Wooden Architecture of Kerala Miki Desai
Wooden Architecture of Kerala It was in the late 1960s and ’70s that the author, then a student of architecture, first encountered built environments belonging to the genres of folk or vernacular traditions. The persistent exclusion of these traditions from the modern urban vision compelled Miki Desai to document these styles, culminating in this volume on the wooden architecture of Kerala. This book explores the socio-cultural and the tectonic aspects of Kerala’s wooden architecture, which is deeply rooted in religious and secular customs and shaped by geo-climatic forces. The author’s multi-disciplinary approach links the various ethnic groups residing in Kerala, and the mutual adoption and adaptation of construction systems within migrant groups. Despite being a living tradition serving millions of people, vernacular architecture in India has not received the academic and analytical attention it deserves. This volume attempts to fill this research gap, a need made more urgent by the fact that the built environment is changing and the traditional ways of building may get replaced by the modern much faster than we can imagine. With 211 photographs, 53 drawings, 18 illustrations and 2 maps. front cover Inner precinct of Vadakkunnathan Temple, Thrissur (See page 169) back cover Sections of Surya Kaladi Mana,
Kumaranallur (See page 135)
Wooden Architecture of Kerala
Wooden Architecture of Kerala Miki Desai
MAPIN PUBLISHING in association with
DC School of Architecture & Design
To my‌ Mother, who saw architecture as a shelter to shelter others and to care for them Father, who thought Golconde House in Pondicherry is the ultimate in modern architecture Sisters, who thought I went into the wrong field and didn’t earn anything Brother, who thought I would have done better helping him in agriculture Daughters Ravija and Aatmaja, who learnt to look at built environment while growing up with us Partner Madhavi, who thought I was doing the right thing Many a teacher, who guided and allowed me to grow Students of School of Architecture, CEPT University, whom I love and who I hope will find something valuable in what we did together and in this book.
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First published in India in 2018 by Mapin Publishing Pvt. Ltd 706 Kaivanna, Panchvati, Ellisbridge Ahmedabad 380006 INDIA T: +91 79 40 228 228 • F: +91 79 40 228 201 E: mapin@mapinpub.com • www.mapinpub.com in association with DC School of Architecture & Design One School Avenue, Pullikanam Vagamon 685503 Kerala www.dcsaad.org International Distribution Worldwide (except North America and South Asia) Prestel Publishing Ltd. 14-17 Wells Street London W1T 3PD T: +44 (0)20 7323 5004 • F: +44 (0)20 7323 0271 E: sales@prestel-uk.co.uk North America Antique Collectors’ Club T: +1 800 252 5231 • F: +1 413 529 0862 E: sales@antiquecc.com • www.accdistribution.com/us South Asia Mapin Publishing Pvt. Ltd Text, photographs and drawings © Miki Desai unless otherwise mentioned All rights reserved under international copyright conventions. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any other information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. The moral rights of Miki Desai as author of this work are asserted. ISBN: 978-93-85360-22-0 Copyediting: Ankona Das/ Mapin Editorial Design: Gopal Limbad and Sarayu Narasimhan/ Mapin Design Studio Printed at Manipal Technologies Limited, Manipal
pages 2–3 North-eastern view of Kudalmanikyam temple at Irinjalakuda, Thrissur with the ambalamkullam (temple pond) in the foreground. page 4 A wooden model of Sri Durga Devi Temple, Kumaranallur, prepared by the author for an international exhibition in 1995 pages 10–11 The precinct of Sri Kurumbha Bhagawathy Temple at Kodangallur with multiple deities has independent entrance pavilions for their shrines. Also, the precinct acts as a thoroughfare and is not of the panchaprākāra or concentric enclosures type.
Contents Foreword
8
Introduction
12
1. Wooden Architecture in the South Asian and Indian Context
16
2. Introduction to Kerala’s Society and Architecture
40
3. Religious Architecture of Kerala
66
4. Residential Architecture of Kerala
110
5. The Spatial Expression
162
6. Building Components, Technology and the Craftsmanship in Wood
194
7. Conclusions
242
Annexures
Tectonic Terms
256 259 264
Bibliography
266
Glossary
269
Acknowledgements
276
Guruthi Puja at Chhottanikkara Timeline of Kerala’s History
Foreword Architectural training in almost all countries has encouraged the study of arts and humanities. This is because architects either transform or preserve space to best serve habitat related interests of individuals, groups and societies in ways that are aesthetically enriching. Inevitably this involves dealing with the social, political and environmental challenges. In this regard, architecture as a discipline has the unique advantage of being a profession with a capacity to directly influence social, economic and political aspects of life by manipulating the experience of spatial quality for enhancing human wellbeing. For gaining an understanding of the intersections between the social, economic, environmental and the political with built forms, architects have attempted to develop conceptualizations and methodologies incorporating social-science perspectives and methods. Such endeavours have often resulted in far more elegant and conceptually rich explanations owing to their holistic tones and tenor. Furthermore, these attempts have in general forged closer links today among architecture, humanities, social sciences and the arts than ever before. Studies on the interactions among culture, social structure and architecture have been variously labeled as vernacular, traditional and typo-morphological, to mention a few. A large proportion of these studies is concerned with and attempts to gain an understanding of the influences of socio-cultural interactions of selected populations on built environments at a cross-sectional level. However, holistic studies with similar concerns incorporating a socio-historical perspective on the socio-cultural and political aspects of architecture in selected communities are few and far between. Miki Desai brings to this book several decades of his field experience as a doyen of vernacular architecture in India. He is well known for his meticulously documented description of the struggle between forces of colonial and modern architectures and passionate enthusiasm for the retention and preservation of national and regional identities in architectural expressions in India. Furthermore, as a student of modernization, he has chronicled the evolution as well as the transformations in the architecture of bungalows in India. Deviating slightly from his previous themes, this book on Kerala focuses on the tradition of wooden architecture. The choice of Kerala as a site for this study is deserving of notice. Firstly, it is a state geographically secured by the Ghats in the west and the Arabian Sea in the west. The geographic insulation contributed to the preservation of local cultures to an extent. But inspite
8
wooden architecture of kerala
of the state’s insulation to western invasions, it was open to Chinese and Arab cultures from the east. This presented itself as a unique laboratory for Desai to study the evolution of local architecture alongside selective adaptations of architectural features from abroad. Secondly, the focus on wood addresses several aspects of cultural responses to the abundantly available material, for designing and building habitats. Miki Desai places architecture in Kerala within the historical changes brought about by contestations among religions such as Hinduism, Christianity, Judaism, Islam and Jainism. The influences of various social institutions on architecture are studied with a keen interest in understanding the notion of space in relation to the use of wood. And to balance the emphasis on the historical and cultural, there is a reasonable amount of attention paid to the contemporary building practices as well. At a methodological level, the book makes use of the ethnographical approach in the social sciences. It provides several quotes from extensive interviews conducted with residents and community informers. What is so strikingly different about this book when placed among the rest of the studies on Kerala architecture is its remarkable analysis of architecture using ethnographic methods. At the risk of inventing yet another term, I label his approach ‘Ethnographic Architecture’. Desai has succeeded in bringing to us under one book label, an excellent socio-historically motivated narrative on architecture in Kerala as well as a suitable methodology inspired by traditional social sciences such as anthropology and sociology. The subject matter comes to life with the superb illustrations and drawings included in almost all the chapters. In the end, I warmly welcome this book in the hope that the readers will be inspired to experiment with the methodology of ethnographic literature as presented in this book and also appreciate the aesthetics in the wooden architecture of Kerala. Vijayan K. Pillai Arlington, Texas
foreword
9
Introduction While travelling in India as a student of architecture in the late 1960s and the mid 1970s, I came across built environments that made deep impressions on my mind. They were not part of the curricula or pedagogy of architectural education in the country. These environments belonged to the genres of the folk, the vernacular and the traditional in architecture. Understanding the life and processes of Gujarat’s potter community in 1967 and a measured drawing trip to Nepal in 1969 were important milestones which convinced me of the pre-eminence, the value and the academic potential of these built and fabricated environments. Later it became clear to me that while forging the agenda of modern architecture for India in the 1950s and the 1960s, the vernacular and the folk genre were excluded in favour of the western-influenced modernist urban vision. This exclusion persists even today. India’s traditional and vernacular architectures have attracted attention only in the past four or five decades. Teaching methods and material in these genres are rather undeveloped and the modern architecture of India has progressed unaffected by them. Exemplary regional interpretations within the modern idiom are generally absent in the Indian urbanity, and in the towns, small and large, they are chaotic. The era of the talented and proud building artisan has ended. Many building crafts have either become shoddy or have begun to vanish. Carpentry is becoming a luxury. These circumstances drove me, from 1970, to extensively document regional architecture: first through photographs, and later through measured drawings. Serious publications on the traditional or vernacular architecture of India in general and of Kerala in particular have been rather scanty. South India is composed of culturally distinct societies and languages with which I was unfamiliar. Even in terms of scholarship and architectural understanding, it had largely been disregarded. Thus, my experiences were mainly limited to North India until an unexpected assignment in the 1990s brought Kerala to the forefront of my research involvements. In 1990, my first exhibition—Traditional Architecture of Gujarat—was held at the city annexe of Museum Rietberg at the invitation of Dr Eberhard Fisher, and was curated by Frank Beat Keller. In 1994, Keller also curated a travelling exhibition—Ill, Why?—first held at Deutsches HygieneMuseum, Dresden, Germany in 1995. For this he asked me to contribute an entry on the vows people take in India to seek cure from ailments. This led me to a research and survey resulting in a chapter on the topic and a 1:20 scale wooden model of a Kerala temple, both included in the
12
wooden architecture of kerala
exhibition catalogue. I am indebted to Dr Eberhard Fischer, president of the Rietberg Society, and Keller for nudging me into an effort that alerted me to the wealth of architectural heritage waiting to be explored. By the end of the assignment I had travelled extensively in Kerala. Fascinated by its people and its architecture, I decided to rigorously document its traditional built environments. This took many long years and became an elaborate task, culminating in the present publication. What I, as an ‘outsider’ from North India, found most remarkable about Kerala was the difference in physical setting, the culture and the connection of the people to their local architecture. The issues of virtuosity, adherence to traditions and distinction of religiosity between the Hindu, Muslim and the Christian societies prompted me to try and understand the socio-cultural milieu. Their social gestures, reception of the outsider, gender issues and behavioural attributes were specific enough to relate to their architectural manifestations. As in North India, here too there is a life outside the built form but its expression does not have an impact on the public spaces and the settlement pattern. The life outside is lived in the context of a rainy and highly humid climatic environment. In North India—especially in Gujarat and Rajasthan—settlements are shaped by open spaces at many scales and have a defined but compact organic form shaped by dry, hot climate. While not a believer in organized religion, I see the importance of human spirituality and of nature as a force. I see architecture as a vehicle to manifest the idea of God. In this sense I recognize the power of architecture, be it in a religious or residential context. I believe that thoughtfully conceived architecture can award a divine experience. At what is popularly known as Sri Durga Devi Temple (also called Katyayani Temple) in Kumaranallur, the entire experience of reaching the main temple at the centre was for me a significant journey and an ultimate spatial experience. The space brought to me the seclusion, silence and the humility necessary for an aesthetic realization and spiritual connection. I see the divine in the form, space and craftsmanship celebrated by man through the medium of architecture. Thus to me, architecture is supreme. This then is the revelation I want to share through this documentation: an understanding of the artisan’s endeavour to give shape to a building of substance, a timeless space and the narratives of religious traditions.
introduction
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Deeply rooted in both the religious and the residential examples shaped by geo-climatic forces is the triangular relationship of architecture, traditional building crafts and behavioural patterns. And in every human expression—dress, food, music, dance, drama, instruments, tools, gestures, language, prides and prejudices—they play a role in creating identity. How is an abstract idea manifested? What role does architecture play in identifying with the divine? Can one at least find some connections? In the regional diversity of India, these questions are of interest in examining any of its cultures. Architectural expression is but one of the tools with which to examine society. In popular perception, South Indian temple architecture is generally seen as a homogenous expression akin to that of the Tamil Nadu region. But in fact, Kerala has a very distinct genre. In its very materiality, it seems to supersede resemblances to the Tamil temple, the schema of which has little in common with the formal aspects of Kerala temple architecture. A comparison between the vernacular or domestic architectures of the two regions further strengthens the argument in favour of their distinctness. This book, though not comprehensive, seeks to look at the socio-cultural and the tectonic aspects of Kerala’s wooden architecture. The Nairs, Namboothiris, Ezhavas, Syrian Christians, the Muslims and the Mapilla Muslims are the various socio-cultural groups of people whose physical environments have been studied. First-hand drawings and photo-documentation are most important to this research and they contribute to the analytical content. Typological essence, overlap of the vernacular and classical traditions, craftsmanship and tectonic ingenuity residing within the socio-cultural ambit present a multifaceted case of the Malayali (or Keralan; the former is more socio-cultural than the latter in its connotations) built environment. Two matrilineal communities, one Hindu and another Muslim, enrich the study in terms of house form as a response to social attributes. The adoption and adaptation of a Hindu construction system by the migrant and/or converted Muslims and Christians not only define the cohesive nature of the built environment but also the traditional communal harmony of Kerala. In the Indian context, there is a lacuna of authentic and analytical studies of traditional and vernacular architecture. Serious research needs to be undertaken as a matter of academic obligation to society. While designing in a modern idiom for the contemporary era, it is necessary to understand the traditional and vernacular contexts as our behavioural aspects of space use are embedded in them. The failure of modern architecture is evident in the living environments of the poor, the lower and upper-middle classes and in public facilities such as
14
hospitals, parks, and shopping and recreational areas. Understanding this genre of architecture will help us forge our ‘modern’ better. This book is a step in that direction. Vernacular architecture in India is a living tradition that serves millions of people in small and large towns. Many of these settlements and house types are valuable and worth conserving. However, in the field of conservation our lack of in-depth knowledge of this genre of architecture has created situations of misinterpretation, faulty execution of projects or total neglect of such buildings and settlements. The curricula of architectural education typically lack the traditional genres of the world in general and those of Asia and Africa in particular, thus missing out on the context in which the discipline is situated. It is necessary to learn from these genres while designing within the reality of the modern idiom. The rich and complex regional variations in the traditional architecture and settlements of India necessitate the inclusion of this topic in architectural education, evolving an apt pedagogy for today’s Indian architecture. This documentation of the architecture of Kerala stems from the fact that the built environment is changing and the traditional ways of building may get replaced by the modern much faster than we can imagine. It is important to mention that this book is the result of measured drawing, photographic documentation and first-hand interaction with the people in Kerala. The central idea has been to produce a book where the written material will prompt the reader to closely examine and ‘read’ the illustrations or the other way around. The book rests on the premise that no architecture can or should be seen in isolation or as an object. In fact, it is here seen as an illustration and embodiment of human endeavour and the social, anthropological and ethnographic aspects that shape it. Wherever necessary, appropriate use of proverbs, metaphors and local idioms has been made with an intention to make it easy for a broader readership. The present work seeks to urge the students of architecture not only to identify with India’s regional diversity but also to understand its nuances in order to equip themselves to design better the built environments needed in a contemporary context. It recognizes the dilemma that we as Indians face vis-à-vis heritage and its conservation in an environment characterized by cultural complexities and contradictions brought on by the onslaught of globalization. An important learning from the Kerala experience is of the urgent need for careful study of the past and sensible creation of architecture in the context of the fast changing Indian urbanity.
introduction
15
1 Wooden Architecture in the South Asian and Indian Context
“
The model itself is the result of the collaboration of many people over many generations as well as the collaboration between makers and users of buildings and other artefacts, which is what is meant by the term traditional. . . . Tradition has the force of a law honoured by everyone through collective assent. It is thus accepted and obeyed, since respect for tradition gives collective control, which acts as a discipline. This approach works because there is a shared image of life, an accepted model of buildings, a small number of building types, and, finally, an accepted hierarchy and hence an accepted settlement pattern.” —Amos Rapoport, House Form and Culture
Introduction to Traditional Architecture
page 16 fig. 1.1 Carved wooden icons articulating the floor structure and the parapet at the corner of a haveli’s courtyard in Vaso, Gujarat
18
Traditional, vernacular and folk architecture not only provide people with shelter but also help societies forge notions and ideas related to home, neighbourhood and settlement. Many cities and settlements in Asia are shaped by traditional architecture and its related genres. Medieval cities, entirely made up of traditional architecture, are common the world over. Most of these cities are functioning and their traditional building types are in use to this day. Some are minimally affected by modernization (see Figs 1.1–1.3) while others have transformed dramatically. Nonetheless, the stock of such architecture and the resulting urbanity sustain millions of human beings in many societies. Settlements in deserts, on waterways, in thick jungles and on high mountains, each have characteristics of their own, well rooted in their local context. Siena
wooden architecture of kerala
and Alberobello in Italy, Jaisalmer in India, Siwa1 in Sahara, Canada’s Central Arctic and Greenland’s Thule region, embody the diversity in architecture and settlement form that humankind has forged to sustain its existence. The size of buildings, use of local materials and construction techniques, simple ideas to combat weather and the pursuit of appealing outward appearances are common to most examples. For instance, an igloo typifies a vernacular architecture in which building form, orientation, materials and construction technique are in total harmony with climate and lifestyle. Thus, one can see in vernacular architecture, the materials and techniques are contextual to geo-climatic forces. There are similar examples in other climates and cultures, such as a traditional courtyard house in Jaisalmer or a mud house in Siwa. The storage places for critical resources such as water and grains are
above left fig. 1.2 Bambooreinforced and mudplastered grain containers and cow dung flooring in a Gujarati rural house. above right fig. 1.3 Bamboo grain -storage baskets of ādivāsis in Panchmahal, Gujarat. below fig. 1.4 Rudimentary temporary shelter of a Charan family in Gujarat.
wooden architecture in the south asian and indian context
19
crucial to many cultures, and have strongly influenced traditional architecture in most such societies. Besides climate, the socio-cultural moorings of the people have been instrumental in moulding traditional living environments. Belief systems about the built environment, and about larger precincts, have been shaped by the society and vice versa. Thus, residential spaces and religious institutions of the communities, public spaces, resource distribution systems and landmarks too have sprung from such cultural roots. Large open spaces for agricultural use within settlements have influenced their character. Impacts of the location of water sources, cultivable land and relationship to animals are evident in the form of settlements and houses even today (see Fig. 1.4). The vernacular and folk architectures of Asia have generated valuable regional identities.2 Mud, hay, palm leaves, bamboo, wood, brick and stone have been the common materials used in Asia. The availability of material has played a key role in shaping the forms and structural systems particular to the given regions. People have built with rammed as well as reinforced earth, baked and unbaked bricks, fashioned and un-fashioned stone, woven and screened walls, and pinched plasters. Circular and organic shaped rooms, thatched and conical roofs, wattle and daub walls, Nubian vaults (timberless vaulted roofs—an upper Egyptian origination), domes, corbelling and other such elements have resulted in forging the regional vocabularies of traditional Asian architecture. Owner-built as well as artisan-made examples are found all over. Over
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time, varying degrees of formalization have also occurred. Years of trial and error have yielded rules of thumb, standardization of construction techniques, craftsmanship and canonical literature in some cases. In fact, some materials and techniques have evolved to become integral to the mainstream traditional architecture of entire regions. Throughout the Asian continent, typologically definitive wooden architecture can be found. Even in Turkey and Iran, typical wooden architecture exists. In the genesis of architecture in China and Japan, wooden buildings preceded stone buildings. In these countries, both religious and residential wooden buildings demonstrate mature technology in wood. Bali, Thailand, Korea, the Philippines and Vietnam represent varied genres of wooden architecture in which one may sense continuum as well as some regional discoveries in the craft of creating the built environment. The use of bamboo is especially noteworthy in some of these countries. Buildings in South Asia—Nepal, Bhutan and India—demonstrate a high degree of sophistication in using wood as a key building material. This chapter is a quick review of some noteworthy traditional wooden architecture of South Asia. It also seeks to locate the architecture of Kerala within the context of the wooden architecture of India and Asia. A certain continuity and resemblance is evident between Kerala and South-East Asia in this regard. Looking at the roofs and wall systems of Thailand, Bali and China, Kerala’s maritime exchanges with South-East and East Asia may have forged certain attributes of the local architecture.
Nepal In the Himalayan region of South Asia, a few distinct types of wood-based architecture can be defined. Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim in India and neighbouring Bhutan, demonstrate this special genre. Bhutan and the Kathmandu Valley in Nepal also represent two distinct architectural expressions emerging predominantly from wood, marked by both distinct technologies and variations (see Fig. 1.5). In Nepal, the temples, gate structures, palaces, monasteries, mandapas (pavilions), dharmashālas (rest houses for Hindu pilgrims) at religious places, shops and hiti or dhunge dhāra—a channelized spout
of water, made of stone,3 serving as a tap and with a shrine attached4 or a system of water storage and water dispensing pool5—belonging to around the sixth century, represent an architectural language unmatched in South Asia. Nepal’s architecture is a unique combination of art and functionality as well as a highly developed expression in brick and timber. These building types are distinctive in character, linked by common techniques and articulation. The use of brick masonry and specially designed ornate fascia bricks shows that the technology was perfected in Nepal. The composite woodand-masonry structural system was meant for earthquake resistance. The roof system, the bracket types, the order of the columns, the ornately carved
fig. 1.5 Facade detail of a temple in Kathmandu, Nepal. The multi-storeyed shikhara with brackets and slatted planes resembles those of Kerala.
wooden architecture in the south asian and indian context
21
are surrounded by temples became the centres of political power, art and culture. They, along with Buddhist monasteries and the Hindu temples, had a consistent approach to architecture. The buildings of Durbar Square embody urban design to the last detail. However, the residential areas around them are organically planned, following the local terrain. Despite different scales and sizes, the methods and techniques used in Kathmandu Valley demonstrate a systemic approach to wooden architecture. Many of the building plans emerge from square geometry; nine-square divisions and the prominence of the centre indicate an adherence to the mandala patterns prescribed by the classical texts on vāstushāstra (traditional Hindu system of architecture) and reveal a remarkable aesthetic quality.
door and window assemblies, slatted windows and the iconographic articulation in general, demonstrate the architectural acumen and unique identity of Kathmandu Valley’s wooden architecture.
fig. 1.6 Wooden facade flanked by wood laced brick masonry. Kathmandu, Nepal.
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The urbanity of cities like Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Patan in Nepal emerges from the centrality of the Durbar Square (Royal Square), constituting the palace, the administrative buildings, temples and dharmashālas. The palace and squares that
wooden architecture of kerala
The residential architecture is less rigorous than the civic. In flatter locations, houses around large courtyards define a neighbourhood type. In spite of the homogeneity of building materials, the house fronts, palaces and monasteries are never monotonous, mainly because of variations in their design, scale, ornate details or organic relationships between buildings. Most plans are generated from a square geometry with the courtyard in the centre. One of the street-facing dwelling types has an entrance courtyard with an entrance door set back from the street giving the inhabitants security and privacy. This private courtyard is an integral component; a multipurpose space for children to play, washing, drying of grain and for socializing. Yet another kind of a dwelling has multi-family living units around a courtyard. In most types,
the courtyard may have a stupa (a dome-shaped solid structure erected as a Buddhist reliquary) or a shrine in the centre. Thus, the morphology of the towns results from neighbourhoods with a hierarchy of public courtyards around houses with inner courtyards, predominant civic spaces, market areas and public spaces of varied shapes and sizes, all interconnected by main roads, streets, lanes and culs–de–sac. The ultimate morphology of the town emanates from the lie of the land. The ground floors of the dwellings are in brick masonry and wooden columns. The columns—free as well as those embedded in walls—are invariably in wood. Double columns of 15–20 centimetre thickness with wooden beams are seen in most of the Newāri houses (of the Newāri people of Kathmandu Valley in Nepal), monasteries, shops and other structures. Double- and triple-beam systems are used especially over the openings. “Single or double rows of posts support the upper brickwork, where an opening is required for design reasons, or because of the usage of space behind.”6 The placement, design and making of the windows and doors of these houses are typical of the Kathmandu Valley. One finds rudimentary forms of this architecture and its elements in remote hilly areas of Nepal. Slanted lattice planes are used on the periphery of upper floors of the religious as well as residential architecture. The design and construction, of windows in particular, are exemplars of the finesse of Newāri art, in external form and artistry of the window, as well as in skilled joinery work.7 The slanted lattice panes with centrally placed small, operable windows on the street side are an architectural element that contributes to the urban
design ambience of the valley (see Fig. 1.6). Normally the houses are three-storey with a pitched roof and are built of local materials such as burnt bricks and timber. Temples of Kathmandu Valley of Nepal were built on the basis of a multi-stage concept (see Fig. 1.7).
fig. 1.7 Multi-tiered wooden temple. Kathmandu, Nepal.
wooden architecture in the south asian and indian context
23
fig. 1.8 Slanted ventilating plane and brackets nominally supporting a temple roof. Kathmandu, Nepal.
Each stage or level signifies a specific God. One- to seven-storey temples exist in the region today. The central mandapa was a common requirement in different types of edifices. “The geometric mandala symbol, mainly associated with Tantric Buddhism in Nepal, concisely captures certain doctrinal elements abstractly, such as continuity and the various levels of existence.”8 Such mandapas and temples have a peripheral wooden colonnade around them with a generic construction system for small and large pagoda (temple, typically in the form of a many-tiered tower) types. Here the central square space is defined by four columns that are repeated on the subsequent floors of all the receding volumes of the tiers above the ground. The double-height ground floors of the temples have a masonry core with four cardinal doors. This core is braced by wooden ring beams in the walls which are cross-braced. The ring beams run
over embedded columns. Thus, the separation of brick masonry and wooden frame structure is systemic, especially in religious and royal edifices. The rafters of the roofs are usually laid out in a radial fashion. Roofs with long projection are common particularly in the traditional Newāri religious architecture. They could be supported by carved or plain inclined cripples or brackets of up to 2.5 metre, to protect the walls from the powerful monsoon rains and strong sunlight (see Fig. 1.8). In the final roof, all the radial rafters come together at a point. These rafters are held by an exclusively fashioned wooden piece which in turn is supported on a platform. In larger temples, the structure of the last floor could be exclusively to support the central piece from where the rafters radiate. Other architectural features are the inclined panels of crafted wooden lattice windows and specially made decorative bricks that externally punctuate the floors within. Kathmandu Valley represents a unique example of local knowledge systems of traditional wooden architecture and a competent craftsmanship of the bygone era. The historic architectural evidences of the valley range from the second to the ninth century. They demonstrate important constructional aspects of buildings built between the sixth and the eighth century. The Darbar Squares at Bhaktapur or Bhadgaon and Patan,9 ranging from 13th to the 18th century, (considered the golden age of Nepali architecture) are one such traditional architecture that demonstrate construction chronologies. A number of earthquakes of the past have obliterated some of the finest examples of this genre of architecture.
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wooden architecture of kerala
Bhutan Bhutan is another region of South Asia that has a distinct genre in wooden architecture. Its architectural heritage includes residential, politicoreligious and religious categories. Its wooden bridges too represent an important type, in locations extending from the Indian Himalayan region all the way up to central China. Bhutanese architecture has a unique identity owing to its dominant tapering walls in stone or mud, fenestration, framed walls, floor and roof systems, grammar of articulation, and codified colour scheme. The roofs of Bhutanese architecture represent an advanced indigenous system, different from the trusses in Western architecture. In the interiors of Bhutan, one finds villages where houses have mud walls and terraced roofs constructed from un-fashioned minor branches of trees. Water wheels or water-driven flour mills appear as markers of religious significance in the natural landscape, signifying the probable presence of a settlement in the vicinity. The folk architectural form of the chorten (see Fig. 1.9), a directional marker at the entrance of a settlement and religious complexes, may be linear in form or comprise multiple units, but its essential meaning alludes to stupa as a reliquary. It is seen in different forms and sizes. One is a conical structure with a gateway. Another consists of a wall of human height with a shrine at each end. The chorten can be humble or elaborate, depending on the prosperity of the settlement. Yet another kind of chorten has a series of shrines forming an elongated structure. While leaving or entering the territory of a settlement, it is considered auspicious to pass by the
left-hand side of the structure after offering a prayer and possibly a gift of local rice wine. People often place a stone or two over the wall as an auspicious gesture of participating in the ongoing construction. Such rudimentary structures are often seen in the making while walking on the difficult paths into the interior or to high-altitude places. Over a period, they may get a formal expression. However, the pride of place in the architecture of Bhutan is reserved for the dzongs. Built during the 16th century, these politico-religious centres are magnificent edifices. The term dzong has a complex historical connotation that evolved over a long period of time.10 Its origins lie in the khÄ r—the watchtower of Tibet. The Bhutanese dzongs may have an altered status after the recent democratization of Bhutan. They are massive, multifunctional fortresses built around a series of courtyards with towering external walls, surrounding a complex of temples, administrative offices and residences for monks. The dzongs are planned; however, certain additions are made to them from time to time, resulting in a gradual growth. The sequential importance of functions, their sacredness, security and hierarchy within the organization play an important role in the planning of dzongs. Geometry and symmetry play their roles. However, the lie of the land is respected while executing the otherwise typical prescribed planning. The primary buildings are symmetrical and their architectural elements follow a certain order. Thus, they are organic in nature constructed around geometric core areas and courtyards in response to the terrain. The floors are thick and composite.
wooden architecture in the south asian and indian context
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fig. 1.9  Chorten, a directional marker at the entrance of a settlement. Bhutan.
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Some of these architectural features of the dzongs are shared by traditional dwellings in Bhutan. They start with thick, square walls of mud or stone, and taper upwards. The front wall, and parts of the side walls are cut off to accommodate the window system in the upper floors. There are corner windows and, in some cases, full-length facade windows. Most buildings have a central door or stairs on the ground floor. On the subsequent floors, two or three windows appear which become wider on the upper floors. More wood is used in residential architecture than in the dzongs. In both cases, the wall area decreases as one goes upwards. In the houses, the ground floor is reserved for the animals and for storing hay. In particular
wooden architecture of kerala
religious and other institutional (as distinct from residential) buildings, these tapering volumes remain intact. The windows, although of a different type than those in residential buildings, follow a similar system of widening on successive upper floors. On the inside, the dzongs have wooden corridor facades that become a colonnade on the ground floor. These facades are like an assembled frame attached to the massive walls. In residences, the walls start in a rectangular shape and the ground floor is reserved for cattle. While going up, the masonry cage is in the form of two L-shaped walls. These walls are enclosed by a full
left fig. 1.10 Wooden balcony windows in stone walls after the completion of restoration of Punakha Dzong, Bhutan (documented in 2015).
wall at the back and short walls in the front. The gaps formed by removing the wall receive a floor-to-ceiling window making a well-lit side of the living area. Here, the floor often juts out. It is a made-up floor with two or three layers of floor joists over which unworked wood or branches are laid at right angles to the rafters, topped by a thick (up to 25 centimetre) layer of earth. The total thickness of the floor can reach up to 45 centimetre. The final finish is in mud mixed with animal dung. Pronounced cornice bands on the exterior mark the floor thickness. There is a specified colour scheme for the different wooden members that jut from the walls and for the members of the window frames. Maroon and white are the colours used for the masonry of religious and politicoreligious buildings. Their windows have a different colour scheme (see Fig. 1.10).
or stone masonry wall. In certain cases, wooden columns are directly placed over these mud walls. At regular intervals, these columns receive beams and ties, over which the rafters are mounted. The cantilever of the beams at both ends supports the eaves. In turn, the beams have vertical wooden stubs
right fig. 1.11 Central shaft of the roof structure of a monastery in Bhutan. below fig. 1.12 Wooden balcony and roof construction detail (restored after a fire in 1994). Punakha Dzong, Bhutan.
The roof of a typical house is heavy, resting on four or six broad columns that rise from the external mud
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to receive the sloping members of the roof. The roofs of the pinnacles of temples and dzongs are bulky (see Fig. 1.11). They have a core structure constructed with heavy vertical members over radiating horizontal beams. These beams cantilever out to receive the overhangs that rest on the stubs at the outer periphery of the attic (see Fig. 1.12). Both timber and bamboo are used for rafters and the entire construction is with wooden joints and pegging. This roof type belongs to the same category as those of the Chinese and Japanese, albeit rather primitive in comparison. The systems approach in the architecture of Kathmandu Valley and of Bhutan can be further examined for how their artisan guilds work and also for their sources of design in terms of manuals, local literature and an apprentice system of passing down the building craft.
India Largely, the use of wood has existed in one form or another all over India, at least as floor and roof systems. Wood is also used for the framework in a variety of doors and windows. Floors and roofs have usually been problematic as they have to span distances and take various live loads. Except for stone slabs, and in rare cases, bricks, the singular material that has been used for these purposes in traditional Indian architecture is wood. Typologically, wooden buildings can be (a) purely wooden, with both structural and non-structural elements in wood and having a distinct language; (b) composite, with the basic structure in wood and non-structural elements in other materials and (c) selective-use-based, visa-vis wood used primarily as facade material in addition to floor and roof systems.
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The kind of wood used, the system employed, roofing materials, articulation and details result in a variety of architectures, most of them regionspecific and typical. The use of unfashioned natural wood (developed branches and thin trunks) in folk architecture is noteworthy. The houses of the poor in many places use such wood. In Rajasthan, even in highly developed stone architecture like that of Jodhpur and Jaisalmer, one finds composite floors in which un-fashioned wood is used to hold materials such as mud and rubble. Wooden columns hewn from full trunks with a large girth, serrated rafters, wooden icons and deity idols can be found along the Ratnagiri coast of Maharashtra. Likewise, the use of bamboo in architecture is an ancient practice. Bamboo can be considered as an exclusive material with its own systems and techniques (as distinct from wood) for making walls and roofs. In the tribal areas of Arunachal Pradesh in the North East, bamboo crafts produce a variety of houses and objects of quality craftsmanship that represent the environmental sustainability of these regions.
Himachal Pradesh
Himachal Pradesh has mature variations in both residential and religious architecture, emerging from a common system applicable to the general Himalayan region. It is a composite system with horizontal wooden members cross-braced at the corners (members coming from two walls at a right angle and meeting at the corner). In the entire wall, small pieces of stone are used as filler in the gaps between the members. The masonry is dry random–rubble with weak or no mortar. Ashlar masonry of high quality is also found in important public structures, within
the framework of a wood bracing system. Formal architecture in the higher-altitude Himalayan region is different from that of the plains and valleys. It was originally all in wood, as the forests abounded in durable, insect-proof deodar trees. Many hill temples built all over the middle belt of Himachal Pradesh are predominantly of wood. Built like most other buildings in similar materials, these are immense in form, but more picturesque and richly carved.11 These wooden temples, though fast disappearing, are crucial in the conservation inventory; the ones in Bharmour (Dalhousie), Manali and Naggar towns have some exquisite examples worth preserving. In Chamba Valley the random-rubble stone walls are horizontally laced with wooden members at regular intervals and are between wood-laced stone
columns. The lacing on the columns is a continuation of members from the wall and extends alternately from each wall. This construction is locally known as the tholā-khambha system. The hilly region of Himachal Pradesh, by contrast, offers a construction process where the systemic resemblance can be seen, but the formal aspects differ. Here, thick stone walls are laced with wooden members set about 20-centimetre apart—a smaller interval than in Chamba Valley. These walls form a square, hollow base of one or two storeys. As in most of the Himalayan region, the ground floor is reserved for cattle. The living area, built on top of this square core, has balconies cantilevered up to 1.2 metre. The facade is made by framing the vertical posts of the balcony’s parapet with small brackets or arched
fig. 1.13 Himachal Pradesh house with woodlaced stone masonry and cantilevered balcony of the residential upper floor.
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wooden planks. Activities like storage and drying of food and clothes happen in the balconies. The floor is made of wooden planks. A loom for weaving shawls is built into the floor of this hanging gallery. This is a common feature of most houses in the Kullu region. The inside floor is made of mud.12 The roof of these houses is tiled in slate. The temple at Sarhan is an important example of a construction that uses the formal and tectonic aspects of the residential architecture described above (see Figs 1.13 and 3.14).
above fig. 1.14 Earthquakeresistant construction system termed as dhajjidewāri seen here in its rudimentary form. Chamba, Himachal Pradesh.
Yet another house type in Himachal Pradesh is more ground-based, with a wooden framed veranda that runs across the front of the house. The system of laced walls remains constant. The wooden umbrella roof with slate tiles, in single or double tiers, atop the temples in this region is noteworthy. Its typical wooden frame supported on the shikhara (a spire positioned above the inner sanctum of a Hindu temple) is a complex structure (see Fig. 1.15). Such roofs are common in Chamba, Bharmour and Naggar areas. Just as Kerala is considered an important enclave of wooden architecture in southernmost India, Himachal Pradesh is important in the North. Chamba, Bharmour, Manali, Naggar and Sungra are some of the areas where wooden architecture, both residential and religious, reveals a typological response and variations. The pagoda-roofed temple is also common in Chamba and Bharmour; however their stylistic differences make them distinct from each other.
below fig. 1.15 Wooden umbrella -roof of a stone temple in Himachal Pradesh.
In addition to Himachal Pradesh, the wood-laced stone construction system is used effectively in Kashmir and parts of Pakistan. In Kashmir, the system known as tāq and dhajji-dewāri is similar
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to the tholÄ -khambha type in Himachal Pradesh (see Fig. 1.14). In place of the broken-stone infilling done in Himachal Pradesh, in Kashmir they use flat bricks which imbue the balcony elements with an aesthetically advanced expression.13 Both these areas have sophisticated large buildings built by using dressed stones of brick dimensions within wooden lacing. In certain sub-regions of the Himalayas, the wooden lacing continues but the filler material is mud concrete with stone pieces. Diagonal and cross bracing is yet another variation of earthquake resistant construction. The logic of the wooden lacing system is that it absorbs earthquake tremors. During the quake, the non-rigid filler material of stone pieces, brick, mud or concrete, shakes and adjusts itself while the wooden lacing holds the structure together. It acts like a cage that would tilt rather than collapse.
Garhwal and Kumaon
In the Indian Himalayan region, the areas of Garhwal and Kumaon and of neighbouring Nepal are architecturally distinct from Himachal Pradesh. Here the houses may be in groups of two and three units that share thick walls set at a short span of about three metres. The floors are in pine or sal (Shorea robusta) wood, and the roofs are clad in slate tiles much larger than those used in Himachal Pradesh. Today, in traditional houses in urbanized areas such as Almora, the ground floor is used as a shop; in the past it served as an animal shelter. The upper stories are residential and their facades represent a regional type, formed by a grid of wooden frame of nine divisions, in which the middle row has vertical windows. These frames and shutters, as well as panels, are carved and have a symbolic language
indicating whether the owner is Hindu or Muslim. The roof is of pine trunks of around 20 centimetre diameter covered with wooden planks, over which comes a layer of specially prepared mud that takes the slate. It is laid to slope to drain off rainwater and carry the load of accumulated snow. The wall thickness and the size of the roof stone slabs are astounding considering that this region is in a relatively highseismicity Zone 4. Himachal Pradesh in the higherseismicity Zone 5 has more reinforced and cautiously designed structures.
Gujarat
In Gujarat, despite it being a semi-desert region, the use of wood in the framing of houses and floors and for the facades is outstanding. Here, the traditional houses with shared walls have columns loosely embedded in the walls or detached from them. The beam and floor system rests on these columns. The short walls are invariably laced or bonded with horizontal wooden members. Thus, the wooden frame structure of the house is independent of the long shared walls. In the front, the thick brick wall is perpendicular to the shared ones and is laced by wooden members. The entire system has a typological construction order and is earthquake resistant.14 In larger, haveli (mansion) type houses, where the small courtyard of narrow houses is enlarged, the basic plan and the construction techniques become elaborate and pronounced. As a result, in the haveli, the house has three distinct bays, of which the one in the centre is mainly occupied by the enlarged courtyard. The facades of Gujarati houses are well known for their intricate carvings and brackets. The floor system is expressed on the facade through standard symbols
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Miki Desai retired from the Faculty of Architecture, CEPT University, Ahmedabad as Professor and head of the Masters Program in Sustainable Architecture after teaching for 33 years. He has been the recipient of the EARTHWATCH grant, Fulbright Fellowship, the Graham Grant and the Getty Collaborative Grant. Desai has held exhibitions at the Rietberg Museum, Zurich (1990); the Sanskar Kendra, Ahmedabad, (2012); CEPT University (2015); and the Moratuwa University in Colombo, Sri Lanka (2016). He was the keynote speaker at the seventh International Seminar on Vernacular Settlements (ISVS), Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey (2014) and at the 4th International Conference on Cities, People and Places, Colombo, Sri Lanka (2016). Desai is also the author of Architekture in Gujarat, Indien: Bauernhof, Stadthaus, Palast (translated in German), an exhibition catalogue (Museum Rietberg Zurich, 1990), and the co-author of Architecture and Independence (OUP, 1997); Architectural Heritage of Gujarat (Gujarat Government, 2012); and The Bungalow in Twentieth Century India (Ashgate, 2012). Desai was a visiting scholar in the College of Environmental Design at University of California, Berkeley (2014).
ARCHITECTURE
Wooden Architecture of Kerala A Painter of Eloquent Silence Miki Desai
Courtyard Houses of India Yatin Pandya auroville architects monograph series
Piero and Gloria Cicionesi Mona Doctor-Pingel Blueprint Gautam Bhatia
MAPIN PUBLISHING www.mapinpub.com
DC School of Architecture & Design www.dcsaad.org
Printed in India
280 pages, 211 photographs, 53 drawings, 18 illustrations and 2 maps 10 x 10” (254 x 254 mm), hc ISBN: 978-93-85360-22-0 ₹2950 | $65 | £50 2018 | World Rights
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