].!

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Dewar, M. and Thomas, J. (2013). The city after abandonment. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, p.95.! Hirst, A. (2014). Mayor Hails Success of Homebuyer Incentives. The Baltimore Sun. [online] Available at: http://www.baltimoresun.com/business/bs-bz-housing-blake-20141212-story.html [Accessed 4 Jan. 2015].! Hutton, P. (2005). Relocated residents speak out – Families forcibly moved out of E. Baltimore find JHU at fault. [Newsletter] Available at: http://www.jhunewsletter.com/2005/11/03/relocated-residents-speak-outfamilies-forcibly-moved-out-of-e-baltimore-find-jhu-at-fault-33167/, The Johns Hopkins News-Letter. Baltimore. [Accessed 13 Dec. 2014].!

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Kidd, P. (2014). Life After ‘Youngstown 2010’. [online] The Youngstown Project. Available at: http://theyoungstownproject.org/life-youngstown-2010-2/ [Accessed 10 Jan. 2014].! Koolhaas, R., Mau, B., Sigler, J. and Werlemann, H. (1998). S,M,L,XL. New York, N.Y.: Monacelli Press, p. 974.! Nuckols, B. (2013). Baltimore Bankruptcy? City Forecasts Financial Ruin. The Huffing Post. [online] Available at: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/02/08/baltimore-bankruptcy_n_2645606.html [Accessed 22 Nov. 2014].!

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Popper, F. and Popper, D. (2014). The Road to Right-Size Cities. Yes!. [online] Available at: http:// www.yesmagazine.org/planet/the-road-to-right-size-cities [Accessed 13 Dec. 2014].! Schilling, J. (2008). Right Sizing Shrinking Cities—land banking, green infrastructure, and innovative design. In: 2008 New Partners for Smart Growth Conference. [online] Available at: http://actrees.org/files/ Research/sgrowth008a.pdf [Accessed 4 Dec. 2014].!

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State of Saxony-Anhalt (2010). Less Is Future: The IBA Urban Redevelopment 2010. Saxony-Anhalt: Ministry for Regional Development and Transportation Saxony-Anhalt.! Steglich, U., Beeck, S. and Bruckner, H. (2010). Dessau-Rosslau. International Building Exhibition Urban Redevelopment Saxony-Anhalt 2010. [online] Calbe: Ministry for Regional Development and Transportation Saxony-Anhalt. Available at: http://www.iba-stadtumbau.de/index.php?dessau-rosslau-en [Accessed 26 Dec. 2014].!

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Waterfront Partnership (2015). History Of The Harbor. [online] Available at: http://waterfrontpartnership.org/history-of-the-harbor [Accessed 4 Jan. 2015].! 9


Wenger, Y. (2013). City to raze hundreds of vacant houses in stepped-up plan. The Baltimore Sun. [online] Available at: http://articles.baltimoresun.com/2013-08-16/news/bs-md-ci-vacantsdemolition-20130816_1_vacant-houses-east-baltimore-rowhouses [Accessed 22 Dec. 2014].!

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Winthrop, B. and Herr, R. (2009). Determining the COST of Vacancies in Baltimore. Government Finance Review. [online] Government Finance Officers Association of the United States and Canada, p.39. Available at: http://www.gfoa.org/sites/default/files/GFR_JUN_09_38.pdf [Accessed 3 Dec. 2014].!

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FIGURE CREDITS!

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Figure 1.! Baltimore’s industrial port and skyline booming with factories in the early 1900s [reprographic digital photograph] Maryland Historical Society. Available at: http://www.healthyharborbaltimore.org/state-of-the-harbor/history-of-the-harbor [Accessed 05 Jan. 2015].! Figure 2. ! City of Baltimore.Baltimore’s ‘Vacant 2 Values’ Target Area Map [png map] Generated by Mayor’s Office of Information Technology (MOIT) using Enterprise Geographic Information Services (EGIS) [geospatial data] Available at: http://www.vacantstovalue.org/Explore.aspx#target [Accessed 05 Jan. 2015].!

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Figure 3.! Palasik, A. (2008) Blighted row homes in West Baltimore [digital photograph].! Figure 4.! Sequence of urban sprawl in Baltimore, Maryland from 1792-1992 [GIF image] United States Geological Survey. Available at: http://science.nasa.gov/science-news/science-at-nasa/2002/11oct_sprawl/ [Accessed 01 Jan. 2015].!

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Figure 5.! NRS Team. (2007) Conceptual plan of Dessau-Rassau’s landscape zones with recreational trails [rendered map] Available at: http://www.nrs-team.ch/index.php?id=121 [Accessed 22 Dec 2014].!

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Figure 6.! Ritzau, D. (2008) Claims in Dessau-Roßlau [digital photograph] Available at: http://archpaper.com/news/ articles.asp?id=5012#.VK0W1Fqhzdg [Accessed 22 Dec. 2014].!

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Figure 7.! Cooper, J. (2014) Homicides and shootings in Baltimore City in 2014 [png map] Layers used: BPD Districts, 2015 TerraMetrics Imagery, 2014 Homicides and Shootings. Generated by Amanda Palasik; using “Open Baltimore”. Available at: https://data.baltimorecity.gov/Crime/2014-Homicides-and-Shootings/qg5cnhn4 [Accessed 05 Jan. 2015].!

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Figure 8.! Housing Authority of Baltimore (2014).Map of Vacant Buildings in Baltimore [png map] Layers used: BPD Districts, 2015 TerraMetrics Imagery, Map of Vacant Building in Baltimore. Generated by Amanda Palasik; using “Open Baltimore”. Available at: https://data.baltimorecity.gov/Housing-Development/Map-of-VacantBuilding-in-Baltimore/dqzz-nefw [Accessed 05 Jan. 2015].!

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Figure 9. ! Marcin, B. (2013) Abandoned [digital photograph] Available at: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/ article-2408624/Baltimores-houses-standing-The-beautiful-row-houses-sprawling-tenements.html [Accessed 03 Dec. 2014].!

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Figure 10. ! Chesapeake and Coastal Watershed Services (2001).Map of Baltimore City’s Maryland Agricultural Land Preservation and Green Infrastructure [pdf map] Adapted by Amanda Palasik; using Photoshop. http:// dnrweb.dnr.state.md.us/download/bc_gi_ag.pdf [Accessed 02 Jan. 2015].

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APPENDIX A  

Population of Baltimore City from 1900-2010!

Reference:! City of Baltimore Department of Planning (2012) Baltimore: 2000 to 2010 Changes [graph] Available at: http:// citythatbreeds.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/An-Overview-of-the-2010-Census-and-Baltimore-City-Updated-March-2012.pdf [Accessed 02 Dec. 2014].!

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APPENDIX B

! Map of Baltimore City’s Vacant Lots!

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17,230 Total Vacant Lots (as of 06 Jan.2015)! Reference:! Housing Authority of Baltimore (2014).Map of Vacant Buildings in Baltimore [png map] Layers used: BPD Districts, 2015 TerraMetrics Imagery, Map of Vacant Building in Baltimore. Generated by Amanda Palasik; using “Open Baltimore”. Available at: https://data.baltimorecity.gov/Housing-Development/vacant-lots-map/8rdw-8pjc [Accessed 05 Jan. 2015].

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Map of Baltimore City’s Vacant Buildings!

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16,453 Total Vacant Structures (as of 06 Jan.2015)! Reference:! Housing Authority of Baltimore (2014).Map of Vacant Buildings in Baltimore [png map] Layers used: BPD Districts, 2015 TerraMetrics Imagery, Map of Vacant Building in Baltimore. Generated by Amanda Palasik; using “Open Baltimore”. Available at: https://data.baltimorecity.gov/Housing-Development/Map-of-VacantBuilding-in-Baltimore/dqzz-nefw [Accessed 05 Jan. 2015].!

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APPENDIX C Overview Map of Baltimore City’s Vacant Buildings!

Reference:! Plack, E. (2012) Baltimore Vacant Buildings [digital map] Generated by Amanda Palasik; using “Google Fusion Data”. Available at: https://www.google.com/fusiontables/DataSource?docid=1jXz9mzkceDzF6SYweMS12vtPJ2KWnnktNLMBzaM#map:id=3 [Accessed 02 Dec. 2014].!

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APPENDIX D Available Vacants 2 Value Buildings & Lots , Owned By Baltimore City

!

Reference:! City of Baltimore (2014) Vacants 2 Value For Sale [interactive map] Available at: http://cityview.baltimorecity.gov/cv/map.aspx?question=200 [Accessed 20 Dec 2014].!

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APPENDIX E Baltimore City Owned Lots, Adopted and Open to Adoption

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Reference:! City of Baltimore (2014) Adopt A Lot [interactive map] Available at: http://cityview.baltimorecity.gov/cv/ map.aspx?question=200 [Accessed 20 Dec 2014].!

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