Latin American Liberation Theology

LATIN AMERICAN LIBERATION THEOLOGY

BY DAVIDTOMBS

BRILL ACADEMIC PUBLISHERS ,INC.

BOSTON• LEIDEN

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© Copyright 2002 by David Tombs. Published by Brill Academic Publishers, Inc., Boston

Acknowledgments

Iwishto thank themanypeoplewhohave contributed indifferentwaysto thisbookandespeciallytomystudentsattheUniversityofSurreyRoehampton, whosharedmy enthusiasm forthesubjectduringtheyears that Itaughtthere. Myownteachersoftheologyhaveinfluencedthebookindifferentways,and IamgratefultoIanWalker,TrevorWilliams,JamesCone,JosephLaishleySJ, andJamesHanveySJfortheways that theyhavechallengedmythinkingover theyears.Eachofthemhasbeenvitaltotheprocess, although nodoubtthey wouldallmakedifferent criticisms ofthefinalproduct!TheSocietyoftheSacred Heart supportedmyresearchonliberationtheology,andIamgratefultothe Artsand Humanities ResearchBoardforfundingasemester'ssabbaticalin 1999.Manycolleaguesgavevalued encouragement alongthe way, andIam particularlygratefultoAndrewBradstock,DannyCaroll,andthe Hector Avalos fortheirsupportinbringingmywork through topublication. The biggestpersonalinfluenceonmythinkingfromoutsideacademiahasbeenmypartner, RebeccaDudleyof Christian Aid.Shehasconsistentlypushedmetoengage withthechallenges that liberationtheologyposesfor Christian faithandcommunicate their importance asbestIcan.

IamverygratefultoPatrick Alexander atBrillforhis interest inthisfield, andhishelpinbringingthisworktofruition.MegDaviesoftheSocietyof IndexersprovidedtheIndexwithspeedandcare.Specialthanksalsoto Sheffield AcademicPressforpermissiontoreworksomeofthematerialin Chapter 12 that Iinitiallypublishedwiththemas"MachismoandMarianismo:Sexuality andLiberation Theology," in M. A. Hayes,W Porter, and D. Tombs (eds.), Religion andSexuality (RILP4;STS2; Sheffield: SheffieldAcademicPress,1998),pp. 248-271. Thanks alsotoSCMPressandOrbisBooksforpermissiontouse theextractsfromGustavoGutierrez,A Theology of Liberation, OrbisBooksand SCMPress,2ndedition,1988(originalET1973).

AAA

MCC

AP

CCA

CDF

CELAM

CEPAL

CLAR

CNBB

CPT

CTC

EMT

lOOC

ISAL

JEC

JUC

JOC

LADOC

LARR

MEB

NAFTA

OAS

ONIS

SODEPAX

UNCTAD

WCC

Abbreviations

Argentinean Anti-Communist Alliance

AllAfricaConferenceof Churches

PopularAction, A\=ao Popular

Christian ConferenceofAsia

Congregation forthe Doctrine oftheFaith

Latin American Bishops Conference, Consejo Episcopal Latinoamerica no

EconomicCommissionforLatinAmerica,Comision Economico para America Latina Conference ofLatin American Religious

BrazilianBishops National Conference, Conferencia Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil

PastoralLandCommission, Comissao Pastoral da Terra or CommissiononTheological Concerns

EcumenicalAssociationofAfricanTheologians

International Documentation Service

Church andSocietyinLatinAmerica, Iglesia y Sociedad en America

Latina

Young Catholic School Students, }uventude Estudantil Cat6lica YoungCatholic Students, }uventude Universitdria Cat6lica Young Catholic Workers, }uventude Operdria Catolica

LatinAmerica Documentation Service

Latin American Research Review

BaseEducationMovement, Movimento de Educa\=ao de Base

North American FreeTradeAssociation Organisation of American States

National OfficeofSocialInformation, Oficina Nacional de Informacion Social

Committee onSociety, Development, andPeace

United NationsCongressonTradeand Development

WorldCouncilof Churches

Introduction

Not surprisingly, this movement hasbeenthesubjectof heated controversies. Opinions aboutthevalueand permanence ofits contribution areoften sharplydivided.Someargued that liberation theology incarnated thegospelin modern societyandrevitalizedthelifeofthe church Others attacked itfor confusingfaithwithpoliticsandreducing Christian theologyto determinist Marxism.However,many observers-both criticsand advocates-saw the1990s asmarkinganendofaneraforliberationtheology.Reportsofliberationtheology's death were premature andignoredits continuing influence.However, bythe1990s liberation theologywasamuchdifferent movement than itwas inpreviousdecades.

DanielLevine,along-termobserverofthe church inLatinAmerica,identifiedacommonproblemwithmanyoftheobituariesofliberationtheology. Theyignoredtheverysignificant internal developments inthe movement duringthe1970sand1980s.Levineargued:

Suchobituariesarepremature.Theymisreadthe current situation,andreflect abasic misunderstanding ofwhat liberation theologywasandisallabout. Liberationtheologyis pictured instaticterms ..Butliberationtheologyis anythingbutstatic:boththeideasandtheirexpressioningroupsandmovementshaveevolvedsubstantiallyoverthe years.'

Thisbookexamineshowliberationtheologydevelopedfromitsearliestformulationsinthelate1960stoitsdecadeofcrisisinthe1990s. It isananalytichistoryofliberationtheologyasatheologicalmovementandanassessment ofits contribution totheologyineachdecadeofitsexistence.Asa contextual theology, liberation theologyinLatinAmericamustbe contextualised intime aswellasplace. The broadlychronological structure ofthebookis intended toshowhowandwhythese contextual transformationstookplace. The centralthesisinthebookis that Latin American liberation theology is bestunderstoodintermsofaninitialpolitical option forthepoor that wasfollowedby a subsequent epistemological option forthepoor,whichwasaddedafterthe mid-1970s.Duringthe1980s,it deepened and broadened its understanding of oppressionandrefineditsmethodologyfurther.Manyofthebestpublications belongtothisperiod,butinretrospect,manyoftheissues that wouldprovoke thecrisisinthe1990sfirstaroseinthe1980s.Primaryamongthesewerethe rapidlychangingeconomic situation andthehostile reaction ofconservative church authorities .Asaresult,liberationtheologyasa movement started to lose momentum afterthe1980s. The languageof liberation becameproblematicintheneweconomicorderanddidnotsitwellwith postmodern concerns. However, although itisquitereasonabletoseethe1990sasanendofanera intermsofacohesivetheological movement atthe cutting edgeofpolitical theology,itwouldbequitewrongto think that manyofitsideasand method-

2 SeeD. Levine, "Onthe Premature Reports oftheDeathof Liberation Theology," The Review of Politics 57.1 (Winter 1995), p. 105.

ological innovations will not remainhighly relevant tonewchallengesinthe future.To appreciate howthe movement's theological legacymightlong outlastthe movement itself,itisnecessaryto separate out thedifferent strands of emphasisand methodology that wereonce part ofthe movement, andseehow theseare related to each other.'

Inwritingthisbook,two particular concerns have influenced both thestructureandstyle.First,itis meant tobeanaccessible introduction tothetheological challenges raisedbyLatin American liberation . It is intended to let readersexplorethe literature of liberation theologyinamoreinformed way. It is not offeredasan alternative totheprimaryworks that arecitedhere, but simplyasagatewaytowhattheyoffer.

Thisfirstpurposearisesoutofmy experiences asa lecturer intheology,first inspiredbyliberationtheologywhilea student oftheology.Despitetheinevitable limitsofmy vantage point asa Protestant First-Worldobserverofaprimarily Catholic and Third-World phenomena, Ihavetriedto communicate thechallengesofLatin American liberation theologyfora number ofyearstomy students. Ihave wanted to writethesortofbook that my students-and hopefully others as well-will findusefultoengagetheextensive literature ,which isnowavailableinEnglish,and indicate thechallenges that theyraise.For thisreason,Ihavetriedto summarise-perhaps attimes over-summarisesubstantial debatesandcriticaldiscussions.Ihope,however, that thebibliographyand appropriate noteswill encourage the reader's own further investigationsandreflections.

Mysecondpurposeistomakeamodest, but Ihope,helpfulanalyticcontribution tostudiesoftheologybyorganising material fromthefourdecades when liberation theologywasactiveasa movement inabroadly chronological way.Indoingso,Ihope that itwill not onlyfacilitatemyfirst purpose---of providinganaccessiblegatewaytothe literature-but alsoprovideauseful guideforthejourneyof exploration itself.Bysurveyingthechangesinliberationtheologyfromthelate1960stothe1990s,itispossibletotracethecentralunityandtheevolvingemphases that the movement hasshownandto assessthelong-termlegaciesofthe movement inamoreinformed way. Gustavo Gutierrez onceobserved

Fromthebeginning,thetheologyof liberation hadtwo fundamental insights. Notonlydidtheycomefirstchronologically,buttheyhave continued toform thevery backbone ofthistheology.Iamreferringtoitstheological method andits perspective ofthe poor,"

)A summary ofthesestrandslinkedtothedecadeinwhichthey became prominent is offered in Appendix 1.

4 Gutierrez, The Power of the Poor in History (trans. R.R. Barr; Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books; London :SCM Press, 1983 [Spanish orig.1979]),p.200.

Introduction

Thepurposeofthisbookistoelaboratehowthesethesetwofundamentalinsights wereunderstoodandwhattheyentailedatdifferentstages.Toachievethisaim, andtomakethevastliteraturemanageable, I havegivenrelativelyless attention tothegeographical contextualiry ofliberationtheology between differentcountries.Ihavealsohadtobeselectiveinchoosingtofocuson representative figuresinthemovement,especiallyGustavoGutierrez,Leonardo Boff, andJon Sobrino. The bookis meant togivean understanding ofLatin American liberation theology movement asawhole,butmanyoftheillustrationsaredrawn fromtheirwork.Each,inhisown way, isassociatedwithcrucialdevelopments inthe movement and/or contributed seminal literature toit.Furthermore,in their countries ofwriting(Peru, Brazil, andElSalvadorrespectively)theyare immersedin national contexts that havebeenofparticular importance forthe development ofliberationtheology.

Part1explorestheroleofthe church onthesideoftheprivileged between thearrivalofColumbusin1492tothe Cuban revolution of1959. Within this, Chapter 1describestheperiodof conquest andcolonialerauptotheearly nineteenth century.Chapter2looksattheIndependencemovementof1808-1825 andthepost-Independence centuryto1929. Chapter 3examinestheslowmove fromeconomicdepressionto development inthedecadesfrom1930to1959. Part2presentsthe1960sasadecadeofreformandrenewalduringwhich the church begantoengagewithwidersocietyinanew way. Chapter 4 (1960-1965) assessesthespiritofrenewalinthe Catholic church (especially the Second Vatican Council , 1962-1965) andreformsinLatin Americ an economies(suchastheAllianceforProgress). Chapter 5examinesthedisillusionwith development theoriesandtheemergenceoftheearliestliberation writingsinsolidaritywiththepoorbetween1965and1969.

Part3tracesthe development ofliberationtheologyinthe1970sasitlived outitspolitical option forthepoorandaddedafurtherepistemological option asthedecadeprogressed. Chapter 6ontheearlyworksofthedecadeidentifiesthekeyprinciples behind thenewtheological movement anditspolitical option forthepoor. Chapter 7exploresliberationtheology's understanding of revolutionanditsearlyrelationshiptoMarxistanalysisandsocialistmovements. Chapter 8turnstothe development ofbasecommunitiesasapopular church thatexpressedtheecclesialvisionofliberationtheology. It showshowtheeverydayexperiencesofthepoorandthepoliticalrepression that the church suffered,challenged liberation theologianstodeepentheirmethodologyandtheir understandingofthepoliticaloptionforthepoorwithanewepistemological option forthepoor. Chapter 9focusesonthebibleinliberationtheologyand showshowbythesecondhalfofthe1970s,theworkofleadingtheologians started todevelopanewtoneandstyletothetheirworkastheybeganto workthepoliticalandepistemologicaloptionsintheirreadingofthebible.

Part4explorestherevisionand redirection of liberation theologyinthe 1980sasliberationtheologians continued theirreflectionontheGodofLife

Introduction xv in socienes that were characterised byearlyandunjustdeath.Inretrospect, thiswasthedecadeinwhichmanyofthemostprofoundworksofliberation theologywerewritten;yetitwasalsothedecade that laidthe foundation for thecrisis that wastocomeinthe1990s.Duringtheseyears,liberationtheologydevelopednewareasoffocusbeyonditsoriginal political-economic concernforthepoor.Thiswasanecessary development ifliberationtheologywas toaddressoppressioninamoreintegral way. However,foravarietyofreasons liberationtheologiansfoundithardtomaintainthepoweroftheirworkinthese newareasortopreservetheircohesionasanorganisedtheologicalmovement. Chapter 10looksatthedeepening understanding ofoppressiongeneratedwithinthemovement,andthe attempts bytheologianstodogreaterjusticeto issuesofculture,race,and ethniciry, It alsonotesthenewaspectsofliberationtheology'smethodologyintermsofspirituality, contemplation, andsilence.

Chapter 11reviewsthehistoryofconflictwiththeVatican,includingthetensionwiththeradical church inNicaragua,theVatican'stwo Instructions onliberation theology,andthehighprofileconflictswithLeonardoBoffandGustavo Gutierrez. Chapter 12,turnstowhatmaybethegreatestfailureofmanymale liberationtheologiansonissuesofgender.Despiteimaginativeandinsightful workbywomenliberationtheologiansduringtheseyears,mostmaletheologians failedtoengageissuesofgenderandpatriarchybeyondsuperficiallipservice.

Againstthesedifferentstrandsinthe development ofliberationtheology, Part5exploresthe1990sasatimeofcrisis. The 1990smarkedanendofan erainatleasttwo important ways. First,itwasanendtoliberationtheology asacohesivegroup that metandworkedclosely together Although individualliberationtheologians continued toofferinsightfulnewideas,theywereno longeroperatingasanorganised movement orlikelyto reconstitute themselves assuch.Second,changesintheglobalorder meant thelanguageandterminologyofliberationfacedanewcrisisofrelevance.Manyoftheproblemsfor liberationtheology that beganinthe1980sbecamecriticalandunavoidable after1990.Ontopofthis,the appointment ofconservativebishopstokeyposts inLatinAmericahadsteadilyweakened liberation theology'sadvocateswithin theprogressive church andthebasecommunitieswereindeclineandfacing strong completion fromPentecostalchurches.

The finalchapter, Chapter 14,isdevotedtoanassessmentofliberationtheologyintermsofitshistoricalandtheologicalimportance especially forChristians intheFirstWorld. Although thelanguageofliberationmaynolongerbeuseful, liberationtheology's commitments tothepooranditspioneeringmethodology havemadeaprofound contribution to church andacademiainthepastthirty yearsandofferawayforwardforanysociallyengagedtheologyofthefuture.

Insituatingthisbasicargumentinthefieldof other literature, itisuseful tobrieflycompareitwithvarious other influentialworksonthesubject that havebeen written inEnglishorareavailableintranslation. Over theyearsa numberofoverviewsofliberationtheologyhaveemerged.Some,suchasPhilip

Introduction

Berryman's Liberation Theology (1987),haveexamineditprimarilyintermsof areligious movement .' Others ,suchasLeonardoandClodovisBoff'sworkAn Introduction to Liberation Theology (1987),havefocussedonitskeyideasand distinctive methodology," Bothbooksdiscussliberationtheologyinthe1970s andearly1980sbuthavelesstosayonshifts that tookplaceduringthe1980s andofferlittleglimpseofwhatwastocomeinthe1990s.

Christian Smith's excellent workon The Emergen ce of Liberation Theology (1991)providesasophisticatedanddetailedstudyofliberationtheology'sdevelopment asasocial movement .'More than any other work,Smith'sbookshows that liberationtheologywasa movement inatleastthreesenses.First,thepioneeringfiguressharedabasicallycommonagendaandwereinclose touch with each other.Second, liberation theologywas not justanacademicmatter,but alsoasocial movement that foundexpressionwithintheprogressive church. Third, therewas movement within liberation theology.Thisistosay that it changedandevolvedinanumberofdistinctways.Smiththerefore,distinguishes between theperiodfromVaticanIItoMedellin (1965-1968), thegroundbreakingworkatMedellin(1968),the developments fromMedellintoSucre (1968-1972)andthenfromSucretoPuebla(1972-1979),andthen finally Puebla itself(1979). Although hehasa chapter ontheologyafterPuebla,itisnot treated withthedetailoftheearlierperiods,andhisworkisbasicallyatreatment ofliberationtheologyinthe1960sand1970s. Furthermore, Smith'swork isanexerciseinsociologyinformedbypoliticalscienceandespeciallymodels ofpoliticalprocess.Whilehehasagreatdealofilluminating comment aryon thetheologicalwritingsofleadingfiguresinliberationtheology,heisunderstandablymore concerned withthesocialprocessesinvolvedandlesswiththe theologicalideasassuch.

Alongside Smith'swork, other helpfulworksontheLatin American church duringthisperiodincludePennyLernoux's Cryofthe Poor and People ofGod. Bothbooksprovideawealthofdetailonthestrugglesoftheprogressive church (focussingonthe 1960s-1970s andthe1980srespectively).JeffreyKlaiber's invaluablerecentwork The Church, Dictatorships, and Democracy inLatin America coversthe1960stothe1990sinasingleworkwithchaptersdevotedtotwelve different countries duringthisperiod.

Alfred Hennely's Liberation Theology : A Documentary History isaninvaluable collection ofprimary documents relevant to liberation theology,whichIrefer toextensivelyinwhat follows The Church inLatin America : 1492-1992 (edited

S Philip Berryman, Liberation Theology :The Essential Facts about Rewlutionary Movements in Latin America and Beyond (New York :Pantheon; London : Taurus; 1987).

6 Leonardo Bolf andClodovis Boff, Introducing Liberation Theolo gy (trans. P. Burns; Maryknoll, N.Y. : Orbis Books; Tunbridge Wells, Kent: Burns andOates; 1987 [Portuguese orig. 1986]).

7 Christian Smith, The Emergence of Liberation Theology : Radical Religion and Social Movement Theory (Chicago and London: Universityof Chicago Press, 1991).

Introduction xvii

by Enrique Dussel)providesa fascinating collection ofscholarly perspectives onthewiderhistoryofthe church inLatin America and includes particularly interesting chapters on theeraof liberation theology. Intermsofthe development of liberation theologyduringthe1970sandthe 1980s,Paul Sigmund's work Liberation Theology atthe Crossroads : Democracy or Revolution? (1990)isauseful starting point." Sigmund isespeciallyhelpfulin stressing that the liberation theology developed asignificantlydifferent emphasisastimepassed.Inparticular,hepointstothemoveawayfromitsearlyMarxist phaseandtoward democratic grassroots participation asabasicshiftinaxis. Inhisfinal assessment he concluded :

Liberation theologydoesseem to have reached anewstage. It has abandoned mostofthe revolutionary rhetoric oftheearlierperiod, concentrating onbiblicaland participatory themes, and appealing to what isnowa mainstream element inofficialsocial teaching ofthe church-the preferential lovefor thepoor.Evenintheareaofecclesiology,the liberation theologians continuetoinsistonthe importance ofremainingin communion withthe church hierarchy, although theycriticizeits pretensions tototal control."

However,asapolitical scientist, Sigmund orientated hisworktowardpolitical issues rather than the theological. He highlighted the central issue but left much worktobe done onhow much liberation theologyhadshiftedfromits emergence inthelate1960s, through its development inthe1970s,andits periodof maturity inthe1980s. Nor washeableto anticipate how dramaticallythingswould change withthe1990s.

A recent collection that goessomewayto correcting theseweaknessesis Liberation Theologies onShiftingGrounds (1998) 10 byGeorgesDe Schrijver based ona conference at Louvain in1996.De Schrijver's own extended introductory essaydiscusses what hecalls "the paradigmshift"in liberation theologiesinthe 1980sand1990s. According to Schrijver :

The factofaparadigmshift in Third-Worldtheologiesofliberationfromsocioeconomic analysisto cultural analysiscanbegleanedfrom their differentpublications where socio-economic and cultural analyses stand in tension with one another. II

However,itis important torecognise that thisshifthas been intwostages that De Schrijver does not clearlydistinguish.First, there wasdialoguewith other Third Worldtheologiesinthe1980s, which encouraged theLatin Americans

8 Paul Sigmund, Liberation Theology at the Crossroads : Democracy or Revolution? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990) .

9 Sigmund , Liberation Theology at the Crossroads, p.175.

10 Georges De Schrijver, "Paradigm ShiftinThird World Theologies of Liberation: From Socio-Economic Analysis toCultural Analysis" inidem(ed.), Liberation Theologies on Shifting Grounds : A Clash of Socia-Economic and Cultural Paradigms (Leuven :Leuven University Press, 1998), pp.3-83.

11 De Schrijver, "Paradigm ShiftinThird World Theologies of Liberation," p.3.

Introduction

toaddmoreanalysisof ethnicity andculturetotheireconomicanalysisbut didnotinanywayreplaceeconomicswithculture.Second,therewerethe difficultiesforanyprogrammeofeconomicanalysis created byglobalisationand thefreemarket international economyinthe1990s.Thus,whileDeSchrijver's workaddressesthetheologicalshiftin liberation theologyitdoesnotgoonto separateoutthedifferentstrandsofthetheologicalshifts.Inwhat follows, I suggest that this separation iscrucialtoan understanding of liberation theologyandassessmentofitslegacies.

BeyondtheseworksthewiderrangeofworkavailableinEnglishonLatin American liberationtheologyandthe recent historyofthe church inLatin Americaisfartoolongtolist.However,aswillbeclearinthefootnotesand bibliography, theworkofknowledgeable commentators suchasEdwardCleary, Daniel Levine, Scott Mainwaring, Arthur McGovern, HarveyCox,Robert McAfeeBrownandmanyothershasbeeninvaluableatdifferentpointsin attempting mytask.

PartI

Power and Privilege 1492-1959

inthe eastern Mediterranean madethespiceandsilktradewiththeEastmuch moreexpensiveandhazardous.MostofthetradersinthegreatItaliantradingcitieshadno alternative butto continue totradewiththeMoorsandpay theincreasedprices.However,thePortugueseweremore adventurous andled thesearchforan alternative searoutetoAsiabygoing south andtryingto sailaroundAfrica.In1434,Portugueseshipshad rounded CapeBojadorwhich allowed them totradedirectlyforgoldandslaveswithwhatwas then known asthekingdomof Sudan inthewesternand central regionsof sub-Saharan Africa. When theneedforanewroutetoIndiabecamepressingthePortuguesewerealreadywell situated topresssouth.

In1480,theGenoesesailorColumbuswaslivinginthePortuguesecolony of Madeira-far outfromthe mainland intothe Atlantic-and hewasconvinced that hecouldfindalucrativenewtraderoutetoAsiabysailingdue westacrossthe Atlantic.' Columbus approached thePortuguese monarch John IItoask support forhisbold enterprise, but thecommission that studied Columbus'splanrejectedit.Educatedpeopleknew that theworldwasround, notflat.Awesternroutewasthereforerecognisedaspossibleinprinciple,but itwas thought tobeimpossibleinpractice.Shipswerelimitedinthejourneys theycould undertake without freshsupplies.Columbusmistakenlybelievedhis routetoAsiawaspossible,becausehedramatically underestimated thedistance toCipango(japan). The Portuguesepointedthisout,andbecause nobodyespecially not Columbus-was expectingawholenew continent tolie between theCanaryIslandsandAsia,theyrejectedhisproposal.Columbus,however, wasnottobedeterredandturnedinsteadtoSpain.Hespentsixyearspersuading the monarchs FerdinandandIsabellatosupporthimandpromisingplentiful goldwaitingtobediscoveredinAsia.Duringthistime,hewasgivenamodeststipendbytheSpanishcrown,butthisdidnotstophimfromtryingagain to interest thePortugueseinhisplan.Hissecond attempt withthePortuguese wasmoresuccessfulatfirstbutendedwhenBartholomewDiaz rounded the CapeofStorms(promptlyrenamedtheCapeofGoodHope)in1488.4 This forcedColumbusto return to theSpanish court whilehis brother Bartolome attempted to interest theFrenchandEnglishmonarchsintheenterprise.

Eventually,withthehelpofGenoesebankers,hesignedanagreementwith FerdinandandIsabellaat Santa FeinApril1492. The planstillseemedtobe basedonmiscalculation,buttheSpanishmonarchshadnowcompletedthe

3 Along-standingclassiconColumbusandhisvoyagesisS.E.Morison, Admiral ofthe Ocean Sea : A Life of the Admiral Christopher Columbus (2vols:Boston:LittleBrown,1942). RegrettablyMorison'sworkislargelyuncriticaloftheEuropean imperialism thatColumbus served.Amuchbriefer(andlessflattering) interpretation isofferedinH.Koning, Columbus : His Enterprise (London:LatinAmericaBureau,2nded.,1991[1976)).

4 TenyearslaterPortugueseexplorationstothesouthfinallyyieldedtheprizethey soughtwhenVascodeGamareachedIndia (1497-1498). Inthe sixteenth centurythe PortuguesedevelopedahighlylucrativetradewiththeFarEastviabasesatColombo(on thecoastofmoderndaySriLanka,founded1517)andMacao(onthecoastof China , founded1557).TheyenjoyedaEuropeanmonopolyonthisrouteuntilthe seventeenth centurywhenthe Dutch (whoroundedtheCapein1590) started todisplacethem.

reconquest of Spain and wereeagerto compete with Portugal in the quest for the Indies. Therefore, Queen Isabella waswillingto take a chance on Columbus. With her support forhis venture, Columbus finallyset out from the Andalusian port of Palos with three shipson3 August 1492. After repairs and restocking in the Canary Islands, theysailedwest on 9 September into the uncharted Atlantic horizon.

THE "NEW" WORLD

On 12 October, Columbus landed atasmall island in the Caribbean (in what isnow known as Barbados). ' Unaware of his mistake, he believed that hehad atlast found anew trading passageto India. Columbus claimed the land for Isabella and Ferdinand, gave thanks toGod, and named the island San Salvador (the Saviour). His arrival wasto have a momentous impact on the islands of the Caribbean and the huge landmass that came tobe known as America." The discovery of the new lands came ata critical point in Spanish history. On 2 January 1492, Spain finally completed a nearly 800 year process of reconquest against the Moors in Spain. The Spanish monarchs werereadyto extend their recently consolidated power out into new areas of the world and begina new imperialist age.' Sadly,this imperial glorywouldbe built on the suffering of its victims.

5 Columbus'sarrivalintheCaribbeanwasaresultofthenorth-easterlywindsthat prevailbelowtheTropicofCancer.Columbuspickedupthesewinds largely bychance whenhesailedsouthfromtheCanaries,andtheyensuredthathearrivedacrossthe Atlanticatthislatitude.HisreturntoSpainwas possible becausewhenhesailednorth, hepickedupthe westerly windsthatprevailnorthoftheTropicofCancer.Duringthe colonialperiod,theSpanishtrans-Atlanticshippingconvoys(the carrera de las Indias) would follow moreorlessthesameroute

6 Evenafterencounteringthemainlandonhisthird voyage Columbusclungtohis mistakenbeliefuntilhisdeath.Columbus always referredtothemas"theIndies"and totheirinhabitantsasthe"Indians."ThetermNewWorldiscreditedtotheFlorentine explorerAmerigo Vespucci whomadethree well-publicised journeystothenewterritoriesashorttimeafterColumbus.The continent cametobeknownas "America" in recognitionof Vespucci's travels.

7 MoorsinvadedSpainin711andconqueredthepeninsulawithinsevenyears.The Spanishreconquesttookoversevencenturies.Thefinalphaseofreconquestbecame possible afterPrinceFerdinandofAragonandPrincessIsabellaofCastillemarriedin 1469.Whentheirrespectivefathersdied(HenryIVofCastilein1474andJohnIIof Aragonin 1479) their marriage resultedintheunificationofCatholicSpain.Theirunited forces finally triumphedoverthekingdomofGranadaandtooktheAlhambracitadel in1492.DuringthisprocessthepoliticalimportanceofSpain'sCatholicidentitycame totheforeandwasreflectedintheinstitutionoftheInquisitioninSpain1480.On theSpanishimperialperiodwhichwasto follow undertheHabsburg dynasty, seeJ.H. Elliott, Imperial Spain : 1469-1716 (Harmondsworth:Penguin,2nded.,1972[1963]); J.Lynch Spain under the Habsburgs (2vols:London:OxfordUniversityPress,1964and 1969);ontheperiodundertheBourbondynasty(whichreplacedthe Habsburgs in1700, introducedsomenotablereformsintoLatinAmericainthelaterpartoftheeighteenth centuryandendureduntilLatinAmericanindependenceintheearly nineteenth century),seeJ.Lynch, Spanish Colonial Administration, 1782-1810 : The Intendant System inthe Vice.royalty of Rio dela Plata (London:Athlone,1958).

CHAPTERONE

Discovery andDestruction (1492-1519)

From San Salvador, Columbus explored the nearby smallislandsbeforegoing south.Hesailedalong the north coast of Cuba and then eastalong the north coast oftheislandof Hispaniola (La Isla Espanola, which todayis Haiti and the Dominican Republic) where he founded an initial settlement La Navidad (Christmas) ." He then returned home in January 1493 tobe greeted with all honou rsby the Spanish court." Allocation ofnewly discovered landswas under papal jurisdiction andPope Alexander VI happened tobea Spanish Borgias. In 1493, heissueda papal bull that gavehis support for further exploration to extend the Catholic faithtonewpeoples.He granted dominion over the isles that Columbus had already discovered and everything that was discovered west of them to the Spanish crown.' ?To prevent clashes between the Spanish claims to the Indiesinthewestand Portuguese claimstonewlandsinthe south, a demarcation linewas drawn onmapsof the Atlantic ata longitude one hundredleaguestothewestof the Azores and Cape VerdeIslands,offthewest African coast. Spain wouldhave dominion tothewestof these and Portugal to the east." Ayear later,atthe treaty ofTordesillas (1494), the western extent of the Portuguese rightswere extended a further two hundred and seventy leagues (about 1,400miles). An unexpected result ofthis became clear afew years later.In1500,Pedro Alvares Cabral tried toleada Portuguese expedition to India around Africa.Hewasverybadlyoffcourse,and then blown even further awayfromhis proposed direction byastorm. Eventually,he landed on undiscovered territory that the amended treatyofTordesillas unwittingly designated as Portuguese. ItwasBrazil.'?

8 Thesettlementwasknownas La Navidad, becausewhenColumbuslostashipon Christmasday1492,hetookitassignfromGodthatheshouldestablishasettlement atthepoint.Inall probability,hisbeliefthattheislandwasthesourceforthegold thathehadseenelsewherealsoinfluencedhisdecision.Thecrueltyofthesettlers whentheirgreedforgoldwasfrustrated,ledtothedestructionofthesettlementby theIndiansbeforeColumbuscouldreturnonhissecond voyage.

9 Thetermsofthe Capitulaciones de Santa Fe signed before the voyagewereextremely generousforColumbus.Hewasgiventhetitle Viceroy oftheIndiesandthehereditarytitleofAdmiraloftheOcean.Hewaspromisedthe governorship ofalllandsdiscoveredonhis voyageandonetenthofalltherichesresultingfromhis discoveries.

10 Before hissecond voyage, thePopemandated Columbus totaketheCatholicfaith toalltheresidentsandinhabitantsofhisdiscoveriesandQueen Isabellaalsoemphasisedthatshewasconcernedfortheconversionofthosethatheencounteredonhis travels(seeGoodpasture, Cros sand Sword , p.5).

11 On Portugues eexplorations,see J. H.Parry, The Ageof Reconnaissance : The Age of Discovery, Exploration and Settlement , 1450-1650 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1963) ; C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empi re (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books : 1973) .

IZ Althoughthelandwasclaimedfor Portugal as"thelandofthetruecross"on26 April1500,thefirstgroupofsettlersdidnotarriveuntilthe 1530s.ThePortuguese werelaterabletoextendtheirboundariesintothe sparselypopulatedinterior well beyond whathadbeenagreed.ModernBrazilisabouthalfofthelandmassandhalfofthepopulationoftheSouthAmericancontinentasawhole.Thename"Brazil"isderivedfrom

Columbuswaseagerto return tothe Caribbean. Hissecond expedition (1493-1496) involvedmanymoremenand seventeen ships(whichincludeda different SantaMaria ashisflagship).Hefollowedasimilar trans-Atlantic courseand reached theLeewardIslandsofthe Caribbean andPuertoRico beforecomingtoHispaniolafromtheEast.SincethefortheestablishedatLa Navidadhadbeendestroyed,hefoundedanewcoastal settlement-Isabellatothewestofiton2January 1494. Fromhere,theSpanish started tosearch Hispaniolaandthe other nearbyislandsinthemisguidedbelief that thegold jewelleryofthe inhabitants showed that great quantities ofgoldwereavailable forthetaking. 13

The questforgoldinHispaniolawasadisasterfortheisland'sindigenous peopleandsubsequently,forthe inhabitants ofthewhole continent .'! When thegoldfieldsfailedtomaterialise,theSpanish turned onthelocal inhabitants andforcedthemtosupplyaquotaofgoldeverythreemonths.Everyman, woman,andchildwasliableforthisquota;theSpanishcutahandoffthose whofailedandhangedor burned anywhoresisted.Afteronlytwoyears,an estimatedhalfofthepopulationhaddiedorbeen killed-an estimated125,000 to500,000people.Thosewhosurvived Spanish crueltywerevulnerableto Europeandiseasesforwhichtheyhadnoimmunity. When itwasclearthat thelittlegoldavailablewasexhausted,the conquistadores forcedthe inhabitants toworkthelandfortheminstead.

The historyofHispaniolawasthetestinggroundforthecolonial patterns that wouldspread throughout the continent .In1503, Queen Isabelladecreed that theIndianswerenottobeenslaved, but-in orderforthemtobeconverted to Catholicism-should beforcedtoworkaspaidlabourersonthe estatesofSpanishsettlers,knownas encomrenda s." Intheory,inexchangefor

thedyewoodof that name that wasitsprimarytradeexportinthe sixteenth century untilthePortuguese introduced sugar plantations fromMadeira.ForahelpfulhistoricaloverviewonBrazil,seeE.B.Burns,A History of Brazil (NewYork:Columbia UniversityPress,1970).

IJ It wasnotuntilthethirdvoyage (1498-1500) that ColumbuscametothemainlandcoastofwhatisnowVenezuelajustsouthofTrinidad.Duringhisfourthandfinal voyage (1502-1504) hediscoveredthe Caribbean coastof Central America.Evenso, itappears that whenhediedtwoyearslater,hestillbelieved that hehadfoundthe westernseapassagetoAsia that hehadalwayshopedfor.

14 Columbuswentinlandinsearchofthegoldfieldsandestablishedaninlandcolony calledSanTomasunderthe control ofhisyoungerbrother,Diego.However,thesmall quantitiesofgold that mayhavefirstdrawnColumbustosettleinHispaniolawerefrom alluvialrivers rather thanthebountifulgoldfields that theSpanishbelievedmustexist. Undeterred, inAprilColumbussailedwesttoCuba(whichhebelievedwasChina), then southtoJamaicaandbackaroundthe southern coastofHispaniola.Thewhole voyagetookaboutsixmonths.Havingfailedtofindgold,herounded-upalargenumberof inhabitants andsent500ofthebestspecimensbacktoSpainastributetothe Spanishmonarchs.

15 Abuseofthe encomienda systemwaswidespreadandpersistentdespiteafurther attempt byFerdinandin1512toregulatethemmorestrictlyundertheLawsofthe

CHAPTER ONE

thislabour,the settlers were required to treat the Indians well,pay them daily wages, protect them fromdangers,and provide for their religious instruction. In practice, thelawswerewidelyignored and did little to prevent appalling conditions ofabuse and virtual slaveryonthe encomiendas War,disease,and the inhuman conditions ofworktookaterribletollonthe Indians.

The church failedto protect thepeoplefrom the violence. Mostofthe church authorities colluded withthe genocide ofthe native people. The social privileges enjoyed bythe church, theclose connection between crown and church, andfirmlyheldbeliefsinthemoraland spiritual superiority oftheconquistadores overthe natives, prevented the church fromcriticisingor acting against the genocidal destruction When protests weremade,theycamefrom courageous individuals within the church rather than the church asawhole. In1515probablynomore than 10,000native inhabitantswereleftinHispaniola, andby1540theywerealmostwipedout. The virtualdisappearanceoftheindigenous peoples in Hispaniola started the practice of enslavement and transportation of African workerstoreplace them .A practice that wastoaddthe iniquities ofaslavetradetothehorrorsofthe conquest without provoking the church to concerted protest

Coerciveandcruellabourpracticeslaidthe foundations foracolonialperiod, which wouldlastover three centuries . The Spanish consolidated their settlement of Hispaniola and then moved out fromthe Caribb eanto conquer and colonisethema inland. " The fateofLatin Americ awas determined bythewills ofthe Iberian monarchs andthemissionaryzealofthePope. The Spanish and Portuguese pioneered the European ideologyin which theworldwastheirsto conquer and ruleforthesocialandreligiousgoodof other peoples.Forthe indigenous people, there was little to distinguish between church and state powerin their violent destruction .

Burgos .Continuingabuseledtotheattemptedabolitionofthe system, andNewLaws oftheIndieswereintroducedin1542. However, faced byarevolt from Spanishsettlers,thecrown was forced to compromise anddidnotenforcethenew laws .Bythe 1560s, traditional encomiendas wereindeclineandduringtheseventeenthcenturythe hacienda (ranchestate)systememergedoutofandreplacedthesixteenth-century encomiendas. Althoughinthe beginning, the haciendas weresupportedbya repartimiento system that forced Indianstoundertakeacertainamountoftemporarylabour, they graduallycame to bebasedonapermanentresidentlabour force-often employed at such miserable wages theywerelittlemorethan serfs; seeE. Williamson, ThePenguin History of Latin Am erica (Harmondsworth : Penguin Books,1992),pp.108-112; L. S. Simpson, TheEncomiendain NewSpain (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1950).

16 InthesixteenthcenturySpain'scolonialcentreofgravityshiftedtothemainland, butmaintaineditspresenceontheCaribbeanislandsof Hispaniola, Cuba,andPuerto Rico.InthecaseofCubaandPuerto Rico, Spanishrulecontinueduntiltheendof thenineteenth century. Elsewhere inthe Caribbean duringtheseventeenth century, other Europeannations-especially England, France, andthe Netherlands-e stablishedthemselves withbasesonotherislands,which allowed them initially to harassSpanishshippingandlaterto develop theirownlucrativeplantationexport economies fromthe seventeenth century onwards Britain wrested Jamaica from Spanish control in 1655 (recog-

(1519-1808)

SpanishAmerica

The first expeditions tothe mainland focussedonthe Caribbean coastof ColombiaandVenezuelaandtheCentralAmericancoastlineadjacentto them." In1513,VascoNunezdeBalboacrossedthe Panamanian Isthmusandsighted the South Sea.Hewaded into the water and claimed thePacific Ocean andallkingdomsforSpain. There wererumoursofapowerfulprovincewith greatrichesbeyondthesea,butbeforeNunezdeBalboacould undertake his plannedexpedition,hefelloutwiththecrownrepresentativeandwasbeheaded. Inthemeantime,Spanish attentions turnedtoMexico.In1519, Heman Cortes setoutfromCubawithabout 600 mento conquer theAzteckingdomof Mexico."HelandedontheMexicancoastonGoodFriday1519andfounded thecityofVeracruz(CityoftheTrueCross). The AztecEmperorMontezuma feared that Cortesmightbethegod Quetzalcoatl (whoinsome accounts had beenprophesiedas returning fromtheeast)andfearedtostrikeagainsthim. Instead,hesentlavishgiftswhichonlyfedCortes'sdesireforfurtherriches.

Cortestookadvantageofthe situation andproceededtotheAztec centre Tenochitlan whereheandhismenwerecourteouslywelcomed.Afteraweek asan honoured guest, Cortes suddenly turned against hishostandtook Montezumahostage.However,shortlyafterthisgrabfor power-while Spanish successwasstillverymuchinthe balance-Cortes hadtoleavehis lieutenant PedroAlvaradoinchargesohecould return to thecoast temporarily.'? While

nisedbyatreatyin1670)andFrenchpresenceinthewesternhalfofHispaniolawas formallyrecognisedbyatreatyin1697.Underitsnewname"SaintDomingue,"it remainedaFrenchcolonyduringthe eighteenth century,untilaslaverevoltin1793 establisheditasafreerepublic(Haiti)in1804. On theeasternhalfoftheisland,Santo Domingo,therewereperiodsofrulebybothFranceandHaitiintheearly nineteenthcenturyandthecolonyfinallygained independence in1844astheDominicanRepublic. On thehistoryoftheCaribbean,seeE.Williams, From Columbus to Castro : The History ofthe Caribbean, 1492-1969 (London:AndreDeutsch,1970).

17 On the conquistadors andtheir conquests, seeEA.Kirkpatrick, TheSpanish Conquistadores (London:A & CBlack,3rded.,1963(1934)).

18 Forahighlyreadable narrativeaccount, seeH.Thomas, The Conquestof Mexico (London:Pimlico,1994(1973)). The self-servingletters that Cortessentbacktocourt makefascinatingreadingoftheSpanishpoliticalintriguesthataccompaniedtheconquest,aswellashis account ofthe conquest itself,seeH.Cortes, Letters from Mexico (trans.anded.A.Pagden:NewHaven,Conn.:YaleUniversityPress,2nded.,1987[ET 1972,Spanishorig. 1519-1526)) .Afurtherprimary account isofferedbythesoldier BernalDiazwhowaspartofthegroup,seeB.DiazdelCastillo, The ConquestofNew Spain (trans. J. M. Cohen ; Harmondsworth :PenguinBooks,1963).AninterestingcollectionofsourcesgivingtheperspectivefromtheindigenouspeoplesisofferedinM.LeonPortilla(ed.), The Broken Spears :TheAztecAccountoftheConquest (trans. L. Kemp; Boston:BeaconPress,rev.ed.,1992(1961)).

19 Cortessetout without waitingforthenecessaryroyalpermission,andindeliberatedefianceoftheCubangovernorDiego Velazquez, whowasplanninghisownexpedition.Velazquezhadpreviouslysenttwoscoutingexpeditions(in1517and1518)and

CHAPTERONE

hewasaway, the situation deteriorated rapidly. Shortly after Cortes returned, Montezuma waskilledand Cortes on 30 June 1520wasforcedto withdraw from the city. The Spaniards sufferedheavy casualties in their withdrawal, and itis remembered in Spanish tradition asthe noche triste(sorrowfulnight).

After six months, Cortes returned in December and began to prepare fora stronger offensive. On 13 August 1521, the newAztec emperor Cuauhtemoc surrendered the city after a brutal struggle in which most of the citywas destroyed. The conquistadors replaced the Aztec rulersat the topof the social pyramidand inherited their subjects. Cortes renamed thekingdom"NewSpain," andin return, Charles V appointed himas governor and rewarded himlavishly with huge grants of land.i'' The conquest of Mexico in the early1520swas the first great prizeof the Spanish conquest and inaugurated Spanish colonialism on the main land.In contrast tothe Caribbean islandswhere the inhabitants had basic subsistence economies, inMexico the Spanish took over a sophisticated, wealthy, and organised societywitha developed religious system." They suddenly had control over ahugeempirefrom which they could extract considerable riches. Furthermore, the amazingsuccessof Cortes's adventure fuelled the driveof other conquistadores to explore and conquer similarprizes.From Mexico,Pedrode Alvarado launched the conquest of Guatemala andEl Salvador (1524-1534), and Francisco Hernandez de Cordobaextended Spanish presence south to Nicaragua in1524whereit connected with explorations north from theearly settlements inthe Isthmus which had begun in1522.

Within ten years, the Spanish hada second success-the conquest of the Inca kingdom ofPeru.In December 1530, Francisco Pizzaroset out from Panama's pacific coast and landed in modern day Ecuador," At the time, the

waswaitingfor permission forhisexpeditionwhenCortessetout.Cortes'sdeparture from Tenochitlan waspromptedbynewsthat Velazquez hadsentaforceunder Panfilo deNarvaezto Veracruz toforceCortestoreturntoCuba.Cortesneeded to continuallyprotect himself from Velazquez, andatthesametimehesoughttogoover Velazquez's headwithadirectappealtothecrown.Infact,itwasnotuntilOctober 1522 that CharlesV finally judgedinCortes'sfavourandmadehimsafefromretribution.

20 Cortesservedasgovernoruntil 1527, butfacedasteadylossofpowerafter 1526. In 1528, heleft Mexico todefendhisinterestsinSpain.Hewaswell received, hislandholdings confirmed, andhistitleelevatedtoMarquesdel Valle deOaxaca,buthewas notre-appointedasgovernor.After 1527, formal authorityinNewSpainlaywithan audiencia (royal court)untilan official Viceroyalty wascreatedin 1535 Cortesreturned toliveonhisestatesinMexicoin 1530 withoutan official appointmentandretired back to Spainin 1540. AswithColumbus before him,Cortesdiedabitterman feelingthathehadbeencheatedoutoftheproper rewards forhis achievements

21 Foran analysis oftherolethat religion mayhave played inAztec imperial society, seeG. W. Conradand A. M.Demarest, Religion and Empire : The Dynamics ofAztec and Inca Expansion (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1984)

22 In 1513, Pizzaro accompanied Vasco NunezdeBalboainthe discovery ofthe Pacific andmadea disappointing firsttriptoPeru 1524. In 1527, asecondtripwas muchmore encouraging and convinced himthata serious attemptatconquest was worthwhile.Avividaccountis offered by J. Hemming, The Conquest ofthe Incas (London:

Incaleader Atahuallpa hadjustestablishedhispowerafteracivilwar,buthad notbeenabletoadequatelyconsolidatehisauthority. The politicalwoundsof thecivilwarwerestillfreshandhadnothadtimetoheal.LikeCortes,Pizzaro wasabletotakeadvantageofthe situation, andfollowingCortesexample, Pizzaromanagedtotake Atahuallpa hostageatCajamarainNovember 1532. Atahuallpa's subjectspaidahugeransomofgold,butnevertheless,theSpanish killedhim.Pizzarotookadvantageofthepoliticalturmoil that ensuedtomarch onthecapitaloftheIncaempireatCuzco.Afterwinninganumberofbattles onthe way, hemanagedto enter Cuzcoin November 1533 . FromCuzcotheSpanishconsolidated control overthecentralareasofthe Incakingdom(moderndayPeruandBolivia)andmovedouttostrikeatthe north (modernEcuador)andsouthareas(Chile).Ecuadorprovedthemore straightforwardconquest. Quito was captured in 1534 andusedtolaunchexpeditionsintoColombiaandVenezuela(theareatheSpanishreferredtoasNew Granada). By contrast, Chilewasmore obdurate andresistedafirstinvasion in 1535, and then putupfierceresistancetotheeventuallysuccessfulSpanish campaignof 1540-1553 . Bythistime,onlyfortyyearsaftertheirfirstincursionsonthemainland,aSpanishempirehadbeenestablishedoveravast area.P It ranfromMiddleAmerica(Mexicoand Central America)alongthe Caribbean coast(Venezuela)and south for thousands ofmileswestofthe Andes(Colombia,Ecuador,Peru,Bolivia,andChile). 24 Atthistime,despite thisvast stretch ofterritory,theSpaniardshadmadeverylittleimpactinSouth AmericatotheeastofthegreatAndes mountains. The newSpanishempire basicallyremained centered ontheexistingempiresoftheAztecsandIncas andwasorganisedastheviceroyaltiesofNewSpainandPeru that extended outfromMexicoCityandLima. Settlement oftheNewWorldwastherefore

Macmillan, 1970). Forpersonalaccounts,seeAgustindeZarate, The Discovery and Conquestof Peru (trans.J.M. Cohen ; Harmondsworth :PenguinBooks, 1968).

23 TheSpanishdidnotcompletelyextinguishorganisedresistanceuntilmuchlater. It wasnotuntil 1572 that theyfinallyovercameand executed TupacAmaru(thelast freeIncaRuler).Eventhen,hislegacyremained potent andwastakenupagaininthe eighteenth century inamajorrebellionledbyJoseGabriel Condorcanqui whoassumed thenameofTupacAmaruII,see L. E.Fisher, The LastInca Revolt, 1780-83 (Norman: Universityof Oklahoma Press, 1966).

24 Venezuelaandthe Caribbean cameundertheViceroyaltyofNewSpain(Mexico) whiletherestof South AmericawasundertheViceroyaltyofPeru,whichwasorganisedinto audiencias (royalcourts).These audiencias included :Panama (1538); Lima (1542); Santa FeatBogotaforwhatisnowColombia (1549); Charcas (1559) which stretched fromBolivia to BuenosAires (although verylittleeastoftheAndeswasactuallysettled);andChile (1565). Thesedivisionslater determined thebasisfortheemergenceof nation statesinthe nineteenth century.Beforethat,inthe eighteenth century thevastViceroyaltyofPeruwasdivided to create newViceroyaltiesinthe north at New Granada (1717) coveringmoderndayColombiaandEcuador,andinthesoutheastatLaPlata (1776) coveringmodern-dayBolivia, Argentina ,Uruguay,andParaguay. Foraselectionofhelpfulmaps,seeE.Williamson, The Penguin History ofLatinAmerica (Harmondsworth :PenguinBooks, 1992), pp. 605-616.

CHAPTERONE

very uneven .Manyareasof South AmericaeastoftheAndeswere untouched bySpanishinfluenceforyears."

Spanish successwasduepartlytotheirruthlessandsingle-mindeddetermination which sustained theirrecklesscourageandambitiousgreed. It would, however,havebeenimpossible without their superiorweaponsofwar. The swords,canons,horses,andferociousdogsofthe conquistadores wereacrucial militaryadvantageintheirdriveforgloryandgold.Afurther,andcrucialfactor,was their luck.BothCortesandPizzaroenjoyedremarkablestrokesof fortune--or asthey interpreted it, benefited fromafavourabledivineprovidence-which prevented theAztecandIncakingsfromtakingeffectiveaction againsttheirinitial expeditions."

Perhapsthemost important factorofallwasthereadysupportoflocalinhabitants againsttheirexistingoverlords. The conquistadores playedastutepolitics ofdivideandruleand recruited and then betrayedlocalallies.Theytook advantageofhostitiltyamongstsubjectpeoplestowardtheharshruleofthe AztecandIncakings.TheyusedthistooverthrowtheAztecsandIncasand then quicklyestablishedthemselvesasthenewlordsoverthesameempires andthelocalpeoples that hadhelpedthem. Finally, greatwavesofdiseasesuch assmallpoxinMexicosweptthroughtheIndianpopulationduringthe sixteenth centuryasaresultofEuropean contact. "TheseepidemicsconsolidatedtheinitialmilitaryandpoliticaldefeatsofAztecandIncapower.

Thus,againstalllikelihoodandinavery short time,thetinyforcesof conquistadores inMexicoandPeruovercameforces that vastly outnumbered them andusheredinaperiodofcolonialrule that lasted about three centuries. Corteshadaboutc.600men,16horses,14cannons,and13musketsonhis first attempt at conquest in1520(thoughhehadreceivedsomereinforcements beforehissecond attempt in1521).Pizzarohadonlyabout60horsemenand 100footsoldierswhenhe defeated the Incan armyofmore than 6000and

25 It wasonlyinthe1560s that explorerscrossedtheAndesfromChileintowhatis nowtheinteriorof Argentina .TheSpaniardslargelyneglectedtheAtlanticcoastof the continent, andalthoughBuenosAireswasfirstfoundedin1535,itwasdestroyed in1541andnotre-foundeduntil1580andwouldonlystarttorisetorealsignificance two hundred yearsafterthis. When itwasdesignatedthecapitalofthenewViceroyalty oftheRiverPlate(1776),itwasstillarelativelysmallseaport,butits potentia lasa channel for Atlantic tradewasenormous.Thereorientationoftradefromtheinterior toBuenosAires rather than Limainthelate eighteenth century, started toshiftthe economicaxisofLatinAmericafromthewesttotheeastoftheAndes.

26 It seems that CorteslandedinMexicointhe aftermath ofasuccessionofdemoralizingomensamongsttheAztecsandsomefeared that hemightbeavengefulrepresentative of Quetzalcoatl(theGodofPriestlyWisdom). Likewise, thecivilwarwithin theIncanrulingdynasty that wasjustendingwhenPizzaroarrived,presentedthetiny Spanishforceswithafortuitousopportunityforsuccess.

27 ThespreadofsmallpoxinMexicoin1520preparedthewayforCortes'ssuccessfulsecondassaulton Tenochitlan . The Aztecemperor Cuitlahuac (whosucceeded Montezuma)wasoneofitsvictims.

seized Atahuallpa at Cajamarca ." Inbothcasestheyfacedexperiencedtroops whohadsubduedvastterritoriesonpreviouscampaigns.

The promiseofgold,whichdrovetheSpanish conquest provedtobelargely illusory. Atahuallpa's ransomwasafabuloustreasure,butSpanishhopesfor ElDorado--a mythicalgold city-proved illusory. The mostlucrativeareafor goldprovedtobeinthe northwestern partofNew Granada (modem day Colombia).However,thevastAztecandIncancivilisationsofferedsignificant alternative rewards,especiallyintheformofsilver. The conquistadores ofthe sixteenth century forcedthelocalpeopleto extract thismineralwealthand madefortunes.SilverminesatZacatecas (north ofMexicoCity)andin POtOSI (inUpperPeru,tothe distant south-east ofLima,whichisnow Bolivia) yielded riches that were transported toMexicoCityandLima.Thesilverwastaken fromMexicoCitytothe Caribbean portofVeracruzorfromLimatotheharbouratCallaoand then toPanamaandtransferredtothe Caribbean overland. Inbothcasesit then madethe transatlantic voyageto Seville." The extractionand transport ofLatinAmerica'smineral wealth-accompanied bycruel andexploitativelabour practices-led the twentieth centuryUruguayanhistorianEduardoGaleanotodescribethewhole continent asapersonwhoseblood wasbeingslowlydrained away." Galeano'simageofthe "Open VeinsofLatin America"captures both thepillageofthe continent's resourcesandthecost inbloodandsweatoftheindigenouspeoplewhowereforcedto participate in theirown impoverishment.

The manner of conquest andhistoryofcolonialismleftanumberoflegacies that remainpowerfulonLatin American societiestothisday."Spanish adventurersdisdainedphysicalworkandsoughttomaketheirpersonalfortunes withaminimumoftheirownlabour. The legacyofthis contrast betweenthose who haveto work, and those who areableto force others to work for them, remainstothisday. The conquest establisheda pattern wherebypersonalindustrywasrejectedforthe exploitation ofthenativepeopleand natural resources. The conquestalsoestablishedaEuropean attitude toLatinAmericaasacontinent toservetheneedsof distant landsandenrichasmalllocaleliteatthe

28 Williamson, The Penguin History of Latin America , pp.17and24.

29 AftertheSpanish conquest ofthePhilippines(astheywerenamedinhonourof KingPhilipIIofSpain)inthe1560s,atranspacificcargotradewasestablishedfrom ManilatoAcapulcoonthePacificsideofMexico,overlandviaMexicoCityto Veracruz, andacrosstheAtlantic.Thistradewentunmolesteduntilthe Dutch arrivedinthe Pacificin1615.

30 E.Galeano, OpenVeinsofLatin America : Five Centuries of the Pillage ofa Continent (trans. C. Belfrage;NewYork:MonthlyReviewPress,1973[Spanishorig.1971)).

31 FormoreontheSpanishcolonialera,seeespecially C. Gibson, Spain in America (New York :Harper & Row, 1966);idem, The Aztecs under Spanish Rule: A History of theIndiansofthe Valley of Mexico, 1519-1810 (Stanford,Calif.:StanfordUniversity Press,1964); C. H.Haring, The Spanish Empire in America (Oxford:OxfordUniversity Press,1947).

CHAPTERONE

expense of the majority of the population." The waythenewlandswere conquered also contributed tothegrossly unequal distribution of land that has remained ever since. The leader of the expedition divided up the conquered land amongst the chief conquistadores 33 This pattern of land distribution laid the foundation forthe dominance of latifundios (large holdings) and haciendas (ranches) that continues and isa major factor in today's imbalance between rich and poor.

Brazil

The course of colonial history for the Portuguese inBrazilwas initially rather different from that of Spanish America." InBrazil no parallels to the advanced kingdoms of the Aztecs orIncas existed, and the Portuguese focussedmoreon trade.Portugese settlement was much slowerandprimarily centered onthe northeast part ofthe country. Fromitsvery beginning until the twentieth century, Brazilwas based on an agro-export economy.Initially,thiswaswoodfromthe Brazil(usedto make dyes)from which the country gotits name .As the sixteenth century progressed, sugar plantations based onslave labour were introduced to the northeast from Madeira." Later,coffee became the principle crop and the basisof the economy inthe nineteenth century. Coffee ruled the economy until industrialisation made serious headway after the1930s. Even in the seventeenth century, much oftheBrazilian interior was untouched. However, astimepassed, without the Andes asa natural barrier to expansion into the interior the Portuguese gradually extended their areasof interest westward beyond thelineof demarcation .Portugal eventually laidclaimtoavastterritory, which virtually matched the Spanish territories in South America, and helped it become Latin America's superpower bythe second half ofthe twentieth century.

32 Thelegaldivisionofthepopulationfurtherreinforcedthissocialpolarisation.For mostofthecolonialperiodtwo republics existedsidebyside.TheSpanish Republic existedfortheelite,whiletheIndianRepubliccoveredthe overwhelming majority.

33 See Williamson, The Penguin History of Latin America, p.81.Aclearprecedentfor theunequaldistributionlayinthelanddistributionoftheIberianpeninsulathatthe conquistadorshadleftbehind.Thishadbeenexacerbatedbythevastgrantsoflandas rewards to the powerful duringthereconquestinSpain. It should, however, benoted thatalthoughalltheconquistadorscouldexpectashareofland,theywerenotallentitledtofree labour. Thecrowndeterminedthegrantingoflabourunderthe encomienda systemoflabourgrants,whichwerereservedforSpaniardsofappropriatesocialstatus.

34 Someofthe differences betweenthe Portuguese andSpanishcolonialexperiences aredrawnout in]. LockhartandS.B. Schwartz, Early Latin America : A History of Spanish America and Brazil (Cambridge :CambridgeUniversity Press, 1983).

35 Unfortunatelyforthe Portuguese, intheseventeenthcenturytheDutchmanaged tooccupysomeofthesugarareasanddisrupted Portuguese production,see C. R. Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil (1624-54) (Oxford:ClarendonPress,1957).WhentheDutchwere finally drivenawayin1654,theytookthetechniquestheylearnedtostartsugarplantationsintheCaribbeanandcreatednewcompetitionfor Brazil's sugarindustry.

THE CROSS AND SWORD

The church wholeheartedly supported the tumultuous and violent conquest of the Americas .Missionaries arrived inLatin America withthe conquistadores and thecrossandsword supported each other's power throughout the colonial period. The state protected and promoted the church, andin return, the church sanctioned the Spanish andPortuguese authorities as embodiments ofthewill ofGod. This closepolitical collaboration between church and state authorities-commonly referredtoas Christendom-has been amajorfactorinLatin American societiesever smce."

Missionary Zeal (1492-1519)

Columbus himselfwasa fervent Catholic, and missionaryzealwasanimportant motivation in his enterprise." The ship that tookColumbustotheCaribbean wasnamedthe Santa Maria,afittingnameinviewofhis devotion totheVirgin andhisdesiretocarry Christ withhimtonew territories." The nameSan Salvador orHoly Saviour (the name ofthefirstislanddiscoveredonhisfirst voyage) reflected hiswishtoimpose Christian culture wherever he went .He expressedthehope that the "heathens" he encountered wouldbe converted to Christianity and that thegoldhewouldbringbackmightbeusedto start anewcrusadefortheHolyLand.

Columbus was not aloneinhissenseof Christian destinyinhisarrivalin the Caribbean. Spanish conquest and domination intheAmericaswassupported byan ardent beliefinthedivine character of their task. The Spaniards interpreted thevictoryovertheMoors(whichhad been completed in1492)asa signofGod'sblessingfora righteous crusade They carried this conviction to theNewWorld. The languageand emotion closely echoed thereligiousfervouroftheold Crusades against enemies ofthe Christian faith.Inthesame year that Columbus started toclaimthe inhabitants oftheIndiesfortheSpanish throne andthe Christian faith,theJewswereexpelledfrom Spain

36 SeeE. Dussel , A History ofthe Church in Latin America : Colonialism to Liberation 0492-1979) (trans.andrev. A. Neely;Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1981 [Spanish orig. 1974)).An extensive collectionofchaptersby different authorsandanexcellent bibliography areofferedinidem (ed.), TheChurch in Latin America : 1492-1992 (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books; Tunbridge Wells, Kent:BurnsandOates, 1987)

37 Onthe spiritual influences on Columbus' enterprise, see P. M.Watts, "Prophecy and Discovery:OntheSpiritual Origins ofChristopher Columbus' 'Enterprise ofthe Indies,'" American Historical Review 90 (1985), pp.73-102.On Columbus asaninterpreterofscripture,see H. Avalos, "Columbus as Biblical Exegete :AStudyofthe Libro delas profecias" inB. E Le BeauandM.Mor (eds.), Religion inthe Ageof Exploration: The Case ofSpainandNew Spain (Omaha,Neb.:Creighton University Press, 1996), pp.59-80.

38 Cristoforo Colombo (knownin English asChristopher Columbus, orinSpanishas Cristobal Colon) means"ChristCarryingDove."Forahelpfulcollectionof primary sources ontherelationof cross and sword inthecolonial period, see Goodpasture (ed.), Cross and Sword, pp.5-103.

CHAPTERONE

The monarchsIsabellaandFerdinandsaw Christianity asacivilisingforce, and evangelisation wasanessentialpartofthe colonisation process.Nopriests accompanied Columbusonhisfirstvoyage,butonthesecondvoyage,Friar BernalBoylledasmallgroupoffriars.However, Boyl returned toSpainin 1494 andseriouseffortsatevangelisationofHispanioladidnot start until 1500 whenaFranciscanmissionarrivedandwasreinforcedwithasecond contingentin 1502. TheFranciscans formally establishedtheMissionoftheWestIndies in 1505, andin 1510 theywerejoinedbyagroupofDominicansunderPedro deCordoba.In 1511, threedioceseswere created forthe Caribbean at Santo Domingo(for northern Hispaniola), Concepcion delaVega(for southern Hispaniola-which was later abolishedin 1528) andSan Juan (for Puerto RicO) .39 Their bishops-who were to besuffragans to Seville-were consecrated thefollowingyear,andthefirsttoarrivewasAlonsoMansoasBishopof San [uan."

With hindsight,itiseasytoseehowthe Christian expressionofthe conquistadores missionexcused,andeven extended, violenceagainstthepeople. When the conquistadores desireforgoldconflictedwiththechurch'sworkwith theIndians,the conquistadores hadlittletimefortheirobligationstothe church. Attimesthe church even encouraged theharshnessofthe conquistadores . 41 Although some church clericstookpityonthesufferingIndiansandevenquestionedthemoralrightsoftheSpanishto treat them soharshly,thesewere usuallyseenasseparatefromthetheologicalissues that should concern the church. Becausethe church soughttoclaimthesoulsofthe inhabitants for thegloryofGod,their concern fortheIndianswasoftenexclusivelyforthe stateoftheirdisembodiedsouls, rather than theconditionsoftheirlifeunder colonialrule.God'sglorywasseenintermsofthe number ofconversions, rather than thesurvivaloftheconverts.Somemayhavefelt that a concern forsocialwelfarewasanappropriate addition tothis,buttherewasnoprecedent intheir tradition toencourage them totakethesufferingoftheIndians asatheological starting point forreflectionon Christian faith.

Colonial Christendom (1520-1808)

Churchand State

Incolonial Christendom the Catholic church andSpanishmonarchymadean allianceoftemporalandspiritualpowerforthegloryofGodandtheSpanish

39 SeeM. A. RodriguezLeon,"InvasionandEvangelizationinthe Sixteenth Century" in Dussel (ed.), The Church in Latin America, pp.43-54.

40 BishopAlonsoonlystayedinPuertoRicofortwoandahalfyearsbeforereturning to Spainforfouryears. When he returned totheCaribbean,itwaswiththetitleof InquisitorGeneraloftheIndies,andhesettoworkbuildinganewcathedralthrough Indianslavelabour.

41 Forexample,FriarBernalBoylurgedColumbus to dealharshlywiththeIndians onHispaniolawhohaddestroyedthe settlement atLaNavidad.

crown. It wasa political arrangement in which the church and state worked hand-in-hand for the governance ofa Christian kingdom .In theory the Church wasthe senior partner. It represented the permanent realmof the divine and spiritual. By contrast, the state wasa temporary p artner totakecareofthe temporal worldof the secular and mundane ." Inpr actice ,thepowerofthe civil authorities (and the temptations ofcivilprivilegesandwealth) frequently ensured that the state had the upper hand on the church inmost matters of governance .

The firstdioceseonthe mainland was founded at Santa Marfala Antigua of Darien in 1521, aftertheearly exploration of Panama." InMexico,a Mercedatian friar (Bartolome de Olmedo) accompanied Cortes as chaplain in 1519 and Cortes built thefirst church at Tlaxcala in 1522, but evangelisation did not reallybegin until agroup of twelveFranciscans arrived fiveyears later," The so-called twelveapostles landed atVeracruzin 1524 tobeginthe evangelisationof mainland Latin America .Asmall group of Dominicans followed them in 1526 andseven Augustinians arrived in 1533. Duringthe next thirty years, the three ordersgrewrapidlyandwereat the forefront of evangelisation and church life. The firstbishop of Tlaxcala wasthe Dominican JuanGarces,and thefirstbishop of Mexicowasthe Franciscan bishop Juan deZumaragga ."

Amajorstepforwardin the church's attempts at evangelisation tookplace in 1531 when Juan Diego received an apparition of the Virginof Guadalupe at Mount Tepeyac,to the northw estofMexico City." Itiswidely believed that Mary appeared to Juan Diego,apoor Indian, andtoldhimtotellthelocal bishop that a church wastobe built forher. The bishopdismissed Juan Diego's storyandignoredhismessage until amiracleforcedhimto concede the authorityofwhathesaid. The appearance oftheVirginonLatin American soil,speakingthelanguage of the colonized rather thanthecolonizer, addressing Juan Diegoassonand taking the sideofthepea sant against thebishop,has been an icon of popular religion ever since . The poor of Latin America have

4Z TheChurch'ssenseofseniorityisseenintheBullofPopeBonifaceVIII, Unam Sanctam (1302): "...therearetwo swords, namelythespiritualandthe temporal. ... Itisnecessary thatoneswordshouldbebeneaththeother,andthatthetemporal authorityshouldbesubjectedtothespiritualpower ..Clearlywemust acknowledge thatthespiritualpower excels anyearthlypowerbothin dignity andin nobility, inas muchasspiritualthingsexceltemporal"(citedinB. McSween ey, Roman Catholi cism : The Search for Relevance (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1980) ,p.14.

43 PanamaCitywasfoundedin1519,buttheSpaniardshadfirstvisitedtheIsthmus in 1501.

44 PopeClementVIIelevatedTlaxcala to a diocese in1525,butthe Episcopal see wassubsequentlymovedtoPuebladelosAngelesin1539.

45 Thedioceseof Mexico wasestablished in1530andelevatedtoan Archdiocese alongwith Lima andSantoDomingoin1546.

46 Seethespecialissueofthe Journal of Hispanic/Latino Theology 5 (1997) whichis dedicatedtothe Virgin ofGuadalupe.Iamgrateful to M. D. CarrollR.for drawing thisjournaltomyattention.

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understood this appearance of Our Ladyof Guadalupe asasignofMary's adoption ofthe native peoplesandhersolidaritywiththeoppressed. Devotion totheVirginalsofacilitatedthespreadofthe church through the integration ofCatholicismwiththeworshipofindigenousmother-goddesses. Mount Tepeyac wheretheevents occurred waspreviouslyaplaceofpilgrimagetotheindigenous mother-goddess Tontantzin-Cihuacoatl."

The Patronato Real ofPopeJuliusIIsetthelegalframeworkinwhichthe church's worktookplacein 1508. This granted authority totheSpanishcrown to appoint thebishopsand other church personnel foritsrecentlyestablished settlements .Inexchange,thecrownwouldpayallthe church'sexpenses. Under this arrangement, twenty Dominicans arrivedinCuzcoin 1538 withthenew bishopVicentedeValverde,a Dominican whohad accompanied Pizarroonthe original conquest, andsystematic organisation ofthe church beganwithFirst Provincial Council ofLima (1551-1552)

InBrazil,asimilar Padroado Real was granted tothePortuguese monarchs temporarilyin 1515 andconfirmed permanently in 1551. The Jesuitsarrived inBahiain 1549 ledbytheSociety'sfirst Captain-General toserveinLatin America (dispatched fromLisbonto start anofficial government forthecountry). The dioceseofBahiawas created in 1551.

The royal patronage brought greatbenefitsto both the monarchy andthe institutional church ,butitseverelylimitedthe church's potential tooppose the state's power.It meant that Romewould not have direct contact with theLatin American church, butwouldhavetogo through the mediation ofthe Spanish andPortuguese monarchs .Latin American church historian Enrique Dusseldescribesthis arrangement asauniqueformof"colonialor dependent Christendom." It was "Christendom" inas much asthepoliticalandecclesial powerswereclosely integrated, justastheywereintheRomanandByzantine empires.However,itwas"colonial"or "dependent" becauseLatin American Christendom wasalwaysattheperipheryand dependent onSpain'spower."

The close connection between church andstateinthecolonialperiodis revealedinthe number ofclerics appointed topoliticalpositions.Forexample, afterthe death ofFerdinandin 1516, thetemporaryregentwasCardinalJimenez de Cisneros whohadpreviously been spiritual adviserto Isabella ."? When CharlesVreplacedCisnerosit meant a return tofavourfortheBishopof Burgos, Juan RodriguezdeFonseca.Fonsecahadbeentheprincipleadviserto

47 Thereisdebateovertheextenttowhichthechurchknewaboutand encouraged such syncretism.Fortheparallel processofthe integration ofCatholic religiosity with indigenous religion in Peru ,see J. Szeminski, "FromInca Gods toSpanishSaintsand Demons" inS. Kaplan (ed.), Indigenous Responses to Western Christianity (New York:New York University Press, 1995) , pp. 56-74.

48 E.Dussel, History andthe Theology of Liberation (trans.J. Drury ; Maryknoll,N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1976 [Spanish orig. 1973]), pp. 75-109 (esp. 75).

49 Atonepoint Cisneros appointed Jeronymite friars to serve asthe crown' s official representatives on Hispaniola .

FerdinandandIsabellaonthe affairs oftheIndies,andhisniecewasmarried tothegovernorofCuba,Diego Velazquez. Previously, as archdeacon inSeville hehadsupervised preparations forColumbus'secondtripandheremaineda keyfigureinthe affairs oftheIndies. Under Charleshehelpedinfluencethe settingupoftheCouncilofIndies. The Councilhad responsibility foreverything intheIndies(includingthe church), untilitwasreplacedwith government by vice-regents.Itsfirstchairwastheking'sconfessor,BishopBarciadeLoaisa."

State sponsorshipofthe church ensured that churches werebuiltatthe heart ofeachSpanish settlement ofanysignificanceaccordingtoa consistent pattern. The central plazahada church (orfor important cities,acathedral) onits eastern sideandthekeybuildingsofcivil government (suchasthegovernor'shouseandthejail)onthe other sidesofthesquareorrectangle." The historical pattern wherebythe church wouldstandinthesocialorderalongsidetherichlandownersandtheagenciesofthestatefoundvisibleexpression inthislayout. The church, landowners,and institutions ofcivil government formedanallianceasthethreepillarsofcolonialsociety.

The church wasapowerfullandholder(secondonlytothecrowninthecolonialpetiod)andbenefitedfromIndianlabour(underboththe encomienda and repartimiento system)aswellasasystemoftithesandgifts.Someofthewealth itacquiredwentintoadorningthemagnificent churches and other buildings that itsponsoredforelaborateworshipservices.

Ata charitable levelit supported education andmedicalfacilities(albeit veryunevenly)andwasthemainsourceofcharityforthepoor.Priestsmight bepoorbutbishopscouldbefantasticallywealthy,andmostenjoyedthefull trappingsofwealthandpower.These attractions-combined withitstraditional theologyandEuro-centricconfidenceinthe truth ofits message-usually meant thatthe church asan institution wasawillingcollaboratorincolonialistassertionsofpower.FromthecentresofSpanish settlement, itinerant missionaries wentouttocelebrate Catholic ritesinthe Indian settlements. However,efforts toevangelizetheindigenouspeoplesmetwithmixedsuccess. Often thetites ofCatholicismdidnotdisplacetheIndian's traditional religiousculturesbut wereaddedtothem. The resultswerenewformsofreligiousbeliefsandbehaviour.Thisfolkreligiondefieseasyclassificationtothisday.Thisnewamalgam offaithoftenshowedamarkedly Catholic appearance (withLatinritualsand the veneration of Christian saints),buttheunderlyingreligiousoutlookdidnot necessarilychange."

50 See Dussel, The Church in Latin America, p.58.The Council ofthe Indies began in 1519 aspartofthe Council of Castille and was confirmed in 1524 whenit became the fourth central council of Spanish government alongside Castille, Aragon, and Navarre.

51 Therestofthesettlement usually extended out from thiscentral square ona square gridofstreets.Themost important citizens would have residences either close toor actually onthecentral plaza, anda person's social standing was reflected inthe distance from the plaza.

52 The absence ofanative priesthood alsocontributedtothe problems thatthe

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Despitethemanyobviousfailingsofthe church duringthecolonialperiod, thereweresomecourageousexceptionstothegeneral trend ofitsalliancewith Spanish oppression.Fromtheearlyyearsofthechurch'spresenceinLatin America,aminorityofpriestsand church workerspreserveda prophetic alternativetothecollusionwith exploitation that markedthe institutional church. Twoparticularly important strandscanbepickedout:theDominicansinthe sixteenth century andtheJesuitsinthe seventeenth and eighteenth centuries

The Dominican Protests :TheIndiansas Human Beings "Iamthevoiceofoneoutinthedesert"(In1.23cp.,Mt.3.3,Mk1.2,Lk 3.4). On 21December1511,the Dominican Antonio deMontesinos preached onthewordsofIsaiah40.3echoedby John theBaptist. The Spaniards,he said,wereguiltyofmortalsinintheir treatment oftheIndians,andherefused to give them absolution. Indignant Spaniardscomplained to Spainandmade representations totheking.However,MontesinosandhiscolleaguePedrode CordobadefendedthemselvessuccessfullybeforetheSpanishcourt.In1512, theirprotestsledtoLawsoftheBurgos,thefirstlegislationdealingwiththe Indiesand intended toaffordsome protection totheIndians.

ForMontesinos,thekeyissueinthedisputewiththeSpanishcoloniserswas whether theIndianswere human beingslikethemselves.Ifso,theydeserved tobe treated assuch.Montesinospressedformore humane formsofevangelisationand treatment oftheIndians. The debateonthestatusoftheIndians andhowthey should be treated becameasourceof conflict between the Dominicansandthecolonistsfordecadestocome. The colonistsappealedto Aristotleand other ancient authorities tojustifytheirclaims that theIndians werenaturallyslaves,and that itwasthereforeentirely permissible totreatthem differentlyfrom other people.Fromthe Dominican side,the champion against suchclaimswasaformer encomedor whohadheardMontesinos'schallengeand takenhismessageespeciallytoheart.HisnamewasBartolomedelasCasas.53

LasCasaswasborninSevillein1484andwitnessedColumbus's return from hisfirstvoyagetotheCaribbeaninApril1493.Hisfatherandtwounclessailed withColumbusonthesecondvoyageandin1502,LasCasas himself setout forHispaniola.Hespentthenextfouryearsasacolonist.Duringthistime, he trained forthepriesthoodwhilelivingonthelabouroftheIndians.In 1506,hetravelledtoRome,andthefollowingyearhewasordainedasadioce-

missionordersfaced.Despitepapal attempts topromotealocalsecularclergyinthe 1520s,themissionordersresistedsuchefforts,and throughout almostthewholeofthe colonialperiod,theclergyremainedofEuropeanorigin(seeWilliamson, The Penguin History of Latin America, p.102).

53 OnLasCasasandhissignificanceforliberationtheology,seeespeciallyG.Gutierrez, Las Casas : In Search of the Poor of Jesus Christ (MaryknollN.Y.:OrbisBooks,1993[Spanish orig.1992]).ForanaccountofLasCasas'slifethroughhisownwritingsatdifferentpoints inhislife,seeG.Sanderlin(ed.), Witness : Writings of Bartolome de Las Casas (Maryknoll, N.Y.:OrbisBooks,2nded.,1992[1971]).

sanpriest.He then returned tothe Caribbean in 1509 andbeganhislifeasa priestwhile maintaining his encomienda

When the Dominicans firstcametoHispaniolain 1510 underPedrode Cordoba,LasCasasseemstohavebeenunmovedbytheircriticismofthe treatment oftheIndians.LasCasasaccompaniedPanfilodeNarvaezasachaplainontheSpanish conquest ofCuba (1512-1513) andwas granted afurther encomienda inCubabythegovernor,Diego Velazquez. However,astheIndian population collapsedfromdisease,overwork,andcruelty,LasCasasbecame increasinglytroubled.Hehad watched thegenocideinHispaniolaandwasdistressedtoseeitrepeatedwithsuchzealinCuba.In 1514, ashepreparedhis sermonforPentecost,thewordsofEcclesiasticus 34.18-22 struckhimwithfull force. The judgement onthosewhomakesacrificesand other religiousrituals beforeGodandyetoppresstheirfellow human beings,spokedirectlytohis feelingsaboutthe ill-treatment oftheIndians.HesetfreehisIndianworkers andpreparedaspecialsermonfortheFeastofAssumptionon 15 August 1514. From then on,hesoughttochallengethelaws that governedthe treatment ofIndians throughout thenewlands.Hesenthisownprotestsback to Spain topersuadetheKingto strengthen theLawsofBurgos.Attheendof 1515, he travelled backtothe Spanish court to present his protest in person. Unfortunately,King Ferdinand dieda short timelater.LasCasas then saw BishopJuanRodriguezdeFonsecabutfoundhimunmovedbyhisconcerns. When theBishop'ssecretarytriedtobribehimtodrophisprotests,itwasclear that hecouldexpectlittlehelpfromhim.However,shortlyafterward,afurther changeinfortuneledtohisofficial appointment as "Protector oftheIndies," anda return totheIndiesinanunsuccessful attempt toendthe encomienda system 1516-1517. In 1515, hehaddevelopedanelaborate settlement plan whichhehopedwouldofferpeaceful co-existence betweenIndiansandSpaniards.In 1520, CharlesV granted himlandinVenezuelawherehecouldtry itout.He attempted tosetupthe settlement in 1521, butthe outcome was disastrousbecausehewasunabletostopslaveraidsby other colonisrs ."

In 1522, hejoinedtheDominicansinordertoadvocatetheIndiancause moreeffectively.He started anew Dominican monastery onthe north of Hispaniolaand started hisgreatwork History ofthe Indies to counterbalance the accounts recorded by conquistadors. His arguments that evangelisation shouldonlybecarriedoutpeacefullyinfluencedPopePaulIIIwhoissueda papalBullin 1537 that affirmedtherationalityoftheIndiansandtheimportanceoftheirevangelisation.Thesewere important affirmationsinatimewhen apologistsfor conquest denied both.

That sameyearLasCasasstartedworkasa missionary in northern Guatemala. HereturnedtoSpain in 1540 torecruitfurther missionaries andstayedforawhile toimpressontheKingthe mistreatment oftheIndians.Forthispurpose,he wrotethegraphic ShortAccountofthe Destruction ofthe Indies (c. 1540), afierce

54 SeeSanderlin, Witness, pp. 6-8.

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attack onthesufferingcausedbytheSpanish." The passageoftheNewLaws (1542-1543), which strengthened someof the LawsofBurgos,waspartiallyin responsetotheseefforts.LasCasaswas named bishopof Chiapas in 1543, whereheworkeddiligentlytoimprovethelotofIndiansinhisareauntilhe returned permanently to Spain in 1547 .

BackinSpainhewrotehis Defence of the Indians in preparation foradebate in Valladolidwith theologians from Salamanca including JuanGinesde Sepulveda (1550-1551) .56 Acritical element inthisdisputewas whether theIndianshad souls. Their human identity-and therefore their shared human nature with the Spaniards-was seentorestontheanswertothisquestion.This,in turn, wasseenascriticalfor whether itwas legitimate forthe Spanish toruleover them without their consent . The opponents ofLasCasas argued that the Indians did not havesouls,and therefore were not fully human, andmight justifiablybecompelledtoservetheSpanishfortheirowngood. Las Casasargued that theywereequalin nature, andthe Spanish couldonlylegitimatelyrule over them ifthey consented The PopeagreedwithLasCasas,itwasanimportant victory. It did not bringanendto colonialism orthesufferingofthe Indians, but itdidatleastaffirmtheprincipleofuniversal human solidarity.57

LasCasasdiedin 1566. In retrospect hewasthefirst colonialist todistinguish between being Spanish andbeing Christian. The church andthe State hadmergedthis identity fortheirownreasons, but LasCasasrepeatedlyemphasised that Christianity should not be identified withthecolonial culture of oppression.Hewas not theonlyactivistwhokeptthespiritofMontesinosalive. During hisbriefperiodasbishopofChiapasoneofhisclosecolleagueswas Antonio deValdivieso,bishopof Nicaragua (1544-1550) .58 Valdivieso'speriod in Nicaragua was marked byan intense conflictwiththe governor Rodrigode Contreras overthe mistreatment ofIndians.LikeLasCasas,Valdiviesowas activeinsendingreportsbacktoSpainandpressingforchanges.His attempts to ensure that theNewLawswere respected eventually provokedhismartyrdom.Asoldierwho supported the governor stabbed himto death inLeonon 26 February 1550. Other important mid-sixteenth-century figures that strug-

55 B.deLas Casas, A Short Account ofthe Destruction ofthe Indies (trans.N. Griffin ; Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1992 [Spanish orig. 1542]).

56 B.deLas Casas , InDefence ofthe Indians (DeKalb:Northern Illinois Press, 2nd ed., 1992 [ET1974,Spanishorig.c. 1549]) .

57 Tragically Las Casas's concernfortheIndianshadledhim to briefly ignore this principle andsupportthe importation of slaves from Africa to replace Indiansintheir hard labours on encomiendas. Thishadbeen legal since 1501 andLas Casas andmany ofhis contemporaries signed apetitiontosupportitin 1516. However, itisclearthat Las Casascametobitterlyregretthis decision and was oneofthe first to denouncethe slave trade.

58 Close collaboration between Las Casas and Valdivieso was not easy. When Las Casas, Valdivieso, and Marroquin (Bishop of Guatemala) metinGuatemalain1545fora Commission of Thanksgiving toGod,the colonists in Guatemala were sooutragedthat theytriedtoapprehendLas Casas.

gledon behalf oftheIndiansincluded:CristobaldePedraza(Bishopof Honduras, 1545-1583); PablodeTorres(Bishopof Panama, 1547-54); Juan delValle (BishopofPopayan,New Granada, 1548-1560); and hissuccessor Agustin de Corufia (1565-1590). Enrique Dusseldescribes them astheLatin American "Fathers ofthe Church. "59

The Jesuits : Evangelization through Civilization JesuitmissionariesarrivedinBahia, northeast Brazil,in1549. Friction withthe firstbishopofBrazilquicklyforced them totravel south tothe captaincy of Sao Vicente wherethey helped to establish anewcolonyatSaoPauloin 1554.60 Their workin Spanish America beganinthefollowingdecadewithmissionsinMexicoandParaguaystartingin1568.61 Inmanyplaces(includingMexico, Paraguay,andBrazil),theJesuits gathered theIndiansintospecialmissionsettlements, known as reducci6nes. The reducci6nes were intended tofacilitatethe evangelisation and civilisation ofthe Indians. Bythe end ofthe seventeenth century,therewereatleastthirtymajor reductions amongstthe Guarani Indians (ontheParaguayand Parana rivers)witha total population ofmore than 100,000. Unfortunately, the settlements were vulnerable toPortugueseraiders fromBrazil (bandeirantes) whowerein search of Indian slaves. These raids increased markedlyinthe seventeenth century when the Dutch seized control of Angola (1641-1649) and cutoff thesupplyof African slaves. The Jesuitsvigorouslyresistedtheseraids. After open warfarein1641,theyevenarmedthe Indians for self-protection .

Enslavement ofthe Indians wasa longstanding causeof conflict between the Jesuitsand colonists inBrazil. Enslavement of Indians had been outlawed in Spanish America but was practised inBrazildespitevigorous opposition from theJesuits.In1570,the Portuguese king decreed that Indianswere not tobe enslavedunlesstheywerecannibals.Unfortunately,thiswasrepealedunderpressurefromthe colonists in1574.In1655,theJesuitsofthe Amazon regionpersuadedthekingtoissueanewdecree that outlawed the enslavement ofIndians butit proved hardto enforce andledtonew conflict withsettlers. Settlers expelledtheJesuitsbyforcefromthe Amazon in1661 and 1684.

59 Dussel, A History oftheChurch in Latin America, p.50. Dussel comments : "A study ofthe lives oftheseheroic bishops reveals thatthey risked everything, committing themselves without reservation, suffering expulsion from their dioceses, imprisonment, deportation,andevendeathonbehalfoftheIndianswho were being violently oppressed and exploited bytheSpanish colonists. The lives ofthese pastors shouldserveasanexamplefor bishops ofourerawherethe majority of violence is inflicted-as inthetimeof the conquistadores-by 'menofarms'"(p.51).

60 Sao Vicente-near modern-day Santos-was established in1530asa royal colony inthesouthtopreventFrenchinterestinthearea.In1567,the Portuguese settledat RiodeJaneirotooustaFrench presence established inthe 1550s.

61 Jesuit missions to Florida startedeven before this,andtheirworkin California began in 1607.

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The ethosofthe reducci6nes wasextremely paternalistic. Theyreflectedthe same unquestioned racistconfidenceofEuropeans that hadmarkedrelations withthelocalpeoplesinceColumbus. The Jesuits,likeall other settlers,took for granted that theyshouldnaturallybeinapositionof authority overthe Indians,and that theirowncivilisationwassuperior. The settlements provided somelevelof protection toimmediatedangers, but overthelong-termthey deprivedtheIndiansof opportunities toorganiseandgovernthemselves.This lefttheIndiansmorevulnerable than everwhentheywerefinallyabolished. However,despitetheirlimitations,the reducci6ne s wereagenuine attempt by theJesuitstocareforwhattheysawastheirchargesandtoreplaceevangelisation through threat andforcewithamorepositiveethos that treated the Indiansasrealpeople. Their commitment totheworkwastocost them dear. In1750,atreatyassignedtheseareasto Brazil, buttheJesuitmissionsrefused toacceptPortugueseauthority.JesuitrelationswiththepowerfulPortuguesefirst minister,theMarquisPombal,wereextremelydifficultandopenconflictbroke outin 1754-1756. The Jesuits,asamissionaryorderin contrast tothesecular clergy, weremore independent ofthelocalbishops,andtherefore harder to control underthetermsofthePortuguese Padroado Real. Theywerewilling andabletoappealdirectlytothePopewhentheyfeltobligedtodoso,and this independence increasedthecrown'ssuspicionandhostilitytowardthem. Inthe Amazonian region,theJesuitsofPararesistedthestate's attempts to pressIndians into labourservicefortheproposed plantations duringthe1750s. In1759,Pombalexpelledtheorderfromall Portuguese territories.In1767,Charles III banned themfromSpainandallitsterritoriesand ordered theconfiscation oftheirproperty.ThiswasaseriousblowtotheJesuitorderandalsoahuge lossfortheLatin American church. f

The institutional church wasseverelyweakenedbythisblow. The Jesuitshad been intheforefrontof education andmissionwork,andtheirskillsandexpertisewerehardtoreplace. The church hardlyrecoveredbeforethe Independence movement promptedanevengreatercrisis that loomedinthefirstdecadesof the nineteenth century.

CONCLUSION

Fornearlythreecenturies,LatinAmericawaspartoftheIberianempiresand servedtheneedsofSpanishandPortuguesecolonialmasters.Duringthisperiod,aprivilegedelitegovernedarigidly hierarchical society. The sufferingof themajoritywasinstark contrast withtheaffluenceofthefew. The indigenouspeoplepaidaparticularlyhighpriceforthegreedoftheir conquerors and thissetthe pattern for centuries tocome. The majorityofindigenousLatin Americans-joined bymillionsofenslaved Africans-worked incruelandbrutalservitude.

62 SeeM.Marner, The Expulsion ofthe Jesuits fromLatinAmerica (NewYork:Alfred Knopf,1965).

Crossandswordarrivedtogether,andthe church offereddivine sanction for colonialsociety. The colonial church wasahighlyconservativeforce,which stood firmly onthesideofthepowerful.Despitethecelebratedpropheticexceptions,suchas Montesinos andLasCasas,the church usuallyservedasan uncritical chaplain tocolonialpowerandencourageditsexploitativepractices. It preached that lifewasavaleoftears, that Godordainedsocialpositions, and that obediencetoGod,tothechurch,andtothecolonialorderwereinseparable. The ordinarypeoplewerelefttofindsolaceintheirprayersforcharity andtheirhopesfora better lifein another world.

Independence and Neo-colonialism, 1808-1929

27

century permitted-even encouraged-political independence, but continued the continent's economic dependence . The newcreolegovernments that replaced the Spanish didlittleto redistribute wealth. The traditional imbalanceofpower between thepowerfulsocialelitesandthevastmajorityofpeople remained unchanged. Therefore, fortheday-to-daylivesoftheLatin American poor,very little changed with independence. Evenintheearly twentieth century when theU.S. started toreplaceBritainasthemain neo-colonial power,thesame pattern offoreign economic control continued . The dominant centre shifted westwardfromEuropeto North America, but thedeep inequalities inLatin American societies remained .Inmost countries, the peasants werestill treated aslittle better than slaves,andtherights that workersmighthavehadintheory werewidelyignoredinpractise.

Forliberation theology, thefailureofthe Independence movementinthenineteenth century wasavaluablehistoricallesson. The nineteenth century showed that finewordsandbravehopesinprogressdidnotnecessarilybenefitthemajority. The rhetoric offreedomand confidence inthe modern agemightdisguise deepdivisionsinsociety.Onlysomegroups benefited fromthe modern ageand thefreedomitoffered.Truepoliticalfreedomwasmore than therighttoreplace oneelitegroupwith another.Forthepoor,anyreformswerelargelyworthless without areal change inthe distribution ofpower. It alsoshowed that major economic reformswere needed forpoliticalchangestoleadtosocialdevelopment inwhichthepoorcouldshare.

FROM INDEPENDENCE TO DEPRESSION (1808-1929)

The powervacuum created bytheFrenchRevolution (1789) encouragedaslave revoltagainstthe French inthe Caribbean at Saint-DomingueinAugust 1791 (thewestern half of Hispaniola);' Aftera bitter struggleinwhich Napoleon attempted reconquest, the French finally conceded defeat, and the former slaves declared themselvestheRepublicof Haiti on 1 January 1804 .2 Within afewyears,the Napoleonic warsinEuropealso created thepoliticalconditionsinwhich Independence became both amoreseriouspossibilityanda more attractive option fortheSpanish colonies.' The defeatoftheSpanishnavy atTrafalgar (1805) ended Spain'sabilitytoregulatetradewithLatin America . Napoleon's invasionsofPortugal (1807) and Spain (1808) opened upthequestionofLatin America's politicalallegiances.InBrazil,the outcome wasfairly

I The British colonies inNorth America had already pointedthe way intheirown successful struggle for independence fifteen years earlier (1776-1783).

1 TheFrench eventually acceptedHaiti's freedom in 1825, after imposing punitive damages to compensate theplanterswhohad previously benefited from the islands slavelabour. OntheHaitian revolution, see: C. L. R.James, The Black Jacobins (New York : Vintage Books ;2nded., 1963); T. O.Ott, The Haitian RetJOlution (Knoxville, Tenn.: University of Tennessee, 1973).

3 SeeR. A. Humphreys andJ. Lynch (eds.), The Origins oftheLatinAmerican RetJOlutions, 1808-1826 (New York : Alfred A. Knopf, 1965) .

straightforward. The PortuguesecourtwasevacuatedfromLisbontoRiodeJaneiro underBritishescort(November1807-January1808),andthisservedto strengthen thelinks between BrazilandPortugalintheperiod 1808-1821. In Spanish Latin America, thestorywasdifferent."

The Struggle for Independence

When Napoleon invaded Spain in1808, Charles IV abdicated infavourofhis son, Ferdinand VII.However, Napoleon moved quicklytoforce both Charles and Ferdinand to renounce their claims and then imprisoned Ferdinand in France.' The waywas then clearfor Napoleon to appoint hisown brother Joseph tothe Spanish throne, but thisdid not end Spanish resistance. ArebellioninMadridquicklyspreadto other cities, and therebelssetup their own opposition councils (juntas) linkedtoasupreme junta inSeville,whichwasloyal to Ferdinand. Meanwhile, inLatin America, these competing claimsto authority precipitated a constitutional crisisin the colonies.Few members ofthe Spanish American colonial elitefeltloyaltytothe French, andso,thecolonies pledged themselves instead tothe junta inSevilleandstillloyaltoSpain.

However, when Napoleon's forces captured Seville,thepowerofthe Spanish junta wasseverely undermined. The centre of authority for Spanish resistance passedtoaCouncilofRegency in Cadiz in January1810.Thistime, independence leaders inLatin America sawan opportunity forfull independence.

Venezuela,Colombia,and Ecuador

The drivefor independence surfacedfirstinthe captaincy-general ofVenezuela, under theinfluenceofradicalvoicessuchasSimon Bolfvan" In1810, Caracaswhich wasoneofthefirstcitiesto hear thenewsonthenew situation in Europe-rejected allegiancetothe Council ofRegency and setup their own junta with direct allegianceto Ferdinand VII. The followingyear,they declared full independence asa Republic.' The movement spreadto other areasinthe vice-royalty ofNew Granada (modern day Colombia and Ecuador). The drawn out processof independence was under way. This first Republican authority was short-lived Spanish forces re-asserted their control inVenezuelawith reason-

4 Forgeneral overviews on Independence, see L. Bethell (ed.), The Independence of Latin America (Cambridge History ofLatinAmerica3; Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1987 [1985]); J. Lynch, The Spanish American Revolutions 1808-1826 (New York and London : W.W. Norton,2nded., 1986 [1973)) ; J. I. Dominguez, Insurrection or Loyalty : The Breakdown ofthe Spanish American Empire (Cambridge, Mass .:Harvard University Press, 1980).

5 Ferdinand remained in prison untilFrenchruleinSpain eventually collapsed inMarch 1814.HebecameKingshortly afterw ards.

6 Bolivar camefromoneofmost influential families inthe aristocracy ofplanter families.Onhis background and life, seeG. Masur, Simon Bolivar (Albuquerque : University ofNew Mexico, 1969).

7 Venezuela hadbeenthesiteofsomeoftheearliestindependence initiatives; however, the1806revoltledby Francisco deMiranda received littlesupport,andacreole proposal to setupa governing councilin 1808 wasquashedbyaspateofarrests.

Independence and Neo-colonialism, 1808-1929

ableeasethefollowingyear.However,theSpanish authorities madeaserious mistakein permitting Simon Bolivar-who hadbeenamilitaryleaderforthe defenceofthe Republic-to leavethecolony.

Bolivar returned in 1813and reentered CaracasinAugusttosetupaSecond Republic.Likeitspredecessor,itwas short-lived . The defeatofNapoleon's forcesinSpainandthe restoration ofthemonarchyunderFerdinandVIIin 1814swungtheadvantagebacktowardSpain.Royalistforcesquicklyre-establishedSpanishcontrolthroughoutNewGranada.Evenbeforethis, Bolivar's forces hadruninto other problems.ArebellionagainsttheRepublicbyJoseTomas BovesforcedBolivartomovefromCaracastoBogotain1814,andthenleave fortheCaribbeanin1815.HisfortuneturnedwhenhefoundshelteronJamaica andwasgivenassistancebyHaiti.Thisallowedhimto return toVenezuelain 1816,andin1817,hesetupanewRepublicanstrongholdontheRiverOrinoco attheportof Angostura. On thisthird attempt, thetideofeventsfinally flowedinhis direction .In1819,Bolivarwonadecisivebattlefor control of Bogotaand central New Granada. After further campaigns,hefinallyestablished control overVenezuelain1821and Quito in1822andconsolidatedthe territoryintoGranColombia.

Argentina,Chile, Peru, andBolivia

ElsewhereinLatinAmerica,theViceroyaltyofPeruhadremainedstaunchly loyaltoSpainbutinMay1810BuenosAires followed theexampleofVenezuela indeclaringtheViceroyaltyofRiodelaPlataasloyaltoFerdinand,butnot totheSpanishCouncilof Regency " The captaincy-general ofChilefollowed thisleadin September.Thisdecisionhadmuchstrongersupportintheareas oftheViceroyalty that todaymakeup Argentina, than inthe other countries. In general, Paraguay, Bolivia and Montevideo did not support moves to independence.?EveninthepartsoftheViceroyaltywhere independence fromSpain

8 Foraconciseaccountoftheprogresstoward independence intheViceroyaltyof theRiverPlate,seeD.Rock, Argentina : 1516-1987: From Spanish Colonisation to AlJonsen (Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,rev.ed., 1987 [1985]), pp. 79-96.

9 In 1809, abidfor independence inLaPazhadbeenquashedandthisexperience mayexplainBolivia's reluctance tofollowBuenosAires.ForParaguayandUruguay,the senseofrivalrywithBuenosAiresmayalsohaveinfluencedthecourseofevents.In fact, Montevideo setupits independent junta inoppositiontoBuenosAiresin 1808, but then reversedits attitude anddeclaredallegiancetotheCouncilofRegency.The attempts byBuenosAirestoenforceitsauthorityonParaguayandMontevideoresulted intheir independence fromSpain without allegiance to BuenosAires,andtheywere bothabletoassert independence intheirownright.Paraguaysuccessfullydefended itselfagainstinvasionsfromBuenosAiresin 1811, andsetupitsown junta shortlyafterward.BuenosAiresfinallytook Montevideo in 1814, butwasunabletoholdit. It withdrewin 1815 and Montevideo cameunderPortuguesecontrolin 1816, untilfinally achievingindependenceafterthewarbetweenBrazilandArgentina, 1825-1828. Likewise, forcesfromBuenosAiresfailedtoliberateBoliviainthecampaignsof 18W and 1813 . When independence finallycametoBoliviain 1825 (through the intervention ofan armyfrom independent Peru),itwasfirmly separated fromBuenosAires.

CHAITER TWO

hadsupport, there weredifferentviewsonwhattypeofpolitical structure shouldreplace it.'?

AsinVenezuelaandelsewhere,theRiodelaPlata declaration wasthereforeacrucialfirststep,butwell short offull independence." It wasnotuntil 1816 that whatisnow Argentina declaredfull independence .In1817,themilitary commander JosedeSan Martin crossedfrom Argentina toChiletoassist the independence movementthere.'! On arrival,heledhis''ArmyoftheAndes" againsttheroyalistforcessentfromPeruwhichhad re-established control over Chilein1814. The Chilean leaderBernardoO'HigginscametoSanMartin's aid,andtheirsuccessesledtothecaptureofSantiago.O'Higginstookover the government anddeclared independence inFebruary1818,eventhoughthe finaldefeatoftheroyaliststookuntil1820.

AfterBolivar'ssuccessatBogotainthe north andSanMartin'satSantiago inthesouth,thetwogreat independence leaders started apincer movement onPeru,Ecuador,andBolivia.In1820,the situation inSpainhadchangedyet again. The armyrebelledagainsttheking,aliberalgroupheldpower,andthe kingwasnowinopposition. The newjuntainSpainmovedtoreaffirmits moreliberalmeasuresof1812,includinganoticeableanti-clericalism. The conservativesofLatinAmericanowsaw independence fromSpainasawayofpreservingtraditionalvalues rather than abandoningthem.Thisensured that when theliberatorsfinallygottoPeru,theirtaskwasmucheasier than itwouldhave beenpreviously.

When San Martin finallysecuredChilein1820,heleftO'Higginsincharge andsetsailwithhisarmyforPeru.He entered LimainJuly1821anddeclared Peruvian independence, butmuchofthe country remainedunderSpanishcontrolfor another threeyears.Inthemeantime,Bolivarwasmovingdowninto Ecuador,andSan Martin helpedhiminthe liberation of Quito in1822. What happened nextbetweenthetwogreat independence leadersisdisputed, but theupshotwas that San Martin leftLatinAmericaforEuropeinSeptember andnever returned.' :'BolivarlandedatCallao(Lima'sport)thefollowingyear. Fromhere,heovercameloyalistresistanceinPeru(1824)andinBolivia(1825), whichcompletedtheliberationofSpanishterritoriesin South America. 14

10 There wassomesupportforcreatingan independent Latin American monarch ,perhapsinvitinganew monarch fromIncaancestryorfromtheroyalfamilyof another European country (seeWilliamson, The Penguin History of Latin America, p.221).

II Atfirst,thenew junta inBuenosAireswasatleastnominallyloyalto Ferdinand and independence forthe United ProvincesoftheRiodelaPlatawasnotdeclared until9July1816.Shortlyafterthis,themilitary commander JoseSan Martin setout acrosstheAndesfromMendozatoChilein1817.

12 On Martin's lifeandhisroleinthe Independence movement ,seeJ. C. Metford, SanMartin the Liberator (London:Longman,1950).

13 Bothmen brought theirconsiderablemilitaryreputationstothemeetingbutBolivar camefreshfromhissuccessinGranColombia,whereasSanMartin'sprogressinPeru wasquite slow. ThismayhavegivenBolivarthecrucialedgeintheirmeeting.

14 See T. E. Anna, The Fall of Royal Government in Peru (Lincoln:Universityof Nebraska Press,1979).

MexicoandCentralAmerica

Meanwhile,athirdmajor strand inthe independence processwastakingplace inMexicoand Central America ." Atthe start ofthe nineteenth century,the ViceroyaltyofNewSpainwastherichestofthecolonies.Itsvastterritory stretched from Oaxaca andtheYucatanatthe south ofmoderndayMexico, uptoalineacrossfrom Northern CaliforniatoTexas.Itssphereofinfluence extended towhatarenowCubaandCostaRicaandincludedthe Captaincies GeneralofCubaandGuatemala." The constitutional crisiscausedbyNapoleon generatedconsiderablesocialunrestandpeasantuprisingsinMexicoafter1810, buttheSpanish authorities resistedmovestoward independence

Afterthe restoration ofFerdinandin1814,itlookedasifSpanishpower mightsurvive.However,whenthearmyinSpain mutinied atCadizin1820, theaura surrounding the authority oftheSpanishcrown evaporated andconditionsarosefor independence initiativesfromtheMexicancreoleelite.In February1821,theformerroyalist commander IturbideputforwardthePlan ofIgualabasedon"religion, independence, andunion."Thismade independence attractive oratleasttolerabletoallthekeypoliticalforcesinMexico and CentralAmerica.Strongpublicsupportfollowed. On 13September1821, Spanish royalistforcesfinallysurrendered,three hundred yearsafterAztec Emperor Cuauhtemoc surrendered toCortes. The originalcompromiseplan hadbeen to inviteamemberoftheSpanishrulingdynastytoassumethetitle ofEmperorfor independent Mexico. When nonewouldaccept, Iturbide-with backingfromthe army-w asmadeEmperorinMay1822.Hisbriefreignwas notasuccess;hewasforcedtoabdicateandgointoexileinMarch1823. When he attempted to return in1824hewasexecuted.Buttherewasnogoingback onthe independence hehadbrought.

The progressof independence in Central AmericacloselyfollowedMexico. Guatemala declared independence on15 September,tobefollowedbyEl Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras . I7 After regional jostling onthepostindependence politicalorder,the Central American provincescreated their ownprovisional junta independent ofMexicoon1July1823.In1824,they

\5 See T. E. Anna , The FallofRoyalGovernment in Mexico City (Lincoln:University ofNebraskaPress,1978).

16 TheCaptaincyGeneralofCubacoveredtheSpanishCaribbean(CubaandPuerto Rico)aswellasFlorida.TheCaptaincyGeneralofGuatemalacoveredChiapas(in modernMexico),Guatemala,ElSalvador,H ondur as,andNicaragua(whichincluded CostaRica).ModerndayPanamawaspartofNewGranada.

17 Chiapashadalreadycommitteditself to thePlanofIgualainAugust1821.This meant thatafter independence ,itwouldbelinkedtoMexico rather than Centr al America.Despitethedeclarationsof independence inGuatemalaandElSalvador,a seriousdivisionquicklyemergedbetween Guatemalan andSalvadoranleaders.The GuatemalanswishedtobeincorporatedintotheMexicanEmpirebuttheSalvadorans wereopposedtothis.InitiallyGuatemalagotitsway,andtheentirekingdomwasunited withMexicoon9January1822.AMexicanforcewasdespatchedtoElSalvador to enforcethisbutwhenIturbide'sabdicatedin1823onlyChiapasstayedloyaltoMexico.

becametheFederalRepublicof Central America.However,theFederalRepublic was short-lived,andinJuly 1838, Central Americadividedinto nation states.

Cuba

The one exception tothegeneralcourseofeventsin Spanish America was Cuba. Spanish colonialismhadarrivedinthe Caribbean firstandwouldremain there thelongest,despitethe interruption imposedbytheBritish capture of Havana in 1762 duringtheSeven Years war,"Afterthe 1793, revolution in Saint Domingue,colonialCubahadreceivedmanyofsugar plantation owners andCuba'sownsugarhaddevelopedrapidly. It soonhadaprosperousexport economybasedonthe backbreaking workofitsslavelabourforce.Thissudden prosperity-and thereportsofviolencein Haiti-was onereason that Cuba'screoleelitedid not jointhe independence movement that sweptthe restof Spanish America inthefirst quarter ofthe nineteenth century.As Spain'slargestpossessioninthe Caribbean andthebasefor Spanish administration there ,Cuba remained loyal,and Puerto Ricofolloweditsexample.It was not until 1868 that aserious Cuban independence movement initiated an unsuccessfulten-yearwarwith Spain.' ?Someyearslater,thesameurgeresurfacedforn ationhood andthepoetJoseMartigaveitvoiceandledasecond uprisingin 1895. However,Martidiedearlyinthestruggleandprogresswas slowuntil 1898 whenthe USS Maine blewupinmysterious circumstances in Havana harbour andtheU.S. government wasquicktoblameSpain.Public outcryinthe United States,thelegacyoftheMonroeDoctrine,influentialbusinessinterests,andthe opportunity for strategic gainsforthemilitary,allcombined together to demand direct intervention bytheU.S.againstSpainand resultedinthe Spanish-American Warof 1895-1898. Spain'sdefeat meant the lossofCuba, Puerto Rico,andthePhilippines.Cuba'shopeofreal independence was frustrated The United StatesreplacedSpainasthepoweroverseeingeachcountry.Thiswasacritical turning point intheneo-colonialdesigns oftheU.S.ontheCaribbeanandLatinAmerica.ItheraldedaneweraofexpansionistU.S. intervention and control intheregionasthenewly dominant foreignpowerforthenew twentieth century.

Brazil

Brazilfollowedaslightlydifferentcourse." The Portuguese court movedto Brazilunder joao VIduringthe Napoleonic warsandthis prevented anymajor independence movement duringtheperiod 1808-1821. [oaoVIgained further

18 TheBritishreturnedCubatothe Spanish atthe conclusion ofthewar.

19 Inthe 1840s , some plantationownersrecommended annexationtothe U.S. but nothingcameofit.

20 Foranumberof viewsonthe gradual processoftransitionsee, A. J.R. RussellWood (ed.), From Colon y to Nation :Essays on the Independen ceof Brazil (Baltimore,Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975) .

and Neo-colonialism , 1808-1929

Brazilianloyaltywhenhe announced theequalitybetweenBrazilandPortugal andrelaxedrestrictionsonitstrade. When Napoleon wasdefeatedin1814, thekingstayedin Brazil. PortugalwasgovernedbyaRegencyCounciluntil 1820wheninfluentialliberalssetupanew constitutional government and demanded theking's return. joaowas reluctant to return, buthefeared that hewouldlosehis authority inPortugalifhedidnotandeventuallysetofffor Lisbon.To protect hisinterestsin Brazil, helefthissonasRegentincharge ofBrazilinhisabsence. The followingyearthe government inLisbontried toexertits authority overtheRegentbyrecallinghim.Withtheencouragement ofmanyBrazilians,DomPedroignored their calls. On 7 September 1822,aformal declaration ofBrazilian independence wasproclaimed.Dom Pedrowascrownedasemperorandruleduntil1831whenheabdicatedinfavour ofhisyoungson.PortugalformallyacceptedBrazil's independence underpressurefromtheBritishin1825.Atthesametime,theBritish negotiated a favourabletrade agreement forthemselveswithBrazilandforcedBraziltoend theslavetrade."

Neo-colonialism

The independence movement tookaheavytollontheLatin American economy.Civilconflictsstalledagriculturalandmining production, andwidespread unemployment followed.Inmanyplaces,theeconomydidnotstarttorecover untiltheafterthe1850s.

Intheirrespectivecountries,thecreoleelitehadbeenthemaindrivingforce forpolitical independence ,andtheywerethemainbeneficiariesintheera that followed.TheywantedmostofalltotradewithBritainand other European nations.After independence, theirprivilegedsocialpositionsmadethemreluctanttochangemuchelseandaddressthesocialgulfthatseparatedthe privileged

21 Britain-andespeciallytheportsofBristoland Liverpool-gained muchfromthe slavetradeinthe seventeenth and eighteenth centuries .However,bythebeginningof the nineteenth century,slave-basedeconomiesnolongerservedBritain'slong-termeconomicinterests.Underpressurefrommoralreformersinparliament,suchasWilliam Wilberforce,Britainabolishedits involvement inthetradein1807andslaveryasan institution wasabolishedintheBritishCaribbeandominionsin1833.Furthermore,after 1814,Britain started touseitspoliticalinfluencewith other countriestopreventtheir involvement inthetradeaswell.Inmostof Spanish-speaking LatinAmerica,slavery wasabolishedat Independence butitsurvivedformuchlongerinBrazil. It wasnottill the1840s that BritainandFrancetookeffectivemeasuresagainstslavetradersoperatingfromtheWestAfricancoastandfinallybegan to bringthetradetoastop.SlaverywasformallyabolishedinBrazilattheendoftheEmpirein1888.Onthe extent oftheslavetrade,see P. Curtin, TheAtlanticSlave Trade : A Census (Madison:UniversityofWisconsinPress,1969);ontheroleofslaveryincolonialBrazil,seeG.Freyre, The Masters andthe Slaves : A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilisation (trans. S.Putnam;NewYork:AlfredKnopf;1963);onitsabolitioninBrazil,see L. Bethell, The Abolition ofthe BraZilian Slave Trade :Britain, Brazil andthe Slave Trade Question, 1807-1869 (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1970);R.Conrad, The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery , 1850-1888 (Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1973).

CHAPTERTWO

fromthe impoverished. Colonial rulewas replaced bycreoleregimes committed to maintaining the law and order ne cessary toallow business to flourish. Economic and social inequalities continued, but nowthecreoleswereatthe head ofthesocialpyramid.Forthevastmajorityofpeople,onesetofmasters simply replaced another.Political colonialism had ended, but economic neocolonialism continued to extract vast wealth fromthe continent tothe benefit ofafew. Europe---especially Britain-and the United States continued todominate theeconomiclifeofLatin America .ButBritishand North American political involvement wasmoresubtle.

In 1823-when the turmoil ofthe Independence movement seemedtoinvite interference from other European powers into the area-the President ofthe United States ,James Monroe , declared what became known asthe "Monroe Declaration." This proclaimed that America should beforthe Americans and warned Europeanpowers not to interfere initsaffairs. On thesurface,thiswas an anti -colonialist st atement ofthe hemisphere's hopesfor autonomy fromcolonialpowers.

Intheearly nineteenth century itwouldhave been hard fortheU.S.to enforce itspolicyifseriously challenged, but luckily,BritishpolicyonLatin Americalargely coincided withthe Monroe Doctrine . The British maintained direct ruleover their colonies in the Caribbean , which included Jamaica (1655-1962), Trinidad (1797-1966), and a host ofsmaller islands." However, despitesomeh alf-hearted attempts, theBritishdid not need to establish new direct governments onthem ainland toserve their economic interests ."

One exc eption tothis general rulewas the Caribbean coast of Central America and what isnow Guyana, where there wasa longstanding British influence dating backtotheseventeenth centurv," Apart fromthis,thefinan-

22 SmallerBritishcolonialCaribbeanterritoriesincluded:theBahamas,Barbados , Dominica, Grenada,St. Lucia, St.Vincent,theGrenadines,Antigua,St.Kitts,Nevis, andthethirty-sixBritish Virgin Islands

23 During theNapoleonic wars,the British madetwo attempts (lune 1806 and February 1807) to seize BuenosAireswiththedesiretoreplaceSpainasthecolonial power, but were repulsed onbothoccasions.Inbothcases,itwasthelocalinhabitantsratherthan theSpanish colonial authoritiesthatdefendedthecity.The self-reli anceofthe citizens (andtheobviousinadequaciesofthe authorities) contributedtothe growing current thatfavouredindependence.

24 Thiswasespeciallytrueofthearea from NicaraguathroughHondurasandupto modern-day Belize .Aftera decisive naval victory intheCaribbeanagainsttheSpanish in 1798, Britain was abletoincreaseitsinfluenceonthearea (largely unimpeded) and proclaimed itaBritishprotectorate.Inthenineteenth century, theBritish established Belize asa formal Britishcolonyknownas"BritishHonduras."TheSpanishhadtaken littleinterestinthearea,andintheseventeenthcenturythelongcoralreefalong Belize's coastmadeitattractivetopirateswho wished toevadethe authorities. In 1670, the SpanishstruckadealwiththeBritishtoprevent piracy, andthepiratesbegantosettleonthecoastastradersinstead.In 1862 (whenthe U.S. wasoccupiedwithitsCivil WarandunabletoevenattempttoenforcetheMonroeDoctrine)the British seized theopportunityto formalise theirpresence. British Hondurasbecamea formal British

and Neo-colonialism, 1808-1929 35 cialandpoliticalinterestsoftheBritishandthecreoleeliteswereofsufficient mutualbenefittoencourageeconomictrade without directpoliticalrule ." This characterised LatinAmericaneconomies throughout the nineteenth century.To beginwith,theBritishwere content to concentrate ontrade.

After1870,direct investment intotheeconomy started toincrease.From 1870until1913,British investment wentfrom85millionpoundsto757million." Neo-colonial investment inLatinAmericaandthe repatriation ofprofits backtoBritainwasanewstageinthe exploitation ofthe continent. However, althoughBritishinfluenceinLatinAmericagrewsteadilyinthe nineteenth century,whatwasofevengreatersignificanceforthefutureofLatinAmericawas theexpansionofthe United States.Inthe nineteenth century,theEnglishspeakingcoloniesontheeasternseaboardof North Americamanagedanastonishinggrowthwestwardtooccupymostofthevastterritory that constitutes the United Statestodav," Intheearly eighteenth century theFrench started tosettlethehugeprovinceofLouisiana(eastofthe Mississippi andwestof theRockies),whichhadpreviouslybeenclaimedbytheSpanishalongwith FloridaundertheCaptaincyGeneralofCuba ." DuringtheNapoleonicWars,

colony attached toJamaicaandin1884thecountrybecameacrowncolonyinitsown right. It wasrenamedBelizein1973andfinallygained independence in1981although aBritish protection forceremainedbecauseitwasnotuntil1992 that Guatemalafinally withdrewitsclaimstotheterritoryandrecognisedBelize'sright to exist.

BritishsettlersstartedtoarrivealongthecoastofwhatisnowGuyanaintheseventeenth centurywhenthe Dutch already controlled thearea.In1667Britainformally cededitsclaimovertheareatothe Dutch inexchangeforNewAmsterdamin North America(whichtheyrenamedNew York) .However,duringtheNapoleonicwarsBritain seizedtheareafromthe Dutch andaboundarywaslateragreedbetweenBritishGuiana inthewestandDutchGuianaintheeast.BritishGuianadidnotgain independence until1965andDutchGuiana(nowSuriname) unitll975 .TothewestofDutchGuiana, FrenchGuianawasoneofFrance'soldestpossessionsoverseas.French settlement dated backtotheearlysevente enth century.TodayitistheonlyLatinAmericancountryto remainwithoutindependence. It wascapturedbytheBritishin1809butrestoredto Franceafewyearslater.

25 Theturmoil that BolivarwitnessedinNewGranadaseemstohaveshakenhis RepublicanconfidenceintheviabilityofdemocracyinLatinAmerica.Hefeltthata lessdemocraticBritishstyle constitution (whichmightincludea constitutional monarchy)mightbemorerealisticforLatinAmericaandthatLatinAmericanmightbenefit fromBritish protectionwhenfinallyfreefromSpain.

26 See T. E.Skidmoreand P. H.Smith, Modern Latin America (Oxford:Oxford UniversityPress, 4th edn,1997[1984]),p.43.Fordetailed treatments ondifferent countries,seealsoR.Graham,Britainand the Onset of Modernization in Brazil ,1850-1914 (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1968);H.S.Ferns,Britainand Argentina in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford:ClarendonPress,1960);H.Blakemore, British Nitrates and Chilean Politics, 1886-1896: Balmaceda and Lard North (London:AthlonePress,1974).

27 HawaiiandAlaskawerelateradditions.

28 Colonialinfluenceover North AmericaatthistimewasdividedbetweentheBritish (ontheeasternseaboardofpresent-dayUnitedStates),theFrenchinthe north (based aroundMontrealinpresent-dayeasternCanada,andstretchingsouthinavastarc to

CHAPTERTWO

Thomas Jefferson purchased the French controlled area westofMississippiin 1803for$15 million . This included thecityofNew Orleans andallthe land between the MississippiRiverandtheRocky Mountains .Afewyearslater, the Warof1812 prompted the U.S.to invade Florida,and Spain surrendered itto the U.S.in1819.In the eighteenth century, Texasandthe modem southwestern United States (whichwere then known asNew California andNew Mexico) were formally Spanish, but there was little to stop U.S. settlers from moving into them. After independence theywere part ofMexico, but Texas rebelled and seceded in1837.U.S. belief inits Manifest Destiny to expand its territory westward ledto the admission ofTexasasaU.S. state in 1845. After the Mexic an-American War 1846-1848 the United States acquired California and the restofits current Southwest Territoryin1848(Arizona,New Mexico, Colorado, Nevada, Utah, andWyoming) under theTreatyof Guadalupe Hidalgo.i? Thus by the mid-nineteenth century the United States had become a territorial giant that stretched from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Furthermore, the U.S. invasion of northern Mexicoand occupation ofMexicoCityin1847 confirmed the feelingin the United States that they could (and should) intervene directly into the affairsof their southern neighbours when it served their interests.

Bythe beginning of the twentieth century,U.S. politicians werereadyand willingtodisplaceBritainasthe neo-colonial powerandmaineconomicinfluence throughout Latin America They werealso much morewilling than Britainor perhaps simplymore able-to back upthis influence with militaryforce. The

thewestofBritish colonies downthrough Louisiana toNewOrleansandtheGulfof Mexico), andtheSpanishintheSouthwestand Florida. TheCaribbeanwasdivided betweenthe British, French,Spanish,andDutch.Fromtheendoftheseventeenthcenturyandformuchoftheeighteenth century, BritainandFrancefoughtasequenceof warsastheycompetedtoextendcontroloverNorthAmericaandtheCaribbean.These culminatedin 1756-1763 withtheSeven Years WarthatalsospreadtoEuropeand India.Duringthe war, theBritishcapturedHavanafromtheSpanish (1762) andtheir eventualvictoryoverFrancewas recognised intheTreatyof Paris (1763) whichceded Frenchlandeastofthe Mississippi toBritain.Inaddition,theBritishhadcapturedboth CanadaandtheCaribbeanislandofGuadeloupeduringthewarandwereonly wining toreturnone.TheFrenchweremoreconcernedfortheirvaluableplantationsthanthe sparsely populatedand snowy Canada,andsothisvastterritorybecame British. The Frenchhadsecretlygrantedtheirterritorywestofthe Mississippi (andthecityofNew Orleansitself)toSpainbyanagreementthe previous year, sothetreatyalsoenacted Britain'sreturnofCubatoSpaininexchangefor Florida. However, Spainmanagedto reclaimFloridain 1783 whenthe English-speaking colonialists ontheeasternseaboard wonindependencefromBritain (1776-1783). Thisalsoledtothe effective returnof landwestofthe Mississippi toFrance,andin 1800, Napoleon forced theSpanishto returntheterritoryeastofthe Mississippi toFranceaswen.Whenfurtherwarbetween BritainandFrancebecameinevitableandleftFrenchterritoryvulnerableonce moreandafterFrench reverses inthe Caribbean-Napoleon soldittothe U.S. asthe Louisiana Purchasein 1803.

29 This effectively halvedthe size of Mexico inreturnforjust $15 million.

Monroe Doctrine (that had perhaps first been issuedasan anti-colonialism declaration when the U.S.was vulnerable toaggression) became the mainstay of the nee-imperialist belief that the United States had a special right to interferein Latin America. " This wasespecially true inthe Caribbean and Central America, which were close enough to the U.S.tobe regarded by North Americans as their backyard. Inthelast decades of the nineteenth century,U.S. corporations developed strong economic inrerests in Cuba (sugar) and Central America (especially United Fruit companies in Nicaragua and Honduras). Economic penetration of Latin America increased inthe twentieth century.

At thecloseofthe nineteenth century, President Theodore Roosevelt typified newly assertive attitudes of the U.S. with his"bigstick"policy. The gunboat diplomacy oftheU.S. helped Panama secede from Colombia in1903 and this prepared the wayforU.S. control over the Panama Canal that opened in1914. United States Marines invaded Nicaragua in1912, and although they withdrew temporarily in1925,they re-invaded thefollowingyear and remained until 1933, when they finally withdrew under Franklin Roosevelt's new "Good Neighbour Policy.'?' Likewise,U.S. troops invaded Haiti in1915 and remained stationed there until 1934. Elsewhere in Latin America, outside the Caribbean area, the U.S.wasless directly interventionist in the first half of the twentieth century.However,its greater proximity and gradual riseto superpower status gaveita much closer and more active interest inthe security ofthe continent that Britain had shown inthe nineteenth century.

While these major changes were happening on the international scene in the nineteenth century, atthelevelof national politics,most Latin American countries witnessed a bitter struggle between conservatives and liberals. Conservatives wereusually drawn fromthe landholding oligarchy,whosawlittle reason to change the traditional pattern of society They regretted thedemise of the monarchy and the valuesfor which it stood . They werecloselyalliedto the institutional church and theoldorder. The liberals,by contrast, admired the values of the European enlightenment and the example of the North American revolution." They championed individual rightsto property and freedom

30 Onthe development oftheMonroe Doctrine, see D. Perkins, A History of the Monroe Doctrine (Boston: Little Brown, 1955).

3\ Inthenineteenthcentury,Nicaraguaalso suffered fromtheparticularattentionof u.s. expansionists .In 1855, the U.S. adventurerWilliamWalkermanageda successful incursionwithasmallgroupof followers andhadhimselfelectedasPresidentfortwo years .Duringthistime,hetriedtoenforce English asthe official language andattempted to reverse the 1822 lawthathadoutlawed slavery.TheotherCentralAmerican republics eventuallydrovehimoutin 1857, afterheattempted to expandhiscontrolintothem. However,inthenextthreeyears,hemadetwofurther unsuccessful attemptstoreturn to poweruntilhewascapturedbytheBritishNavyandhandedovertotheHonduranswhoexecutedhim.ForhisautobiographicalaccountofhistimeinNicaragua,see W Walker, The War in Nicaragua (Phoenix:UniversityofArizona Press, 1985[1860]).

32 See A. P. Whitaker(ed.),Lttin America andthe Enlightenment (Ithaca, N.Y.:Cornell University Press, 1961).

ofcommerce.Manyalsobelievedinindividualsocial freedoms-of speechand thought-which ledtoserioustensionswiththe church andoften erupted into full-blownanti-clericalism.

Liberal concern forfreedomandindividualrightsshouldhavebeenapositive foundation for democratic and constitutional government. However,these hopesprovedhardtoestablishinthe turbulent nineteenth century andmany liberalswerepreparedtoprioritiseeconomicfreedomsoversocialrights.They often settled for authoritarian government ifitofferedstablelawandorderfor freecommerce.Manycountrieswere dominated bypowerful caudillo figures who wonpoliticalsupport through patronage andcharismaticauthority, rather than politicalmanifestos.Despitemanyoftheliberalideals,often their policies resultedin further exploitation of Indian labour.Forexample,asliberalsgained increasing dominance after1850,theypushed through legislationonprivate property that converted Indiancommunitylandsintoindividualplots.Thiswas extremelydisruptiveto traditional farmingpractices,and Indian familiesstruggledtoadapttotheirnewindividualplots. Hacienda and plantation owners then boughtmanyoftheseplotsatreducedprices(orsimplyseizedthem),and putthemtousegrowingcropsfortheexpandingexporteconomy. The newly landlessIndianswereforcedtoacceptpitifullylowwagesto continue workon thenew plantations, growingexportcropslikecoffee.Thisfurther concentrationinlanddistribution contributed tothe entrenched povertyandsocialpolarisation that markedthe twentieth century.

Intermsofthe national economies,Latin American exports started togrow steadily(especiallyafterthe1870s),andtheincreasedtradedroveamarked processofsocial development intheareas concerned .Citiesandports grew, and transport infrastructure, especially railways, facilitatedthe import-export trade. The British encouraged these developments, particularly through the financingandbuildingoftherailways.

However, althoughtheeconomicdevelopmentofexportindustrywas significant intheareas concerned, itonlyhadaverylimitedeffectonLatinAmerica's widersocialproblemsanddidlittletoaddressthe situation oftheruralpoor. Development plansfocussedonpromotingthe extraction ofLatinAmerica's richresourcesandtheirexporttoEurope(andlatertheUnitedStates).Inreturn, LatinAmericareceivedimportsoffinishedproductsfromEuropeanand North Americanindustries.Wealthylandownersandthecommercialelitewerethekey beneficiaries.Theymaintainedaclosecontrolovernationalpolitics.Furthermore, onthewhole,thenewnationsweremore concerned withtheir external tradinglinkstoEurope than theirlinkswitheach other andthiskeptthecontinent asawholeinaweakposition.LatinAmerica'strading partners wereable to dictate thetermsoftradetotheirown advantage." Asaresult,littlewas

J3 The trans-national sentiment that contributed toindependenceinmanycountries ebbedawayandBolivar'shopesof continental cooperationintheneweradidnottake hold.HeparticularlyhopedtolinkGreaterColombia (Colombia, Ecuador, and Venezuela)

donetodevelopLatin American industrywithits potential forgreatereconomic returns inthelong-term. The samebasicLatin American export-economysurvivedintothe twentieth century untiltheWall Street crashof October 1929.34

Towardtheendofthe nineteenth century,thepopulationofsome countriesnotably Argentina and Brazil-started todiversifyasnew immigrants from Europearrived.ImmigrantscameparticularlyfromItalyandSpainbutalso fromEnglandandGermany. The economiesof both countries expandedasnew skillsandexpertiseboostedtheir production. This consolidated theshiftofthe continent's economic centre ofgravityawayfromthePacificCoasttowardthe Atlantic .Thisshift,whichhadbeguninthe eighteenth century,wastobeparticularly noticeable inthe twentieth century.Bytheearly twentieth century, Argentina had emerged asan economic worldpowerand leader of Latin American development.

Asideeffectofthewaveofimmigrationwasthegrowthinlabourorganisationastheurbanworkingclass increased andworkersfromEurope brought socialistand anarchist ideaswith them . The frequencyofstrikesincreased,but becausethe immigrantswere not abletovoteunlesstheywere naturalised citizens,the corporate bossescouldrelyonthepoliticiansto protect their interestswithfewrepercussions.

Asinearlierperiods,Brazil'spoliticalprogressduringthe nineteenth century wasseparatefromthe other countries . The empire that hadbeenestablished aspolitically independent fromPortugalin1822lasteduntil1889.35 It ended whenthearmysteppedinanddeposedthePrimeMinisterandEmperorand established aRepublicwiththe motto "Order andProgress.l'"Duringthis period,Brazil's economic growthwasbasedoncoffeeexportswhichboomedin the1850sand1860s. The coffeegrowingSaoPauloregionreplacedthesugar growingareasofthe northe astasthe economic engineofthe country andthe politicalmusclethatcamewithit.

FormostLatin American countries,the nineteenth century gavewaytothe twentieth without majorchange. The FirstWorldWarinEuropeprovideda boosttothe export economies ofmany Latin American economiesasthe demandforfoodandminerals increased The drainofthewarontheBritish economyspeededthe inevit able replacement ofBritainbytheU.S.asthe regionalpower. On thewhole,thefirstdecadesofthe twentieth century saw fairlyhighlevelsofeconomicgrowthintheexporteconomies.Europe'sneed to rebuild after the warand the prosperous 1920sinthe United States with Peru and Bolivia in a Confederation ofthe Andes. However,hisplanneverattracted support.Heorganised a First Assembly of Americ anStatesinPanamain 1826 butlittlecame from it.Evenhis hopes foralooserleagueofSpanish Americ anstates failed .

34 SeeB.Albert, South America and the W orld Economy from Independence to 1930 (London : Macmillan, 1983)

35 See C. H. Haring, Empire in Brazil: A NewWorldExperiment with Monarchy (Cambridge, Mass .:HarvardUniversity Press, 1958).

36 See G. Freyre, Bra zil from Monarch y to Republic (New York : Alfred Knopf, 1970).

contributedtothisfurther.However,as always before,thebenefitswereunevenly distributed.Aminoritygotrich,butmajority remained impoverishedandmany remained destitute . Despite the richness ofitsresources, Latin Ame rican economiesremained dependent onforeignmarkets.Thisleftthemvulnerable whentheboominexportsprovedtobeshort-lived.In October 1929,theWall Street StockMarketplummeted,andsoontheworldplungedintoadepression that hada devastating effectonLatin American exports.Anewperiod intheeconomicandsocialhistoryofLatinAmericawasabouttobegin.

THE CHURCH IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

The Church and the Independ ence Struggle

Bythe nineteenth century,the church wasthelargest landowner inLatin America apart fromthecrown.Duringthe independence movements, the church hierarchysidedwithSpain. The crown appointed allthebishopsunder the patronato, andthevastmajoritywere peninsulares. 37 Their oppositionto independence wasfirmlybackedbytheVatican.BothPiusVIIandLeoXII condemned independence intheclearestterms."Inmanycountries,the clergy, whowereusuallycreole,werespliton independence andreflectedwhatever theprevailing sentiment mightbe.InareassuchasPeru that weregenerally opposedto independence, theclergyalsoopposedit---especiallyclergyfromreligiousorderswhich tended tobemainly peninsulares . However,eveninthe eighteenth century,somepriestshadshownsympathy for independence ."InMexicoand Central America,someofthemostprominent leadersof independence were clergy, and independence foundwiderclericalsupport.Forexample, Father Delgadoand thirteen other priestsadded theirnamesto Guatemala' s declaration of independence.

InMexicoin1810,theCreolepriestMiguelHidalgoledanuprisingof Indiansand mestizos. Heproclaimed independence inthenameof Ferdinand VIIandtheVirginof Guadalupe on16 September 1810and attracted aneager following.HidalgoenjoyedearlysuccessandsooncapturedthecityofGuanajuato. However,themassacreofthecity'sdefenders presented apropagandavictory tohis opponents andthetideof opinion wasagainsthim.InOctober,he marched onMexicoCitywithupto80,000men but afteraninitialsetback manydeserted,andhewasdefeatedinearlyNovember.Duringthe retreat, Hidalgo's control overhisfollowers degenerated andchaosensued.Despitehis

37 SpaniardsbornontheIberianpeninsularrather than creoles whowereborn(to Spanish parents)inLatinAmerica.

38 SeePiusVII'sencyclicalEtsi longissimo (30January1816)andLeoXII'sencyclicalEtsi iamdiu (28September1823).

39 Inthe eighteenth-century Bourbonperiod,somepriestswerethefirsttocallfor independence.TheseincludedPeruvianJesuitJuanPabloViscardoandtheMexicanFriar ServandoTeresadeMier(seeWilliamson, The Penguin HistoryofLatinAm erica, p.202).

attempt toregrouphisforcesin Guadalajara, hewasagaindefeatedinJanuary 1811and captured and executed inJulyofthat'year,"

With Hidalgo's death, leadershipoftherevolt then passedto another priest, JoseMariaMorelos.Moreloswasalso devoted totheVirginbutin contrast to Hidalgo,his proclamation of independence in1813wasinexplicitopposition to Ferdinand VII.Moreloskepttherevoltgoingfora further fiveyearsbut eventuallyhewas captured in November 1815.Bythistime,overone hundred priestsinMexicohadbeenkilledor executed andmanymore excommunicated.

The independence strugglestookaheavytollonthe church. A substantial amount of church propertywasrequisitioned,andasignificantnumberofpriests who supported independence werekilled. The warsleftmanymissionsinruins, andthecredibilityofbishopsandclergywhoopposed independence wasdramaticallyweakened.Manybishopschoseto return toSpain,leavingagapin theleadership,whichwasnotfilledfordecadesinsomeareas.

TheAlliancewithConservatismandConflictwithLiberalism

After independence, the church failedtoestablishaviablenew relationship withthestateforovera century,"Duringthe nineteenth century,the church remained dominated bythe Christendom mentalityofthebygoneerainwhich ithad taken itscolonial "option forpower."To maintain thisafter independence,itallieditselfcloselytoconservativepartiesinabidto maintain itspositioninsocietyand continue toexercisethepoweroversocietyithadenjoyed sincethe conquest . Not surprisingly, thefortunesofthe institutional church rosewhenthe conservatives wereinpower but oftencameunder attack when liberalswerein control. Asthe century progressedandliberalismgradually gainedascendancy,the church's attachment tothe Christendom model meant itspositiongotweakerandweaker.

Evenwhenitfounditselffavoured,the church's institutional fatemadelittledifferencetotheLatin American poorduringthisperiod. The church's prioritywasusuallyto protect its institutional interests rather than present a prophetic voiceon the sufferingofthe disadvantaged Although the old Christendom idealhad broken down, it continued toremaintheidealtowhich thevastmajoritywithinthe church clungtoandhopedtoseerestored.This failureof imagination prevented the church fromfindinga better wayforward to confront thefuture.

Mostofthenewrepublicsinitiallyrecognisedthe Catholic church asthe statereligion, but theyabolishedthe Inquisition and protected somelevelof freedomforworship. The newrepublicswereeagertoclaimforthemselves therightsofthe patronato tonamethe replacements ofbishops,butSpain

40 Thedate16Septembercontinuestoberecognisedandcelebratedasthestartof theindependencemovementinMexico,despitethefailuresofHidalgo'sownrevolt.

41 Thenewrelationshipknownas neo-Christendom thatfinallyemergedafter1930 isdiscussedin Chapter 3.

pressured the Vatican not to cooperate with such appointments. Asa result, many of the empty dioceseswereleftunfilled. It was not until PopeGregory XVI (1831-1846), that the Vatican finallygaveformal recognition to independence. This restored official relations with the newrepublicsandthe many vacancies started to befilled.By then, however,itwas hard for the church to recover its previous position.

Some of the new political elite influenced by European rationalism and liberalism were inclined to anti-clericalism asa result." Separation of church and state gathered speedasmoreliberal republics passednew constitutions in the 1850s.41 Under pressure fromtheBritish, the newrepublicsalsopassedlegislation granting freedom for Protestantism, and Protestant churches sprang up in the portsand major trading areas. Although theymainly served ex-patriate British residents and attracted veryfewlocal converts, theysignalledthe end of Catholicism's monopoly over Christian faith in Latin America.

InMexico, the church andliberalsfoughta particularly protracted conflict with longstanding consequences. Despite therole that Mexican priestsplayed in the independence struggle, the church inMexico remained a conservative institution that commanded enormous wealth, whilesomanypeople struggled in poverty." In1917, the new government passed the Queretaro Constitution. Alongside important socialreformsthis included a number of harsh anti-clerical provisions These included prohibition oftheJesuits, expulsion of Spanish priests, confiscation of church property, and restrictions onworship.In the face of popular opposition, fornearly ten years little was done to enforce these provisions.However,whenthesocialist Plutarcho Callescametopower (1924-1928), the situation started to change .From1926, anti-clerical lawswere enforced with vigilanceand sparked open civil conflict. Cristeros (followersof Christ theKing), who opposed the secular government, roseinrevolt. Both sides inflicted damaging attacks on each other until full-scalereligious persecution ended with a mediated peace in1929.45 The legacyfrom these battles wasahistory of ten-

42 Confiscation ofchurch property and expulsions of mission orderstookplaceinmany countriesduringandafterthe wars of independence. Thisoftenhadvery disruptive social consequences .For example, the Franciscans, whohad replaced the Jesuits ontheGuarani reductions,were expelled from Paraguay in1810andthis allowed the colonists toloot the missions and disperse theGuarani.Duringthepost-Independence turmoil in Mexico, the Franciscans werealso expelled from Texas, New Mexico, and California.Thisencouragedfurther u.s settlementintheseareasandspeededtheireventual seizure bythe UnitedStates.

43 Theliberalgovernmentof Colombia in1849tooktheleadinthisandwas followedbyArgentinain1853,andothercountriesduringthe 1850s. Forarecentstudy ofchurch-staterelationsinArgentinaduringthistime,see A. Ivereigh, Catholicism and Politics in Argentina (New York: St.Martin's Press ; London: Macmillan, 1995) .

44 In1870,theCatholicchurchin Mexico stillownedaquarterofMexicanterritory. See A. Rhodes, The Vatican in the Age of Dictators, 1922 -1945 (London:Hodder& Stoughton,1973),p.95.

45 Thepeaceleftthe laws unchanged,butreachedanagreementoverless vigorous

sionbetweenananti-clerical government andanti-socialist church that remains apowerfuldivisioninMexicansociety.InMexico,afterthe Cristero movement, thefirst president torenewthe invitation to church dignitariestohisinauguration wasCarlosSalinasdeGortariin1988.

The problemsfacingthe church inLatinAmericaduringthe nineteenth century werereinforcedbydifficultiesofthe church inEurope.Intheaftermath oftheFrenchRevolution,CatholicisminEuropehadstruggledunsuccessfullytoopposetheonsetofmodernityandprogressjustasithadpreviously opposedthe Protestant Reformation ." Scienceandnewideasweredeeplydistrustedduringthe nineteenth century.Eventheideaofdemocracyreceived condemnation. Duringthistime,theinfluenceoftheCatholic church inEurope waspoliticallyconservativeandheavilyfavouredthevaluesoftheoldregime."

The riseofItaliannationalismandthelossofthePapalStatesinthenineteenth century markedtheendofold-style Christendom asapoliticalforcein Europe." However,itlivedonasanidealtowhichthe church clung,andthe church retreated into anincreasinglydefensivementality.PiusIX (1846-1878) issuedtheSyllabusofErrorsin1864 that condemned progress,liberalism,and the modem world-along with socialism-as vigorouslyaspossible.VaticanI in1870 reiterated thishostility.

The Startofa Social Tradition

On socialissues,the nineteenth -century church hierarchyinvariablysupported the statusquo against potential uprisingsorevenmodestreforms." Itwasnot

enforcement.Most Cristeros reluctantlyagreedtothis,butsome continued thestruggle forafurtherdecade.

46 For Catholicism'shostileresponse to modernityandprogressinthe nineteenth century,andthepersistenceofitsanimosityuptoVaticanII(1962-1965),seeB. McSweeney, Roman Catholici sm, pp. 22-134 .

47 PiusIXhadinitiallyappearedmoreliberal,buttheupheavalinEuropeof1848 anditsanti-clerical character transformedhimintoanarchconservative.

48 ThePapalStatesincentralItaly(anareaapproximatelytwicethesizeofWales) wasfirstgrantedtoPope Stephen IIin754CEbythekingoftheFranks,andlater additionsenlargeditfurther.Thelossofthestates to theItalianKing,VictorEmmanuel II (1861-1878), beganinthe1860sandcompletedwiththe occupation ofRomein September1870.SeeA.Rhodes, The Vatican in the Ageof Uberal Democracies ,1870-1922 (London:Sidgwick&Jackson1983),pp.15-26.

49 Despitetheconservativenatureoftheestablishedchurch,religiousfaithcouldstill provideinspiration to individualsfordramaticsocialprotests.TheCanudosuprisingin Bahia(1893-1897)wasaparticularlyviolentandtragicinstanceofthis.ACatholic visionary,knownas AntoniotheCounsellor,ledover30,000peopleagainsttheBrazilian Republic.Themovementheldoutforfouryearsuntilthearmysuppresseditwitha series ofsavage onslaughts-see R.M.Levine, Valeof Tears : Revisiting the Canudos Massacre in Northeastern Brazil, 1893-1897 (Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1992); E.DaCunha, Rebellion in the Backlands (trans.S.Putnam;London: Picador, 1992[1957]). Likewise, in1911,avisionaryknownasJoseMarialedamovementinthesouthof Braziltorestorethemonarchy.Itlasteduntil1915whentheRepublicanarmyfinally quashedit(seeWilliamson, The Penguin History ofLatin America, p.412).

CHAPTER lWO

until Leo XIII (1878-1903) that important new developments in the church's attitude to wider society began. 50 One of the most important features in this was that progress toward a Catholic tradition on social matters started tobe made.Thiswas extremely important, becauseanynew development in Catholicism would have tobe based on an authoritative tradition of past declarations . Although the start of social tradition in the nineteenth century wasaverymodest beginning, itwas an essential first step toward the strong stand for justice taken by progressives in the Latin American church in the 1960s.

Leo's social encyclical RerumNovarum (Of New Matters), issued in1891, set an important new precedent in speaking directly tosocial issues." The encyclical's title On the Condition of Labour indicated its social and economic orientation, and itis recognised as the start offormal Catholic social teaching. P Prior tothis point, the church had commented on socialissues and judged them by moral standards, but it had not attempted to systematise its teaching inaseriousway.In RerumNovarum Leo broke new ground in addressing social and economic issues that related to work and labour. The encyclical expressed concern for "the misery and wretchedness which pressso heavily atthis moment on the large majority of the very poor" (§2).

Leo's primary concern wasEurope and thesocial conditions of Europ ean workers. He had little awareness of Latin America and the exploitative conditions under which itspeas ants laboured However, the condemnation of various industrial work patterns as little better than slavery was significant forLatin America .P In many Latin American countries the near feudal agricultur al patterns inherited from the time of conquest resulted in labour practices as coercive and brut alasslavery.

The encyclical was motivated by the rise of socialism and ma intained a consistent lineof condemnation for what itsawas socialist teachings ." At the same

50 OnthepoliciesofPiusIX's successors, LeoXIII (1878-1903) , PiusX (1903-1914), andBenedictXV (1914-1922), seeA.Rhodes, TheVatican in theAgeof Liberal Democracies .

51 Rernm Novarnm: On the Condition of Labour (15 May 1891). Catholic encyclicals areusuallyknownbythefirsttwoorthreewordsoftheLatininwhichtheyarewritten.

52 Themajordocumentsofthisteachingaregatheredtogetherin D. J. O'Brienand T. A.Shannon(eds.), Catholic Social Thought : The Documenta ry Heritage (Maryknoll, N.Y.: OrbisBooks, 1998). Foranalysisand interpretationofthistradition,see J. A.Coleman (ed.), One Hundred Years of Catholic Soc ial Thought :Celebration and Challenge (Maryknoll, N.Y.: OrbisBooks, 1991); D.Don, Optionforthe Poor (Dublin:Gill&Macmillan,rev. ed., 1992); P. Vallely(ed.), The New Pol itics: Catholic Social Teach ing for the Twenty-Fir st Century (London:SCMPress, 1998).

53"••• workershavebeengivenover,isolatedanddefenceless,tothecallousnessof employersandthegreedofunrestrainedcompetition sothatasmallnumberofthe veryrichhavebeenable to layuponthemassesofthepoorayokelittlebetterthan slaveryitself" (Rernm Novarnm, § 2).

54 Criticismsofsocialismarespreadthroughoutthedocument,butthereislittle detailedengagementwithsocialistthoughtorreferencetotextualsources.Thedriving forcebehindsocialismispresentedsimplisticallyassedition (§ 1)orenvy (§ 2).Athe-

timeitcriticisedthe unfettered free-market and theabusesof capitalism The encyclicalsoughta path between unbridled free-market and authoritarian socialism that wasguidedbythe "common good." It was not a balanced critique; socialismwas attacked onthebasisofitsallegedlyrealobjectives,whilethe criticismofthefree -market waslimitedtoobviousabuses. Nonetheless, thecriticismsofthe free-market werestillverypowerful. It argued that private propertywasa natural rightandthefirst thing that mustbesafeguarded(§§5,19, and30).However,italso confirmed thejusticeofalivingwage, that is, enough to support thewage earner in "reasonable and frugalcomfort"(§ 34). When wageswerebelowthislevel,it condemned the situation asan injustice based onviolence. 55

In addition tothejustwage, RerumNovarum set out other responsibilities that anemployerhastoanemployee(§§ 15-17,31-34). The encyclicalrecognisedthe existence ofclassdifferences but rejected theidea that classstruggle isa natural consequence (§ 15). Leocalledfor cooperation rather than conflict to settle disputesandpraisedtheroleof Christianity in preventing strife.He gavespecialemphasistothedignityoflabourandthemoralvalues that itshould be founded upon (§ 20).Leo'svisionwas that Catholics wouldengagewith the modem world,notonitsownterms,butfromadistinctlyCatholicstandpoint. This wastypifiedinhis recommendation that that theworkers' association of previoustimes(suchastradeguilds) should be revitalised toplayavaluable roleinthenew environment (§§ 36-43). He hoped that thesewouldbepolitically centrist (§ 40)andfollowthe Church's teaching obediently (§ 42).

Previously,the church had provided charitable servicesand encouraged individualcharity, but ithad done little moretoaddresssocial justice. Rerum Novarum provided thefirstclearprinciplesforthe church to movebeyondthis and address social justice . It established the importance of the common good and introduced distributive justice into Catholic social teaching These principlesbecome central tothe Catholic social tradition and have influenced liberation theology. An equally important contribution, though one that seemsto havehardly been recognised,is that RerumNovarum provided thefirstclear Catholic endorsement ofan "option forthe poor"-the principle on which

ologicalobjectiontoitsutopianvisionis stated intermsofsinandtheFall:"hardships oflifewillhavenoendorcessationonthis earth; forthe consequences ofsinarebitterandhardtobear,andtheymustbewithmanaslongaslifelasts.Tosufferandto endure,therefore,isthelotofhumanity,letmentryastheymay,no strength andno artificewilleversucceedinbanishingfrom human lifethetroubleswhichbesetit.If anytherearewho pretend differently-who holdouttoahard-pressedpeoplefreedom frompainandtrouble,undisturbedrepose,and constant enjoyment-they cheat thepeopleandimposeuponthem,andtheirlyingpromiseswillonlymaketheevilworsethan before. There is nothing moreusefulthantolookattheworldasitreally is-and at thesamelookelsewhereforaremedytoitstroubles" (§ 14).

55 "Ifthroughnecessityorfearofaworseevil,theworkmanaccepts harder conditionsbecauseanemployeror contractorwillgivehimno better,heisavictimofforce andinjustice" (§ 34).

CHAPTERTWO

liberation theology rests-even though itis not explicitly named assuch.Leo expresseditasfollows:

.thepoorandhelpless,haveaclaimtospecial consideration The richer population havemanywaysof protecting themselves,and stand lessinneed ofhelpfromthe State; thosewhoarebadlyoffhavenoresourcesoftheir owntofallbackupon,andmustchieflyrelyupontheassistanceofthe State ...[and]shouldbespeciallycaredforand protected bythecommonwealth (§29).

This "option forthepoor"was not so much an option taken bythe church as anoption advocated bythe church andtobetakenbythecivil authorit ies. Nonetheless, it pointed totheprincipleof preferential treatment forthepoor onwhich liberation theologysuccessfullybuiltanewpolitical understanding in thelate1960s,andanewepistemological understand inginthelate1970s.

The noveltyofLeo's approach wassignificantbutlimited. RerumNovarum allowedfor greater social involvement,butitplacedstrictlimitsonwhatwas permissible.It encouraged Catholics toengagewiththewiderworldbutonly onthetermssetbythe church .Intermsofthe church's relationswiththe modern worlditallowedthe church tomovefromdefenceto counterattack but itleftthe fundament alassumptionsof hostility unchanged. The basic assumption that the church andthe modern worldwereenemiesremained dominant untilthe1960sandVaticanII. Nonetheless, theencyclicalbeganto laythe foundations that contributed towardanew relationship between church and state.

The emergence ofthis relationship tooktime. The Vaticandid not cometo termswiththeendoftheold Christendom untilafterthefirstdecadesofthe twentieth century.Infact,Leohadfollowedhispredecessorintoself-imposed exile in theVatican.In1871,whentheItaliangovernmentseizedthePapalStates, PiusIX retired totheVaticanasaself-imposedprisoner.Hissuccessorsfollowedhisexampleuntil1929,whenthe Lateran Treatyfinally ended thishostile stand -offafternearlysixtyyears. Under thetreaty,the Italian stategave upitsclaimstoVaticanterritoryinRome,andtheVaticanCitybecameasovereignstate.In return theVaticangaveupitsclaims to thePapalStatesand receivedfinancial compensation forthem.In addition, a concordat wasagreed that recognised Catholicism asthestatereligionof Italy," The Pope remained asovereignand retained notional temporalpowerwithinthetiny city-state of theVaticanbutbeyondthecitywalls,itwastheendofoldstyle Christendom On thepositiveside,the church inEuropeandelsewherecouldnowengage withthewiderworldonanewbasis.

56 SeeA.Rhodes, The Vatican in the Age ofthe Dictators, pp.37-53(esp.p.45).

CONCLUSION

The failureto generate amoreequitablesocial structure, apoliticaldemocracy andadiversifiedeconomyinthe nineteenth century wasthegreatmissed opportunity forLatinAmerica. The creoleelitebenefitedfromthesuccesses ofthe Independence movement-and replacedthe peninsulares atthetopof thesocial pyramid-but classdivisionswent unhealed ,and national economies remained weakand dependant .LatinAmerica'shistorical patterns ofagroexport production continued largelyundisturbeduntiltheDepressionin1929 exposedthefatal dependency ofLatinAmericaonforeignpowers.Inthenineteenth century,BritaindisplacedSpainasthe dominant economicpowerand in tum wasdisplacedfromthisroleinthe twentieth centurybythe United States. The neo-colonial pattern of investment andtrade that Britainandthe U.S.promoted brought technologicalgainsandfinancialbenefitstothenew elites.However,itbetrayedthemajorityofLatinAmericanstounderdevelopment andpovertywhilethe church offeredlittlebywayof protection and nothing bywayofprotest.Formostofthisera,the Catholic Church inLatin Americawasstrugglingtoholdontoabygoneeraofpoliticalpowerandcommitteditself to allianceswithconservativepoliticalparties. It wasnotuntiltoward theendofthe nineteenth century, that anewself-understandinginthe church started togainground. The LateranTreatyof1929signalledtheVatican's reluctant acceptance ofthepassingofold Christendom. LiketheWall Street crashthesameyear,theLateranTreatymarkedthe transition fromoneerato another. The waywasclearforanewvisionoftherelationshipbetween church and societv-s-neo-Christendom-c-to riseto prominence inthe1930s.

sighted church leadersalsobegantoexplore pastoral changesand institutionalreforms that would strengthen thechurch'svoiceinsociety.Thiswould provean important foundation forliberationtheologybutatthetimetheneeds ofthepoorwerenotof paramount concern. The church'sprimary interest was in protecting its institutional privilegesnow that itwasina situation whereit nolongerhaddirectpoliticalpower. It wasnotuntiltheendoftheperiod that the Cuban Revolutionjoltedthe church out ofitscomplacencyonsocial issuesandmoreradicalpastoraloptions started todevelop.

MODERNIZATION AND SOCIAL CHANGES

The GreatDepressioninthe1930sdealtasevereblowtoworldtradeandparticularlyaffectedLatinAmerica'sexportofprimarygoodswhichhadsustained itsLatinAmericaneconomiessincecolonialtimes.BecauseLatinAmericancountrieswereso dependent onwhat happened inrichercountries,theyhadlittle control onwhat happened totheirowneconomies. The demandforBrazil's coffeeand sugar, BoliviaandChile'smetals,andArgentina'sbeeffellabruptly. Inturn,thisrestrictedtheimportsoffinishedgoodsfromindustrialisedcountries.Inthe short-term, theeconomichardshipshadtobeborneasbestas national economieswereable.Forthelong-term,however,therewaspotentiallyamorepositiveside.Thedepressionhighlightedthe continuing vulnerabilityofLatinAmerica's import-export modelonworldeventsandsuggested thatitneededtobe rethought.

Steps toward Industrialisation

Someofthemore advanced Latin American countrieshadalreadydeveloped alight industrial baseinthelate nineteenth century (especially Argentina, Brazil, andMexico)andtheytooktheleadin nationalist drivestomodifythe traditional import-export model. Typically, thisinvolvedreplacingimportedforeigngoodswithhomeproducedcommodities,andtherebyboostingindustrial manufacturing. Brazil wasinparticularneedofaneweconomic strategy. Inmost Latin American countries,exportshadbeenhealthyduringandaftertheFirst WorldWar.Brazil'scoffeeexportshadfacedincreasing competition sincethe FirstWorldWarandcouldnolongerbereliedontosupporttheeconomy. The Depression compounded thealreadydifficult situation.

The SecondWorldWarpushedthisshiftforwardas matter ofurgencyand necessity. The war encouraged demandforLatinAmerica'sexportsbutseverely disrupteditsimports. Other Latin American countrieshadtofollowthelead oftheleadingregionaleconomiesanddevelopimport substitution policies(lSI). Forpoliticalreasonsthe United Stateswaswillingtoprovideassistancein return forLatin American supportfortheAlliedwareffort.Inexchangefor supporttotheAlliedcause,theU.S.offered technical andfinancialassistance forthenewlSIindustries. What beganas nationalist policies,becameclosely identifiedwithgrowingU.S. involvement intheregion.Brazilwasabletotake

particular advantage ofthisanditseconomy benefited accordingly,' The lSI initiative inBrazil coincided withthe industrialisation driveofthe Estado Novo (New State) announced by President Vargasin1938.Bythelate1950s,Brazil hadthe strongest economicbaseintheregionandwaspoisedtoestablisha newsenseof continental leadershipinthe1960s.

The firststageoflSIalsoseemedreasonablysuccessfulin other countries . The buoyant demand forexportsduringthewarandpost-war reconstruction providedthenecessaryinfluxofmoneyfor investment andindustrialisation.The manufacturing industry then providedjobsand generated economicgrowth. The overalleffectontheeconomywasstillrelativelymodest,but nonetheless in the1940sand 1950s, many Latin Americancounttiesshowed significant growth intheir manufacturing industries. The underlyingpoliticalandeconomicproblemswiththelSIwouldnotcometoaheaduntilthe1960s.

Migration, Urbanization, and Populism

Inthe meantime, theexpansionofindustrywaschangingthesociallandscape. The economic opportunities intheurban centres ofindustry stimulated largescalemigrationand urbanization of industrial areas. Modern Latin American cities started togrowatrapidrates. Urban migration disrupted manylongstanding rural patterns ofsocial cohesion and control. The newlyarrivedcity dwellerswere much freerfrom traditional authorities than theyhadbeenin thecountryside.Overall,manywoulddoubtlesshavewelcomedthisasapositivechangeandshowedlittleinclinationto reinvent themore conservative aspectsof church or patronal authority fromthecountryside.However,oneof thepricesofcirylifewasthemoreimpersonalsocialclimate. Uprooted from thepastandlivinginrapidlyevolvingcities,manymigrantsfacedquestionsof identiryandmeaninginnewways.

The growingurbanworkerforcealsohadpolitical consequences . The industrialisedworkingclasses constituted anewpolitical constituency that hadmuch better opportunities toinfluence national politics than theruralpeasantsever had. Their political support wasacrucialfactorinthepopulistpoliticalmovementsoftheperiod. Strong leadershipby charismatic personalities-rooted in the caudillo tradition oftheprevious century andtheheritageoftheconquistadorbefore that---often foundastrong support baseamongsttheurbanworkers.Thisallowedpopulistleaderstoharnesstheworkers'votestotheirpolitical causesandholdtogetherpoliticalcoalitionsacrossclasslines.Forexample,Genilio Vargas,who dominated politicsinBrazilduringtheperiod(as president in 1930-1945 andagainin 1950-1954), headed a movement characterised by cross-classpopulism.'

1 Argentina's sympathy fortheAxis powers costit U.S .supportanditlostavital competitive edge against Brazil. This was toprovea critical pointin Argentina's evolution from havingoneofthe leading world economies inthe early twentiethcentury tothe economic difficulties oflater decades (Rock, Argentina 1516-1987, pp. 214-261).

2 See T. Skidmore, Politics in Brazil , 1930-1964 : An Experiment in Democracy (New

Vargas'sfirstperiodofpowerbeganin1930.Brazil'sMarch1930elections hadbeenbitterly contested. EventuallytheBrazilianmilitary invited Vargasto assumethepresidencydespitethefact that hehadbeendefeatedintheelectionitself.Vargas then transformed hisprovisional appointment intoasustainedperiodofpower.Hesuspendedthe presidential electionof1938and announced the start ofan authoritarian Estado Novo (NewState). The New State was committed to industrialisation andVargas'snationalismplayedanimportant roleinthis. The substantial aidfromthe United Statesgaveanimmenseboosttothe industrialisation programmeanddrewthemilitaryintoa closealliancewiththeir northern counterparts intheU.S.3

Vargaspromisedan election for1943,butbecauseofthewar,hesuspended ituntil December 1945.BythistimeVargaswaslosinghisgriponpower. The United States indicated that the election musttakeplace,andsinceit seemed that Vargasmighttrytoavoidit again-and therebyjeopardisetheclose relationshipwiththe U.S.-the Brazilianmilitaryforcedhimtoresignin October 1945. The electionswere then dulyheldand General EuricoGaspar Dutra was electedtopower (1946-1950) .However,Vargaswasabletobidehistimeand camebacktowinthe1950 election andgovernagainfromJanuary1951to August1954.Duringthisperiod,theeconomygrew significantly, butwasmarked byrisinginflationanddebtasVargasstruggledtopayforthe industrialisation programme.By1954,Vargaswasagain under pressurefromthemilitaryto resign,andhe committed suicideon24August1954.

Despitetherisingeconomicdifficulties, [uscelino Kubitschek-who wonthe October 1955 election andgovernedfrom1956to 1960-continued withmany of Vargas's policiesandpressedonwithaveryambitiousdevelopmentprogramme. Asa centrepiece forthiswork,hebuiltthefuturisticnewcapitalBrasiliain thepreviouslysparselyinhabitedstateofGoiastostimulatethe development ofthe interior.Brasiliawasan extraordinary international symbolof Latin America's development and captured theambiguitiesofLatinAmerica'sdevelopment process. The ultra-modern city contrasted withareasofBrazilthat remainedsobackward,theyhadhardlyprogressedfromthecolonialperiod. Furthermore, thecostofBrasiliaand other projectsonlyworsenedthe underlyingeconomicproblemsthatBrazilfaced. These problemswere exacerbated byafallintheworldpriceforcoffeeinthelate1950s.

Classdivisionsalways meant that coalitions around populistfigureswerefragile." When suchregimesfacedeconomicadversity,theyusuallyfellbackon

York : Oxford University Press , 1967) .Fora biographyofVargas,seeR. Bourn e, Getulio Varga s: Sphinx of the Pampas (London :Charles Knight, 1974) .

3 Despitethe fascist aspects ofhis movement Vargas managed todevelopaclose militaryand economic alliancewiththe U.S .duringthe 1940s.A small forc eofBrazilian troops served inItaly alongs idetheAllies,andtheBrazilian navy helped topatrolthe southAtlantic.

4 Juan Peron builta similar mass base amongstthe workers of Buenos Airesinthe 1940sknownas Peronism.

extreme authoritarian measurestoensuretheirownsurvival.Becausemovementsreliedonpersonality rather than unified ideology, whentheleadership needed tobe replaced-or ifitcouldnotenforceits authority-the coalition coulddegeneratevery rapidly, becauseithadalwaysrestedonpersonalityrather than aunified ideology. Thiscouldprovokethemilitarytostepintothepower vacuumtocontrolthesocialunrest. The populistmovementsinbothArgentina andBrazileventuallyledtotheimpositionof authoritarian militaryregimesin the1960sand1970s.

FromGoodNeighbour to Cold War andtheCubanRevolution Forthemostpart,underFranklinRoosevelt'sGoodNeighbour Policy theUnited States adopted aless belligerent attitude toits southern neighboursinthe 1930sand1940s.Directmilitary intervention declinedandevenin Central Americaandthe Caribbean-which theU.S.sawasspecialcasesfor protectingitslegitimate interests-there wasaswitchfromdirecttoindirectmilitary involvement.U.S.MarineswithdrewfromNicaraguain1933butonlyaftertrainingarepressive National GuardwithAnastasioSomozaatits head.' Client dictators,suchasSomoza,offeredalesscostlywayfortheUnitedStatesto control eventsin Central America without riskingU.S.troops."However,astheCold Wardevelopedinthe1950stheU.S.becamemore aggressive indefending whatitsawasitshemisphericsphereofinfluenceundertheMonroeDoctrine. When anewreformist government cametopowerin Guatemala under JacoboArbenzthe United Stateswasquickto protect thecommercialinterestsofitsbusiness.Arbenzwaselected President in1950andgovernedfrom

5 Somoza'sgreat-uncleBernabeSomozahadbeenamuch-feared nineteenth-century bandit whomadeashort-livedbidforpoliticalpowerin1848.

6 AugustoCesarSandinobegananationalistmovementofguerrillaresistanceagainst theMarinesin1929andtheUnitedStateswaseagertodisentangleitselffromtheconflict. InFebruary1934SomozahadSandinokilledafterluringhimintotrucetalkswiththe figureheadpresident,JuanSacasa.Twoyearslater,SomozaoverthrewSacasaandinJanuary 1937,hegainedthePresidencyonthebasisoffraudulentelections.WithU.S.support Somozawas then able to establishhisowndynastyinNicaragua.Somoza'scontrolover Nicaraguanpoliticsandtheeconomyallowedhimtobuildavast family fortuneuntil hewasassassinatedin1956.Hisson,LuisSomozaDebayle,immediatelysucceededhim inthePresidency,and then (afterabriefintervalwhencloseSomocistaassociateshad formalpower) another son,AnastasioSomozaDebayle,waselectedin1967.Thenext twelveyearsofNicaraguanhistorywereparticularlycorruptandrepressive.Duringthis time,armedoppositionfromtheSandino National LiberationFront(FSLN)grewand spread.TheFSLNwasformedin1962inmemoryoftheassassinatedSandino.In1979 theyfinallytriumphedagainstSomoza's National GuardandforcedSomozatofleeinto exile.Thesocialist orientation oftheSandinistaregimewasan important factorinthe dramaticincreaseinU.S. intervention in Central Americainthe1980s.Forahistory ofNicaraguawithparticularreferencetotheSomozadynasty(thatendsjustbeforethe finaloffensivein1979),seeE.Crawley, Dictators NeverDie: A Portrait of Nicaragua and the Somozas (London: C. Hurst,1979);ontheSandinistarevolutionandNicaraguain the 19805, see J. Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus (London: Verso, 1988),esp.pp.221-333.

1951to1954.Hehadpreviously been a minister inthereformist government of Juan Jose Arevalo (1945-1950) andinitially continued Arevalo's moderate reformist programme .In1952,the administration became moreradicalinits proposalsand started toupsetthebigbusiness interests oftheU.S.basedcompany United Fruit. United Fruithada tight griponthe Guatemalan economy andveryclose relations withtheU.S. government .' The United States saw Arbenz's government asa threat toits economic interests andclaimed that they werestoogesfor Soviet communism. Asamilitaryman, President Eisenhower was quite prepared tostepintothe fray. The CIA trained an invasion forceof exilesin Honduras and launched its attack inJune1954. While hostileplanes flewover Guatemala Cityandterrifiedthe population, Arbenz attempted to organisea national defence.However,the Guatemalan military command refused tofightforhimandthecoupwasvirtually unopposed

Forthe United States, this marked the beginning ofsuccessiveColdWar interventions inthe hemisphere .ForLatin American reformersitwasapainful foretasteof what wastofollowinthe next decade ." Before then, however,a furthermajorshiftinregionalpoliticstook place-the Cuban Revolutionof1959.

The Spanish-American War,which ended Spain's control ofCuba,allowed theU.S.to extend itsmilitaryinterestsintothe Caribbean. The warwas notionallyfoughtforthecauseof Cuban independence, butCuba's independence treaty was negotiated between Cuba's colonial master (Spain)and neo-colonial master(the United States) withvery little concern forthe Cubans themselves." Cubans had little influence over what happened, and U.S.troops occupied Cuba in 1901-1903 and returned tooccupy Cuba fourmoretimes between 1909and1921. 10 An additional legacyoftheperiodwas that U.S. companies entrenched their control ofthe economy-a control that hadbegunduringthe 1868-1878 warwith Spain that destroyed many Cuban planters . This bound the Cuban economy evermoretightlytothe United States and encouraged thefeelingintheU.S. that ithada legitimate righttostepinto ensure that its interests were protected whenever itsawfit.

FulgencioBatistafirstcametopowerin Cuba inamilitarycoupin1933. Between1933and1940heruledindirectlyvia presidential appointees,and then

7 Eisenhower 's Secretary ofState,John Foster Dulles (1953-1959) , was amilitantantiCommunist andhislaw practice represented UnitedFruit.HisbrotherAllen Welsh Dulles was headoftheCIA (1953-1961) and oversaw the invasion ofGuatemalaandthe Bay of Pigs inApril 1961.

8 Inthe 1960s, theU.S.supportedthe military coupinBrazil (1964) andintervened directly inits traditional "backyard"(CentralAmericaandthe Caribbean) withaninvasionofthe Dominican Republic (1965) .Foran overview ofU.S.interventioninCentral AmericaandtheCaribbean,seeJ. Pearce, Under the Eagl e:U.S. Intervention in Central America andthe Caribbean (London :LatinAmerica Bureau, 2nded., 1982 [1981]) .

9 PuertoRico (which was alsoliberatedduringthe struggle) was absorbed morepermanentlyintothepoliticalsphereoftheU.S.withthestatusofa freely associatedterritoryandcontinuesassuchtoday.

10 See Williamson, ThePenguin History ofLatin America, p.440.

CHAPTER THREE

took direct control in 1940 onlytoloseanelectionin 1944 andbe out of powerforeightyears.He returned in 1952 andbeganasecondperiodofdictatorialrule. The followingyear,theyounglawyerFidel Castro ledasmallforce ofyounginsurgentsinan attack againstthe Moncada barracksinSantiago. The attackfailed,and Castro was captured andputontrial. On 26 July,he deliveredastirringspeechinhisowndefence,whichwaspartlyinspiredby the nineteenth-century pro-Independence Cuban poetJoseMarti.Heattacked theinjusticeoftheBatistaregime,committedhimselftoitsoverthrow,andended withthe confident declaration "Historywillabsolveme."Hewasreleasedfrom prisonin 1955 andleftforMexico,wherehestartedto gather agroupof nationalistsympathisers(knownasthe "26 JulyMovement"afterthefailedattack againstthe Moncada barracks)."

The smallbandof 26 July Movement cadres returned toCubaattheend of 1956 andbegantheirguerrillacampaignbasedinthe mountains ofthe SierraMaestra.Progresswas slow, butBatista's brutal repressiongaveCastroa vital advantage inpublicsympathyforhiscause.Attheendof 1958, Castro's forcesstartedtocloseonthecapital. On 1 January 1959 Batistafled,and Castro 'sfield-commander,Che Guevara , triumphantly ledhistroopsintoSantiago.Duringtherestoftheyear, Castro consolidated his control onthe countryinanincreasingly authoritari anwayandimposed restrictions onthepress and other civil institutions .Electionswere scheduled forJuly,butnevertook place.Meanwhile, Castro soughttoendthe control ofU.S.companiesoverthe economy.InMay 1959, anagrarianlawwaspassed that legalisedtheformation of cooperat ivesonthelandofforeign-owned farmsandlargeestates. Castro stillhopedtogetsupportforCubafromthe United Statesbutrelations between thetwo countries rapidly deteriorated andhewassoonforcedtolook forhelpelsewhere.

NEO-CHRISTENDOM

JustastheWall Street stockmarketcrashof 1929 markeda transition toanew periodinLatinAmerican economic policy, the Lateran Treatyof 1929 wasalso an important milestoneforthefutureofthe church initsrelationstosociety. The mostsignificantareaofchangeforthe church between 1930 and 1959 wasintheareaofsocial teaching that Leo initiated in 1891 andwhichhelped the church inEuropeandLatinAmericadevelopanew relationship tosociety.Ingeneral,duringtheyears 1930-1959, therewasminimalchangeinthe doctrinaltheologyofthe church." PiusXI (1922-1939) andPiusXII (1939-1958)

11 Asurprisingly importantrecruit was theasthmatic Argentine an doctor, Ernesto "Che" Guevara .Guevara was from a profe ssional middle -class background butbecame passion ateoverthesituationof injustice throughoutLatin Americ aduringatriphe hadtakenthroughmuchofthecontinent.HewaspresentinGuatemaladuringthe U.S .-backedcoupagainst Arbenz the previousyear, andthis convinced himthatpeaceful reforms would neverbeallowedtomakemeaningful changes

12 Leo XIII encouragedaslightlymoreadventurousspiritinthelatenineteenthcentury, andthebacklash intheearlytwentiethcenturywaspartly aresultofthis.The

FromDepressiontoDevelopment, 1930-1959 55 followedthecoursesetby their predecessor PiusIX (1903-1914), and the church remained firmlysetagainstthewider culture and profoundly suspicious of theological innovation.' ! However,bythefirst decades ofthe twentieth centurythe church wasbadlybruisedbytheliberal republicans inthe anti-clerical battles ofthe nineteenth century. It was institutionally weakandseemed tohavelittletoofferthenewurbanizedworkingclass,evenwhereithada mindtodoso.Atthesametime,the church was starting toloseits influence over intellectual thought. Asthe century progressed,secular thought gained ground atLatin American universities and influenced the younger generation. Even though itshowednosignsofa change initstheology,the church needed anewbasiswithwhichtoengagewithsociety. During the1930s, theological developments inEurope started toshowhowthismight happen.

Jacques Maritain's workon Integral Humanismarguedforthe Christianization of culture that wouldbethebasisfor"New Christendom" or "Nee-Christendom."!" Under theold Christendom modelthe church sought-and wasusually granted-at leastsomelevelof direct control overpoliticalmatters,but Maritain arguedfora clearer distinction ofplanes between the temporal andspiritual. Hesuggested that inthenewera,the church should not seek direct political control but should influence thesocialsphere through lay action. His thoughts hadamajor impact onhowthe church understood itsmissionin both Europe andLatin America. InmanyLatin American countries, itallowedthe church to separate itselffromitsalliancewith Conservative parties dating fromthe nineteenth century The Catholic laityweretobefreetojoinpoliticalparties, butthe church would not officially endorse any particular party. The ideawas forthe church to influence politics through moral leadership andtheworkof thelaityin whatever political arena theyfound themselves

The church sought toexercisethismoral influence on society-which itdistinguished fromadirectlypolitical influence-through avarietyofstrategies. In particular these included : updating and extending Catholic social teaching; encouraging the movement known as Catholic Action; and strengthening the church asan institutional organisation.

clampdown beganwithPiusIX'scondemnationofwhathecalled "modernism" in 1908. Similar policies continuedunderhis successors until 1958. Untiltheendof Vatican II (1962-1965) all priests wererequired to swe aran anti-modernist oath(see McSweeney, Roman Catholicism, pp.80-91).

13 OntheVaticanduringthistime,see A. Rhodes, The Vaticanin the Age of the Dictators .ThechurchinLatin America-which hadtraditionally beenmarkedbya conservative stamp-showed noinclinationtodeviate from this conservative roleand simply followed the Vatican line.

14 Ontheterm"New Christendom, "see J. Maritain, Integral Humanism (trans.].E. Evans;New York :Scribner'sSons,1968[French orig. 1936,ET1938)).Foran excellenttreatmentof Maritain's thoughtandits influence inLatinAmericawith reference to Chile,see W. T. Cavanaugh, Torture and Eucharist: Theology, Politics and the Body of Christ(Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1998).Forbroader background, seeB.E. Doering, Jacques Maritainand the French Catholic Intellectuals (NotreDame,Ind.: University of NotreDame Press, 1983).

SocialTeaching

During theperiod between 1930 and 1959,the church inLatin America followedRome'sleadonsocialand economic matters, andthemost important document oftheperiodwasPiusXl's Quadragesimo Anno (AfterFortyYears) in 1931 .15 Piususedthe fortieth anniversary ofLeo's Rernm Novarnm toissue anewencyclicalonsocialissuesto encourage andguide Catholic engagement withsocialaffairs.Pius recognised that much had changed infortyyearssince Rerum Novarnm. Leodefinedhis thought primarilyagainstthe challenge ofliberalismandthe threat ofsocialism.Leo's encyclical needed tobe restated and extended to addressthenew context andtheissues that itraised.In1931,the confident liberal assumption that progresswas unstoppable had been severely challenged bytheFirstWorldWarandtheWall Street stock market crash. Meanwhile, the threat fromsocialismhad increased politically(withthe1917 revolution inRussia)and evolved ideologically(withthe thought ofLenin, Trotsky,and Stalin). Another important change was that widersocietywas more secular than ithad been in1891. 16 Furthermore, other powerfulnew social movements-especially fascismand nationalism-had arisen and presented new dangers in modern society.

The first part of Quadragesimo Annowasareviewof Rernm Novarnm and the events that followed it.' ? Piusrecalledthe context ofthefirstencyclical andreferredtotheworkingclassesas "oppressed bydire poverty" and"victimsofthese harsh conditions." !"Healso repeated Leo's statement that itis thepoorwhoaremostinneedofpublic protection bythecivil authorities and should begivenspecialcare.'?He thereby repeated andaffirmedthe foundational element for liberation theology's "preferential option forthepoor" that wouldbe taken upasapolitical option by liberation theologians inthelate 1960sandan epistemological principle inthemid-1970s.

Inthe second part oftheencyclical,PiusreaffirmedLeo's central principles and developed hissocial teaching further," He started witha justification of the church'srighttospeakonsocialand economic problems,and then proceeded to elaborate the teaching itself.LikeLeo,heofferedafirm defence of private property,butalsoreaffirmed concern forthe common good that avoided both individualism and collectivism." Hecriticisedabusesof capital andoffered

15 Quadragesimo Anno, (15 May 1931). Like Pius, later Popes havealsousedanniversaries of RerumNovarum to issue new encyclicals and social teaching. Theseinclude: John XXIII, Mater er Magistra (1961); Paul VI, Ocrogesima Adveniens (1971); andJohn PaulII, LaboremExercens, (1981) and Centesimus Annuns (1991).

16 Piusnoteswith frankness, ifacertain exaggeration, " weareconfrontedwith aworldwhichin large measurehasalmostfallenbackinto paganism" (§ 140).

17 Quadragesimo Anno, §§ 1-40.

18 Quadragesimo Anno, § 3and § 4.

19 Quadragesimo Anno, § 25, cp. RerumNovarum, § 29.

20 Quadragesimo Anno, §§ 41-98.

21 Quadragesimo Anno, §§ 44-46.

guidance onthejust distribution of wealth and property." He noted that in many developed states the situation was better than fortyyearsbefore;however,as other countries becamemore industrialised, the number ofthe"dispossessedlabouringmasseswhosecries mount toheavenincreased exceedingly,'?' He echoed Leoonthe importance ofalivingandjustwageandset out principlesforits determination. Piusalso commended corporatism and emphasised thevalueof"subsidiarity"inthesocial order." The encyclicalcalledonallsocial groupstoseeksocialjusticeandthe common good rather than theirowninterests.Aboveall,however,Piuscalledfor harmony between groupsinsociety, andlikeLeo,herecognisedthe existence ofclassesbut emphatically rejected classstruggle."

The third part examined thechanges that hadtakenplacesinceLeo's time ." Hediscussed developments inthe free-market economic systemandgavespecial attention tosocialism.PiusfollowedLeoin plotting acourse between unrestrainedindividualismand socialism." On theonehand,hedecried that because ofexcessiveindividualism, "economic lifehasbecomehard,cruel,and relentlessinaghastly measure.? " On theother,he condemned communism because it taught a"mercilessclasswarfareandthe complete abolition ofprivateownership.t"? Hisviewsonmore moderate versions-which he distinguished as "socialism" rather than "communism"-were alittlemore nuanced. He accepted thepossibility that ifit continued tochange,itsprogramofreformsmightbe nodifferentfromtheprogramofthoseinspiredby Christian principles.However, heultimately rejected socialismasan erroneous theory that could not bereconciled with Christianity becauseofitsviewof human societywhich restricted human libertyandfailedtosafeguard human dignity.30

22 QuadragesimoAnno, §§ 54-58

13 Quadragesimo Anno , § 59.

24 QuadragesimoAnno, § 80. The principleof subsidiarity-which remains central in Catholic social teaching-is that largergroups(includingthestate)shouldnotlayclaim totasks that canbecarriedoutbysmallergroupsorindividuals.

25 QuadragesimoAnno, §§ 81--83 . Leo XIII spokeofthegraveinconvenience ofstrikes andtheir threat topublicpeace.However,he supported reform to thelongworking hours,insufficientwages,andhard conditions that frequentlycausedstrikesanddidnot issuea blanket condemnation ofstrikesassuch (RerumNovarum, § 31). Piustakesa harsher lineand condemns theuseofstrikes outright (§ 94).

26 QuadragesimoAnno, §§ 99-148.

27 Piusismorewilling to usetheterm"capitalist" than Leo(see,forexample, Quad· ragesimo Anno, § 103).

28 QuadragesimoAnno, § 109.

29 QuadragesimoAnno, §112. Piusadds that "the antagonism andopenhostilityit hasshownHoly Church andevenGodhimselfare,alas!wellprovenbyfactsand knowntousall"(§ 112).

30 Quadragesimo Anno, §§ 111-126. This section isparticularly interesting.Piusconcedes that "it cannot bedenied that its[socialism's)programsoftenstrikingly approach thejustdemandsof Christian socialreformers"(§ 114). Headds:"Ifthesechanges[on classwarandprivateownership) continue, itmaywellcomeabout that graduallythe

CHAPTER THREE

Pius argued that a renewal of the Christian spirit is the necessary condition forsocial reconstruction and moral renovation." He blamed thesocialmalaise on doctrines of rationalism that undermined morality and economic teaching that gavefree rein to human avarice." Hesaw the remedy asa return to the gospel and the participation ofall Catholics ina Christian renewal ofsociety. This development ofLeo'ssocial tradition provided encouragement, leadership and a framework of moral principles foranew engagement with society. Catholic Action wasat the vanguard ofthisnew movement in Latin America and prepared the wayfor liberation theology inmany important ways.Inaddition, Pius's vision ofanew evangelization based onsociety encouraged institutional reformstoimprovethe church's effectivenessasthemoralvoiceofsociety.

Catholic Action

Catholic Action originated in Europe and spread to Latin America in the early twentieth century, where it gained significant momentum in the 1930s and was an important influence inmany countries. Early versions of Catholic Action in Latin America tended tofollow the Italian model. Groups were organised according toage and sex, but not divided by occupational categories. This model attempted toembraceallsocial groups-irrespective of class-status-around common general goals. After 1945, there wasashifttothe more specialized models that had been developed in France and Belgium under Joseph Cardijn in the 1920s.33 These focussedon particular socialgroups,for example, farm-

tenetsofmitigated socialism willnolongerbedifferentfromtheprogramofthosewho seektoreformhumansocietyaccordingtoChristian principles" (§ 114).However,he then says thatevenifthisweretobethecase,socialismcouldnotbe"baptizedinto theChurch"because"itconceiveshumansocietyinawayutterlyalientoChristian truth" (§ 117). Healsoclaimsthat socialism ignores theChristianvaluesoflibertyand humandignityinitsvisionofsociety (§§ 118-120). Hethereforeconcludes:"If,like allerrors, socialism containsacertainelementoftruth(andthisthe sovereign pontiffs haveneverdenied),itisneverthelessfoundeduponadoctrineofhumansocietypeculiarlyitsown,whichisopposedtotrueChristianity. 'Religious socialism'and'Christian socialism' are expressions implying acontradictioninterms.Noonecanbeatthesame timeasincereCatholicandatrue socialist" (§ 120).

31 Quadragesimo Anno, §§ 127-148. Piusalsosetsthe significance oftemporalrenewalinabroadercontextbyrelatingit to theruinof souls: "Formostmenare affected almost exclusively bytemporal upheavals, disasters, andruins. Yet ifweviewthingswith Christian eyes, andweshould,whataretheyallincomparisonwiththeruinofsouls? Nevertheless,itmaybesaidwithalltruththat nowadays theconditionsofsocialand economiclifearesuchthatvastmultitudesofmencanonlywithgreat difficulty pay attentiontothatonething necessary, namelytheireternal salvation" (§ 130).

32 Quadragesimo Anno, § 133.Piusseesthiscriticismasrelevanttoboth socialism and capitalism, butinthissectionheisparticularlyconcernedwithabusesundercapitalism. Hecondemnsthe"abominable abuses" ofcertaincorporations (§ 132)andnotes theharmful inversion ofmodern manufacturing processes whereby".. .deadmatterleaves thefactoryennobledand transformed, wheremenarecorruptedanddegraded" (§ 135).

33 SeeM.dela Bedoyere, The Cardijn Story : A Study oftheLifeof Mgr. Joseph Cardijn

ers,workers,or students and recruited youngmenandwomen into special movements united bytheseshare interests. These included: Catholic Youth Farmers aAC); CatholicYouthFactoryWorkers aOC); CatholicYouthUniversity Students aUC); Catholic Youth Secondary Students aEC); and Catholic Youth Independent Movement OIC). During the1950sand1960s,these movements wereattheforefrontof church attempts to respond tothenewsocialenvironment created by industrialisation and urbanisation. JUCwas particularly favouredinmanyLatin American countries, anditsmembersrosetoleadershipof student movements inmany universities

Tocarry out thiswork Catholic Action developed anew methodology summarisedas "see-judge-act .t'" Thissimple, but effectiveprocessforsocialengagement wasan essential stepping stone to liberation theology. The movement's aimwasto promote themoralvaluesof traditional Catholicism inthewider andmore secular society. Catholic Action gavethelaitymorallysafe opportunitiestolive,work,and participate insociety through movements withaclear Catholic identity.Amajor concern ofthe movement inthe1950sandearly 1960swastooppose communism anditusuallyhada conservative political biasinitsviewsonsocialissues. It was not intended asaradical challenge to the injustices that society's statusquo represented, but awayto reestablish the influence ofthe church inLatin American societyand promote socialreforms in accordance witha traditionalist moralcode.

Catholic Action's attempt towinbacksocial influence under the traditional termsofthe church's moral authority expressedthe nee-Christendom mentalityofthetime. It wasa moderately progressive movement inas much asit addressed social concerns, put moreresponsibility on the actions ofthelaity, and accepted that the church shouldrespecttherightsofsecular government. However,theclergy controlled the movement's activities.Itsvisionofsocial action remained traditionalist and guidedby Quadragesimo Anno and other ecclesial pronouncements which sawthelaityaspassive recipients andwilling servants ofthe church .Asa movement itwas concerned withspecificreforms and improvements but did little toaddressmore structural issuesofsocial

and the Young Christian Workers' Movement (London: Longman's, GreenandCo. 1958). Leo's encouragement ofCatholic workingmen's associations in Rerum Novarum prepared the way forthis development

34 Edward Cleary explains: "ThegoalofCatholicActionwasforlaypersonsto influence thesecular milieu inwhichthey worked. Insmallcellsor groups theywere to see and describe thesituationinwhichthey worked or lived, to judge thesituation inthelightofChristian principles (suchasjusticeandcharity),andthentoactrealistically tocorrectorenhancetheir milieu It isworthnotingthatthis model ofCatholic Actionis sometimes thoughttoimitatecommunist organization and tactics. It was no accidentthatthe organizational structureoftheFrench model ofCatholicAction resembledthe interlocking cells ofthe Communist Party. Butthe methodology of see-judgeact(evenifitowed something to Marxist praxis) came from Thomas Aquinas's teaching onprudence" (Crisis and Change : The Church in Latin America Today [Maryknoll, N.¥.: Orbis Books, 1985], p.4).

injustice. Nonetheless, itssocial orient ationandmethodologicalapproachwere important foundationsonwhichliberationtheologycouldbuild. Furthermore , itprovidedtrainingandestablishedasystemofnetworksfora generation of Catholicthinkersinthe1950sand1960s.

InPeru,young students embracedthebishop'spastoral letter of1958onthe social requirements ofCatholicismwith particular enthusiasm ,andthismade theyoutheagertoembracethenewdirectionsindicatedbyVaticanII.However, becauseof Catholic Action'sambivalent character-part traditionalist andpart progressive-m anyintheJUCexperiencedsocialandpoliticaltensionsasthey becamemoreconsciousoftheirprivilegedpositioninthesocietyandthehardshipfacedbythegreatmajority.Thisoftenledtoaprocessofradicalization andsenseof frustration atthelimitationsinthechurch'sapproach.Insome cases,theywere impatient forevenfasterchangesandthemoredirectpolitical action thatseemed to benecessarytoovercomeLatinAmerica'slongstanding socialproblems."

Institutional Changes

Duringthe'1950s,theLatin American bishopsbecameincreasinglyawareof thechurch'sinst itut ionalweakness.Helder Camara hadbecome nationalassistant to Catholic Action inBrazil(ACB)in1947,andhisrolethereprovided the opportunity to coordinate occasionalmeetingsoftheBrazilianbishops." ForCamaraand other influential figures, thevalueofthesemeetings indicated the importance of establishing amore structured formatforregularmeetings between bishopsasa nation albody.ThisledtoproposalsfortheBrazilian bishopstoorganiseintoa national body,the National Conference ofBrazilian BishopsorCNBB (Conferencia Nacionaldos Bispos do Brasil). Camara'scontactswiththeVaticanSecretaryofState, Cardinal Montini (wholaterbecame PopePaulVI)helpedtogainasympathetichearingfortheproposalinthe Vatican. The bishopsdrewupthe structure oftheCCNBin1951,anditwas offi cially instituted in1952.HelderCamarawaselectedsecretarygeneraland heldthepostfortwelveyears,duringwhichtimeheworkedcloselywiththe apostolicnuncioDomArmandoLombardiforrenewalofthe institutional structuresandamoreprogressive orientation fortheBrazilian church ."

Inthesameyear,Camarawas appointed theauxiliarybishopofRiode Janeirofrom1952to1964.His statu sasanauxiliarybishopgavehimtimeto

35 Thiswasespeciallytrueforthestudents that theyoungPeruvianpriestGustavo Gutierrezworkedwithasauniversitychaplaininthe1960s. Their experiencesprompted him to ananalysisofthelimitsofthemovementandwhatmightbeneededasan alternative.

36 Camarawasordainedasapriestin1931andwasapivotalfigureintheBrazilian churchinthe1950sandtheemergenceofliberationtheologyinthe1960s.

37 LombardiwaspapalnuncioinBrazilfromSeptember1954untilMay1964,see Bruneau, The Political Transformati onoftheBrazilian Catholic Church (NewYork: CambridgeUniversityPress,1974),p.117.

devotehisenergyandcharismatothedevelopm ent ofCNBB. TheCNBBwas avitalstepforwardforthechurchinBrazil,butnotaninstantsolutiontoits institutionalweaknesses. On thepositiveside,itgavethebishopsamorepowerfulplatformtoaddresssocietyandallowed them toengagewithsocialissues morecomprehensivelyandsystematically.ItslinkswiththeBrazilianbranchof CatholicActionwerealsoparticularlyimportant. Thisprovidedvaluablesupport forprogressivetendenciesintheepiscopatewhentheystartedtoemerge, especiallyamongstthebishopsworkingintheNortheast.Whenindividualbishopshadtobeverycarefulonwhattheysaid,thenationalbodycouldspeak fromapositionofgreaterstrengthoncontroversialissues.Itwassometimes saferfortheCNBBtoactasthespokespersonrath erthananindividualbishop. TobeginwiththeCNBBlackedfinancesanddidnothaveanin stitutional headqu arters.Evenitso fficia lstatus under canonlawwasunclear,"However, withtimeand under Camara'sleadership,bythemid-1960stheprogressivetendencyintheBrazilian church increasinglytookadvantageofthenewstructurefororganisingitspastoralactivitiesanddisseminatingitsteachings through itspastoralnetwork.

Camara'sothervisionwasforasimilarbodytounitethebishopsthroughoutthecontinent.WorkingcloselywithhisfriendManuelLarrafn,thebishop ofTak a(Chile),Camarawaslargelyresponsiblefortheeventu alsuccessofthe idea. Th ebishopsfromthediffer ent LatinAmericancountriescametogeth er asaunifiedbody-theConferenceoftheLatinAmericanEpiscopateorCELAM (Cons ejo EpiscopalLntinoamericano inSpanishor Conse lho EpiscopalLntinoamericano inPortuguese).

ThefirstjointmeetingoftheLatin Americanbishopsconference-known asCELAM I-wasinRiodeJaneiro,24July-4 August1955. Th eprimarychallengediscussedatthemeetingwas eva nge liza tio n.'? Th ecentralquestionwas howtopresentChristianfaithinanincreasinglysecularculture.Inaddition, theynotedthatCatholicobservanceseemedmoreformalthandeeplyrooted. Th esuperficialityof much Catholicdevotionseemedtomakeitparticularly vulnerab letosecularinfluences.M atterswerediscussed,butverylittlewas agreedintermsofconcertedaction.CELAMIwasamodeststartforthenew bodyofC ath olicbishops. The outlookwasstilllargelytraditional,andthere waslittlediscussionofthe church'swidersocialmission.Butthatwasonlythe beginningforCELAM,itwouldcomeintoitsownatitssecondgeneralmeetinginMedellin,Colombia1968andPuebla,Mexico,1979.CELAMIwas mainlysignificant,becausetheselatermeetingswouldhavebeenimpossiblewithouttheorganisationofthegroupinthe1955. Th ebishopsofColombiaoffered

38 Importantrecognitionfornationalconferences was give nat Va ticanII (see especially Cristus Dom inus §§ 36-38, publis hed 28 October1965)andinPaulVI'saddress atMedellin.However,nationalbishopscouncilshaveneverhad forma lauthorityover theindivid ualbishopswhocomprise them.

39 Itincluded attentiontothecompetition fro m Protes tantsects,anissuethatremains amajorsourceofconcernforthechurch,seechapter13below.

CHAPTER THREE

tohostthenew organization andprovideditwithits institutional he adquartersatBogotaso that itmight continue toworkand meet annually forordinarymeetings.'?

Duringtherestof1950s,CELAMwasgenerally conservative initssocial outlook. At its fourth annual assemblyin November 1959-with the Cuban Revolution in mind-it warned about thetrapsof communism and emphasisedthe incompatibility between communism and Christianity," However, even within these cautious firstyears, important foundationsforthefuture started totakeshape.In1958,CELAMdecidedtosetupbiblical institutes inLatin America ,whichmadea tentative start to what would eventually bemoredistinctive LatinAm erican readingsofthebible.This initiative complemented the founding ofnew theological schoolsat Latin American universities These included :Bogota(1937);Lima(1942); Medellin (1945);andSaoPauloand Riode Janeiro (1947). Centres ofSocialandReligiousResearch werealso founded inBuenosAires, Santiago, andBogota.Inthe1960s,whenVatican IIgaveaboostfor national church organisations,CELAMwaswellplacedto buildonthese foundations andprovidevigorousleadershipforamoresocially engaged church inLatin America. "

Meanwhile, in1958PiusXIIdied.His replacement was Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli,whotookthename John XXIII.Roncalliwasseenasa short-term appointment whowasunlikelytomakemajorchanges, but inthesame month asCastro'svictory,hemadean announcement that wouldhave profound longtermeffectsforthe church. On 25January1959,hecalledforan ecumenic al council totakeplacefortherenewalofthe church ."Atthetime, there was littleindic ation ofthe momentous changes that lay ahead However,whenthe council finallygot under way (1962-1965) itledtosweeping change sinthe church andhada particular impact inLatin America. Likethe Cuban revolution, it wastobeamajorinfluenceinthe decade thatwastocome.

40 CELAMusuallyreferstotheorganisation,whereasCELAMI,CELAMII,CELAM III, andCELAMIVrefertothefourextraordinarymeetings that havesofartakenplace atRio (1955), Medellin (1968), Puebla (1979), andSantoDomingo (1992) .

41 Dussel,"FromtheSecondVaticanCounciltothePresentDay"inDussel(ed.), The Church in LatinAm erica, pp. 153-182 (157)

42 SeeDussel,A HistDry Df the Church in LatinAm erica, p.112.

43 Ecumenicalinthissensewaslimitedtothewhole CathDli c church althoughthe councilprovedtobeanecumenicaleventinthewidersense that itmarkedamajor stepforwardinrelationswith other churches.In 1960, JohncreatedaSecretariatfor ChristianUnityunderCardinalAugustinSea.On 2 December 1960, thePopereceived theArchbishopof Canterbury GeoffreyFisherattheVatican.Thiswasthefirstvisit fromtheheadoftheAnglicancommunionsincetheReformation,andotherdistinguishedecumenicalvisitors followed inthenextcoupleofyears.OrthodoxandProtestant offici alobservers attended theCouncilitselfandoneofitsmostsignificant documents wasthe"DecreeonEcumenism,"see P. Hebblethwaite, JDhn XXIII: Pope Df the CDun cil (London:Fount, 1984) , p. 409.

January1959alsomarked another event that wastoprovesignificantfor the direction of church reformin Latin America. A Peruvian seminarian, GustavoGutierrez,bornin1928,was ordained asapriest.AfterstudyingmedicineatSanMarcosUniversity(Lima)hedecidedtotrainforthe priesthood instead." HestudiedphilosophyandtheologyinLimaandSantiago(Chile) beforetravellingtoEurope to takehistrainingfurther.Hespentthe1950sat someofthegreat centres of Catholic education, includingLouvainforphilosophyandpsychology (1951-1955) andtheUniversityofLyonsfortheology (1955-1959) .After ordination he completed a further yearattheGregorian UniversityinRome(1959-1960)andwas then readyto return toLatinAmerica andbeginworkwithuniversity students inLima.More than any other single person,Gutierrez'swritingandworkwoulddeveloptheleads taken bythe councilconvokedbyJohnXXIIIintothe movement that wouldbecomeknown asliberationtheology.

CONCLUSION

Theperiod 1930-1959 wasacrucialperiodof transition inLatin American societyandtheLatin American church. Latin American societiesmovedfrom aperiodinwhichtheyhadbeenlargelystaticforcenturies,toone that from 1960wouldchangewitheverincreasingspeed. Industrialisation andurbanisation started tochangetheLatin American economiclandscapeand brought withthem important socialchanges.Ata national level,therapidlygrowing populations created pressureforpoliticalchanges,andthenewurbanworking classeswere better organisedtopressforpoliticalreforms.Atan international level,LatinAmericamovedmorefirmlyintothepoliticalorbitofthe United States.TheU.S.started to extenditshegemonybeyondtheCaribbeanandCentral Americatotherestofthehemisphere,andtheU.S.militarydevelopedaspecial relationship withtheir counterparts inBrazil.

Whileallthiswashappening,theLatin American church remainedlargely weddedtothepastandwaspoorlypositionedtorespond. It did,however,initiateanewroleforitselfinsociety(themovefrom Christendom toneoChristendom), organiseditselfmoreeffectivelytomakeitsmessageheardand developeditssocial teaching Catholic Action involvedanewand important engagement withsociety,butits parameters wereseverelylimited,andsomeof theyouthfulactivistswhotriedto implement itfeltfrustratedbythelimitsof the church's political vision When the Cuban Revolution of1959 heralded an endtotheoldorder,itseemedlikemuch that the church stoodforwason thewrongsideofhistory. The increasinglyradical Catholic youthfelt that the church mustreformoritwouldbeincreasingly irrelevant to LatinAmerica's

44 Foran excellent studyof Gutierrez's lifeand work seeR.M. Brown, Gustavo Gutierrez: AnIntroduction to Liberation Theology (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1990) . The biographical details herearetaken from pp.22-23.

pressingsocialissues. The church surrendered itsclaimondirectpoliticalpower butthecolonial option forpowerwasreplacedbyarevised option forinfluence andprivilege through neo-Christendom .Duringthe1950s,therewaslittlesign that amajor transformation mightchangemanywithinthe church towardan option forthepoor.However,in retrospect, itisclear that the foundations on whichthis transformation wouldbebasedwere starting tocome together.

Part2

Engaging the World 1960-1969

CHAPTERFOUR

Statespromisedits support fordemocracyand development throughout Latin America. An Alliancefor Progress withpromisesofreformfittedlong-termUnited States interests byreducingthe chances ofsocial upheaval andpossiblerevolution.However,tocoverthedifferentpossibilitiesthepolicy combined economic "carrot" withmilitary"stick."Alongsidethe development aidwasaless publicisedmilitarystrategy.This included sellingarms,trainingpolice,providing intelligence information, andadvisingon counter-insurgency strategies.If economic reformsdid not work,the United States wanted toprepareitsallies in Latin American militariesfor whatever might follow.

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

Castro's successinCubashowed that thecolonialandneo-colonialhistory that had continued unbroken sincethe conquistadors mightfinallybeabout tochange.However,in1959,hewas not yeta committed communist andthe Cuban Revolution couldhaveledinaverydifferent direction

The 26July Movement had started asa nationalist groupandCastroinitiallyhoped that the United Stateswould support their nationalist hopesfor freedom.'Hewent to the United States inApril1959toaskforaidinrebuildingand modernising the Cuban economy.HemetwithVice President Nixon, butNixondecided that Castro could not be trusted .Castrowasforcedtolook elsewherefor economic partners .'

The Soviet Union waseagertoembrace Castro's revolution andonatrip toaddressthe United Nations inNewYorklater that year, Castro metwith theSovietPremier Nikita Khruschev.Rebuffedbythe United States, Castro washappyto accept Sovietpromisesofassistance.InFebruary1960,theSoviet Union agreedafive-yeardealfor Cuban sugarand contracts with China and Polandfollowed. These agreements withtheSocialistregimes increased the tension between Cubaandthe United States. The CIAbegan covert sabotage of Cuban portsandcrops. Castro responded withfiery anti-imperialist rhetoric that inflamed the situation further.Perhapsmost importantly, he started a sweepinglandreformand nationalized United States landholdings.Inretaliation, President Eisenhowerimposedatradeembargo that pushedCubaeven further into dependency ontheSoviet Union

Guevara's book Guerrilla Warfare, publishedin1960,alarmedthe United States even more. Guevara hoped to export the revolution to other longstanding dictatorial regimesinthe Caribbean and Central America,especially Anastasio Somoza's Nicaragua andRafael Trujillo's Dominican Republic.'

2 During the guerrilla campaign some ofthe group developed a more far-reaching social vision, butnot necessarily pro-Soviet atthis stage.

3 President Eisenhower wastoo suspicious toevenmeetCastro,and Nixon's report confirmed his concerns.

4 TheUnitedStateshad particularly close tieswithboth dictators . Rafael Trujillo ruled the Dominican Republic from 1929 untilhisassassinationon30 May 1961. During this time, Trujillo andhisfamily acquired ahuge fortune through corruption and brutality

Previously, theorthodoxcommunistlinehadbeen that revolutionary efforts should be concentrated ontheurban proletariat and that thefull conditions forrevolutionary change needed tobe present before launching an armed struggle. Guevara argued that insurrectional [oco (guerrillagroups operating inthe countryside)could defeat regularforces and bring about revolution without waiting forthefull conditions of revolution to develop.'

Eisenhower ordered the CIA to prepare amissionof Cuban exiles to invade Cuba and overthrow Castro."However,beforethe invasion wasready, John E Kennedy beat Nixon inthe presidential election of1960andwassworninto officein January 1961.Kennedywasmore cautious about thelikelysuccessof the CIA plotandmorefearful about the international repercussions ifthe United States wasseentobe behind it. Nonetheless, on16April1961(when, forthefirsttime, Castro proclaimed that the Cuban Revolution wassocialist), Kennedyagreedtoletthe operation proceed but without combat support or aircover(sincethiswouldmake United States involvement obvious).

More than a thousand Cuban exiles landed onthe south coastattheBay ofPigson17April1961. However, Castro enjoyedwidespread popular support,and Cuban nationalism ensured awillingnesstohelphimdefendthe island against a foreign-backed invasion.In addition, thelackofair support fatally weakened theoriginal CIA plan,and within three daysthe Cuban army overcame theinvaders.

Cuba proclaimed itsvictorytotheworld, and Castro's militarysuccesswas an important boostforhisprestigeamongleftistsinLatin America .Heused itto denounce theneo -imperialist ambitions ofthe United States andfan thehopesofsuccessful revolutions elsewhere.Inthe United States, thefailed

On themoralproprietyofUnitedStatessupportforTrujillo's dictatorship ,President FranklinD.Rooseveltfamouslycommented,"Hemaybean 5.0.8. , butheis OUT 5.0.8." In1965,the United Statessentmarinestorestoreorderwhenareformistcoupagainst Trujillo'spoliticalheirs threatened meaningfulsocialchangesintheDominicanRepublic. There wassimilarlyunswerving support forNicaragua'sSomozadynastyinNicaragua.WiththebackingoftheUnitedStates,theSomozafamily controlled Nicaraguafor nearlyfiftyyearsunderAnastasioSomozaSenior (1937-1956), LuisSomoza (19561963),andAnastasioSomozaJunior (1967-1979) .The Sandinista Revolutionfinally broughttheSomozadynastytoanendin1979.

sAtthisstage,Guevaradidnotexpectrevolutionstobesuccessfulinthelargercountriesof South Americabecausetheirsheersizewouldhaverequiredadifferentlogisticalapproach.Furthermore,becausemostof South Americapreservedthetrappingsof democracyinthe1960s,thepoliticalconditionsforrevolutionwereseentobemuch moredifficult.Itseems that itwasnotuntilafter1965, that Guevaraextendedhisvision tothewholeofLatinAmericawiththehope that the Andean mountains wouldplay theroleofCuba'sSierraMaestraformuchof South America.HesawtheUnitedStates invasionoftheDominicanRepublicin1965asclearevidence that thestrugglewith imperialismneededtobe continent-wide .

6 Theinvasionwasmasterminded bymanyofthesameCIAteam that hadorchestratedtheoverthrowofArbenzin Guatemala in1954.Theyadoptedasimilarstrategy onanumberof operational details.

invasionwasamajor embarrassment .DespiteKennedy'srefusaltocommit United States' troops,the involvement ofthe United Stateswasimpossibleto hideandthis escalated theColdWar tension withtheSoviet Union . The Soviet Union hadpreviouslypromisedmilitarysupportforCubashoulditbe threatened withinvasion. It now started sendingarmsshipments.In October 1962,a United Statesspyplanerevealed that Sovietweaponryincludednuclearmissile installations .Kennedy threatened todestroythemissilesitesif themissileswerenotremoved,andatensesuperpowerstand-offdeveloped. The potential nuclear warwasonly averted whenKennedypledgednotto invadeCubainexchangeforthewithdrawalofthemissiles. Under Soviet protection, the Cuban RevolutionsurvivedandCubabecame institutionalised asa communist state.

Inthedecadesthat followed, Cubabecameanimportant symbol of anti-"Yankee imperialism"formanyinLatinAmerica.However,itpaidaheavypriceforits defiance. The effectsofapunitiveembargo undermined manyofthesuccesses oftheregime. The regimecouldtakeprideinitsexcellentrecordonmanypublicservices(especially education and health), but Cuba'slong-termprospects for development wereseriously undermined . Furthermore, the threat fromthe United States strengthened the authoritarian tendenciesoftheregimetodefend itselfagainst both internal and external opposition.Eventhedreamofindependence wasonlypartiallyrealized.Cubahadto withstand continuing hostilityfromthe United Statesshortofactual invasion-including numerousplots toassassinate Castro-and becameaspoliticallyandeconomically dependent ontheSoviet Union asithadbeenonforeigncompaniesunderBatista.Just asthe independence movementsofthe nineteenth centuryonlyswappedone setofrulersforanother,the Cuban Revolutionfailedinitsbasicobjectiveof national freedom.'

Afterfailingtoreversethe Cuban Revolution,the United Stateswasdeterminedtoatleast prevent other revolutionsfromtakingplaceelsewherein LatinAmerica.Todothis,JohnE Kennedy-the firstever Catholic President ofthe United States-initiated anAllianceforProgresswithLatinAmerica. Atthe launch conference inUruguayin August 1961,the United States promiseda multibillion-dollar packageofaidforLatin American countries.In theory,thenewinitiativewas intended both toaid development throughout theregionand to counter further threats ofsocial insurrection through politicalreforms.Unfortunately,inpractice,thesetwogoalswereofteninconflict.

Topromote development, the United Statestriedtopromote moderate land reformand other policies that gavetheruralpeasantryandurbanworkersan improveddealandagreaterstakeinthecapitalistsystem.However, rather than welcomethelong-termbenefitsofsuchreforms,theeconomicandpoliticalelites inLatinAmericarespondedto protect their short-term financialinterests.They

7 SeeH. Thomas, Cuba or The Pursuit ofFreedom (London : Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1971).

opposed any meaningful redistribution of their privilegesasa dangerous socialism.Sincethe United States sawtheseelitesasitskeyalliesintheregion(especially because of their aggressive anti-communist stance), itinvariablygaveway tothisforceful opposition ," The reforms that madeitontothe statute books were either tooweaktohavean impact orwere not actively promoted or both.

Even when reforms had somesuccessatalocallevel,they tended to run up against the widerissues related tothe overall control of the economy and its general direction Small-scale reforms could not solvethelargerproblems of Latin America's dependant economies andpolarisedsocieties.Bythe end of the 1960s,thegap between rich andpoor had widened, while Latin American foreign debt more than doubled to$19.3billion(from$8.8billionin1961).9 As matters gotworse rather than better,an inevitable disillusionment withthe Alliance forProgresssetin.

The Import Substitution Initiative that provided new direction forthemore adv anced Latin American economies in the 1930sandspreadto other countriesinthe1950s, reached itslimitinmost countries bythe end ofthe1950s. The easystage(whichhad concentrated onlight manufacturing) needed tobe complemented byanewstage that focussedonheavy manufacturing.Somecountries,likeBrazil,wereeagertopushonwiththis second stage.However, the poorpaidheavysocialcostsforthis development. Forexample, between 1958 and1970therealwagesofBrazilianworkers declined 64.5%.10 Evenso,inflation inmany countries started toget out of hand The double burden ofrising pricesand restricted wages put the workingclass under intense pressure.Social unrest started to increase and governments responded with increasingly repressive measures. The move towards authoritarian military governments began throughout theregion.

The militarycoupinBrazil (l April1964)signalledthe general direction that politicsinLatin America wouldtakefortherestofthesixtiesandseventies ." Janio daSilva Quadros became president in January 1961and pushed through asweeping economic program .Manyofhis measures were prompted by the financial problems created byBrazil'sdrivefor development from1930 to1960, under Getulio VargasandJ uscelino Kubitschek .However, Quadros resigned unexpectedly in August andwas succeeded in September 1961by joao Goulart (who had been Labour minister under Vargas). The militarywasvery waryof Goulart and suspected aleftward orientation inhispolitics.Atthetime, revolutionary sentiments inspiredbythe Cuban Revolution weregaining ground

8 Thiswas especially thecaseintheCaribbeanandCentralAmericawheretheanticommunism ofUnitedStatesclient governments intheDominican Republic, Nicaragua, EI Salvador,andGuatemalaensuredvirtualimmunityfromanyreal pressure tochange.

9 P. Lernoux, Cryofthe People: The Struggle forHuman Rights in Latin America-the Catholic Church in Conflict with U.S. Policy, rev.ed. (New York : Penguin Books, 1982),211.

10 Lernoux, Cryofthe People, 205-206.

II Foranaccountoftheperiodleadingup-tothecoupsee T. Skidmore , Politics in Brazil , 1930-1964(Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1967).

atuniversitiesandinlabour movements.' ! Goulart wasunableto control the economyandinflationspiralledupward.His attempt atacombinedlandreform andeconomicstabilisationin1963(tobefinancedbytheAllianceforProgress) promisedtotackletheworstoftheproblems,butitantagonised both thepoliticalleft(asbeingtoomodest)andthepoliticalright(asbeingtoomuch).

Under pressurefrombothsides,Goularttriedtobolsterhispositionwitha bidforpopularsupport.Hisspeechesbecamemorepopulistandtheuneasinessofthemilitaryincreased. On 31March1964,amilitaryrevoltbeganand supportforGoulartcrumbled.Withthepoliticalsupportofthe United StatesandtheblessingoftheBrazilian church-the militarytookpoweron1April underthechiefofstaff, Humberto Castello Branco." Thusbeganthenewera inLatin American politics that setthepoliticalandeconomic context forthe emergenceof liberation theology.14

The military's involvement inpoliticswasnotnewinBrazil(oranywhere elseinLatinAmerica).Eversince independence, themilitaryinmostLatin American countrieshadbeencrucialpowerbrokersinpoliticalmattersandmilitarymenhadheldelectoralpowerfortemporaryperiods.However,theBrazilian coupof1964wasdifferentbecausethemilitaryassumeddirectpoliticalcontrolofthecountryforasustainedperiod ." The militaryregimewasnotwillingtoactsimplyasan interim forceandholdpoweruntilcivilianpolitics returned asnormal.Instead,itconsolidateditsgriponpowerandembarked onambitious development policiestomakeBraziltheregion'smilitaryandeconomicsuperpower.

Amajorprioritywasto control inflation. The regimepassednew anti-labour lawsandenforcedtightwagecontrolsonworkers.Newlegislationalsoreduced civillibertiesand opportunities forsocialprotest.Inthesecondhalfofthesixtiesthesepoliciesdevelopedintoafull-blown doctrine ofthe National Security State.This doctrine gainedwidecurrency throughout LatinAmericainthe nextdecadeandsuppliedtheideological context forthereignsofterror that swepttheregion.

12 The militaryonlyagreedtoGoulart'selectionaftertheyhad negotiated majorcurtailmentstotheexecutivepowerofthePresident.Aplebiscite in 1963allowedtherestorationofmanyofthesepowers,butbythentheeconomywasinserioustrouble.

13 Manyfigureswholaterbecame prominent in liberation theologyandoppositionto themilitary regime-for example,Clodovis Boff-initially prayedin gratitude forthe coupand supported its intentions; seeM.Puleo, The Struggle Is One: Voices and Visions of Liberation (Albany,N .Y. : State UniversityofNewYorkPress,1994),p.145.

14 Foranexcellentoverview that beginswithBrazil (1964-1985) andalsocoversthe keyperiodsinChile (1973-1990) , Argentina (1976-1983), Paraguay (1954-1989), Uruguay (1973-1990), Bolivia (1952-1989), Peru (1980-1995), ElSalvador(1980-1992), Nicaragua (1979-1990), Guatemala(1954-1996),andMexico,see J. Klaiber, The Church , Dictatorships and Democracy inLatin America (Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1998).

15 It was not until1985 that civilianrulewasrestored.

CHURCH RENEWAL

Cuba'srevolutionshooktheentireLatin American church.More than any other singleevent,the Cuban Revolutionwasawake-upcalltoan institution, whichinmanyareas,hadbecomedistantfrompeople'slives.Thechurchfeared that similarrevolutionswouldjeopardiseits traditional influenceandsocial position.InCubaitself,relationsbetween church andstate deteriorated quickly aftertherevolution. The Cuban bishopsspokeagainstthegovernment'spolitical orientation, andCastrorespondedwithrepressivemeasuresagainstthe church. Church propertywasseizedandduringthe1960s,manypriestsand membersofreligiousorderswereexpelledordecidedtoleavevoluntarily."

The threat of revolution suggested that muchmoreneeded to bedoneto strengthen thechurch'spastoralpresenceinLatinAmerica.Inresponsetothis, JohnXXIIIcalledformissionariesfrom North AmericaandEuropetoworkin LatinAmerica,especiallyinareaswherethenumberofpriestswasparticularly lowaftertheanticlericalmeasuresofthe nineteenth century.ManyEuropean priestsheededhiscallandwenttoworkalongsidetheirLatin American colleagues.Intime,thearrivalofpriestswhowereaccustomedtotheeconomic andpolitical situation indevelopedcountries(whichincludedSpain,Belgium, France,Italy,Ireland,andtheUnitedStates) contributed significantlytothe development ofliberationtheology. The influxofforeignpriestsencourageda senseofrenewalintheLatin American church andparticularly strengthened thosewhobelieved that povertycouldandshouldbe prevented .Inthemany instanceswhereprogressivepriestsfacedresistanceandpersecution,theforeignpriestsweresometimesatanadvantageoverlocal nationals .'?

Duringtheearly1960s,themostsignificantchangeforthefutureofthe church inLatinAmericatookplaceinEurope rather than LatinAmericaitself The social encyclicals of John XXIII and Paul VI placed new emphasis on the church'ssocialministry.Furthermore,thespiritofrenewal engendered bythe

16 Dusselreports that : "There were745priestsinthecountryin1960;by1969their number hadreducedto230;the2225religiousin1960werereducedtotwo hundred by1970";E.Dussel,"FromtheSecondVaticanCounciltothePresentDay"inidem (ed.}, TheChurch in LatinAmerica, pp. 153-182 (157).

17 Foreigncitizenshipusually meant anextralevelofpolitical protection against attacksorfalseimprisonment.Initially,thiswasweighedagainstthedisadvantage that foreigncitizenswere susceptible to deportation (ormoreusuallyrefusalofentry). However,as persecution grewmoreintense,thepossibilityof deportation haditsadvantages. The optiontodeportmeantitwasnotnecessary to killaforeignpriestornun to silencethem.Forthisreasonforeignerscouldbebolderindevelopingtheirpastoral practiceandspeakingoutonsocialissues. When foreignpriestsornunshavebeenkilled inLatinAmerica,the international outcryhasoftenbeenfarlouderthanforLatin American nationals.Forexample,duringElSalvador'scivilconflictinthe1980s(in whichanestimated75,000died),therapeandmurderofthreeUnitedStatesnunsand one church laywomaninDecember1980,andthemurderoffiveSpanishJesuitsand oneSalvadoranJesuit(alongwiththeircookandherdaughter)inNovember1989,caused particularlyhighlevelsof international outcry.

CHAPTERFOUR

Second VaticanCouncil (1962-1965) encouragedprogressiveswithintheLatin American church toapplythesetoLatinAmericawithaspecialurgencyand makeitafocusoftheologicalreflection.

The Social Encyclicals of John XXII Catholic socialteachingtookan important stepforwardwiththepublication of Materet Magister (Mother and Teacher) in1961.18 Atthetime,Europewas stillrecoveringfromthe devastation ofWorldWarII,theSoviet Union had consolidated itsinfluenceinEasternEuropeandtheColdWar dominated the geo-politicsoftheday.InAfricaandAsia,anew generation ofpostcolonial societieswereemergingmore than one hundred yearsafterLatin American independence. The encyclical offers amoreopenapproach to theworld than either ofitspredecessorsin1891and1931hadoffered. RerumNovarum and Quadragesimo Anno both offered criticism ofthe failures ofmodernitywhileremainingvirtuallysilentonits strengths.' ? Mater et Magister markedthe start ofa processofdialogueand discernment, rather than exclusivelyhostilejudgement. Thiswasthefirstsignofamajor transformation inthe church inthe1960s.2O

18 Mater et Magister : On Recent Developments ofthe Social Question in the Light ofthe Christian Teaching (15 May 1961).

19 David O'Brien notes'thelimitationsof Rerum Novarum and Quadragesimo Anno in thisarea:"Insomeplaces,the Church succeededinwinningthe hearts andmindsof menandwomendamagedby modern social change What itfailedtodowastosee, andtoidentifywith,thehopesandaspirationsawakenedbythosesamesocialchanges. The popessawand denounced thecruel treatment ofworkers,butdidnotaffirmthe workers'claims to a better life. They sawand denounced the rampant inequalities of modern life,butnevermadetheirowntheidea that ordinarypeoplehavetherightto shareresponsibilityforthelifeoftheircommunity."SeeD. J. O'Brien,"A Century of Catholic SocialTeaching,"in J. A. Coleman(ed.),One Hundred Years of Catholic Social Thought, pp.13-24.

20 The encyclicalwasinfourparts.Inthefirstpart,itreviewedthe context andteachingof Rerum Novarum (§§ 10-26), Quadragesimo Anno (§§ 27-40) andtheradiobroadcastat Pentecost 1941 byPiusXII(§§ 41-45). It then sketched newtechnological, social,andpolitical developments that hadtakenplacesincethe Second WorldWar (§§ 47-49). Inthesecondpart(§§ 51-121), itconfirmedanddevelopedsometothe detailsofthis teaching Then inthethirdpart(§§ 122-211), havingestablishedits continuity withprevious tradition atsomelength,itfinally turned tonewaspectsof social teaching.Inthesesections,therewasaspecialemphasison human dignity.First, it commented ontheproblems created by industrialization and agricultural depression. Then ,Johnturnedtotheeconomicdifferencesbetweenindustrialisedcountriesandthose that wereintheprocessof development. Hereflectedonthe church's contribution in thisareaandofferedabrief consideration ofthechallengesposedbythe population increasesalongsideanoptimisticviewofhow potential problemsmightbeaddressed. Heinsisted that anyproblems that arosemustberesolvedwithfull attention to human dignity. Then, to conclude theencyclical'sthirdpart,he outlined aglobalperspective ontheproblemsfacedbysocietiesandcalledforgreater international cooperation in meeting them . The fourth andfinalpart (§§ 211-265) defended thevalueofthe church's teaching and exhorted Catholics to beactivein furthering itssocialwork. Once again,it particularly emphasisedthe importance of human dignityasthecriterionofthe church's teaching (seeforexample,§§ 220 and 258-259).

Atthelevelofnewideas,theencyclicalmadeonlyamodest contribution Despitebearingthetitle "On Recent Developments oftheSocial Question in theLightofthe Christian Teaching,"alotofits teaching simply repeated what wassaid before." Inviewofthemajorsocialupheavalsofthepreceding three decades,moremighthavebeen expected fromsucha document. However, carefulreadingshows that an important shiftwasunderway.

Anewemphasison human dignitywasaddedtothepreviously endorsed principlesof common goodandsubsidiarity." John alsorecognised that developments intravel,trade,and communications requiredamoreglobal approach to economic issues. The encyclicalcalledfor greater cooperation tosolvethese international problemsina harmonious way-just ashispredecessorshadprescribed nonconflictual solutionsto national problems. John calledforaidand assistancetopoorer countries and included the important warning that some aidpoliciescouldbecome another formofcolonialismbyseeking domination overthe recipient countries. " Furthermore, Materet Magister wasthefirstpapal encyclicaltospeakexplicitlyinfavourof agricultural reforms,whichmadea particularimpactonprogressivesectorsinLatinAmerica,includingthe National Bishops' Conference inBrazil."

Perhapsof greatest significancewastheformal endorsement forthepastoral processof see , judge, act (adoptedin Catholic Action)intheapplicationofsocial teaching. This provided an important foundation forthe methodology that wouldbeatthe heart of liberation theology. John wrote:

The teachingsinregardtosocial matters forthemost part are put into effectinthefollowing three stages:first,theactual situation isexamined; then,the situation is evaluated carefullyin relation totheseteachings; then onlyisitdecidedwhatcanandshouldbedoneinorder that the traditional normsmaybe adapted to circumstances oftimeandplace. Thesethree steps areattimesexpressedbythe three words: observe, judge, act.25

The encyclicalwasalso noteworthy forwhatitleftout. There wasimplicitopposition to anypoliticalor philosophical system that failedto nurture life's spiritual dimension orsafeguardagainsttheweaknessof human nature; but, unlikepreviousencyclicals, there waslittleexplicitcriticismofsocialismand communism. "

2\ Forexample,itstressedthe importance ofjustwages(§§ 68-72), theneedfor socialjustice(§§ 73-81), and guidance onthe ethical regulation of productive institutions(§§ 82-103). There wastheusual endorsement ofprivateproperty(§§ 104-112), though thiswas balanced withacallforjust distribution (§§ 113-121).

22 Mater et Magister , § 53.

23 Materet Magister, §§ 171-174.

24 Mater et Magister, §§ 123-149. Although theencyclicaldidnotcalldirectlyfor landreforms,its support forfamilyfarmsasan organizing principle (§§ 142-143) strengthened callsforlandreforminLatin America .

25 Materet Magister , § 236 (emphasisoriginal).

26 Materet Magister, § 213. The teaching ofthepreviousencyclicalswas summarised inthefirstpart(especially§§ 23 and 34), but John did not stressoradd to these other

CHAPTER FOUR

Twoyearslater, during the Second Vatican Council, John issueda second social encyclical, Pacem in Terris (Peace on Earth),27 The immediate background to the encyclical was the new frostiness in the Cold War marked by the Berlin Wall and the Cuban MissileCrisis (which had developed as the Council opened in 1962). In addition toitsstress on the importance of peace (which included a controversial plea fora cessation to the arms race), the encyclical made important advances in other social areas." The concern for human dignity that isso evident in Mater et Magister is reemphasised and extended toa sustained consideration of human rights and duties set within a democratic framework 29 For the first time , there isa clear endorsement of economic, social, and cultural rights aswellas the right to life. " The encyclical advocates obedience to the legitimate authority of the state but sets moral limits on the civil powers It demands that the civil authorities seek the common good, preserve human dignity, and ensure that human rights are safeguarded as matter of fundamental duty," Inthis context it reemphasises the special concern for the poor that the civil authorities should observe:

thanabriefandindirectreferencethatrecalledthepersecutionofChristiansina numberofcountries (§ 216).Johnwasawareofthepersecution suffered bythechurch incommunistcountriesandhadissuedharshcondemnationsofcommunismwhenhe wasfirstelectedPope. However, duringhispontificate,hisgenerallypreferredstrategy wasnottocondemntheerrorsoftheworld,butsimplytoshowthevalidityofthe church'steaching.Furthermore,Johnwas particularly committedto improving thechurch's situationintheSovietblockandtheabsenceoffiercecondemnationsreflectsthis.

21 Pacem in Terris : Encyclical Letter on Establishing Universal Peace in Truth, Justice, Charityand Liberty (11April1963).JohnwroteitduringthefirstsessionoftheVatican Councilanditwasissuedon30April1963,shortlybeforehisdeathinJune.

28 Johnbegantheencyclicalwithaconsiderationoftheproperorderthatshouldexist inhumansociety.Thisiscouchedintermsofhumanrights (§§ 11-27)andtheduties thatareinseparablefromthem (§§ 28-38).Havingestablishedthis framework, John reviewedthedistinctivecharacteristicsofthetime (§§ 39-45).Then,headdressedthe rightrelationthatshouldexistbetweencitizensandthestate'ssecularauthorities (§§ 46-79)andtherelationsthatshouldexistbetweenonestateandanother (§§ 80-129). Inparticular,Johnusedtheencyclicaltohighlighttheimportanceofpeaceandcalled foranendtothearmsrace (§§ 111-112)anddiscussedthe international relationsthat shouldprovideaframeworkforallstatesandindividuals (§§ 130-145).Heendedwith anexhortationthatallshouldworkfortheserightrelationsandthepeacethatcanbe foundeduponthem (§§ 146-173).

29 Pacem in Terris, §§ 8-38.

30 Theseinclude:"therighttosecurityincasesofsickness,inabilitytowork,widowhood,oldage,unemployment,orinanyothercaseinwhichheisdeprivedofthe meansofsubsistencethroughnofaultofhisown.Bynaturallaweveryhumanbeing hastherighttorespectforhisperson,tohisgoodreputation;therighttofreedomin searchingfortruthandinexpressingandcommunicatinghisopinions,andinthepursuitofart...[and]therighttobeinformedtruthfullyaboutpublicevents" (§§ 11-12). Other rightsmentionedare:therightto religious freedom (§ 14);therighttosetup a family or follow a religious vocation (§ 15);therighttoworkandtherighttowork withoutcoercion (§ 18);therightto assembly andassociation (§ 23);politicalrights toactiveparticipation (§ 26);andlegalrightsandprotection (§ 27).

31 Pacem in Terris, §§ 46-66.

Considerations of justice and equity,however, can attimes demand that those involved incivil government give more attention to the less fortunate members ofthe community, since they arelessableto defend their rights and to assert their legitimate claims. J2

Anew openness and optimism-perhaps over-optimism-in their appeal to wider society marked both of John's encyclicals. Pacem inTerriswas the first encyclical that was addressed beyond the traditional "Faithful of the Catholic World" and directed to "All Men of Goodwill."! ' John's belief inthegoodwill ofall men pervades the encyclical and istypifiedinhis hope that wealthy countries wouldgiveselfless assistance topoor countries. Ina particularly hopefulpassage,hewrote:

since all nations have either achieved orareon their wayto achieving independence, there will soon no longer existaworld divided into nations that rule others and nations that are subject to others (§42).

The hopes surrounding John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress dovetailed neatly with John XXIII'sownhopes. Both Catholic leaders expressed an optimistic belief inprogress and reformand contributed to the renewed effortsat development that characterised the early1960s. This newdrivefor development promised torelievethehunger, ill-health, and other problems in the socalled developing countries. It was not until later in the decade that this optimism began to evaporate and progressive thinkers started to question its basic assumptions.

TheSecond VaticanCouncil

Nobody expected John's announcement on25 January 1959 that hewouldcall a major ecumenical council. When thefirstsessionfinallygot under wayon 11 October 1962, the Council participants gathered inRomewerestill unsure what to expect." In retrospect, Mater etMagister'sprogressive tone and emphasis on social justice showed that he might be sympathetic tomajor changes Even more prophetically, shortly before the opening of the Council, on11 September 1962, John XXIII indicated a decisive shiftinthe church's social role when hesaid: "Where the underdeveloped countries are concerned, the

lZ Pa cem in Terris, § 56.Thisstrandof official teachingnowhadalmost100years inthesocialtraditionbehindit,butthesocial encyclicals stillplacedthisobligationon thecivilauthoritiesanddidnotyetaddressthechurch's responsibility tomakeaspecialoptionforthepooracentraltaskinitsownwork. However, intheearly 1960s, Vatican IImadethiscrucialstep possible andJohn's"Openingofthe Council" (see below) madeamajorcontributiontothis process.

lJ HisChristmas message of23December1959also focussed onpeaceandcitedthe message oftheangelsofBethlehem,"Peaceonearthandgoodwillamongmen"(Lk. 2.14).

34 Initially, theCouncilwasexpectedtolastforonlyone session butit quickly developedbeyondthisandextendedtofour sessions whicheachlastedabouttwomonths: 11 October-S December1962;29September-4December1963;14September-21 November 1964; and14September-SDecember1965.

Church presentsherselfassheis,andwishestoberegardedasthe Church for all,andespeciallyasthe Church ofthe poor,'?" Bytheendofthedecade,the ideaofa church beingespeciallyofthepoorbecameaneffectiverallyingpoint for liberation theology.However,atthetime,nobodyforesawthesweeping extent of changes that wereabouttotakeplace.

Tothedismayoftheconservative curia, John calledonthebishopsinhis openingaddresstomakethechurch's unchangeable doctrine relevant tothe worldandadaptedtothetimes.Afewdayslater,thebishopsrejectedthe curia's nominationsfortheCouncilCommissionandthevastmajorityofthedraftdocuments that hadbeendrawnupand circulated inadvance. The waywasopen formajorrevisionsintheethosandpracticeofthe church The scaleofchange wasmarkedinoneofthefirstdocumentsthecouncilissued, "The Constitution ontheSacredLiturgy"(4December1963).36 It setoutimportantreforms to theliturgythatincreasedlayparticipation inworship.Mostsignificantwaspermissionto depart fromLatinandusethelocal vernacular.'? Forthefirsttime, ordinarypeoplecould understand thewordsofthemassandparticipatemore activelyintheworship.

John diedinJune1963withonlyonesessioncompletedandtheworkof thecouncilunfinished. It washissuccessorPaul VI (formerlyGiovanniBattista Montini)whooversawthe subsequent sessions."Twodocumentsfromthelater sessions that particularlystandoutfortheirimpactontheworldwide church arethe Lumen Gentium (Light ofthe Peopl e) in1964and Gaudium et Spes (Joy and Hope) promulgatedbyPaul VI onthedaybeforethecouncil formally ended." The firstaddressedtheneedfortheparticipation ofthefaithfulinthefaith; thesecondaddressedtheneedforthe engagement ofthe church withthe world,atopic that hadnotbeenpartoftheoriginalagendaofthecouncil, buthadbeenincludedattheendofthefirstsession.Manyoftheconcerns ofFrench Nouvelle Theologie (whichhadpreviouslybeenrejectedinthe Catholicchurch)suddenlyfoundthemselvesacceptableandevensettingthenew consensusposition. The workoftheologianslikeKarl Rahner encourageda newsenseofhistoryasone. That is,the traditional dichotomyofgraceand

35 Citedin Hebblethwaite, John XXIII, pp. 423-444

36 Thedocumentsarecollectedtogetherin A. Flannery(ed.), Vatican Council II: The Concil iarand Post Conciliar Documents (Northport, N .Y. :CostelloPublishingCompany; Dublin:DominicanPublications,rev.ed.,1996),andallcitationsbelowarebasedon thisversion.

37 TheLatinliturgyhadbeendesignatedastheexclusiveandunchangingformatof theliturgyin1570.Aslateas22February1962,the document Veterum Sapientia (The Wisdom of the Ancients) insistedthatitbeusedastheteachinglanguagefortheology inseminaries.

38 See P. Hebblethwaite, Paul VI: The FirstModem Pope (London:HarperCollins, 1993).

39 Lumen Gentium: The Dogmatic Constitution on the Church (21November1964); Gaudium et Spe s:The Pa storal Constitutionon theChurch in the Modem World(7 December1965).

nature that had marked thedualismofa supernatural realm,in contrast to the natural world,wasreplacedwithanewsenseof human historyasgraced nature. Equally important was the work of theologians likeYves Congar, whoarguedforthe importance ofthelaityinthe church andanew understanding ofthe relationship between priestandlaity that putmoreemphasis on coresponsibilirv, Lumen Gentium isfamousforits presentation ofthe church asthe"People ofGod."40 The terminology-based on1Pet.2.9-1O-reflected the greater responsibilityandrespectgiventothelaityasactivelyinvolvedinthe church . An additional consequence wasanew respect forthedignityofthe human person in the socialrealm when the concept wasplacedalongside Lumen Gentium account's ofthe church asthebodyof Christ." When the church is seenas both peopleofGodandbodyof Christ, thelink between theordinary peopleandthebodyof Christ becomes much clearer.Inthislight, ordinary peoplemayberecognisedastheimageofGodand representatives of Christ This,in tum, encourages newreflectionon human sufferingandthelivesof thepoor. When grindingpoverty inhumanly disfigurespeople,itisasinagainst both humanity andGod. Furthermore, povertywasa condition that Jesushimselfhadsuffered.This permitted thepoortobeseenasthespecial representativesof Christ inthe modem world. LumenGentium draws together a number ofNew Testament passagestomakethis point

Justas Christ carried out theworkofredemptioninpovertyandoppression, sothe Church iscalled to followthesame path ifsheisto communicate thefruitsof salvation tomen. Christ Jesus, 'though hewasby nature God .. . emptied himself, taking the nature ofaslave'(Phil. 2.6-7) ,and'beingrich, becamepoor'(2Cor.8.9)foroursake Christ was sent bythe Father 'to bringgoodnewstothepoor...tohealthe contrite of heart' (Lk.4.18) .... Similarly,the Church encompasseswithherloveallthosewhoareafflicted by human miseryandsherecognisesinthosewhoarepoorandwhosuffer, theimageofherpoorandsufferingfounder."

As noted in Chapters 2and3, RerumNovarum and Quadragesimo Anno recognised that civilauthoritiesshouldhavespecial concern fortherightsofthe poor. LumenGentium prepared thewayforthe next stageinthelate1960s,in whichprogressivesintheLatin American church embracedthe option forthe poorasthe church's owntask. The movetowardsthisnew relationship gained further impetusthefollowingyearwiththe publication of Gaudium et Spes. Boththe content and method of Gaudium er Spes were particularly important for liberation theology."Intermsof method, itfollowedasee -judge-act

40 LumenGentium, §§ 9-17.

41 Forexample, LumenGentium, §7.

42 LumenGentium, § 8.

43 Someofitskeyideaswere anticipated inJohnXXIII's HumanaeSalutis, whichofficiallyconvokedtheCouncilon 25 December 1961.

method (similarto Catholic Action and endorsed by MateretMagistra) to relateits teaching to contemporary social challenges .Intermsofmessage,it stated the church's special concern forthepoorinits opening sentence: "The joyandhope,thegriefand anguish ofthe men ofourtime,especiallyof thosewhoarepoororafflictedinany way, arethejoyandhope,thegrief andanguishofthefollowersof Christ as well.I'" The church couldnotleave socialjusticetocivil authorities, butshouldworkforitasan integral part ofitsown vocation

Tocarry out itssocialresponsibilities, Gaudium etSpes challenged the church toreadthesignsofthetimesandrespondto them ." The bishopsrecognised that manysignsofthetimeswereprofoundly disturbing.

Inno other agehas mankind enjoyedsuchan abundance ofwealth,resources and economic well-being;andyetahuge proportion ofthepeopleofthe worldisplaguedby hunger and extreme need while countless others are totally illiterate .Atnotimehavemenhadsuchakeensenseoffreedom, onlytobefacedbynewformsofslaveryinlivingand thinking."

Goddesires that allpeopleshouldformonefamilyandthe church iscalledto promotethisdivineplan.Yet,theworldremainsscarredbydivisionandinequality rather than blessedunityandfairness.Inresponsetothis,theyaffirmed that theloveofGod cannot be separated fromtheloveof one's neighbour." This acknowledgment ofsocial inequality (withthe implication that thelivesofrich andpoorare inextricably linked) initiated anewerainsocial teaching The bishopscalledonpeopletomakethemselvestheneighboursofallandrelieve thesufferingsof others." Thiswasan inescapable Christian duty, not amatterof voluntary specialmerit. The urgencyofthe situation andtheneedfor everyonetodomoreran throughout the document.t?

Lumen Gentium and Gaudium etSpes indicated a dramatic change ofcourse forthe church inits institutional identity andits relations withsociety.Atthe endofVaticanII,PaulVIsummarisedtwokeyaspectsofthe council inhis closingaddress.First, that thereligiousand theological arelinkedtothetemporaland human; the church iscalledto discern theformerinthelatter. Second, that the church should bea humble servant, notasociallyprivileged institution or partner incivilpower.50

44 Gaudium et Spes, § 1.

4S Gaudiumet Spes, §§ 4and11.

46 Gaudiumet Spes , § 4.

47 Gaudium et Spes , § 24.This was acrucialpointin ensuring theunityofthe social anddoctrinaltradition.The implication isthatthe social traditionisnota secondary, additional,oroptionaltraditionandshouldneverbetreatedassuch.

48 Gaudiumet Spes, § 27.

49 See,for example, Gaudiumet Spes, §66: "To fulfil the requirements of justice and equity, every effort mustbemade to putanendassoonas possible tothe immense economic inequalities whichexistinthe world and increase from dayto day."

50 PaulVI, Closing Address totheCouncil(7 December 1965).

The council documents tacitly endorsed the progressive Catholic thinkers whowere seeking anew direction for the church in the world. Vatican II rejected the traditional and conservative church that had been a bastion of the statusquo and authoritarian elitesfor centuries The church wasfinallyready to become a committed supporter of human rights,social justice, and political democracy. Furthermore, the council gave support forlocalbishopstotake this renewal further in their own regional contexts Without these changes it isunlikely that the liberation theology that emerged inthelate1960swould have been possible.

THEOLOGICALSTIRRINGSINLATINAMERICA, 1960-1965

Evenbefore Vatican IIbegan,twoofthemost influential progressive bishopsDom Helder Camara (ofBrazil)and Manuel Larrafn(of Chile)-took initiativesto stimulate debate in Latin America onthesocial challenges that faced the church. In1961,they organised a conference todiscussa Latin American pastoral program inRiode janeiro." This marked the start ofearly attempts toreflectona distinctively Latin American pathway forthe church.In August 1962,justbeforehis departure forRome,BishopLarrafn organised a further small theological consultation in Buenos Aires. This included the Peruvian priest Gustavo Gutierrez andthe Colombian priest Camilo Torres." Later,a groupofpriests that included Juan Luis Segundo metin Cerro Alegre,Peru, and considered thesocial context of Latin America and the church's rolein itsfuture.53

From1962to1965, Latin American bishops spent October to December in Rome.l" They played relatively little part in most discussions, but followed events witheager interest and occasional interventions. 55 An unintended, but very important consequence ofthe council was that during their timeinRome,

51 Both Roger Vekemans andIvanIIlichattendedit.Atthistime Vekemans wasa reformist and sympathetic tomanyofthe initiatives behind liberation theology. However, helaterbecameastrongcriticofliberation theology and especially criticalofthe Christiansfor Socialism movementinChile;seeR. Vekemans, Teologia de la liberaci6n y Cristianos por el Socialismo (Bogota: CEDIAL, 1976) .

52 Gutierrezand Torres studiedtogetheratLouvain (Belgium) inthe 1950s.InLatin America,theybothcombinedtheirvocationsaspriestswithacademicworkasuniversitylecturersinLima (Gutierrez) and Bogota (Torres) .

53 See "Iglesia yfuturodeAmericaLatina: Conversaciones deCerro Alegre, enPeru sobrelarealidaddeContinente (1962)" in J. L. Segundo(ed.), Iglesia Latinoamericana : lProfeta 0 Profecia? (Avellanda, Argentina: Ediciones Busqueda, 1969)

54 Theywereamongstmorethan2000 bishops whotookpartinVaticanII.There wereover five hundred bishops fromLatinAmericaattheCouncil,butthegreatest numberofparticipantswerefromEurope.Theseincludedover400Italians,morethan 150French,andnearly100Spanish.Asaresult,thecouncilhadbeendominatedby largely European questions and assumptions.

55 Thesmallgroupof theological advisers totheLatinAmerican bishops alsofollowed eventswithakeeninterest.Someofthe promising LatinAmericanstudentswho undertookgraduatestudiesinEuropeinthe 1950s andearly 1960s attendedthecouncil

CHAPTERFOUR

theLatin American bishopshad opportunities to meet with each other.This strengthened their senseof national andregionalidentity.Forexample,the Brazilianbishopswho.werealreadyquite advanced in their national organisation developed sufficient collaboration to launch their innovative Joint Pastoral plansafewyearslater.

VaticanIIwasalso important because ordinary CELAMmeetingstookplace inRomeandwerewell attended. These meetingsallowedthe influential leadershipoftheprogressiveBrazilianbishopsto support progressivebishopselsewhereand contributed toprogressive leadership attheforefrontofCELAM's activities. Furthermore, atthelastsessionofthe Council, thebishopstookthe decisiontocallasecond extraordinary CELAM meeting (thefirsthadbeen CELAMIatRiodeJaneiro,1955)todiscussthe Council together backin Latin America.

The Central European priestIvan Illich-who had attended the meeting in Rioorganisedby Camara and Larrain-went ontoplaya prominent rolein facilitatinglinks between thegroupofprogressiveLatin American priests that wereemergingintheearly1960s.56 Asa director oftwomission preparation centres (in Cuernavaca, Mexico,andPetropolis,Brazil)Illichorganiseddocumentation servicestoexposenewmissionariestothe harsh socialrealitiesof Latin America." During the1960s,Illich's Centre for Intercultural Formation in Cuernavaca hada particularly influential roleonthemany Catholic missionaries that cametoLatin America ."Illichmade them awareofthesocial issues that the church facedinLatin America and challenged their understanding ofmissionworkinthemidstofLatinAmerica'ssocialtensions.Illich also started to network andorganisemeetingsofpriestswho started to think alongsimilarlines.Manymissionarieswhopassed through his centres experienced an awakening toissuesofsocialjusticeandpoliticalstruggle. These initial experiences prepared them for further radicalization during their workin Latin America ."

inthis capacity. Theseincluded: Gustavo Gutierrez (from Peru), Enrique Dussel (from Argentina),and Jose Comblin (a Belgian who worked in Brazil). Protestant observers includedtheArgentineanMethodistJose Miguez BoninoandtheNorthAmerican Presbyterian Robert McAfee Brown (who would laterbea sympathetic criticofLatin American liberation theology inNorthAmerican circles).

56 Illich had moved toNew York before starting workinLatin America .In educational circles ,hisname became well knownin association withtheSchoolisDead movement.

57 Healso established documentationcentresinboth places, which provided valuable information onthesituationinLatin America forthe missionaries anda wider church audience

58 Manyofthesecamein response toJohn XXIII's callfor European andNorth American priests toworkinLatinAmerica.

59 Manyofthemwere shocked bythe social conditions and inequalities thatthey metinLatin Americ a,andtheir experiences promptedthemtotakeup increasingly critical positions. Sincetheyoftenhadgreater political protectionthantheirlocalcolleagues, the mission priests were ofteninthe forefront ofthe liberation movement at alocal level.

Probablythemostsignificanttheologicalmeeting initiated byIllichtook placeintheuniversitytownofPetr6polisinBrazilinMarch1964.60 Agroup oftheologiansfromLatinAmericaandMexicomettogettoknoweach other andexchangeideasandexperiences.Atthismeeting,boththeUruguayan JesuitJuanLuisSegundoandthePeruvianpriestGustavoGutierrezpresented papersonpossiblenewdirectionsforthe church." Theyhadbothcompleted graduatestudyinEuropeandwereeagertoengagewiththechallenges that the church facedinLatinAmerica.

Segundo'spaper"TheologicalProblemsofLatinAmerica"identifiedsome ofthekeysocialchanges that hadrecentlytakenplaceinLatin American societies."Hedrew attentiontourbanizationandthenewmeansofcommunications,aswellasthegrowthof revolution ary sentiment amongstyounger activists.He then criticisedthesuperficialityofthedemands that the church placedonbelievers,whichallowedthem to ignorethesocialdimensiontothe gospel. The church was content withtheappearanceofsocialharmonybut sacrificedtheintegrityofitssocialdemandsandevadedthefullresponsibilitiesofitsevangelicalmission.Segundohadalreadytouchedonsomeofthese issuesinatalkgivento studentsinParisinNovember1962.63 Inthesame year,hepublishedhisstilluntranslatedwork Funcion dela Igl esia en la reali· dad rioplatense (The Role oftheChurch in the Social Real ityoftheRiver Plate) .64 Gutierrez's paperatPetr6polis indicated someofthe important linesof thought that hewasalready developing" It identifiedthesocialinfluenceson

60 SeeR.Oliveros, Liberaci6n y teologia :Genesis y crecimiento de una re{lexi6n , 1966-1976 (Lima: Centro deEstudiosyPublicaciones,1977). The sectiononthePetr6polismeetingisavailableintranslationas"MeetingofTheologiansatPetr6polis"inrheinvaluablecollectionofsource documents providedbyAlfredHennelly,seeHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology : A Documentary History (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1990),pp.43-47.

61 Somemembersofthegrouphadfirstmeteach other asstudentsinEurope,but found contact inLatinAmericamoredifficult.Forexample,GutierrezfirstmetSegundo inLouvainin1952(Smith, The Emergenceof Liberation Theology, p.108).

62 Segundo' sideasaresummarisedin "Meeting of Theologia nsatPetropolis"in Hennelly, Liberation Theology , pp. 44-45 .Segundowasbornin1925,studiedtheology atSanMiguel Argentina intheearly1950s,andwasordainedaJesuitpriestin1955. Hecompletedhis licentiate intheologyatLouvainin1956andgainedhis doctorate inphilosophyandtheologyfromParisin1963. When he returned toUruguay,he workedatthePeterFaberPastoral Centre inMontevideoandwasitsdirectorfrom1965 to1971.Duringthe1960s,bothSegundoandGutierrez contributed tocoursesatIllich's Centre atCu ernavaca .

63 J. L. Segundo, "The Futureof ChristianityinLatinAmerica," Cross Currents 13 (Summer1963),pp. 273-281; reprinted inHennelly, Liberat ion Theology, pp. 29-37. HennellyseesthisasthefirstoutliningofanewanddistinctivelyLatinAmericanperspective (Liberation Theology, p.29).

64 J. L. Segundo, Funcion de la Iglesia en la realidad rioplatense (Montevideo :Barreiro yRamos,1962).

65 It issummarisedin"MeetingofTheologiansatPetropolis"inHennelly, Liberation Theology, pp. 45-46

CHAPTERFOUR

lifein Latin America and examined the social composition of Latin American society (which hesawin terms ofa popular majority,a technocracy, an intelligentsia, and the oligarchy) .In the light ofthisanalysis,he suggested that theology should take social reality asits starting point for pastoral action and offereda theological critique of the existing pastoral workof the church . Over the next fouryears, Gutierrez developed and clarified thislineof thought ina seriesoftalksto university students and inhisroleas the national adviser to the Peruvian student organisation .f

The Petr6polis meeting did not mark aformal start to liberation theology or name anew theological movement /" Itdid,however,set out in draft someof ideas that would be important for liberation theology and helped forma nucleusofsocially progressive theologians working with similar convictions on the urgency ofsocial change and the need for new direction in the church The conference was an important event that brought them together and encouraged them to continue working on their projects and keepin touch with each othen '" It wasfollowedby further conferences in1965at Havana, Bogota , and Cuernavaca, which gradually took their discussions further/"

66 HisworkincludedaMIECpresentationinFebruary 1967 inMontevideo,which was published asabook La pastoral enla iglesia en america latina «Montevideo: Ediciones deCentrodeDocumentaci6nMIEC-]ECI, 1968) andrepublishedas Uneas pastorales de la Iglesia en America Latina , Analisis Te6logico , (Lima:Centrode Estudios y Publicaciones, rev. ed, 1976).

67 Thereare differences ofopinionontheextenttowhichthebasicorientationof liberationtheologycanbediscernedinGutierrez'spaperat Petr6polis .Smith suggests thatitcanbecause"Gutierrez'spaperpresentedtheologyas'criticalreflectiononpraxis" andalsobecauseinapersonalinterviewwithGutierrez,Gutierrezhimselfsaidthat althoughtheideaofliberation tohimin 1968, thecontentwasalreadythereat Petr6polis (Smith, The Emergence of Liberation Theology, pp. 120 and 156). Oliveros isIthink correctly-much moretentativewhenhesays:"Herewehaveinembryowhat willlaterbecalledtheology'scriticalfunctionwithregardtothepraxisofChristians, andalsohowwediscoverourmostprofoundoptions precisely inourpraxis" (Hennelly, Liberation Theology, p. 46).

68 Meanwhile, inProtestant circles a "theology of revolution" wasstartingtotakeshape. Thismovementwas especially associatedwiththeworkoftheNorthAmericanmissionaryRichardShaull.Shaullhadarrivedin Brazil in 1952 asaPresbyterianmissionaryand initially understoodhisworkaspartoftheColdWarcrusadeagainst communism. However,withinafewyearshechangedhisposition.Hiswork Encounter with Revolution (New York :AssociatedPress, 1955) challengedProtestantstotakethestruggleforjustice seriously.Inthesame year, theWorldCouncilofChurches(WCC)invitedhimto participateinasequenceofannualtheologicalconferencestoaddresssocialthemes. TheorganisationISAL(ChurchandSocietyinLatinAmerica)developedoutofthese conferencesin 1961 andbecameafocusforradicalProtestantthoughtin Brazil and otherLatinAmericancountries.Shaullhimselfwasastrongadvocateofthetheology ofrevolutionasamoreradicalalternativetothereformisthopesofmoreconservative advocatesofdevelopment.Foran overview ofthe theology of revolution, seeM.E.Marty andD.Peerman(eds.), Theology and Revolution (New York :Macmillan, 1969)

After 1962, Shaullcombinedhisworkin Brazil withafacultypositionatPrinceton TheologicalSeminaryandhadclosecontactswithISArsLatinAmericannetworkof

CONCLUSION

The early1960sestablishedtheColdWarpoliticalframeworkinwhichliberationtheologywouldemergelaterinthedecade. On theonehand,Cuba strengthened itslinkswiththeSovietUnionandtheSocialistblockafterbeing firmlyrebuffedbythe United States.ColdWar brinkmanship betweenthetwo superpowersreachednewlevelsofintensityinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean, andalmostsparkedanuclearwar. On the other hand,to prevent other countriesfromfollowing Castro's example,the United States developedatwoprongedstrategy. On thepoliticalandeconomicside,itsponsoredreformsand development throughanAllianceforProgress intended tounderminepopular supportfora revolution . On themilitaryside,itconsolidateditslinkswiththe region'ssecurityforces,providedthemwithtrainingandequipmentandencouragedastrong anti-communist line. When theBrazilianmilitarytookpowerin 1964,theUnitedStatescouldtrumptheUSSR(andCuba)withthemostpowerfuland advanced countryinLatinAmericaasitsownColdWarclient.For therestofthe1960sandthe1970s,theBrazilmilitaryservedasapro-U.S. policeforceforthewholeofthe southern continent. When theAlliancefor Progress failedtodeliverits reforms, itwas Brazil, ratherthanCubathatexported itsrevolutionthroughthemilitariesofneighbouringcountries.

The early1960salsosetthe context forliberationtheology'semergenceas anecclesialandtheological movement ." The church, priortothe1960s,saw thedefenceof human rightsastheresponsibilityofthecivil authorities and thechurch'sroleintermsofcharity rather than justice.AfterJohnXXIIIand VaticanII,socialjusticeforthepoorwasalsotobeanissueforthe church

youngandsocially concerned theologians,includingJoseMiguezBonino(Argentina) andJulio Santa Ana(Uruguay),aswellasRubemAlves (Brazil) .In1963,lSAL started topublishthejournal Cristianismo y Sociedad (Christianityand Society) inMontevideo. Initsearlyyears,manyofthearticlespromotedthetheologyofrevolution,butinthe later1960s, attention begantoshifttotheideaofliberationanditbecamelinkedto thenew currents ofradical Catholic theology that GutierrezandSegundo started to develop.Bythelate1960s,despiteits Protestant foundations,ISALhadanecumenical ethos andinBolivia, Catholic membership outweighed Protestant membership(see Cleary, Crisisand Change, p.36).

69 RobertoOliverosdescribes further meetingsofthe theologico-pastoral renewal movement that followedPetr6polisduring1965: ''A conferencein Havana, Cuba,July 14-16,onthetopicofpastoralrenewal,withtalksbySegundoGalileaandLuisMaldonato amongothers; another meetinginBogota,Colombia,fromJune14toJuly9,alsoon pastoralissues,withtalksbyJuanLuisSegundoandCassianoFloristan;andfinallyone in Cuemavaca, MexicofromJuly4toAugust14,with presentations byIvanIIlichand SegundoGalilea"(seeHennelly, Liberation Theology, p.44).AccordingtoCleary,these meetingspromotedtheformationofacoregroupoftheologianscommittedtosimilar linesof development (see,Crisis and Change, p.35).

70 Aswillbecomeclear,liberationtheologywas both anecclesial movement anda theologicalone. Understanding both sidesofthe movement andappreciatingtheinteractionbetweenthemandthe reinforcement that theygaveeach other iscrucialfor appreciatingthehistoryandsignificanceofthemovement.

andintegraltoitsmission. Where civil authorities failedtoheedtheirspecial responsibilitytothepoor,the church neededtotakeuptheircause. The Latin American bishopsinRomewitnessedthismajorshift,anditprovidedthebasis fortheLatinAmericabishopstomakeaspecial commitment tothepoorwhen theyreflectedontheCouncil'srelevanceforLatinAmericaatCELAMII. Meanwhile,duringtheearly1960sinLatinAmerica,anetworkofwell-educatedandsocially concerned theologiansstartedtoquestiontheadequacyof the church's pastoral strategy andargued that it needed toaddressLatin America'ssocialproblemsmore adventurously.

CHAPTER FIVE

inprogressive intellectual circles." The effectsofthiswereapparentinanumberof fields, including: dependency theoryineconomicsandsocialsciences; theradicalpedagogyofPauloFreirein education; andthefirststepstowards atheologyofliberation.

The firstclearpublicuseoftheterm"theologyofliberation"camein1968, andthefirstmodestpublicationsunderthistitle started toappearsoonafterwards.However,muchofthisworkmighthaveremainedatacademiclevelin arelativelysmallcircleofprogressiveclerics,ifin1968,theLatin American bishopshadnottakenanunexpectedlydecisivestandinsolidaritywiththe poorattheirmeetinginMedellin. The church's commitment atMedellinto make concern forthepoora central taskforthe church, meant thatthelink between pastoralpolicyandthenewtheologyofliberationwouldnotjustbe a matter forindividual innovators ;itwouldbe relevant forthewhole church inLatinAmerica.

DISILLUSION WITH DEVELOPMENT

Inthe1960s,thepoliticaland economic objectives of development came undercloserscrutiny. The militaristicsideofthe United Statesstrategycame intosharperfocusandexposedthelimitationsofthedemocraticrhetoric. Under Lyndon Johnson (1963-1968) andRichardNixon (1969-1974), the United Statescommitteditselftothedefenceofthefreeworldwhereveritfeltitsinterestsunder threat.

Meanwhile,theAllianceforProgressinLatinAmericafailedto repeat the successesoftheMarshallPlaninEurope. The majorityofdonorcountryaid wastiedtothepurchaseofgoodsfromthedonorcountry. The generosityof donorsseemedtohavelittletodowithbenefitsforLatinAmericaandmore todowiththe donor's exports.Criticismsovertheleveland direction ofLatin American development prompted adramatic rethink ofwhat development and progressreallystoodforandwhose interest theallianceserved.

u.s. Intervention in the Caribbean and Support forthe Military in Brazil

The limitsofthe democratic idealsintheAllianceforProgresswere brought homein1965whenPresidentJohnsonordered United Statesmarinestoinvade the Dominican Republic.Afterthetraumasofa dictatorship under strongman RafaelTrujillo (1930-1961), theDominicanpeoplehadelectedthereformist JuanBosch(DominicanRevolutionaryParty)asPresidentinDecember1962. Hewas inaugurated inFebruary1963, but conservativespromptlyaccusedhim ofbeingtooleftwingand sympathetic toCastro.In September 1963,the Dominicanmilitary overthrew himandreplacedhimwiththeirowncivilian junta. InApril1965,apopularuprisingbackedbysomefactionsinthearmy

2 L. BolfandC. Bolf, Salvation and Liberation :In Search ofa Balance between Faith and Politics (trans.R.Barr; Maryknoll ,N.Y.:Orbis Books, 1984), pp. 14-17.

An AtmosphereofLiberation, 1965-1969 89

attempted to restore Boschtopower. The armedforcessplitintoopposing camps(thearmy supported Bosch,whilethenavyandairforcebackedthe existing junta), andthecapitalcity Santo Domingowasdividedintorivalzones.

Worriedaboutthedestabilisingeffectofthecrisis,the United States seized the opportunity tostampits authority onthe Caribbean andLatin America A contingent of22,000United States marinesinvadedtorestoreorder. They tookuppositionsin SantoDomingo between theopposingforceswhilethe Organisationof American States (OAS) negotiated apeaceful resolution and newelections. With United States support,Balaguer consolidated hisposition by defeating Boschinthe1966,1970,and1974elections.

ForthepoliticalLeftinLatinAmerica,the experience inthe Dominican Republicsuggested that the United States wouldonly countenance modestreforms,not dramatic change.Forthemost militant groups,thiswasseenasproof that theonly meaningful wayforwardwas Cuban style revolution .

Th esupportofthe United States forthemilitaryinBrazilgaveanequally important indication oftheirpriorities.Afterthemilitarycoup,the government enacted aseriesofmeasurestorestore economic stability, cut the balance of paymentsdeficit,andcurb inflation. The economywentintoa three-year recessionandtheliving standard ofthevastmajoritysuffered accordingly.' Toprevent politicalproteststhe hard-liner Marshall Artur daCostaeSilvareplaced themoremoderate General , Humberto Castello Brancoasleaderofthe junta in1966.His Institutional Actof December 1968 tightened themilitary'sgrip onthe country and permitted a dramatic increaseinrepressionagainstanyform of political opposition. The followingyear witnessed urban guerrilla actions byradicalgroups,whotook advantage of Artur daCostaeSilva'sstrokein August1969to kidnap theU.S.ambassadortoBrazilinSeptember.However, these actionsonlyprovokeda further heightening ofrepression under General GarrastazuMediciwhotookoverthePresidencyin November 1969andcontinued to1974.

Under Artur da Costa eSilvaand Garrastazu Medici,Brazilsystematizedthe various elements of National Security State. Thi s legitimated the destruction ofallcivilopposition,asameanstorestoreBrazil's traditional valuesof "Order andProgress"(theBrazilian motto sincetheRepublic). With United States encouragement,themilitarysawitstaskinColdWartermsto maintain the westernand Christian herit ageofthe country anduseBrazil'spositionasaregionalpowertoensure that neighbouring countries didlikewise. The adoption ofsimilar National Security State doctrines by other countries intheyears that followed prepared thewayforwavesofrepression that sweptthe continent in the1970s.

3 Mainwaring notesthatinSao Paulo, theinfant mortality raterose 45% between 1960and 1975 (The CatholicChurch, p. 107) .Atnational level, the income shareof thebottom50%ofthe population fell from 17.4% to 13.5 % while thetop5%ofthe population raised theirshare from 28.3% to37.9%.

Dependency Theory

Starting inthe1930sand1940s,the United Stateshadprovidedsupportto helpLatin American countries to further developtheir manufacturing baseand takeadvantageoftheirhomemarket through import substitution initiatives. It washardlysurprising that this opportunity waseagerlyembraced.However,to undertake thisnextstageofindustrialization,Latin American countries often hadtoimport advanced machineryand equipment. The long-term intention todecreaseimportswasonlypossiblebycreatinganewrangeofimportsin the short-term .Furthermore,tomakethepolicypossible, other costs(suchas transport andinfrastructure)increased significantly. Tobeginwiththishadbeen fairlystraightforward. The exportboominthe1940s that cameaboutfromsupplyingmaterialsduringandafterWorldWarII generated significantcapitalin LatinAmericafortheearlystagesof industrialisation.By contrast, asimport substitution continued, itbecamemore dependent onforeignloanstofinance theseimports.Duringthe1950s,thisfinancecameas development loansand aidpackagesfromthe United Statesandelsewhere."

Bythe1960s,someprogresstowards industrialisation hadbeenmadebutthe overallimpactwasquitemodest,andtheimport substitution approachraninto anumberofproblems.First,itonlyaffectedarelativelysmallsectoroftheoveralleconomy.Second,itdidlittletoaddresseconomicinequalitywithinLatin Americacountries,andinmanycases,ithadsimplyincreasedit.Third,ithad exacerbated existingsocialproblemsrelatedtomigrationandurbanizationand introduced newecologicalproblemsassociatedwith industrialization .Fourth,it leftLatinAmericaincreasingly indebted and dependent ondevelopedcountriessuchastheU.S.

Particularproblemsexistedovertheroleof multinationals. Mostimportsubstitution policiessaw multinational companiesas attractive sourcesofinvestmentandexpertise.However,bythe1960s,itwasclear that theycouldbea seriousdrawback. Multinationals investedonhighlyfavourableconcessionary termswithtaxbreaks, transport andmarketlinks,and other benefits. The multinationals then tookadvantageofLatinAmerica'scheaplabourcosts,but didnotneedtoreinvesttheirprofitsback into theeconomy.Profitswentback totheheadquartersandshareholdersintheUnitedStatesorEurope. As aresult, the multinationals usuallytookwealthoutofLatinAmericainsteadof putting itin.Thiswasafurther variant onthehistoricalmodelofcolonialexploita-

4 TheEconomicCommissionforLatin America-commonly knownbytheSpanish CEPAL (Comisi6n Econ6mico para America Latina}-was establishedinSantiagoin1948 withUNsupport. It becameaninfluential centre foreconomistsinsupportofthese developmentpolicies.However,bythe1960s,anumberofitsleadingthinkerswerequestioningitsdevelopment.RaulPrebischwasaparticularlyinfluentialfigureinthismore radicalworkatCEPAL,whichstressedthedifferencesbetweentheworld'speriphery (the underdeveloped nations that providedrawmaterialsandagriculturalproductsfor export)andthecentreormetropolis(thedevelopedcountries that benefitedfromthese).

tion,whichledtoLatin America's deeper impoverishment .AswiththeSpanish colonialism ofprevious centuries, the economic system benefited foreignpowers and asmalllocalelite, but only entrenched the poverty ofthevastmajorityofLatin American s.

During the1960s,it became clear that the Alliance forProgresswasunable tosolve these basicproblems.Despitemany initiatives on desperately needed landreforms, wealth redistribution, andbasicpoliticalrights,manyoftheinitiatives that threatened entrenched interests never madeit onto the statute books.Evenwhentheydid,theywereusuallycompromisedtoalevel that made them worthless orwere honoured in theory but not practice .Asa result, attempts atreformdidlittletoaddressthe deeper structural problems.

Atthesametime,inthesocialsciences,Latin American dependency theory started to provideaforceful critique ofthewholemodelof development that under liedthe Alliance forProgress.

The conventional development modelsuggested that Latin Americ awould followthe developed countries through setstagesof development. "However, dependency theoristsargued that trade arrangements meant that Latin America couldnotfollowthesameprogressive development asEuropeor North America. Therefore, the development policiesofthe1950sand1960ssimply contributed toLatin America's greater dependency onrich nations. There weresomegains intermsofoverall economic activity andgross domestic products, butthegap between Latin America andtherich countries grew greater rather than narrower and Latin American countries wereas vulnerable to exploitation asever.

Advocates of dependency theory included theBraziliansCelso Furtado and Fernando Henrique Cardoso andthe North American Andre Gunder Frank." Each of these thinkers had their own individual perspective on particular problems,but there wasbasicagreem ent that theanalysis needed toshiftfrom urging development torecognising dependency andunderdevelopment . They argued that international economic relations were unevenly m atched between the centres ofcapital(Europeand North America)andtheperipheraleconomies that were dependent on them (inLatin America andelsewhere).Inthiscontextof dependency, Latin America's supposed development, infactworsened

5 Seeesp.WW Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth : A Non-Communist Manifesto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960) . Rostow basedhisworkontheBritish economy andarguedthatothercountries would follow the same fiv e stages of development

6 See,forexample, C. Furtado, The Economic Growth of Brazil (Berkeley:University ofCalifornia Press, 1963 [Portugu eseorig.1959]);idem, Development and Stagnat ion in Latin America : A Structural Approach (NewHaven,Conn.: Yale University Press, 1965) ; EH.CardosoandE.Faletto, Dependency and Development in Latin America (trans. M. Uruqudi; Berkeley :UniversityofCaliforniaPress, 1979 [Spanish orig. 1969]) ; A. G. Frank, Capitalism andUnderdevelopment in Latin America: Historical Studiesof Chile and Brazil (New York :Monthly Review Press ,rev.ed.1969 [1967]) ;idem, Latin America : Underdevelopment or Revolution (New York :Monthly Review Press, 1969) .A helpful anthology on dependency writing is R. H. Chilcoteand J. c. Edelstein (eds.), Latin America : The Struggle with Dependencyand Beyond (NewYork:Halstead Press , 1974)

rather than improved Latin America's problems. Latin America's dependency allowed the rich countries to ensure that economic t rade relations always worked to their advantage and resulted in Latin Americ a's continuing underdevelopment. The loans and aid of the Alliance for Progress did not change this dependency ; they only consolidated itas the gap between rich and poor countries continued to widen.

Dependency theorists said that afar more radical change was needed . This change could only come by rejecting this unfair relationship and ending the state of dependency. According to dependency theorists, what Latin America really needed was not further development along these lines but a liberation from its position in the world economy" Dependency theory had a marked effect on the political framework of early works in liberation theology.Its emphasis on freedom from the old order encouraged new ways of seeing the inte rn ational order and the theological use of liberation terminology

Struggles for Liberation

As social protest movements escalated in the late 1960s, armed revolutionary groups emerged in many Latin American countries . After 1965, Che Guevara tried to export socialist revolution to other countries in Latin America and Africa. His theory of foco warfarewas based on the belief that even small guerrilla groups operating in the countryside could eventually precipit ate a popular uprising," To put his words into pr actice he bec ame leader ofa small revolutionary band in Bolivia . However, he could not gain the support or confid ence of the Bolivian peasantry (campesinos) and hisefforts met with little success. Bolivian soldiers (trained by United States military advisers) captured and executed him in1967.9 Nonetheless , Guevara's idealism and adventurism inspired a generation of youth .'?

7 Therehavebeenimportantcriticismsofboththetheoreticalframeworkandempiricaldataonwhichtheearlyworksindependencytheorydrew.Foranoverviewofthe influenceofdependencyonliberation theology, seeA.EMcGovern,Liberation Theology andItsCritics(Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1990),pp.135-138.Forahelpfuloverview ofdifferentperspectivesondevelopment /underdevelopment see 1. Roxborough, Theori es of Development (London:Macmillan,1979).Foravarietyofassessmentsondependency theory,seeespecially, R. C. BathandD.Jones,"DependencyAnalysisofLatinAmerica," LARR 11.3(1976),pp. 3-54 ;EH.Cardoso,"TheConsumptionofDependencyTheory intheUnitedStates," LARR 12.3(1977),pp. 7-24 ;S.Jacksonetal.,"AnAssessment onEmpiricalResearchon Dependencia ,"LARR 14.3(1979),pp. 7-28 .Variouscontributionsinthesymposiumpublishedin LARR 17.1(1982),pp.115-172,showhow dependencytheoryhasrespondedtoearlycriticisms.

8 ThisoptimisminfluencedanumberofguerrillamovementsinLatinAmerica. However,asGuevarahimselfdiscovered,thetheoryofruralinsurgencybasedon foco groupsprovedmuchhardertoapplyinSouthAmerica.Inthemoredevelopedcountries,revolutionaryeffortsamongstpeasantsfoundlittlesupportandrevolutionarymovementstendedto concentrateonurbanguerrillaactivities.

9 OnGuevara'slife,see J. Castaneda, Compaliero : The Life and Death ofChe Guevara (London: Bloomsbury, 1997).

10 TheBoliviansoldiersonlyencouragedtheadulationofGuevarawhentheypub-

CamiloTorreswasonesuchpriest.TorreswasfromanaffiuentColombian familywhofeltcalledtoalifeofserviceandjoinedthepriesthood. II Like other talented Latin American seminariansofhis generation, hewassenttoEurope forhigherstudies,whichincludedtimeatLouvainstudying sociology. Afterhis return toColombiain1962,hebecame chaplain andprofessorofsociologyat National UniversityinBogota.Hispolitical outlook becameincreasinglyrevolutionarythrough involvement withsocialmovementson behalf ofthepoor. InJune1965,heresignedfromthepriesthoodtotakemoredirectpoliticalaction forchange.'!

AlthoughTorreswasnotacommunist,headvocatedaChristianalliancewith communistsandotherswhosoughtradicalchange.Onthisbasis,he attempted tosetupabroadlybasedpoliticalmovement committed tosocialchange(the United FrontoftheColombianPeople). Convinced that thenecessarychanges couldonlybebroughtthrougharmed-struggle,hejoinedtheNationalLiberation Armyguerrillagroup.Fourmonthslater,inFebruary1966,hewasshotbythe militaryatBucaramangaintheColombian mountains.

The exampleofCamiloTorres(guerrillapriest)waswidelyadmiredinleftwingcirclesandeveninspiredasmallnumberof Christian followers toemulatehisexample.OneofthemostfamouswasthewriterandmysticNestor Paz,whojoinedtheBolivianguerrillasofTeopontenearLaPaz.13 Regrettably, insomeperceptionsofliberationtheology,theexampleofTorresandothers wholeftthepriesthoodtotakeuparmsisthedefiningfeatureofthemovement rather than theextremeexception ." Infact,veryfewpriestswentasfar

lishedaphotoof him-intended toprove that hewas dead-in whichhisprostrate corpseservedasareminderofthesuffering Christ takendownfromthecross.Itwas asifthedeadGuevaraexposedthehypocrisyofthemoribund church andchallenged Christians torespondtoChrist'sexampleofself-sacrificeandtakeupthecauseof armedrevolutionasamessianicmission.

II Forashortoverviewofhislifeanddeath,seeJ.Womack,"PriestofRevolution?" NewYork Review of Books (23 October 1969),pp.13-16.ForTorres'sextensivewritingsonthe church andsociety,see C. Torres, Father Camilo Torres: Revolutionary Writings (ed.M.Zeitlin;trans.R.Olsenand L. Day;NewYork:Harper & Row,reved.,1972); idem, Revolutionary Priest: The Complete Writings and Messages ofCamilo Torres (ed. J.Gerassi;trans. J. deCiprianoetal.:London:Cape,1971).Forthesocialbackground toTorres'sdecisionandtheguerrillamovement that hejoined,seeO.EBorda, Subversion and Social Change in Colombia (NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1969).

II Histerse letter totheCardinalofBogotaon24June1965isincludedas"Letter RequestingLay Status" in Father Camilo Torres : Revolutionary Writings, p.263.Ina press-statement publishedin£1 Tiempo newspaperthefollowingdayhestated:"Upon analyzingColombiansocietyIrealizedtheneedforarevolution that wouldgivefood tothehungry,drinktothethirsty,clothingtothenaked,andbringaboutthewellbeingofthemajoritiesinourcountry.Ifeelthattherevolutionarystruggleisa Christian andpriestlystruggle" (Father Camilo Torres, pp. 264-265)

13 PazexplainshisdecisioninN.Paz, MyLifeforMy Friends (Maryknoll,N.Y.:Orbis Books,1975).

14 This misrepresentation usuallyleadstosimplisticdismissalsofliberationtheology asidealisticbutmisguided,orasheroicbutdoomed,orasimmoraland un-Christian The idea that liberationtheologywassimplyaboutpriestsinCheGuevaraberetsand

astofollowTorres'sexampleorencourageotherstodoso. The vastmajority ofthosewhobecameinvolvedin liberation theology rejected theuseofforce, butwereprofoundlychallengedbyTorres'sexampletodevelopanequallyradical but nonviolent approach tosocialchange.

Paulo Freire and Conscientization

Inthefieldof education, theworkofPauloFreireinBrazilhada dramatic impact on educational thought throughout the continent .FreirebeganteachingattheUniversityofRecifein northeast Brazilinthelate1950s. There, he developed an approach tobasic adult educationdesignedtoempowermarginalizedpeopletopoliticalawareness."Theseliteracyprojectsprovidedtheframeworkforthe Movimento de Educi1{ao de Base (MEBorBaseEducationMovement) that was created in1961.

TheMEBwasapartnershipbetweenthe church andPresidentJanioQuadros. MEBliteracyprogramswere transmitted on church radio stations andsupported bylocalliteracy coordinators whoworkedinsmallliteracycircleswith peopleinthe Northeast andAmazonregions. These tworegionssufferedsome ofBrazil'sworstpovertyandtheilliteracyofthepeasantsmade them easyto exploit.Unscrupulouslandownersbribedthepoliceandjudiciarytosupporttheir claimsagainst illiterate workers,andthepoorwerefrequently cheated out of theirrightfulwagesandeventheirpropertyrights.Excludedfrompoliticaland economic power,theysurvivedonthemarginsofsociety.InBraziltothisday, tensof thousands ofsuchmarginalizedpeoplefarmthenarrowstripsofland attheedgesofpublic highways-graphic illustration oftheprecariousnessof survivalforpeoplewhoareonthemargins.

Freire constantly stressed that peoplemustbetheagentsoftheirownactions for liberation .Hewashighlycriticalof educational approaches that turned peopleintoobjects instead ofrespecting them assubjects.Freirebelieved that the traditional authority ofthe educator andthe dependency ofthosebeing educated reflectedandreinforcedwidersocialprocessesof domination andsubmission." The foundation ofFreire's approach wasthe mutuality ofrespect between the teacher (as teacher-student) and student (as student-teacher) .In thisdialogue,the students and teacher wouldexploretheworldofoppression together asitwas experienced intheeverydaylivesofthepeople.Freire'sdialogicalapproach(basedontwo-waycommunication)was intended tobreakdown rather than reinforcetheusualpower relationships in education andinsocietyasawhole.This"pedagogyoftheoppressed,"asitcametobeknown,was

armedwith AK-47 machine guns-a picturethat was promoted amongst some onboth thefarRightandthefar Left-is an example ofhow easily thetruthaboutthechurch couldbedistortedinthe polarised contextofLatin America.

15 It isoftenreferred toas "popular education" because it was intendedtobenefit ordinary people who previou sly hadonly minimal formal educationin school.

16 P. Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppre ssed (trans. M. Ramos; New York :Continuum, 1970; London:SheedandWard, 1972 ; Portuguese orig. 1968).

An AtmosphereofLiberation, 1965-1969 95 thereforeawayofteachingpeoplewhowereoppressedandawayinwhich theoppressedcouldteachthemselvesandothersabouttheirexperiences.This helpedthemtobreakthe culture ofsilenceandovercometheyearsoffatalism that their exploitation hadoften entrenched.

Freire'sliteracylessonsemphasisedtheearlyacquisitionofbasicwords,for examplethePortuguesewordsforhouse,water,ortypesoffood. These were brokendownintosimplecombinationsofdifferentvowel-consonants. The small groupor "culture-circle" learnedthemake-upofthewrittenwords that were important to them byseeinghowtheycouldbreakthemdownintofamiliar vowelsand consonants. Thisincreasedtheirconfidenceandtheirnewskills madethemeagertolearnmore.Forexample,afterlearningthevowels a, e, i, 0, u andjustthree consonants t, i. I, thegroupcould construct thevowel-consonant combinations ta-te-ti-to-tu, ja-je-ji-jo-ju,andla-le-Ii-lo-lu.Fromthese, theycould then construct everydaywordswithwhichtheywere familiar, for example luta (struggle), lajota (stone), loja (store), jato (jet), juta (jute), lote (lot), tela (screen)orcombinetheminnewwaystogetwordslike leite (milk). I7

The distinctivenessandinfluenceofFreire'sapproachwasmuchmorebeneficial than his techniques formotivatinglearnerswhomightbediscouraged bymore traditional methods. The learner's active involvement inthetasks contrasted withthepassivity that traditional methodsassumedandreinforced. Freireinvolvedthe learner intheprocess,notjusta pragmatic ploy. The politicalphilosophy that permeated hiswork meant that it extended further than theacquisitionofbasicreadingskills.

Freire's method linkedsocialandpoliticalliteracytobasicliteracy.Hecombinedthetwotohelppeoplelearnmoreabouttheirlivesandbecome better abletochangeit.Freiredescribedhisapproachas education forfreedom.He aimedfor both thefreedomoftheindividualtoengagewiththe written word, butalsothepoliticalfreedomofthepoortoengagewiththepoliticalworld. Freire'sapproach incorporated politicaldiscussiononthesocialdynamics that affectedtheireverydaylife,includingeconomicinequality,denialofrights,and repressiveviolence. The group'sgrowingabilitytodevelopidentify, deconstruct, and reconstruct familiarwordsparalleledthe development ofsimilarskillsof politicalliteracy.Freirereferredtothisas conscietazaqdo (conscientization or consciousness-raising).

Often, particular wordsfromtheliteracyprogramwerechosentofocusthe politicaldiscussionandhelptheparticipantsbreakthecultureofsilence.Words like favela (shantytownorslum)could generate energeticdiscussionwithinthe groupthatthe coordinator coulddrawupontostimulateamorepoliticalawareness.Often,thewordwouldbe introduced withapicture. The facilitatorwould then invite participants todescribewhattheysawanddiscusstheirownexperiencesofit.Theinertrepresentationwould slowly comealivewiththethoughts,

17 See P. Freire,Education for Critical Consciousness (NewYork: Continuum, 1973 [PortugueseandSpanishorigs.1969]).

feelings,andmemories that it generated forthegroup. The facilitatormight addcommentsonthesocialdynamicshiddeninthescene(forexample,"Why is sanitation sopoorinthisarea,butnot others]," "Who dothepeoplework for?"or"Whydotheyhavenowork?")andthesewouldbediscussedaswell. The approach encouraged the participants torecognise that their everyday worldwasnotsomethingstaticand unchangeable, but continuously negotiated through social interactions andpoliticalprocesses. Their newpowertoname the favela inlanguageandform it inwritingwastherebyrelatedtoanewopportunitytonamethesocialdynamics that governedthe favela asasocialentity andtochallengeandreformitsoppressiveelements through socialaction. IS

The1964coupbroughtsuchinnovationtoanend.Freirehimselfwasamongst thefirstwavetobeexiled,andhemovedontoChile. The Base Education Movement survivedthecoup,butinaverytoneddownform. Nonetheless, it wasverysignificantforhavingpilotedFreire'sdialogicalapproachinamajor church project. Progressive church leaderswho supported the project and witnesseditssuccesses remained committed tomanyofitsbasicprinciples. The movement wasoneofthemost important precursorstothebasecommunities that developedinthe1970s.Progressivebishopswhohadseenthe impactofMEBweremoreinclinedtogivethesecommunitiestheir protection andsupport.

THE CHURCH FINDS A VOICE

Duringthelate1960s,amajorawakeningtookplacewithintheleadershipof theLatin American church. ManyLatin American priests,religious,bishops, andtheologianssoughttoallythemselveswiththespiritofsocialchange.This involvedanumberoffactors,whichweremutuallyreinforcing.First,asmall numberofsociallyprogressivebishopssuchasDomHelderCamarainBrazil provideddynamic leadership for institutional change and engagement with socialissues.Second,PaulVI'ssocialencyclical Populorum Progressio (Onthe Development of Peoples) in1967hadapowerfulimpactontheworldwidechurch, especiallyinLatinAmerica.Third,theseriesofpreparatoryconferences (19661968) that werepartofthebuild-uptothesecondgeneral(orextraordinary) meetingoftheLatin American BishopsCouncilknownasCELAMIIencouragedthesearchforan alternative to development whichencouragedtalkof liberation.Fourth,atCELAMIIinMedellin(1968)thebishopscommittedthemselvestosolidaritywiththepoorasapriorityfortheLatin American church . Fifth,thefirsteffortstowardanexplicitlyidentifiableandself-consciousliberationtheology started tobepublished (1968-1969)

18 For Freire 'smethodtobe successful, the coordinator hadtobe well versed inthe social reality ofthe people .Tohelp chose appropriate generative words, coordinators spenttimein different communities to ensure thatthe words they chose would berelevanttothe people concerned and would helpto uncover the realities oftheir life

The common factorinthesedifferent developments wasthe church's new social commitment tothepoor.Ifaspecifictimehadtobepickedforthebeginningofthis commitment itwouldprobablybe May-August 1968.Inthespace ofafew months, theJesuitprovincialsforLatin America metinMay, Gustavo Gutierrez presented hispaperon liberation theologyat Chimbote inJuly,and thebishopsmetatCELAMIIinAugust.Eachoftheseeventshelpedcrystallisethe church's new commitment tothepoor.Asthe current of liberation swept through the continent inthelate 1960s, progressiveswithinthe church wereeagertogiveit leadership and direction and encourage Christians toplay their part init.

Atthisstage, there wasstillastrong presumption that the church should leadanddirect. The church madeanactive commitment to liberatingthepoor, but there wasless attention totheactive participation ofthepoorintheirown liberation. The church was committed to the poor but hadnotyetbeen transformed by the poor. Itwas not untilthemid-1970s that thissecondandequally important transformation got under way through contact with the base communities.'? However,thesocial commitment ofthelate 1960s wasthenecessaryfirststage,anditmadeallthelater developments possible.Forthisreason,itisbesttodatetheformaloriginsof liberation theologytothisperiod.

Dom Helder Camaraandthe Northeastern Bishops ofBrazil

Despitethesocialhardships that followedthe1964coup,mostoftheBrazilian bishopswere sympathetic tothemilitary government andanxioustopreserve the traditionally close relationship between church and state ." Within the CNBB,DomJose Goncalves replaced Camara assecretarygeneralin October 1964andDomAgneloRossi(archbishopofSaoPaulo, 1964-1970) was elected President .Bothwere conservative andputthebrakesonthegenerallyprogressivesocial leadership that theCNBBhadpreviouslygiventothe church

19 It wasthissecond transformation that generated theepistemologicaloptionforthe poor(describedin Chapter 8).

20 Historically,theBrazilianhierarchyhadbeenahighlyconservativeforceonsocial issues.Thechurch'salliancewiththestatewasparticularlycloseduringtheperiodof theMonarchy (1500-1889), whenthe church reliedonthecrownforits maintenance Evenwhenthe church andstatewereformally separated (duringthefirstfortyyears oftheRepublic),the church continued toseeitsinterestsintermsoftherulingclass. Then,duringtheVargasdictatorship (1930-1945), moreformallinkswiththestatewere reestablishedintheperiodreferredtoasthe neo-Christendom modelofthechurch. Between 1950 and 1964, thebishopshad started totakeamorereformistlineespeciallythebishopsinthe Northeast. Ata national leveltheywerebroadlysupportiveof thereforms that tookplaceunderthe Goulart regime (1961-1964), particularlyonland reform.However,manybishopsbecameincreasinglynervousatthe uncertainty and potential socialdisorder that arosetowardtheendoftheregime,andtheCNBBissued a statement insupportofthecoupinJune 1964. Eventhosewholaterbecamestrong criticsofthe government, includingHelderCamaraandPauloArns,signalledtheirinitialsupportbysigningit;seeMainwaring, The Catholic Church, pp. 79-115.

atalocallevel. The CNBB remained virtuallysilent about militaryrepression untiltheendofthe1960s.

However,despitethegeneraltimidityoftheCNBBasignificantminorityof bishops-especially inthe Amazon and Northeastern regions-became highly criticaloftheregime. With the intensification of repression-including thetortureand imprisonment ofpriestsandnunsintheAmazon region-relations between church and state deteriorated rapidlyasthesebishops became more outspoken. Thisdrew other bishops into theconflictand prompted them to addressthesocialproblemsofthe country more forcefully.

In1964,justatthetimeofthemilitarycoupin Brazil, PopePaulVIappointed Dom Helder Camara tobe Archbishop of Olinda andRecife. The Northeast wasoneofthe poorest andleastdevelopedareasofBrazil. It suffered-and still suffers-some ofthe harshest povertyintheWestern Hemisphere but some ofthe other Northeast bishopswereat the forefront ofthe church's postConciliar social involvement . Camara brought hisorganizationalexpertisewith himfromhisworkinthe1950s,andhis national contacts developed through Catholic Action .Inhisnewpost, Camara sawthefailureof development policies that didlittletoaddressthebasicneedsofthepeople.Freefromthe watchfuleyeofhismore conservative namesake, Cardinal DomJaimedeBarros Camara (hisseniorcolleagueinRiode Janeiro), hecould determine hisown coursemore freely. Ashesawthe Northeast deprivation atfirst hand, Helder Camara deepened his understanding ofhow the systemof inequality restedon repressionandbarely concealed violenceagainstthepoor.Acampaignofintimidation and threats onlymadehimmore determined tospeakfrankly. Camara's sermonsandwritingsinthelate1960sofferedanincreasingly damning descriptionofhowthepeopleinhisdiocese experienced poverty,violence,andexclusion.Togetherwiththe Northeast Brazilianbishops,Camaradevelopedapastoral vision founded ondefenceofthepoor,"

Of allhiswritings,perhapshisworkonviolencehasmadethemostimpact. Ata lecture giveninParis(25April1968)hedescribedthe situation inLatin America as "internal colonialism"and conditions as"pre-revolutionary."22Emphasisingthefailingsof both United States capitalism and Soviet socialism,he stressedtheurgencyof change inLatin America anda "structural revolution" throughout thewholeworld.Inhisdiscussionofviolence,hespokeofthe"order" (towhichthepowerfulminorityinLatin America appealedtorepressanyof thepowerlessmajoritywhomightopposethem)asthe"orderlyreignofdisorder."

Camara was determined toshiftthe church's discussionofviolencetowhat hesawasitsrootcauses. The traditional stance hadbeentosimply condemn anyone whose defiance of state authorities ledto violence. This invariably assumed that protesters, rebels,or revolutionaries wereexclusivelyresponsible for introducing violence into thesystem. Camara wanted toaddressdeeper

21 See D. H. Camara, Church and Colonialism (London : William Clowes, 1969) .

22 See Peruvian Bishops' Commission for Social Action, Between Honesty and Hope (Maryknoll, N,Y.: Orbis Books, 1970), pp. 47-54.

An AtmosphereofLiberation, 1965-1969 99

levelsofresponsibilityandexposethe hidden violence that alreadyexisted. Insteadofjust condemning thosewhoresortedtoviolence,Camarashifted attention tothetripleviolence that sustainedtheinjusticesinLatinAmerica, butwasrarelyaddressedbythe church :theviolenceof internal colonialism; theviolenceof international trade:andtheviolenceofthe henchmen andprivatesecurityforcesworkingfor plantation ownersandfactorybosses,oftenin close collaboration withthepoliceandmilitary.

Camararepeatedly condemned therepressiveviolence that sustainedinternalcolonialismand international neo-colonialism.However,whileseekingto broaden discussion ofviolencetoaddresstheviolenceofallpartiesandtoinclude structuralandinstitutionalviolencealongsidemore visible violence,Camaraconsistentlyofferedhisownunambiguouspersonal statement onviolent attempts tooverthrowthe statusquo rather than transformitthroughpeacefulmeans.

Irespectthosewhofeelobligedinconsciencetooptfor violence-not the facileviolenceofthearmchairguerrillabut that ofamanwhohasproved hissinceritybysacrificinghislife. It seemstome that thememoryofChe Guevaradeservesasmuchrespectas that ofDr. Martin LutherKing.Ipoint anaccusingfingerattherealinstigatorsofviolence,atallthoseontheleft andtherightwhowrongjusticeandblockpeace.Myownpersonalvocationistobea pilgrim ofpeace, following inthefootstepsofPaulVI. Personally Iwouldprefera thousand timesmoretobekilled than tokillanyone.This personalstanceisgroundedonthegospel.Mylifetimeeffortto understand andlivethegospelhasbroughtmetothisdeepconviction:ifthegospel canandshouldbecalledrevolutionary, then itissoin that itdemandsa conversionfromeachoneof US,z3

Nonetheless,hisworkprovokedthe fury ofthe Brazilian paramilitary deathsquads, includingorganizationsliketheCommandosforthe Hunt ofTerrorists. On 26 May1969,the twenty-eight-year-old priest, Antonio Henrique PereiaNeto, whoworkedasCamara'sassistantwaskidnapped, tortured, and assassinated." His death sentachillingsignalofthe persecution that the church inBrazil andelsewhereinLatinAmericawouldfaceinthe1970s.25

2J Between Honesty and Hope, p. 52.

24 GustavoGutierrezdescribedtheyoungpriestasaclosefriendanddedicatedA Theology of Liberation tohim.

25 Therewasaforetasteforthisin1969whenpolicearrestedanumberofDominicans andkepttheminanundisclosedlocationinSaoPaulo.Sincemostofthemilitarybases wheretheywerelikelytohavebeentakenwereinPauloArns'areaofthe city-Arns wasanauxiliarybishopatthe time-Archbishop Rossireferredrequestsforarchdiocesan intervention toBishopArns.TheexperienceoftracingthemissingDominicansand witnessingthemarksoftorture that theyand other prisonerssufferedhadapowerful impactonArns.Hehadonlybeenappointedasbishopthreeyearsearlierandquickly becameoneofthemostcourageousand prophetic leadersoftheBrazilchurch.In October 1970hewaselevated to ArchbishopofSaoPauloandservedthereuntil1996. Underhiscarethearchdiocesebecamewellknownforitssupportofbasecommunitiesinthe1970sand1980s:seeLernoux, Cry ofthe People, pp. 321-32.

CHAPTER FIVE

Bythistime,theCNBBwas starting to shiftits position andrediscoverits prophetic voice." The election ofDomAloisio Lorscheider asCNBBsecretary generalearlierin 1968 restored aprogressivevoiceintheCNBB leadership, but thepolitical situation inthe country wassteadily deteriorating. In 1967, theeconomyhad started toimprove but there had been fewchangesforthe poor. Under the Costa eSilvaregime (1967-1969), socialprotestswere met withsevererepression.In December 1968, the military introduced Institutional ActVasthefoundationforaNationalSecurityState."Tortureand other human rightsabusesrose dramatically andinFebruary 1969 theCNBBmadeitsfirst publiccriticismofthemilitaryregime."

Populorum Progressio

The publication of the encyclic al Populorum Progressio (The Development of People s) byPaulVIon 26 March 1967 marked another important stepforward in Catholic social tradition asit restated the church's concern forthepoorin particularly strongterms. The opening paragraph setthetone:

The development ofpeopleshasthe Church's close attention , particularly the development ofthosepeoplewhoarestrivingtoescapefromhunger,misery, endemic diseases,and ignorance. Followingonthe Second Vatican Ecumenic al Council a renewed consciousnessofthe demands oftheGospel makesitherduty to put herselfattheserviceofall,tohelp them grasp their seriousprobleminallits dimensions,andto convince them that solidarityinactionatthis turning pointin human historyisa matter of urgencv," Paulreinforcedthe theme from Pacem inTerris that economic justicewasnecessaryforworldpeacetobepossible.Insome memorable phrases,heinsisted that "there arecertainly situations whoseinjusticecriestoheaven"andclaimed that "thenewnameforpeaceis development .l'" Such aclear statement on social injustice andthe importance of development-even ifthe nature of development wasnow under morecritical discussion-had amajor impact in Third World countries.

Atthe international levelPaul advocated integral development that took account of economic and human needs ." Hesaw that existing inequalities betweencountriesandthefreetradesystemmeant that "Thepoornationsremain

26 TheelectionofDomAloisioLorscheiderasCNBBsecretarygeneralearlierin 1968restoredaprogressivevoiceintheCNBBleadership.

27 It wasquickly followed withfurthermeasuressuchasthelawpassedinJanuary1969 thatauthorisedtheexpulsionofanyforeigneractingagainstnationalsecurity.This madeiteasiertoexpelforeignpriestsandwomen religious (whichthemilitaryhadstarted todo),andin1972,theseincludedtheBelgianliberationtheologianJoseComblin.

28 See Klaiber, The Church ,Dictatorships and Democracy inLatin America, pp.25-31.

29 Populorum Progres sio, § 1.

30 Populorum Progre ssio, § 30and § 87.

31 Populorum Progre ssio, §§ 12-21(esp.14).

everpoorwhiletherichonesbecome richer still.?" On the internal distributionofwealth,he extended the teaching of Gaudiumet Spes that public authorities should ensure that private property is not usedagainstthe common good bystressing that therighttopropertyandcommercemustpermitadequateaccess to created goodsfor everyone. " Most importantly ofall,hegaveanewsense ofimmediacytotheissueswithacallfor urgent action." There was explicit praisefortheexampleofbishopslike Manuel Larrafnwhohadgivenupsome ofthe church's possessionsforthesakeofthe poor,"

Paul's stance on revolutionary movements was particularly controversial. He wentasfarasto acknowledge that exceptional circumstances mightjustifyrevolutionary uprisings"wherethere is manifest, long-standing tyrannywhichwould dogreatdamageto fundamental personal rights and dangerous harmtothe common goodofthecountry." 36 Although theseprincipleswereinclearcontinuity with traditional Catholic teaching onjustwar,manyfoundit shocking to hear thePopespell out their implications inthisway.

The Pope's personal friendshipwith Camara mayhave helped himtowrite Populorum Progressio withtheproblemsofLatin America inmind,anditwas nosurprise that theencyclicalhada strong impact ontheLatin American Church. The timingoftheencyclicalwas opportune . Populorum Progre ssio providedan important addendum tothe Conciliar documents andhelpedfocus CELAM's preparations forthe forthcoming discussionsatMedellin.

Preparations for CELAMII

Atthefinalsessionof Vatican II, Archbishop Manuel Larrafnof Taka (Chile) whowas president ofCELAM encouraged theLatin American bishopstoorganizea second general CELAM meeting to examine the Council's teaching in thelightoftheLatin American sttuatton." Preparation forthe meeting took

32 Populorum Progressio, § 57.

33 Populorum Progressio, §§ 22-24; cp. Gaudium et Spes, § 7l.

l4 For example: "Wemustmakehaste.Toomany people are suffering.Whilesome make progress, othersstandstillormove backwards ;andthegapbetweenthemis widening" (Populorum Progressio, § 29); "Wewanttobe clearly understood onthispoint. Thepresentstateof affairs mustbeconfronted boldly,anditsconcomitant injustices mustbe challenged and overcome .Continuing development callsforbold innovations that will work profound changes .Thecriticalstateof affairs mustbecorrectedforthe betterwithout delay" (§ 32).

35 Populorum Progressio, § 32.

36 Populorum Progressio, § 3l.

37 Larrafn hadbeenelectedvicepresidentof CELAM in 1955 and president in1964 withCamaraashisvicepresident. Together, theysawthe opportunities that CELAM couldhavetomakeanimpactonthechurchandpushedforthem energetically.After Vatican II,theyextended CELAM's workthroughthecreationofnew subdepartments and established newinstitutionsforpastoral training, suchasthe Pastoral Institutefor LatinAmericainQuito (Ecuador) .

CHAPTER FIVE

nearlythreeyears.Sadly,Larraindiedin1966anddidnotwitnessthedramaticeventstowhichhehadmadesuchan important contribution.Fortunately, however,Camara(whocarriedgreatinformalinfluenceamongsttheprogressivebishops)waswellplacedtofilltheleadershipgap that Larrain left."

InAugust1967,DomHelderCamarawasthedrivingforce behind thecontroversial "Letter tothePeoplesofthe Third World"signedby eighteen bishops(nineofwhomworkedin Brazil) asaresponseand extension for Populorum Progre ssio . 39 Theydrew attention tohistoricallessonsonthenecessityandpositive consequences ofsomerevolutionsandevenendorsedsocialismasaviable path inovercoming injustice."

MeanwhilegroupslikePriestsforthe Third Worldin Argentina andthe National OfficeforSocial Information inPeruprovidedforumsforlike-minded prieststodiscusstheirexperienceswitheach other," Manyofthesepriests workedwithpoorcommunitiesandthebasecommunitymovement,whichwas then initsearlystagesofgrowth ." Theyknew that thepromisesofdevelopment haddonelittletoimprovethelivesofthepoormajority,andtheywanted the church todomoreinthestruggleforsocialjustice.Atthisearlystage, thebasecommunitieshadnotyetbecomeamajorfactorinthe church orthe drivingforce behind newlinesinliberationtheology.However,theinsights that manypriestsandwomenreligiousgainedfromworkwiththecommunities made them supportiveofthenewtheologicaldirections that weretakingplace.

Whilethiswasgoingon,theLatin American theologianswhohadmetat Petr6polisin1964 cont inuedtodeveloptheir thought inthesecondhalfof the1960sinspiredbytheConciliarDocumentsandPapal Encyclicals." Members provided important leadershiptotheprogressivewingofthe church when, after publication of Populorum Progres sio, anopennesstomajorchanges started togrowamongstthemore centrist bishops.

In preparation forthemainconferenceinMedellin,theCELAMnetwork sponsoredasequenceofsmallerpreparatoryconferences,whichaddressedimportant questionsaboutthefutureofthe church.Progressivepriestsandtheologiansprovidedpositionpapers (ponencias) fortheseconferencesandlaterrevised

38 Notableprogressivebishopsatthetimeincluded:ArchbishopMarcosMcGrath (Panama),EduardoPironioandEnriqueAngelelli(Argentina), Lionidas Proafio(Ecuador), MendezArceo(Mexico),andLandazuriRicketts(Peru).

39 ThirdWorldBishops, LettertothePeoplesoftheThirdWorld"(15August 1967)inHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp.48-57.Theletteremphasisedtheneed forthepoortodevelopconfidenceinthemselves,effecttheirown betterment andnot allowthemselvestobeexploited (§ 18).

40 "A Letter to thePeoplesoftheThirdWorld"in Between Honesty and Hope, pp. 3-12; reprintedinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp.48-57.

41 Priestsforthe Third WorldwasfoundedinDecember1967whenagroupof Argentinepriestspublishedtheirsupportforthe Third WorldBishops,"Letter to the PeoplesoftheThirdWorld";see Klaiber, The Church, Dictatorship sandDemoc rac y, p.72.

42 Onthehistoryand significance ofLatinAmericanbasecommunities,seeChapter8.

43 ThegroupmetagaininBogota(june1965)andCuernavaca(julv1965).

An AtmosphereofLiberation, 1965-1969 103

theirideasinlightofthediscussion that they stimulated ." Gradually,thediscussiondevelopedmoreandmoreclearlyinfavourofradicalchanges that the church needed tomake.Duringtheseconferences,moves started tobemade towardsdiscussionofliberation.

Atthe invitation ofCELAM, thirty-eight priestsfrom throughout thecontinent met in Chile in November1967todiscuss Populornm Progressio Thepriests signeda communique whichcalledfora wholehearted commitment tothe church's socialtasks,calledformoreprieststodevotethemselvestoministry tothepoor,andstressedtheneedforchangestoredressinjusticesagainstthe poorandwintheirtrue freedom." Eachofthesepointshad important politicalimplications.Eversincethe church had adopted its nee-Christendom strategyinthe1930s, it hadmanagedto accommodate both theconservatives(who recalledthe church's politicalpowerinOld Christendom) andthe moderates (whosawthechurch'sroleasamoralvoiceonsocialissuesbutnonpolitical).

Now there wasaclearthirdposition.Radicalbishopsandpriests advocated a clear stance on behalf ofthepoor. They recognised that thiswouldinvolve controversial politicalchoices;theymightavoidpartypolitics,buttheycould notdisassociatethemselvesfrompoliticsaltogether.Thisrelativelysmallgroup hadalreadystartedtogobeyondthepositionsfoundinVatican II and Populornm Progressio initspolitical concerns. However, LumenGentium,Gaudium et Spes , and Populornm Progressio helped them defendtheirnew direction asagenuine signofthetimes.

These various developments intheperiod 1966-1967 meant that bythe eleventh ordinary(annual)meetingofCELAMin November 1967someofthe majorthinkersinCELAMhadbegantotalkof liberation asthekeytermfor the future ." BecauseCELAM II wouldonlylasttwoweeks,thisemergingconsensuswasacriticalfactorindevelopinga coherent direction forsocialteaching. The progressivebishopswhowereinpositionsofinfluenceintheCELAM (suchas Camara andthesecretaryEduardoPironio)assertedfirmleadership inpreparingtheagendaandpositionpapersforMedellin. The positionpapers weredevelopedbyasteering committee that wascomposedlargelyofmoderatesandprogressivesatBogotainJanuary1968.Hopesforamajortransformation intheLatin American continued togrowinthefirstsix months of 1968. Further CELAMsponsoredconferencestookplaceinAprilatMelgar, Colombia(onthechurch'smission)andinMayatItapua,Brazil(onthe church andsocial change).

44 At Banos (Ecuador) they discussed collaborative pastoral ministry and social action (june 1966) .At Buga (Colombia) they focus sedontheroleofcatholic universities (February 1967); seeCleary, Crisis and Change , p.34.

45 See Between Honesty and Hope, pp.70-73;reprinted Hennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology, pp.58-61.

46 SeeDussel,A History of the Church inLatin America, p. 143 .Inthelate 1960s, RichardShaullandthe ISAL network-which had previously worked on"theology of revolution"-turned theirattentionto liberation .See,for example, R. Shaull, "La liberacionhumanadesdeuna perspectiva teologica," Mensaje 168 (1968), pp.175-179.

CHAPTER FIVE

Meanwhile ,Pedro Arrupe SJ (the Father General oftheSocietyofJesus) metwithallthe Jesuit ProvincialsinLatin America inRiode Janeiro inMay 1968.47 Arrupe was committed totheneedsofthepoorandan enthusiastic advocate for changes intheSociety. The Jesuit provincials discussedthesocial problemsofLatin America andpledgedtomake them the" absolute priority inour apostolic strategy?" Asummarisedversionof their discussionwas sent toevery member oftheSociety and theycalledonallmembersofthe Order tomaketheprofoundchanges that werenecessaryforthis conversion to happen .

The recognition of past failures and the need for conversion and newdirectionwasstressedina number ofplaces.Forexample:

Weareawareofthe profound transformation this presupposes .We must break withsomeofour attitudes inthepasttore -establish tieswithour humanist tradition: 'The human beingfullyaliveisthegloryofGod' (Saint Ireneas). We want toavoidany attitude ofisolation or domination that may have been oursinthepast.We want to adopt an attitude ofservicetothe church andtosociety,rejectingthe overtones ofpower that have been attributed tous...Weare counting onyouaswe undertake thisefforttodivest ourselvesofany aristocratic attitude that mayhave been present inourpublicpositions,inourstyleoflife,inthe selection ofouraudience,inourdealingswithlaycoworkers,andinour relations withthewealthyclasses."

The letter concludes :"Inthisway,hopefully,the Society ofJesusin Latin America willbeableto undergo thenecessary conversion withGod'sgrace."?

The Jesuitswerecarefulto distance themselves frompartypoliticsorany powerincivilsociety. Nonetheless , their talkof oppression and liberation (not poverty and development), reflected theshift taking placeinradicalsectorsof the church atthetime.Forexample,theypromised that "Inallouractivities, ourgoal should bethe liberation of humankind fromeverysortof servitude that oppressesit."sl

Two months later,inJuly1968(justone month beforeMedellin) Gustavo Gutierrez gaveatalktoa meeting ofpriestsandlaityat Chimbote, Peru.His paper, entitled "Towardsa Theology of Liberation," gaveaclear statement of twokeyfeatures that woulddefinethemethodologyandfocusofthe movement ."

47 Arrupehadbeenappointedin 1965 whenhe succeeded [ohanBaptist Janssens Arrupeprovidedcleardirectionforthe Society inthe post-Vatican IIeraand was full y committedtotheCouncil's reforms .Onthehistoryofthe Jesuits, see D. Mitchell, The Je suits : A History (New York: Franklin Watts, 1981); M.Barthel, The H istory and Legend s ofthe Soci etyof Jesus (New York : William Morrow, 1984).

48 "The Jesuits ofLatin America," § 3.Thedocumentisprintedin Between Hone sty and Hope (pp. 144-150); reprintedinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, 77-83.

49 "TheJesuitsofLatinAmerica," § 3.

50 "TheJesuitsofLatin America," § 11.

51 "TheJesuitsofLatinAmerica," § 3.

52 G. Gutierrez, Hacia una reologia de la liberacion (Montevideo : MIEC Documentation Service, 1969), pp. 62-76; translatedbyHennellyas "Toward a Theology of Liberation" inHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 62-76. Foragood overview andassessment

Firstly, Gutierre zargued that the church sh ould underst andtheologyascritical reflection onprior commitment . Here ,heused much more explicit terms than inhis presentationat Petropolisin1964.At Chimbote , Gutierrez argued that "theology is areflection -that is, it is asecondact,a turningback,areflecting,thatcomesafteraction. The ologyis not first;the commitment isfirst. Theology is the underst anding ofthe commitment, andthe commitment is action .T " Gutierrez' s methodological approach wasinlinewith Gaudium et Spes inas much asittookthestateoftheworldasthe starting p oint for reflection, rather than doctrin alpre supposition s.However, Gutierre zalso went beyond this.He identified commitment andaction-notjustsocialissues-asthemost important focus. Compared withearliersee -judge-act stagesinthe pastoral circle,thiswas dynamic engagement rather than detached reflection andjudgement. Gutierrezargued that theology should not stand apart fromtheobjects ofits reflections .Rather, Christiansshouldpar ticipate insocial transforma tion andreflectontheir involvement inthisactiveprocess.Theologicalreflection shouldbe undertaken from within theprocessand contribute totheprocess. It should not justbean externa l judgementonsociety. The dynamic engagement transformed the pastoralcircle into amore radica lmodelfor change that presupposed commitment andinvolvedanalysis,reflection,andaction.

The paper 's other keycontributionwastodeveloptheideaofliber ation as akey theo logical theme .By1968,theidea of liberationhadalready achieved prominence in European circles.Atap olitical level,theAlgerian independence struggleoftheNati onal Liberation Front againstthe French promoted seriousengagement withissuesofimperialism, revolution,and liberationin

ofGutierrez'sw ork ,seeR.M.Br own , Gustavo Gut ierrez; C.Cador ett e, FromtheHeart ofthePeople: The TheologyofGustavoGutierre z (OakPark,Ill.:Meyer-Stone, 1988).

53 Hennelly(ed.), Liberat ion Theology, p. 63. Reformulationsofthissameprinciplein laterversionsarerevealingindicationsoftheprogressivedevelopmentofGutierrez'sviews. Forexample,thenextsectionofGutierrez'stextatChimboteexplainedthatthecommitment hehadinmindwascharity:"The central element ischarity,whichinvolves commitment,whiletheologyarriveslateron" (p, 63). Thefollowingyear,atCartigny heexpresseditslightly differently, butpreservedthereferencetocharity,"Theologyis reflection,acriticalattitude.Firstcomesthecommitmenttocharity,toservice.Theology comes'later.' It issecond"(G.Gutierrez,"NotesonaTheologyofLiberation," Theologi cal Studies 31.2[1970], pp. 243-261[244]). However,when Gutierrezexpressedthesame ideainitsclassicformthefollowingyear,thereferencestocharityandservicewere dropped. It simplyread"Theologyisreflection,acriticalattitude.Theology follows ; it isthesecondstep"(Gutierrez,A Theolo gyof Liberation,p.11).Twopageslaterthesubjectofcriticalreflectionisidentifiedas "Christian praxisinthelightoftheWord" (p, 11).However,theearliereditionsoftheSpanishmightbe better translatedas"historicalpraxisinthelightoftheWord" (La teologia como reflexi6n critica de la praxi s hist6ricaalaluz de laPalabra) GutierrezofferedanearlierversionofthisatCartigny as"the Church' spresenceandactionintheworldinthelightoffaith" (p, 245) and atChimboteitwas"thepastoralactivityofthe church-th atis,thepresenceofthe churchintheworld. It willaccompanythatactivitycontinuously,tohelpitbefaithfultothewordofGod,whichisthelightfortheology" (p, 64).

CHAPTER FIVE

France .Franz Fanon developed this explicitly inhis Wretched ofthe Earth published in1961. 54 At a philosophical level, Herbert Marcuse addressed the issue of liberation ina number ofworks that drew on psychoanalytic categories." Under these influences, European theologians explored new directions in theology.In Germany, [urgen Moltmann and Johannes Metzwere exploring political theologies that emphasised that God was revealed in history and challenged Christians to participate inits eschatological transformation inaspiritof hope/" Others in Latin America already started touse liberation asa political alternative to development , but Gutierrez's contribution wastoshowits value and validity asa theological term." Hisanalysisof liberation asa term forsalvation in the framework of post Vatican II theology wasa creative and bold theological statement. It made frequent references to the recently published Popu. lorum Progressio andargued that what PaulVIcalled "integral development" might be better conceptualised in terms of liberation. "

At Medellin, Gutierrez was an important advocate of liberation thought in his capacity as theological adviser.59 The bishops did not make liberation ter-

54 Gutierrezstudiedpsychologyin Belgium andwasinFranceduringtheAlgerian warofindependenceinthe1960s.ReferencestoFanon'sworks The Wretched ofthe Earth (trans. C. Farrington;New York :GrovePress,1963)and Studies in aDying Colonialism (trans.H.Chevalier;New York :Monthly Review Press,1965)appearin Gutierrez,A Theology of Liberation , p.41no.35andp.182no.34.

55 Seefor example, "Liberation froman Affluent Society," hiscontributiontotheanthologyofD.Cooper(ed.),To FreeaGeneration : The DialecticsofLibera tion (Londonand New York :Collier Books, 1968),pp.175-192; Eros andCivilization (Boston:Beacon Press, 1955); One Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon Press; London:Routledge & Kegan Paul,1964);An Essay on Liberati on (Boston:BeaconPress;London:AllenLane,1969) whichGutierrezreferstoinA Theology of Liberation (see Theology of Liberation,pp.31-32).

56 Gibellini (The Liberation Theology Debate , p.16)tracesthestartofthistothesummerof1967whenMetzgavealectureinToronto.Influentialworksinclude:J.B.Metz, Theology of the World (trans. W. Glen-Doepl, New York :HerderandHerder,1969); J. Moltmann, Theology of Hope (trans.J. W. Leitch;London:SCMPress,1967);idem, Religion, Revolution ,andtheFuture (trans.M.DouglassMeeks;NewYork:CharlesScribner'sSons, 1969).Forasurveyofthe similarities and differences betweenEuropeanpoliticaltheologiesandLatinAmericanliberationtheologiesseeR.Chopp, The Praxis of Suffering : An Interpretation of Liberation and Political Theologies (Maryknoll, N.Y.:OrbisBooks, 1986).ForMoltmann'searlywork,seeM.DouglasMeeks, Origins ofthe Theology of Hope (Philadelphia:FortressPress,1974); C. Morse, The Logic of Promise in Moltmann's Theology (Philadelphia:FortressPress,1975).

57 Gutierrez acknowledged thattalkofatheologyofhumanliberationwasalreadyin the air, butheexpressed dissatisfaction withsomeaspectsofthepreviousdiscussionof liberationatMelgarandItapua:seeHennelly(ed.), Liberat ion Theology , p.64.

58 PabloRicharddescribedthisas"theexplicitbreak,thequalitativeleap,froma worldvisiontiedtoadevelopmentalistkindofpracticetoonetiedtoapracticeofliberation"; Richard, Death ofChristendom, BirthoftheChurch (Maryknoll, N.Y.:OrbisBooks, 1987),p.145.

59 TheArchbishopofLima,CardinalJuanLandazuriRicketts(whowasco-president oftheconference),invitedGustavoGutierreztoactasatheologicaladviser.Gutierrez wasoneofagroupoftheologiansonthepreparationcommittee,whichmetinBogota inJanuary1968towritethepositionpapers.AtMedellinhewas largely responsiblefor

An AtmosphereofLiberation, 1965-1969 107

minology normative fortheirtheologyintheway that Gutierrezhoped,but referencesto liberation were scattered throughout the document. Thishelped itemergeastheorganising concept foranewtheological movement inthe yearsimmediatelyafterthe conference .

CELAMII at Medellin (1968)

CELAMIIfinally opened on26August1968atMedellinin Colombia.P The fortnight-long meeting(itclosedon6 September) wascalled "The Church in thePresent-DayTransformationofLatinAmericaintheLightofthe Council."?' Byany evaluation, itwasoneofthemost important landmarksinthefirstfive centuries oftheLatin American church. The relativelysmall number ofprogressive bishops-inspired byPaulVI'sexamplein Populorum Progressio, supported bythedraft documents andguidedbytheinvitedtheologicaladvisers (peritos)-persuaded the Conference tomaketheneedsoftheLatin American pooracritical element intheirtheological thinking."

The conference was intended to interpret LatinAmericainthelightofthe Council .?' Crucially,Medellin adopted the three-stage presentation of Gaudium et Spes : starting witha statement offacts;movingtoreflections;endingwith recommendations.v' Starting withthefactsofLatinAmericaandnotthetexts oftheCouncilallowedaprocessof mutual interpretation between them . The initialfocusonfacts pointed tosomeofthelimitsoftheVaticanII documents intheLatin America context of acute social injustice/ " Thispushedthebishopsinto developing prophetic statements of their ownwhichwentbeyond VaticanIIinrecognizingthe importance oftemporalhistoryand reorienting the church's priorities.

thedraft document onPovertyandcollaboratedcloselywithPierreBigoonthedraft document onPeace.SeeSmith, The Emergence of Liberation Theology, p.160.

60 PaulVIcametoopenthemeetinginperson.HewasthefirstPopeevertotravel toLatinAmericawhilein office. HisvisitspannedtheendoftheEucharisticCongressin BogotaandtheopeningofCELAMII.AveryhelpfuldiscussionandselectionofdocumentsonthePope'svisitandtheconferenceitselfcanbefoundin A. Gheerbrant, The Rebel ChurchinLatinAmerica (trans.R.Sheed; Harmondsworth :Penguin,1974 [Frenchorig.1969]).

61 CELAM, The Church in the Present-Da y Transformation ofLatinAmericaintheLight ofthe Council (2nded.;Washington,D.C.: Bishop's Conference,1973[Spanish orig. 1968]).

62 Despitetherelativelyhighstatusofthe event comparedtotheordinaryannual meetings,only146bishops attended alongwith120advisers.VaticanIIhaddemonstrated thevalueoftheologicaladvisersandtheCELAMorganisers,andindividual bishopspickeduponthiswith enthus iasm.Manybishops,andespeciallythemostprogressivebishops,invitedadviserstoassistinthedeliberationsandmuchofthepracticalworkofwritingwasinthehandsoftheseadvisers.

63 Bytakingthistaskseriouslyitalsobecameanimplicit interpretation oftheCouncil inthelightofLatinAmerica.

64 SeeCleary, Crisisand Change , p.22.

65 Thepresenceofpastoralworkersand other church sectorsattheconferencealso helpedthebishopsroottheirreflectionsinthelivedexperienceofthe church andnot theconcernsoftheecclesiasticalhierarchy.

CHAPTER FIVE

The final conclusions are quite mixed (there are sixteen documents onparticular themes aswellasthe "Introduction" and ''A MessagetothePeoplesof Latin America"). A number of documents are particularly worthyof note for their stressonthe need toengagewiththe Latin American social context and their insistence that the church respondtotheneedsofthepoor. These include the "Introduction" andthe documents onJustice,Peace,andPovertyofthe Church.f

Inthe "Introduction totheFinal Documents" thebishopsspokeofthepast failingsinthe church and the need for action aswellaswordsto correct this. In recognition oftherapidsocial transformations takingplaceinLatin America, theysaid "It appearstobeatimefullofzealfor emancipation, of liberation fromeveryformof servitude Inthesesignswe perceive thefirst indications ofthe painful birth ofanew civtlization.T" The bishops then drewaparallel between thenewpeopleofGodinLatin America andthe deliverance ofthe firstpeopleofGodfrom oppression inEgypt.68

Inthe "Document onJustice"thebishops started withabold denunciation ofthe situation:

There arein existence manystudiesoftheLatin American people. The misery that besetslargemassesof human beingsinallour countries is described inallthesestudies. The misery,asa collective fact,expressesitselfasinjustice which criesto heaven."

They rejected the temptations of Marxist systems such asCuba's, but balanced thiswitha critique oftheliberal capitalism that was prevalent throughout the restofthe continent. They recognised that thesetwosystemsseemedto exhaust thepossibilitiesof transforming the economic structures ofthe continent, but rejected them both onthebasis that "Both systems militate againstthedignity ofthe human person .?" The bishopsdrewonFreire's concern to promote the

66 Therejectionofdualismand emphasis on'''HistoryasOne,"which was an important issue for Gutierrez (see below), isfoundinthese Medellin documents .See especially "Documentonjustice," § 5:"Inthesearchforsalvationwemustavoidthe dualism which separates temporal tasks from theworkof sanctification." Seealsothe"Document on Catechises,"§4.

67 CELAM II, "Introductiontothe Final Documents," § 4; reprinted in Hennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 94-97(95).

68 "IntroductiontotheFinal Documents ," § 6. Despitethismentionofthe Exodus story, noactual verses arecitedor analysed. In general, the Medellin documentsmade littledirectuseof biblical analysis insupportofits position. Whenthe bible was referred to, references were usually to single verses takenalmost exclusively from the Gospels and Epistles. Specific verse references from theOldTestamentwereveryinfrequent. Therewerea few references tothe Prophets, butnonefromthebookof Exodus .

69 CELAM II, "Documentonjustice," § 1; reprintedinHennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology , pp. 97-105(97).

70 "Documentonjustice," § 10.

participation ofthepeoplein their ownstrugglesforfreedomand ensure the people'sactive involvement inthe transformation ofsociety.In particular : Wewishtoaffirm that itis indispensable toformasocial conscience anda realistic perception oftheproblemsofthe community andofsocialstructures.Wemustawakenthesocial conscience and communal customsinall strata ofsocietyandprofessionalgroups regarding such valuesasdialogue and community living within thesamegroupand relations withwidersocial groups(workers, peasants, professionals,clergy,religious, administrators, etc.). Thistaskof conscientization andsocial education ought tobe integrated into joint pastoral action atvarious levels."

The bishopspraisedbasic communities asa practical stepforwardfor pastoral action and committed themselves toa supporting roleintheprocessofsocial transformation. " There werealso hints at what would later becomeafuller christological understanding ofJesus'roleas liberator The title liberator is not explicitly stated inthe documents, but there areplaceswhereitisimpliedand thesocial component of liberation isrecognised.Forexample: It isthesameGodwho,inthefullnessoftimesendstheSonintheflesh, so that hemightcometoliberateallpersonsfromtheslaverytowhichsin has subjected them :hunger,misery,oppression,and ignorance-in aword, that injustice and hatred which have their originin human selfishness."

The "Document onPeace"tookupsimilar concern forthe poor," It condemned the underdevelopment ofLatin America asan "unjust situation" which "promotes tensions that conspire againstpeace"and emphasised that thisinjusticeisa"sinful situarion .?" It analysedLatin America's economic situation and placeintheworld economy under the heading "Neo-colonialism," drawing attention tothe dependence ofLatin America on other centres of economic power." Amongst other indicators of the difficult economic situation they prophetically noted, "Wethus run theriskof encumbering ourselveswithdebts whose payment absorbsthe greater part ofourprofits .?" They also indicated that within Latin America national tensions andexcessivearms expenditure prevented urgent socialneedsfrombeingproperlyaddressed. The thought of

71 "Document onJustice," § 17.

72 "It isnecessary that smallbasiccommunitiesbedevelopedinordertoestablisha balancewithminoritygroups,whicharethegroupsinpower.Thisispossibleonly throughvitalizationoftheseverycommunitiesbymeansofthe natural innate elements intheirenvironment.The church-the peopleof God-will lenditssupporttothedowntroddenofeverysocialclassso that theymightcome to knowtheirrightsandhowto makeuseofthem" ("Document onJustice,"§20).

73 "Document onJustice,"§3.

74 CELAM II, "Document onPeace";reprintedinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 106-114

75 "Document onPeace," § 1.

76 "Document onPeace," §§ 8-10.

77 "Document onPeace,"§9.

CHAfYI'ERFIVE

Helder Camara was particularly influential insomepartsofthe document, and thebishops' understanding ofpeace recognised an essential linkwithjustice and rejected easy equations between peace and order: Peaceisaboveall,aworkofjustice. It presupposesandrequirestheestablishment ofajustorder....Peacein Latin America, therefore, is not the simple absence of violence and bloodshed . Oppression bypowergroupsmay givethe impression of maintaining peace and order, but in truth is nothing but the 'continuous and inevitable seedof rebellion and war.?"

The bishopsmadeaforceful reaffirmation of Christian commitment to nonviolence, but followedit immediately withapowerful statement on "a situation ofinjustice that canbecalled institutionalized violence."? Mass destitution, they said,wasasignofthis institutional violence; enforced poverty violated fundamental human rightsand required a profound transformation. P

The prophetic stance ofthe Documents onJusticeandPeacecertainlymarked anewstageinthe church's concern forthe poor," However,thetrue extent ofthe church's transformation is revealed most clearlyinthe "Document on thePovertyofthe Church."82 Running through this document is their lament forthemiseryofsomany and their eagerdesiretoaddress injustices :

The Latin American bishops cannot remain indifferent inthefaceofthe tremendous socialinjustices existent inLatin America, whichkeepthemajorityofourpeoplesindismalpoverty,whichinmanycasesbecomes inhuman wretchedness."

Their anguish showedasthey preached the need for liberation ;

A deafening crypoursfromthe throats ofmillionsofmen,asking their pastorsfora liberation that reaches them from nowhere else."

78 "DocumentonPeace," § 14.

79 "Documenton Peace," §§ 15-16(16).

80 "Documenton Peace," § 16. TheyreiteratedPaulVI's encyclical Populornm Progressio (§ 31)onthe circumstances inwhich revolutionary insurrectioncanbe legitimate, but strengthenedhiscautionthatarmed revolution "generates new injustices, introduces new imbalances, andcausesnew disasters ;onecannotcombatarealevilatthepriceofa greater evil" ("Documenton Peace," § 19).

81 Therewasalsoacommitmenttoamore peaceful relationship withotherChristian denominations. Anindicationofthisnewspiritofpartnershipwasthatecumenical observers werepresentthroughoutthe Conference andwereabletotakepartinits sessions.The bishops calledonbothChristianandnon-Christian communities to collaborateinthetasksathand("Documentof Peace," § 26).

87 CELAM II,"Documentonthe Poverty oftheChurch";reprinted,pp. 114-119 .

83 "Documentonthe Poverty oftheChurch," § 1.

84 "Documentonthe Poverty oftheChurch," § 2. Various otherMedellindocuments alsomade reference tothenewtermliberation.Intheir"IntroductiontotheFinal Documents," the bishops reflected onthe "signs ofthe times" andsaid,"Itappears to beatimefullofzealforfull emancipation, ofliberationfromevery form of servitude, of personal maturityandof collective integration," (§ 4); CELAM II,"Introductionto theFinal Documents"; reprintedinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp.94-97.Other

An Atmosphere of Liberation , 1965-1969

Fromthis starting point-and aidedby Gutierrez-s-rhe bishops distinguished between three differentformsofpovertv,"First, material poverty,whichisa lackofthe material resourcesnecessarytoliveworthilyas human beings.This wasdescribedasanevil,whichis contrary tothewilloftheLordandusually theresultof human injustice andsin. Then theyaddressedspiritualpoverty, whichtheycalledthe"dispositionofonewhohopesfor everything fromthe Lord."Finally,theyspokeof voluntary poverty,whichtheysaidwaspoverty that one accepted for oneself the situation of the poor-as Christ did-in order to "bear witnesstotheevilit represents andtospirituallibertyinthefaceof material goods."Inviewofthese distinctions ,thebishopsargued that the church needed a three-fold responseto poverty toaddressthe three different aspectsof poverty.'" The bishopsrecalled that :

The Lord's distinct commandment to'evangelizethepoor' ought tobringus toa distribution ofresourcesandapostolic personnel that effectivelygives preference tothe poorest andmostneedysectorsandtothosesegregated foranycausewhatsoever, animating and accelerating theinitiativesandstudies that arealreadybeingmadewith that goalinmind.Wethebishops,wish tocomeclosertothepoorinsincerityandfellowship,makingourselves accessibletothem."

referencestoliberationaremadeinthe"MessagetothePeoplesofLatinAmerica," including:"Ourpeopleseektheirliberationandtheirgrowthin humanity,throughthe incorporationandparticipation ofeveryoneintheveryconduct ofthepersonalization process,"and"Byitsownvocation,LatinAmericawill undertake itsliberationatthe costofwhateversacrifices";seeHennel1y(ed.), Liberation Theology , pp. 90-94. Thus, eventhough Medellfn didnot svst emar icallv developtheideaofliberationanditstheologicalrichness,itpreparedthewayforliberationtobecomethekeytermofanew theological movement

85 "D ocument onthePovertyofthe Church ,"§ 4. Gutierrezhadalreadydeveloped twokeypointsinthe understanding ofpovertyattheUniversityofMontrealinaseries oflecturesin1967,andGutierrezargued that thepoorwereaclassandnotjustindividuals. Th atis to say that their situation hadtobeunderstoodwithreferencetheclass relations that theywerecaughtupinandthesocial structures beyondtheirpersonal control.Second,thatthepoorarethecarriersofGod. The setwoprincipleshadaparticularinfluenceonthe Medellin' s document sandlaterformedthebasisof chapter 13 ofA Theology of Liberation Furthermore ,inacourseforstudentsin Montevideo (1967), hedevelopedhisideasonhowthe church shouldrespondtothe world-the relationshipoffaithtotemporalrealit ies-in termsofdifferent Christian responsesinthehistoryofthechurch.Inemphasising"Historyas One" hesoughtanapproach that would gobeyondtherigidseparationofplanesand critiqued both a "Christendom mentality" and"NewChristendom"model.Thisbecamech apter 4, "DifferentResponses,"in A Theology ofLiberation, pp. 53-61.

86 "Inthis context apoor church : denounces theunjustlackofthisworld'sgoods andthesinthatbegetsit;preachesandlivesinspiritualpoverty,asan attitude ofspiritual childhoodandopennesstotheLord;[and]isitselfboundtomaterialpoverty" ("Document onthePovertyofthe Church," §5).

87 "D ocument onthePovertyoftheChurch,"§9.

First Drafts of Liberation Theology (1968-1969)

The strongstancetakenbytheLatin American bishops attracted worldwide public attention The Medellindocumentsprovidedsupportfortheworkofradicaltheologians throughout the continent andafterMedellin,theloosenetworkoflike-mindedthinkers started tocrystalliseintoanorganisedmovement.

Gutierreztookafurthersteptowardrefiningandsharinghis thoughts in November 1969 whenhewasinvitedtoameetinginCartigny(Switzerland) sponsoredbythe Committee onSociety, Development, andPeace(SODEPAX).88 Other theologians werestill trying to formulate a "Theology of Development" in accordance withthe dominant notionsof development and progress.Infact,the conference organisershadinvitedGutierrezto present on "The Meaningof Development ."However,Gutierrezwishedtoargue that it wasliberation,not development, that offeredawayforward.Hethereforesubtitledhistalk"NotesonaTheologyof Liberation" ?

Other theologianswerealsoworkingonsimilarthemesatthesametime. Forexample,RubemAlves,a Protestant theologianfrom Brazil, presented a paperattheSODEPAXconference.Hispaper"TheologyandtheLiberation ofMan"offeredacomplementaryperspectivetoGurierrez/?Alveswasa Brazilian Presbyterianandhad completed graduatestudiesinthe United States,where he presented his dissertation in 1968 at Princeton TheologicalSeminaryunder thetitle"TowardsaTheologyof Liberation."?'

88 Gutierreznotes that hisclassicworkA Theology of Liberation isadirectdevelopmentoftheChimboteandCartignypapers(seeGutierrez,A Theology of Liberation , p.xi) 0 SODEPAXwasjointlysetupbytheWCCandthePontificalCommissionforJustice andPeaceearlyin 1968 andranforthreeyears.ThepapersatCartignywerepublished asSODEPAX,In Search ofa Theology of Development : Papers from a Consultation on Theology and Development held by SODEPAX in Cartigny, Switzerland, November 1969 (Geneva: WCC , 1970)

89 G.Gutierrez,"NotesonaTheologyofLiberation"inSODEPAX,In Search ofa Theology of Development, pp. 116-179. Inthe contents pageofIn Search ofa Theology of Development, Gutierrez'spaperislistedsimplyas"TheMeaningofDevelopment,"but atthestartof chapter itself,asubheadingaltersthisto"TheMeaningofDevelopment: (NotesonaTheologyofLiberation)" (seeIn Search ofa Theology of Development, p. 116.) InJune 1970, thesamepaperwas reprinted inaslightlydifferenttranslation underthetitle"NotesforaTheologyofLiberation"in Theological Studies 31.2 (1970), pp. 243-261. GutierrezhimselfusesthistitlewhenhereferstotheCartignypaperin A Theology of Liberation, po xi.HealsopublishedthepaperinFrenchas"Notespour unetheologiedelaliberation,"IOOC 30 (1970) ppo 54-78.

90 SeeR.Alves,"TheologyandtheLiberationofMan"inIn Search ofa Theology of Development, pp. 75-92. AlveswasassociatedwithISALwhichhaddevelopedlinkswith Catholic organizationsbetween 1963 and 1967. However,Alveswasinthe United Statesformostofthisperiod(atPrincetonwherehewasveryfamiliarwiththework ofRichardShaull),andapparently,itwasnotuntilCartigny that GutierrezandAlves actuallymet(seeSmith, The Emergence of Liberation Theology, pp. 176 and 254 n. 45).

91 Thiswaspublishedthefollowingyearbutchangedatthepublisher'srequesttoA Theology ofHuman Hope (Washington, o.c. : CorpusBooks, 1969) IntheSpanishtrans-

1965-1969

Hugo As smann, another Bra zilian, also wrote on the limits of a theology of development in1968.92 The following year, Assmann p roduced a short pamphl et titled A Prosp ective Evaluation of Liberation Theology that he developed furth er in the early 1970s . 93 Me anwhile, in Uru guay, the Jesu it theologian Juan Luis Segundo continued hisexpl orations intoamore distinctively Latin Ametican approach to theo logy.In1968and 1969 ,he published the firsttwo volumes of hisseries Theology forthe Artisans ofaNew Humanity , which explored fundamental theologica l theme sina new dia logical form atbased on the first of five annual seminars (1968-1972) for lay people." InN ovember 1969, the lation,itchangedagainto Opio 0 instrnmento de liberaci6n (Montevideo:TierraNueva, 1970).Inthiswork,Alves'stheologicalresourcesaremarkedlyProtestantincomparisonwithGutierrez,anditisnotable that whereasthe Catholicpioneersinliberation theology tended toreceivegraduatetraininginEurope,theirProtestant counterparts suchasAlvesandMiguez-BoninowenttotheU.S.InA Theology ofHumanHope, Alves gaveparticular attention totheGerman theologians KarlBarth,RudolfBultmann, Dietrich Bonhoeffer,and[urgenMoltmann.Afewyearslater,hefolloweditwith T omorrow'sChild: Imagination ,Creativity and Rebirth ofCulture (NewYork:Harperand Row,1972).However,Alves'srelationwiththeBrazilianPresbyterianchurchwasnot easyandafterformallyleavingthe church ,hepublishedabookseverelycriticisingits conservativestanceonsocialissues.SeeAlves, Protestantism andRepression: A Brazilian CaseStudy (trans. J. Drury;Maryknoll,N.Y. :OrbisBooks,1985[Portugueseorig.1979)).

92 H.Assmann,"Tareaselimitacoesdeumateologiadodesenvolvimento,"Vozes 62 (1968),pp.13-21.

9J Thepamphletfirstappearedin1969,butwasnotformallypublisheduntilayear later,asH.Assmann, Teologta de la liberaci6n:unaevaluacionprospectiva (Montevideo: MIEC-jECI,1970).Thiswasthendevelopedandexpandedintoalargervolume(acollectionofsmallerwritings),H.Assmann, Opresi6n.liberaci6n:Desafioalos cristianos (Montevideo:TierraNueva,1971).Withfurtherelaborationthesebecame Teologiadesde la praxis de la Iibera ci6n.Ensayoteol6gicodesde la Americadependiente (Salamanca : Siguerne1973),pp. 27-102 .ApartialEnglishtranslationofthiswaspublishedinthe U.K.asA PracticalTheologyofLiberation (trans. P. Burns;London:SearchPress,1975). ApparentlyAssmannobjectedtothetranslationofthetitle(saying that hedidnotknow whatpracticaltheologywas),andwhenitwaspublishedinthe United States,itwas titled Theolo gyforaNomadChurch (Maryknoll, N.Y. :OrbisBooks,1976).Dusselalso suggeststhatthisprospectiveevaluationofliberationtheologywas"itsfirstdemarcationinrelationto other theologies[and]itsfirstclearepistemologicaldefinition" (The Church in LatinAmerica, p.393).AccordingtoDussel,liberationtheologywasseenin relationtoFrenchtheology,anditwasimportant tosituateitmoreclearlyinrelation toGermantheology.AlthoughAlveshadengagedwithMoltmann'stheologyofhope, hehadnotgiven attentiontothepoliticaltheologyofMetz.

94 J. L. Segundo, Theology for theArtisans ofaNewHumanity (5vols;trans. J. Drury; Maryknoll,N .Y. :OrbisBooks, 1973-1974 [Spanishorigs.1968-1972)) The seminars wereorganisedbythePeterFaberPastoral Centre inMontevideoandfocussedonthe church (1968),grace(1969),God(1970),thesacr aments(1971),andevolutionand guilt(1972).Each chapter ofthebooksstemmedfromafourhourseminar. The first partoftheseminarwasaone-hourlecture, whichis reprinted alongwith further clarifications.Intheseminars,thelecturesendwithoneortwoquestions that were usedtostimulateanhour'sdiscussion. Thesearegivenasappendicesinthebooks alongsidebriefexplanationsofwhythesequestionswerechosenandotherappendices

Mexican Theological SocietyheldaCongresson "Faith and Development" in whichthe theme of liberation became central tothe discussion." Liberation theologywas starting tocoalesceasacohesiveand sophisticated theological movement ,a joint venture oftheprogressive church andradicalisedtheologiansindifferentLatin American countries."

CONCLUSION

Latin America's continuing problemsinthe1960sexposedthe economic and politicalproblemsinthe dominant development modeland encouraged the searchforradicalnew alternatives . The secondhalfofthe1960swasaremarkableperiodofhistoryacrosstheworldandtheyearof Medellin stands out for particularly memorable events. Inthe United States, assassinskilled Robert Kennedyand Martin Luther KingJr.InVietnam,the"Tetoffensive"ofthe ChineseNewYearshowed that theVietcongwerestillaneffectivemilitaryforce, and that the escalation of United States troopsin Vietnam since1965had not brought theendofwarinsight.InEurope, students andworkerstooktothe streets ofParisinaseriesofprotests.Perhapsmostsignificantofall,however, wasthe"PragueSpring"whenthereformist agenda oftheCzech administrationwascrushedbySoviettanks.InLatinAmerica, Institutional ActVinBrazil launched theeraofhard dictatorships. Meanwhile, themassacreof students byriotpoliceinMexicoCity (apparently concerned to protect thecity'simage ahead oftheOlympicgames)confirmed that state violencewasafeatureof authoritarian regimesontherightaswellastheleftofpolitics.

During theseyearsofferment,voicesinthe church started to discussliberation asavital concept inthe church's socialmissionand pastoral approach.

that provide further resourcesforthediscussion.Duringtheseminardiscussion,thelay participants were encouraged toreflectonthe lecture inthelightoftheirownlived experiences. The thirdpartoftheseminarallowedthecourseleadertorespondtothe participants' discussionand comment ontheirviewsforafurtherhour. The finalhour wasusuallyreservedformorepersonal meditation orliturgical contemplation There was alsotimefordiscussionofhowtheissuesmightbeapplied to thelocalsocial context However,itisapity that thebooksonlypreservethefirsthouroftheseseminars. The discussionofthematerial, subsequent comments bythecourseleader,andanyreferencetosocial application arenot included Nonetheless, thebooksremainrevealing studiesofthesortofpastoral experimentation that wastakingplace.

95 The proceedingswerepublishedas Memoria del primer Congreso Nacional de teologia: Fe y desarrollo (2vols;MexicoCity:1970).

96 The United States government didnotignorethese developments .In1969,Nelson Rockefeller toured Latin America on President Nixon's behalf.Herecognisedthesigns intheMedellin documents that the church inLatin America wastakinganew stand onsocialjusticeandhis influential report warned that thismadeit "vulnerable tosubversive penetration" ;see "Quality ofLifeinthe Americas"-A Report ofa Presidential Mission for the Western Hemisphere, Department of State Bulletin(8 December 1969), p.18(citedinLernoux, Cryofthe People, p.59). The report strengthened United States support forthemilitaryinBrazilandforsimilarlyrepressivemilitaryregimesinChile, Argentina, and Central Americaduringthe1970s.

The actualbirthofliberationtheologyandthechurch'soptionforthepoor canbe dated tomid-1968. The statements oftheJesuitProvincialsinRiode JaneiroinMayandthebishopsatMedellininAugustshowedevidence that amajorconversionwasunderwayamongsttheguardiansofthe institutional church . The church wasre-aligningitselfwiththepoormajority. Gustavo GutierrezprovidedthetheologicalsupportforthisshiftatChimboteinJuly 1968. The followingyear,anumberoftheologiansproducedworks that took liberationasacentralthemeandoutlinedanewpoliticalcourseforthechurch. Bytheendofthedecade,liberationtheologyhadconsolidatedits church and academiccredentialssufficientlytoensure that itwouldnotbeapassingfad butthe foundation ofan important newmovement.

Part3

The Preferential Option for the Poor 1970-1979

CHAPTER SIX

oftheseearlyworkscameinDecember1971,whenGustavoGutierrezpublishedhisclassicworkA Theology of Liberation. 4

Gutierrez'sbook brought hisprevious short pieces into relationwitheach other,developedthematgreaterlengthand included extensivereferencesto the intellectual influences that shapedhistheology. Although theoverallstructureofthebookwasnotalwaysstraightforward,threekeyelementsfromhis earlierworkwerevery clear,' First,his methodological principle, whichwasbased ontheologyascriticalreflection;second,the terminological innovation, which focussed onthethemeofliberation;third,a pastoral option of political commitment, whichaddressedthechallengesforthe church inLatinAmericaasitsought tomovebeyondNew Christendom toexpresssolidaritywiththepoorand protest againsttheir poverty," The resultwasthefirstsystematic statement of liberation theology'sagendaanditbecameoneofthemostinfluentialworks in twentieth -century Christian theology.7

thebriefarticlesbyCELAMsecretaryE.Pironio,'Teologfadelaliberacion,'Criterio 1607-1608 (Nov.1970),pp. 783-790 ;andonthe Protestant side,J.MiguezBonino, "Teologfadelaliberaci6n," Actualidad Pastoral 3(1970),pp. 83-85.

4 It wasdedicated to oneofthefirstmartyrsofliberationtheologv-s-Camara'sassistant Henrique PereiraNeto(d. 1969)-and tothePeruvianwriterJoseMariaArguedas whohadbeenaprofoundinfluenceonGutierrez's thought On Arguedas'workand influenceonGutierrez,seeR.M.Brown, Gustavo Gutierrez, pp. 27-31.

5 The presentation ofeachstrandinthebookdoesnotalwaysfollowtheexpected chronologicalsequence.ThebookisorganisedinfourpartsandPart4(chapters9-13), entitled "Perspectives," constitutes abouthalfthebook.TheanalysisinPart4sometimesrepeats,sometimesextends,andatothertimesprovidesbackgroundtotheargumentinParts1-3.

6 Themethodology(seeesp.A Theology of Liberation, chapter 1)andtheterminology ofliberation(seeesp. chapters 2,6,and9)alreadyfoundexpressioninGutierrez's papersatChimbote(1968)andCartigny(1969).Thepastoralagenda(seeesp.chapters4,5,7,and12)previouslypublishedinhisLa Pastoral de la Iglesia en America Latina (1968)wasbasedonearliertalksinMontevideo(1967)andPetr6polis(1964). Thepoliticaldimensiontopoverty(seeesp. chapter 13)wasdevelopedinthecourse atMontreal(1967)andhis contributions toMedellin(1968).

7 PabloRichardalsooffersan interpretation ofGutierrez'sdevelopmentof thought in three-stages butit differs slightlyfromtheframeworkofferedhere.ForRichard,the threestageswere characterised primarilybyadeveloping understanding ofpractice.The firststage(illustratedin1968withLa Pastoral de la Iglesia en America Latina andpreviouslyinuniversitytalksin1964)wasconcernedwiththepastoralpracticeofthechurch. ThesecondstagefocussedonthepoliticalpracticeofChristians.ThethirdstageextendedbeyondthepoliticalpracticeofChristians to includethepopularclasses(see Richard, Death of Christendom , Birth ofthe Church, p.147).Gibellinialsoofferedathreestageschema,butagainitisslightlydifferent(seeThe Liberation Theology Debate , p.312). HesawthefirststageasthemeetinginPetr6polis(1964)organizedbyIllich,where Gutierrezdevelopedtheepistemologicalthemeoftheologyascriticalreflectiononpraxis. Gibellininoted that thesamethemeappearedinLa Pastoral de la Iglesia en America Latinaand then chapter 1ofA Theology of Liberation. Thesecondstage,Gibellinisaw asstartingin1965withtheriseofarevolutionarymovementpromptingGutierrez to becomemorecriticalof inherited Europeantheologyandfocusmore attention onthe socialandpoliticalscene.Thethirdstage,Gibellinitraced to thecourseonpovertyin

METHODOLOGICAL PRINCIPLE: THEOLOGY AS CRITICAL REFLECTION ON PRAXIS

InA Theology of Liberation Gutierrezchallengedtraditionaltheologicalapproaches that distancedtheologyfromeveryday concerns andreallifeconflicts.Asan alternative,A Theology of Liberation offered atheologicalapproachthatwasrooted inthesocial context offaithandsoughttorespondtoits contemporary challenges.ForGutierreztheologywas"acriticalreflectionon Christian praxisin thelightoftheWord."B

Gutierrez presented theprimarytaskoftheologyasthestrugglewithissues firmly located in human history. Theology doesnottakeplaceinasocial vacuum,butalwaysarisesinrelationto particular historical contexts andsocial situations.?UnlikemostofhispredecessorsintheLatin American church, Gutierrezfeltthattheologycouldnotescapeitssocialcontext.Theologiansshould not treat socialissuesasa distraction tobeignored,but rather theyshould embracethemashistoricalrealitiestobeponderedthroughtheologicalreflection. Hepresentedtheologyas both reflection onand response to thesocial situation confrontingthetheologian.Inaparticularlymemorablepassage,hecommented:

Theologyisreflection,acritical attitude. Theology follows ;itisthesecond step. What Hegelusedtosayaboutphilosophycanlikewisebeappliedto theology:itrisesonlyatsundown. to Inalaterwork,Gutierrezrepeatedthesameprincipleinaslightlydifferentway:

The theological moment isoneofcriticalreflectionfromwithin,andupon, concrete historicalpraxis,in confrontation withthewordoftheLordas livedandacceptedinfaith...11

1967 in Montreal inwhichthepoorcame to beseenas both asocialclassandbearersofGod'sword, which Gutierrez then d eveloped inthe concluding chapter ofA Theology of Liberation

S See Gutierrez, Theology of Liberation, pp. 3-15 (esp.13).

9 Foraforcefullater statement byGutierrezalongtheselines,seeGutierrez, The Power ofthe Poor in History (trans.R.R.Barr;M aryknoll ,N.Y.:OrbisBooks; London :SCM Press, 1983), p.212.

to Gutierrez, Theology of Liberation , p.11. The phrase"risingat sundown" refersto Hegel's comment onphilosophyastheowlof Minerva, theGoddessofwisdom. Other liberation theologians havefollowed Gutierrez inarguing that their workbeginswitha recognition andresponsetothe inhuman sufferingoftheLatin American people.For example,Miguez Bonino stated, "Latin American theologyof liberation is beginning to emerge afterthe fact, asthe reflection about factsand experiences whichhavealready evoked aresponsefrom Christians" ; J. Miguez Bonino, Doing Theology in a Revolutionary Situation (Philadelphia :FortressPress, 1975), p.61.However,somecriticsexpressed doubts asto whether liberation theology actually struck the correct balance between its professed commitments anditscriticalreflection.Forexample,SpanishtheologianAlfredo Fierro described itasasimple "profession offaith" rather than "critical reflection on faith"(Fierro, TheMilitant Gospel: An Analysis of Contemporary Political Theologies [trans J. Drury; London:SCMPress, 1977), p. 328).

11 Gutierrez, The Power ofthe Poor in History, p.200;seealso chapter 5onearlier variations

CHAPTER SIX

Gutierrezargued that intheBibletheknowledgeofGodisinseparablefrom action forjustice,knowingGodinvolvesunitywithGod through action . The Christian iscalledtofaithin action .AsGutierrezputit:"...onlybydoing this truth willourfaithbe'veri-fied,'intheetymologicalsenseoftheword ."1 2

Anewtheological method wasrequiredinwhich understanding ofthegospel wasinseparablefromanactiveresponsetoit.ConsciouslyechoingMarx'scall toapraxisbeyondFeuerbach'sphilosophicalreflections,Gutierrezwrote:"This is atheologywhichdoes not stopwithreflectingontheworld,but rather tries tobe part oftheprocess through whichtheworldistransformed."!'

TostressthistheologicalshiftGutierrezarguedfor orthopraxis to takeprecedence overorthodoxy. The term"praxis," derived fromMarxist thought, is usedtoemphasizethedialecticof action andpracticeguidedbyreflectionand thought. Orthodoxy, understood asthe "proclamation andreflectiononstatements understood tobetrue,"makeswayfor orthopraxis asthetrue criterion for liberation theology.14

Gutierrez's commitment toactionandsocialtransformation,thereforeinvolved aprofound reorientation ofthetheologicalagenda. It should,however,be noted that whilethereorderingofprioritiesis cert ainlyradicalandGutierrez'scall foritwasvery provocative, itwouldbe mistaken toseeGutierrez'sshiftfrom orthodoxy to orthopraxis asadenialof orthodoxy 's importance. The emphasis on orthopraxis wasan attempt todevelopandenlargeorthodoxy, rather than replaceit;orin other words,itcomesnottoabolish,but to fulfill orthodoxy,"

12 A Theology of Liberation ,p. 10;cf Gutierrez, The Power ofthe Poor in History , p.201.

13 Gutierrez,A Theology of Liberation, p.15.

14 Gutierrez,A Theology of Liberation, p. 10. Support forthiscamefrom other Latin Americantheologians.Forexample,theUruguayantheologianJuanLuisSegundoagreed withGutierrezthat orthopraxisshouldbeseenas transcending orthodoxy:"... orthodoxypossessesnoultimate criterion initselfbecausebeing orthodox does not meanpossessingthefinal truth. Weonlyarriveatthe latter byorthopraxis.Itisthe latter that istheultimate criterion oftheformer, both intheologyandinbiblical interpret ation. The truth is truth onlywhenitservesasthebasisfortrulyhuman attitudes" a. L. Segundo, The Liberation of Theology [trans.J.Drury;Maryknoll, N.Y. :OrbisBooks;1976 (Spanishorig.1975)],p.32.LikewiseMiguezBonino (Doing Theology in a Revolutionary Situation,p.81)argued: "Theology, ashere conceived ,isnotanefforttogiveacorrect understanding ofGod'sattributesoractionsbutanefforttoarticulatetheactionof faith,theshapeofpraxisconceivedandrealizedinobedience.AsphilosophyinMarx's famous dictum, theologyhas to stopexplainingtheworldandstarttransformingit. Orthopraxis, rather than orthodoxy , becomesthecriterionfortheology."[Emphasisoriginal)

15 Gutierrezwascarefultostate that his intention indrawinga distinction between orthopraxis andorthodoxywasnottodenythemeaningof orth odoxybut:"tobalance andeventorejecttheprimacyandalmostexclusivenesswhich doctrinehasenjoyedin Christian lifeandabovealltomodifytheemphasis,oftenobsessive,uponthe attainment ofan orthodoxywhichisoftennomorethanfidelitytoanobsolete tradition or adebatable interpretation. Inamorepositivevein,the intention istorecognizethe workandimportanceofconcretebehaviour,ofdeeds,ofaction,ofpraxisintheChristian life";A Theology of Liberation, p.10.

ANewWay of Doing Theology 123

Manyofthe pioneers of liberation theology shared thissame orientation. 16 Reflection onsocial injustice should not justinvolve detached observation and abstract reflectionfollowedbyapurelyacademicexercise in theological thought." Afewyearslater,JoseMiguez Bonino (an Argentinean Protestant liberation theologian) echoed Gutierrez's view that this liberation theologyisprimarily"a newwayof'doingtheology.' "18 The ideaofdoingtheologyservesasaneffective reminder that theological thinking can never be separated from practice and action, and that thiswasthe methodological foundation on which liberationtheologywas built."

THEOLOGICAL TERMINOLOGY : LIBERATION

One of Gutierrez's central concerns inA Theology of Liberation wasto outline anew theological understanding ofthe relation between human historyand salvation history.Hisstrokeofgeniuswastoshow that giventhesocialreality ofLatin America thelanguageof liberation offeredthebestinsight into the processof salvation. Traditionally,the church had understood nature andgrace tobe separate states ofbeing.However, Vatican IIhad endorsed movestowards understanding spiritualandseculardomains in amoreintegralway. The Conciliar documents recognised the relationship between thetwoplanes rather than just stressing their differences." Gutierrez drew on thissignificantshiftin thought andputspecialemphasisonitsinsight into historyasone. The integral relationship between salvation andhistoryisa consistent theme throughout the book." What made Gutierrez's engagement withthisissueso important was

16 Forexample,LeonardoandClodovis Soft" latersummarisedthefirststepofliberation theologyas"LiberatingactionorLibera(c}tion"andthesecondstepas"faithreflecting on liberating practice"; L. Boff and C. Boff Introducing Liberation Theology, pp. 4-9

17 LeonardoandClodovis Soft" arguethatinviewofthesocial injustices ofLatinAmerica theonlyresponsea Christian canmakeisa wholehearted commitment totheliberationoftheoppressed:"Howarewetobe Christians inaworldof destitution andinjustice? There canbeonlyoneanswer:wecanbefollowersofJesusandtrue Christians onlybymakingcommoncausewiththepoorandworkingoutthegospelofliberation" (L. andC.Boff Introducing Liberation Theology, p.7).

18 MiguezBonino, Doing Theology in a Reoolutionary Situation, p.82.Theideaofdoing theologywasalso mentioned byAssmann, Practical Theology of Liberation, p.43.

19 The BraziliantheologianClodovisBoffsummedupliberationtheologyas"reading ofthepraxisofChristiansinthelightofGod'sword";see C. Bofl, Theology and Praxis: Epistemological Foundation s (trans.R.Barr;Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1987[Portuguese God'sword";see C. Bofforig.1978))p.139.

20 GutierrezsawtheCouncilasmovingtoembrace"salvationtoallmenandtothe wholeman"(Gutierrez,A Theology of Liberation, p.168).ThewordingoftheSpanish reflectstheclose relation that Gutierrezsawbetweenthesetwoconcerns: "a todos los hombres y a todo el hombre." Gutierrezfeltthe church wentmuchfurtherinaccepting theformer (a todos los hombres) and understood himselfasmovingthefocus onto the latter (a todo el hombre) onwhichthe church wasmore reticent

21 The importance ofthe theme-and thesensitivity surrounding discussionof itgoalongwaytoexplainingwhyatfirstglancethebookappearedtohavesuchastrange structure. Gutierrezfirstraisedthecentral question oftherelationshipbetweensalvationandliberationinchapters 2-3 ofthebookandthen returned toitin chapter 9

thathepressedforfurtherdevelopmentofConciliarteachingonacloserengagement withsocietyandarguedforamorehistoricalviewofsalvation,which demanded (rather than prohibited) Christian involvement inpoliticalissues.

VaticanIIstressedthe importance ofintegral development (economicand human) that wasstressedin Populorum Progressio (§ 14).Gutierrezargued that liberation offereda better frameworkfortheologicaldiscussion.Hisapproach captured the revolutionary spiritoftheage.DevelopingatheologyofliberationallowedGutierreztoexpresshistheologyinanew way, butstillremain withinthelimitsoforthodoxyonits understanding ofsalvation.

Asseeninthepreviouschapter,Gutierrezdidnotcreatethe understanding of liberation ex nihilo. Other progressivethinkersinLatinAmericainfluenced Gutierrez'sadvocacyofliberationduringthe 1960s. Newwaysofthinkingin other academicdisciplines created an atmosphere ofliberationamongstintellectualsacrossthe continent, andtheterminologyofliberationgainedparticularlystrongcurrencyinsocialsciencesand educational theory.Inleft-wing circles, liberation cametobe understood asimplyingan overturning (revolution)ofexistingprocedures ." Gutierrezwasconsciousofliberation'simplicationsindependencytheory,radical pedagogy, andthecultural analysis (including HerbertMarcuseandFranzFanon).Hewasconvincedthattheologycouldadopt andadaptittoaddress both Latin American societyand tradition Christian doctrinesinnewways.23

Somecriticshavesaid that Gutierrezand other liberationtheologianswished tofullyequatesalvationwith political liberation.Whilethismighthavebeen howGutierrez'sinsightsweremistakenly interpreted insomecircles,itwas neversomething that Gutierrezadvocated.Heacceptedthe distinction between salvationandpoliticalliberation, but arguedforanessential interrelationship. Where heappearedto equate salvationwithliberation,itwasnotjustpoliticalliberationhehadinmind, but awidersenseofintegralliberationonthree differentlevels.

whichis entitled "LiberationandSalvation." It istypicalforhimtodealwithanissue inan introductory wayandthen return toitlaterinmoredetailinadifferent way. It isalsotypicalofhisstyle that heindicateshisconcernsbyraisingaquestionabouta problem.Thus,he introduces chapter 9witha question : "What istherelationship betweensalvationandtheprocessoftheliberationofman throughout history?Ormore precisely, whatisthemeaningofthestruggleagainstanunjustsocietyandthe creation ofanewmaninthelightoftheWord?"(p. 149). Thisechoesthestartto chapter 3 (titled"TheProblem,"which constitutes ashortfirst chapter inPart 2, "Posingthe Problem").At that pointhehadformulateditas:"Tospeakofatheologyofliberation istoseekananswer to thefollowingquestion:whatrelationistherebetweensalvation andthehistoricalprocessoftheliberationofman?" (p. 45).

zz See H. Assmann, Theology ofa Nomad Church (Maryknoll, N.Y. : OrbisBooks, 1976 [1971]), pp. 49-51.

23 Seeesp.Gutierrez,A Theology of Liberation , pp. 21-36,91-92. Onthehistoryof thetermliberationafter 1965, seeH.Assmann, Practical Theology of Liberation, pp. 45-46 .

ANewWay ofDoingTheology 125

Twicein the book,he explicitly identified the se threelevelsof liberation. " First,a liberation from econo micexploitation, which Gutierre zsawas the rightfulaspirationofoppressedclasses.Second ,a liberationfromfatalism,whichwould allowapeopletotakec ont rolover the irowndestiny. Thisexistent ial liberationwasconce rnedwith trulyperson al freedom." For Gu tierre z,itwasc omplement aryto liber ation fromexploit ation , but atadiffer ent leveltoit. It was bro ader inscopeandmoreuniversalinrele vance thantheliberationofoppressed classes. It c ould beappliedtoawhole understanding of history,int erms of humanity t aking incre asingrespon sibilityforitsowndestinyandself-fulfillment. This liberati on wasa proce ssofgradually overc ominghistoric alc onst ra ints. Finally, there wasliberationfrom sin, which permitted c ommunion with God At thislevel, unlike the t erm devel opment, the term liberati on offersanew approachto the biblicalsources which present Christas the Saviour wholiber ate s hum anity from sin."

Gutierrez expla ined th at this"isn ot a matter of thre ep arall elor chronologicallysuccessive proce sses,however. There are three levelsof meaning of a single,c omplex proce ss.... "27 Inusing the term liberation hewastryingtodo justicetoall three levelsof the onesalvationprocessandavoid"idealistor spiritualist approache s, which aren othing but waysofev adin gaharsh and dem andingreality." 2s Guti errezdidn ot intendtor educ e th eimport ance ofliberationfromsin, but toshowthedifferentwaysinwhichsinhadcon sequence s.i?

Gut ierrez's main po int wasthatliberati on wasa bett ert erm than devel opm ent for under st andingandexplaining the singlec ompl exprocess of salvation atapolitical,existenti al,and theologicallevel. The term liberati on gaveinsight intosa lvatio nbe caus eitinco rporated all threesalvificlevels,while ot hert erms tendedtobeun derstoodatjustonelevel.

Thu s,atapolit icallevel, Gut ierrezsaw the aspiration of oppressedclasses tofreethemselvesfromexploitationasjustified.Inglobalterms,healsoagreed

Z4 TheSpanishwordheuses, nivel (level),makesthisclear.See A Theology of Li beration, pp. 25-37 (esp, 36--37) andpp. 176-178.

25 Hisemphasisonthissecondlevelseems to havebeeninfluencedbyhisearlystudiesinpsychologyandexistentialism.TherewerealsoechoesofTeilharddeChardin's evolutionaryvisionofhumanprogress.

26 Gutierrez, A Theology ofLiberation , pp. 25-37 and 176--17 8.

27 Gutierrez, A Theol ogy of Libe ration, p. 37. On p. 176 heisequallyclear:"These threelevelsmutuallyaffec teachother,buttheyarenotthesame.Oneisnotpresent withouttheother,buttheyaredistinct:theyareallpartofasingle,all-encompassing salvificprocess,buttheyare to befoundatdifferentlevels.Notonlyisthegrowthof theKingdomnotreducedtotemporalprogress;becauseoftheWordacceptedinfaith, weseethatthefundamentalobstacle to theKingdom,whichissin,isalsotherootof allmiseryandinjustice;weseethattheverymeaningofthegrowthoftheKingdom isalsotheultimatepreconditionforajustsocietyandanewman."

28 Gutierrez, A Theologyof Libera tion, p. 37.

29 Gutierrez (A Theologyof Liberation, p. 37) emphasizedthat"ChristtheSaviorliberatesmanfromsin,whichistheultimaterootofalldisruptionoffriendshipandof allinjusticeandoppression."

with dependency theorists that the dominant modelsofeconomicandpolitical development werepartoftheproblem, rather than partofthesolution. The economicandpoliticalwell-beingofLatinAmericarestedonrejectionof suchdevelopmentalism.In both cases, national and international, thewayforwardwastobefoundin liberation fromsuch development notreformstoit.3D Attheexistentiallevel,the concept of liberation couldbe contrasted with inadequate conceptsofpersonal development, whichignoredthewidersocial context. LikeFreire,Gutierrezwasscepticalofanypersonal development that didnotpromotetruefreedom.Forexample,ifFreirewascorrect,thedominant modelsof education usuallydisempoweredpeople.Insteadofpromoting personalgrowth,they undermined personal freedom." Viewedfromoneperspectivesuch education mightbeseenasevidenceofpersonal development, but Freireargued that infactitwasadehumanizingprocessinwhich human subjectsaretransformedintoless than human objects.

Most importantly ofall,atthethirdlevel,itispossibletospeaktheologicallyof liberation fromsin,whereasitis inapproprate tospeakofthisinterms of development." Christian orthodoxyrejectsthebelief that humanity cansave itselffromitssinful situation. Thinking ofsalvationintermsof development orreformrunstheriskofunderemphasizingthetheological conviction that salvation is dependent onGod'sgraceaswellas human response. The termliberation capturestheChristian understanding ofsinasbondagerequiringrelease.

Thusliberationwasamoreincisiveterm than development ateachofthe three levels.'! Nonetheless,despitehiscarefulargumentGutierrezhasfrequently beencriticizedforoversimplifyingthetheological nature ofsalvationbyrepresentingitpurelyintermsof human liberation strugglesand equating theology withpolitics.Partoftheproblemmaybe that inthe1970s,Gutierrez'swritingsprimarily dealt with liberation atthefirst(political)level.His understandingofthethird(theological)levelemphasizedtheintegralrelationbetween

30 TheinfluenceofdependencytheoryontheearlyworkofGutierrezand other liberation theologiansneedstoberecognised.However,dependencytheoryhascomein forconsiderablecriticismandlaterworksinliberationtheologyputlessemphasisonits theoretical analysisofeconomicandpoliticaldevelopment.ComparedwithA Theology of Liberation, Gutierrez'slaterrecentworksgave dependency analysismuchlessprominence.Foradiscussionofcurrentevaluationsofdependencytheory,see A. EMcGovern, Liberation Theology and Its Critics: Towards an Assessment (Maryknoll, N.Y. :Orbis Books, 1990), pp. 125-129,156-176.

31 Seeespeciallythediscussionof"BankingEducation"inFreire, Pedagogy ofthe Oppressed, pp. 57-61. Gutierrez mentioned FreireinA Theology of Liberation, pp. 91-92, 213,233-235.

32 ForacollectiononthetheologyofdevelopmentinEnglish,seeG.Bauer(ed.), Towards a Theology of Development (Geneva,WCC 1970) Somestrandsalreadyinfluenced progressivetheologiansinLatinAmerica,including:].Comblin, Teologia do desenvolvi· mento(BeloHorizonte, 1968); idem, Cristianismos y desarollo (Quito: 1970).

33 SeeD.Brackley, Divine Revolution : Salvation and Liberation in Catholic Thought (Maryknoll, N.Y. : OrbisBooks, 1996), esp.pp. 72-77.

thefirstandthethirdlevelsbuttherewasrelativelylittleexplicitfocusonthe second(existential)level. Furthermore, Gutierrez explicitlydescribedhistheologyasa"political hermeneutics oftheGospel"andtheboldnessofthisassertionwas bound to create areaction.However,inhisdefenceGutierrezargued that hisemphasisonpoliticswasa corrective rather than adenialofthe other concernsof theology," Infact,Gutierrez'sanalysisofsalvationinwhichallthree levelsare essential to and inseparable from each other offeredaveryeffective counter-critique tohiscritics.Fromthis perspective ,itwastheywhowere reductionist(inignoringthepoliticallevel) rather than him."

Gutierrez presented human actionsforpoliticalliberation(thefirstlevel)as anessentialpartoftheoverallliberation-salvation process,butnot exhaustive ofit.This supported his endorsement of human worktowardsajustsocietyas partofa salvific process-s-andnotjustpreparationfor it-without equatinghuman action (atthefirstorsecondlevel)withthefullnessofsalvation-" Within this carefully nuanced understanding, liberation and salvation were not alternative paths but alternative terminologyforasingleholisticprocess. The unified processcanbereferredtoas either liberation orsalvation,butwhicheverterminologyisusedatleastthreelevels-political, existential, and theologicalshouldberecognisedinthesingleholisticunityofliberation- salvation."

34 SeeG.Gutierrez,"LiberationPraxisandChristianFaith"inR.Gibellini(ed.), Fronti ers of Theology in LAtin Am erica (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 1979 [Italianorig. 1975]) , pp. 1-33.

35 AsearlyasA Theology of Liberation Gutierrezdefendedhimselfalongtheselines andattackedreductionistimplicationsoftheolddualisticthinking: "The veryradicalnessandtotalityofthesalvificprocessrequirethisrelationship. Nothing escapesthis process,nothingisoutsidethepaleoftheactionofChristandthegiftoftheSpirit. Thisgives human historyitsprofoundunity. Tho sewhoreducetheworkofsalvation areindeedthosewholimitittothestrictly'religious'sphereandarenotawareofthe universalityoftheprocess. It isthosewhothinkthattheworkofChristtouchesthe socialorderinwhichweliveonlyindirectlyortangentially,andnotinitsrootsand basicstructure. It isthosewhoinordertoprotect salvation(or to protecttheirinterests)liftsalvationfromthemidstofhistory,wheremenandsocialclassesstruggle to liberatethemselvesfromslaveryandoppressiontowhichothermenandsocialclasses havesubjectedthem. It isthosewhorefusetosee that thesalvationofChristisaradicalliberationfromallmisery,alldespoliation,allalienation.Itisthosewhobytrying to'save'theworkofChristwill'lose'it."(pp. 177-178).

36 "Thisisthereasonwhyanyeffort to buildajustsocietyisliberation.Andithas anindirectbut effective impactonthefundamentalalienation. It is a salvific work,although itisnotallofsalvation"(A Theolo gyof Liberation,p. 177). IntheSpanishversionthe rejectionoftheideathathumanworkisonlypreparationforsalvationisevenclearer. Gutierrez'sphrase"es yaobrasalvadora " (translatedintheETas "It isasalvificwork") couldbemoreliterallyrenderedas "It is already asalvificwork."

37 Inhis introduction to thesecondeditionofA TheologyofLiberation, Gutierrezreiterated the importance ofthis threefold distinction andnoted that Pueblatookuphis distinctionandincorporateditintothefinald ocument.Healsostressedtheimportance ofthesecondlevelofliberationinanyunderstandingofthewhole.

CHAPTERSIX

To support hiscase, Gutierrez argued that recent developments in Christian thinking on the unity of history and the nature of salvation provided a new framework to address political issues." The more positive evaluation of human hi story-which recognised the unity between human history and salvation history-supported a new Christian attitude to politics." To illustrate the theological foundations forthis,he examined the biblical understanding of Exodus, Creation, and the work of Christ.

Gutierrez noted that the Exodus theme was centr alto biblical theology,'? It provided a theological norm fora liberating hermeneutics." Gutierrez wrote:

38 "Whatwehaverecalledintheprecedingparagraphleadsustoaffirmthat,infact, therearenottwohistories,oneprofaneandonesacred,'juxtaposed'or'closelylinked,' Ratherthereisonlyonehumandestiny,irreversiblyassumedbyChrist,theLordofhistory.Hisredemptiveworkembracesallthedimensionsofexistenceandbringsthemto their fullness. Thehistoryofsalvationistheveryheartofhumanhistory.. ," (Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation , p.153).

39 Gutierrez'sargumentwasontwofronts.First,thatsalvationhistorywasinseparablefromhumanhistory;second, that humanhistoryhadtobeviewedinasalvificperspective.ThiswasbecauseGutierrezdefinedhimselfagainsttwooppositepositionson thematter.Ontheoneside,againsttraditionalistswhodeniedthesalvificvalueofhumanexistence,hearguedthat"thesalvificactionofGodunderliesallhumanexistence" (p.153).Ontheotherside,hesuggestedthatthosewhowerecommittedtosocialand politicalmovementsfromapurelysecularmotivationneededafullerconceptionofhistory that onlya Christian salvationperspectiveprovided:"Thehistoricaldestinyof humanitymustbeplaceddefinitivelyinthesalvifichorizon.Onlythuswillitstrue dimensionsemergeanditsdeepestmeanings be apparent" (A Theology of Liberat ion, p.153).

40 Theexoduswasmentioned atMedellinbutnotreallydevelopedasabiblical resource.Itcametoprominenceinthe1970swhenGutierrez'sidentifieditasaparadigmforliberationtheology. Thefirstmajorstudyoftheexoduswasintheworkofthe Argentinean exegete,JoseSeverino Croatto, Exodus : A Hermeneutics of Freedom (trans. S.Attanasio;Maryknoll N.Y. :OrbisBooks,1981[Spanishorig.1973)).Croattowasone ofLatinAmerica'smostsophisticatedhermeneuticalscholarsandhisworkontheexodus wasprimarilyfocussedonmethodologicalissuesratherthancommentatingontheexodus storyitself.SeealsoG. V. Pixley, On Exodu s: A Liberation Perspective, (trans.R.R.Barr; Maryknoll,N .Y. :OrbisBooks,1987[Spanishorig.1983]).

41 OnGutierrez's treatment oftheExodusinlaterworks,see The Powerofthe Poor in History, pp.27-29,118-119;WeDrink from OurOwnWells: The Spiritual Journey ofa People (trans.M.J.O'Connell;Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks;London:SCMPress, 1984),pp.11,73;and The God ofLife (trans.M.O'Connell;Maryknoll, N.Y. :Orbis Books;London:SCMPress,1991),pp.4,50.AhelpfulanalysisofGutierrez'suseof thebibleisofferedby Jeffrey Siker,"UsesoftheBibleintheTheologyofGustavo Gutierrez:LiberatingScripturesofthePoor," Biblical Interpretation 4(1996),pp.40-71. Siker'scommentsontheExodusareparticularlyinterestinginthisregard(p.44):"The storyoftheexodus(bothinthebookofExodusproperandelsewhereintheOT,e.g., Deut, 6,8)isalsoquiteimportantforGutierrez,asthestoryidentifiesGodasaliberatingGod.Buttheexodusstoryisnot,Iwouldargue,thecrucialbiblicalstoryortheme underlyingGutierrez'sliberation theology, amisunderstandingthatisoftenrepeatedin analysesofGutierrez'swork."However,althoughSikercautionsagainstoveremphasisingGutierrez'srelianceonExodus,herecognisesthattheimportanceoftheexodus storytoGutierrezshouldnotbeunderestimatedeither,anditistellingthatSikersuggeststhatGutierrezlaterdownplayedthe signific anceoftheexodusstoryinresponse tohiscritics (p, 68).

ANewWay ofDoing Theology 129

"The memoryoftheExoduspervadesthepagesoftheBibleandinspiresone toreread often theOldaswellastheNew Testaments.?" Gutierrez showed howtheExoduswaslinkedto creation inGenesis.Liberationas presented in Exodus provided the theological frameworkfor reading divine creation and human labourinGenesisassalvificwork." Against this background, Gutierrez presented Christ asthe liberator who completed andfulfilledthisworkofereation/liberation." However,tomakecleartheholisticsenseof liberation assalvation , Gutierrez argued that Christ istobe understood inall three levelsof the liberation proces s-political, historical,andtheological.

In Christ theall-comprehensivenessoftheliberatingprocessreachesitsfullest sense.Hisworkencompassesthe three levelsof meaning whichwementioned above ."

Gutierrez emphasised that theological reflectionon human workandsocial praxismustberootedinanaffirmationof their salvitic character." Humans are challenged to followthe creative andliberativeprocess that is indicated in the narrative fromGenesistoExodus,andisseenmostclearlyin Christ Gutierre zargued that human workinthepoliticalandsocialspherewastherefore part ofthesalvificprocess ." Subsequently,hisworkraised questions on thepastoral practices andpolitical commitments ofthe church.

PASTORAL PRACTICE AND P OLITICAL COMMITMENT:

SOLIDARITY WITH THE POOR AND PROTEST AGAINST POVERTY

Gutierre zexploredthe pastoral choicesfacingthe church inthe context ofthe church's political transition from Christendom toNew Christendom. The New Christendom,accordingtoGutierrez,restedona "distinction ofplanes" that allowedgreaterlay involvement insocial activities ." The distinction -of-planes

42 Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation, p. 157. Gutierrez alsostressedthe contemporary relevance oftheExodus: "The Exodus experience is paradigmatic It remainsvital and contemporaryduetosimilarhistoricalexperienceswhichthePeopleofGod undergo" (p, 159).

43 Hum anactivityis included inthistheological perspective since "Man isthecrown andc entre oftheworkof creat ionandiscalledtocontinue it through hislabor..." (p. 158).

44 Gut ierrez,A Theology of Liberation, pp. 175-178.

45 Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation,p. 178.

46 Gutierrez ,A Theology of Liberation,p. 160.

47 Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation,pp. 159-160: "Consequently, when weassert thatmanfulfilshimselfby continuing theworkof creation bymeansofhislabor,we aresaying that heplaceshimself,bythisveryfact, within an all-embracing salvific process.Towork,totr ansformthisworld,isto become a man and tobuildthe human community; itisalsotosave.Likewise,tostruggle against miseryand exploitation and tobuildajustsocietyisalreadytobepartofthesaving action, whichismovingtowards itscompletefulfilment.Allthismeans that building the temporal cityis not simplya stageof'humanization'or'pr e-evangelization' aswasheldin theologyup until afew yearsago. Rather itistobecome part ofasavingprocesswhich embraces thewhole ofman and all hum anhistory."

48 A Theology of Liberation, pp. 53-58

modeldividedsacredandsecularhistoryinaway that wasan important step forwardonold Christendom. It recognisedthepartialautonomyofthesecularrealmandallowedthelaitylimited engagement withsocialissuesalbeitin acloselysupervisedmoralframework.However,Gutierrezrecognised that it remainedatimidandambiguous attempt torespondtopressingsocialchallenges.

Moreover, Gutierrezarguedthatinadequaciesinthedistinction-of-planesmodel hadbeenexposedinpracticewhen committed Christians tookupthechallengetoengageonsocialissues.Problemswiththemodelarosewhenyoung peopleandlaymovementstriedtotransformsocietyin accordance withthe moralteachingofthechurch, but without takingsidesonpoliticalissues.Many progressivemembersofthelaityfoundthemselvesradicalizedbytheirengagement withsocialissuesandbecameincreasinglypoliticalintheir understandingofthem.Inthisprocess,theycametoseetheclaimofthe church that it waspolitically neutral asdeeplymisleading. The reticence totakesidesand therhetoricofneutralityconcealedthe ways inwhichthechurchwasstill closely linkedtothoseinpowerandfailedtoaddresstheneedsofthosewhowere exploited.Ironically,astheprogressivelaity started totakemoreradicalpolitical stances onthesideoftheoppressed,itwasthe "distinction ofplanes model" that wasusedto condemn their activities."

Atatheologicallevel,assumptionsaboutthe distinction ofplanes that held uptheNew Christendom modelwerealsounderchallenge.Challengescame fromtwooppositedirections. Outside the church, thesteadyriseofsecularizationinmodernsocietiescouldnotbeignored.Inaworld"comeofage"(a phraseGutierreztookfromtheGerman Lutheran DietrichBonhoeffer)theselfunderstanding of educated peoplechanged. The church had to recognisethe demands for human freedomandautonomy.Meanwhile,insidethe church, Catholic theologymovedfromaposition that emphasisedthegulf between the twoplanes,toone that acknowledgedadifferencebutstressedtheirintegral relationship. 50

Howshouldthe church inLatinAmericarespondtothisnew understandingofthe relationship between the church andworld?Gutierrezreviewedthe moreradicalpoliticalpositions that progressive Christians inLatin Americaincludinglaity,priestsandreligious,and bishops-had started toadoptandthe oppositiontheyfaced.Gutierrezstressedtheneedforapastoral option based onsolidarityor identification withtheLatin American poorandtheirquest for liberation .Thiswouldinvolvemoreactivepolitical commitment bythe church." The practical outcome ofGutierrez'stheologicaldiscussionwasclear.

49 Gutierrez notes:"The distinction of planes bannerhas changed hands.Untila few years ago it was defended bythe vanguard; nowitisheldaloftby power groups, many of whom areinno way involved withany commitment tothe Christian faith" (p.65).

50 Gutierrezcitesthe important work ofDe Lubac andRahnerinthisprocessand notesthattheterm integral achieved prominence at Vatican II (especi ally in Gaudium er Spe s).

51 SeeGutierrez, A Theology of Liberation, pp. 108-114.

ANewWay ofDoing Theology

The church shouldswitchsidesandbeparttherevolutionaryprocesstoward asocialistfutureinLatinAmerica."

Gutierrez'ssympathyfor socialism andhis willingness todrawonMarxistanalysisinevitably attracted opposition.53 Likewise, misunderstandingscouldeasily arisefromliberationtheology'sreferencesto revolution .Liberationtheology's talkofrevolutionary commitments shouldnotbeseenasevidence that liberationtheologyadvocatedtheviolentoverthrowofgovernments,54 Gutierrez'sunderstandingofliberationtheologyaspartofamovefromdevelopmentalismtosocial revolution wasneveracalltoarmed insurrection."Itwasmorea rejection of tokenreforms that didnotaddresstherealissues.Inaddition,it indicated in theterminologyofthetimethedramatic extent towhichsocietyhadtochange ifitwastoserveeveryoneandnotjustasmallelite ." Talkofrevolutionary changefocussed attention ontheneedfor structural socialchange,notjust personal transformation . It highlightedtheneedforchangesinpoliticsand societyandnotjustinner attitudes.

Inthissense,liberationtheologywasrightlyseenasarevolutionarymovement .IthopedforaradicalchangeinLatin American societies(acomplete turnaround ofpoliticalpriorities)anda rejection of capitalist dependency. Gutierrezand other liberationtheologiansreferredtorevolutioninopposition totheineffectualreform that theyknewmadesolittledifferenceinthepast. Revolutionary commitment signifiedbeliefinsocialactionandtheurgencyof dramatic change that wentwellbeyond traditional mentalities ofcharity'? Certainlyduringtheheadyatmosphereofthelate1960s,therewereafewhighly publicized instances ofpriestslikeCamiloTorresjoiningguerrillagroups. 58 However,thevastmajorityofliberationtheologianslikeGutierrezadvocated revolution-at leastinthemostliteralsenseofthe word-but firmlyrejected armedstruggle."

52 "InLatinAmerica,the Church mustplaceitselfsquarelywithintheprocessofrevolution,amidtheviolence that ispresentindifferentways"(Gutierrez,A Theology of Liberation, p.138).

53 Liberationtheology'srelationship to socialistmovementsandMarxistanalysisare discussedingreaterlengthinthenext chapte r.

54 DominiqueBarbedescribesitintermsof nonviolent revolution in D. Barbe, Grace and Power: Base Communities and Non-violence in Brazil (trans. J. P. Brown;Maryknoll, N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1987)pp. 39-40, 134-150 .

55 Gutierrez,A Theology of Liberation, p.25. On Gutierrezandviolence,seeR.M. Brown, Gustavo Gutierrez, p.214;see further R.M.Brown, Religion and Violence (Philadelphia:WestminsterPress,2nded.,1987).

56 On therelationshipbetweenliberationtheologiesandEuropeantheologiesofrevolution,seeGibellini, The Liberation Theology Debate , p.16.

57 SeealsoThirdWorldBishops, ''A LettertothePeoplesoftheThird World," §§ 3-5.

58 See Chapter 5above.Asnotedin Chapter 5,Torreswasverymuchthe exception andshouldnotbeseenasinanyway representative ofliberationtheologyinhisdecision.Infact,itis better toseeTorresand others whoresignedthepriesthoodasthe exceptions that provedtherule.Thefact that they left thepriesthoodindicatesthedifferencebetweenthemandtheliberationtheologianswhoremainedwithinthe church .

59 Criticsmightobject that totalkof revolution inthiswaygivesafalseimpression

Somecriticshavesuggested that liberationtheology'ssympathytosocialism anduseofMarxistanalysis meant atleastanimplict endorsement ofviolent revolution.However,liberationtheologiansconsistently follow orthodoxCatholic teachingontheuseofviolence.Inthevastmajorityofcasesthisleadsthem topermititinprinciplebuttorejectitinpracticeandexplicitlydistancethemselvesfromit.Forexample,Gutierrezaccepted that inprinciple,armedstrugglemightbejustifiableunder certain conditions, but inpracticehealways rejecteditasthewrongoption."

Inthelate1970s,theissueofrevolutionarystrugglewasgivennewprominence duetotheactive participation ofChristiansinsocialmovementsin Central America,especiallythe involvement of Nicaraguan Christiansintheoverthrow ofSomozain1979andthepoliticalrepressioninEISalvador that eventually ledtocivilwarinthe1980s.61 Manyfelt that theharmofalongstandingsituationofoppressionandtheabsenceof other peaceableoptions(whichare the circumstances recognisedbyPaulVIasmakingarmedstrugglepermissible) justified Christian participation in attempts tooverthrowthe dictatorship. As aresult, Christians participated inrevolutionarymovementsin both Nicaragua andEISalvador.ThisincludedanumberofpriestswhoendorsedtheSandinista revolution inNicaragua(butdidnotbeararmsorjointhefighting).InEI Salvador, afewradicalisednovicesgaveuptheirvocationstojoinguerrillagroups.

The majorityof liberation theologiansacrossthe continent hadconsiderable sympathyforthesestrugglesbut,likeGutierrez,theyweremorewillingto defendtheaimsofthestruggle than themeans.Theytriedtoexplainwhy Christians mightfeelforcedintosuchactions,buttheyusuallyqualifiedtheir supportin ways thatshowedthattheseactionswerenotchoices that theywould makethemselvesandwerenotnecessarilyapplicableto other situations.For them, liberation theology's commitment to revolution wasaboutaradical,but democratictransformationofsociety. The practicalprojectswithwhichliberation theologiansbecame involved-shanty towncommunitygroups,agriculturalcooperatives,andmovementsclaiminglandforthelandlesswereinvariablymuch moremodestandsmallerinscale than thetermrevolutionaryfirstsuggests.

andmightbeirresponsibleinthepolarizedsocietiesofLatinAmerica.However,the revolutionarylanguageinliberationtheology'searlyworksofferedanempoweringvision ofsocialchangethatfittedperfectlywiththelanguageofliberation.Furthermore,liberationtheologianscouldreasonablywish to bejudgedprimarilyonwhattheyactually wroteandnotonwhattheircriticssupposedthemtomean.

60 Itshouldalsoberememberedthatattheothersideofthepoliticalspectrumthe LatinAmericanchurchhierarchyusuallyhadverycloselinkswiththearmedforces. Militarychaplains,whomightholdhighmilitaryranksandevencarryweapons,arefar morecommonthanguerrillapriests.

61 SeeBerryman, The Religious Roots of Rebellion, pp. 51-89; A.Bradstock, Saints and Sandinistas : The Catholic Church in Nicaragua andIts Response to the Revolution (London: EpworthPress,1987); T. Cabestrero, Revolutionaries for the Gospel : Testimonies of Fifteen Christians in the Nicaraguan Government (Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1986).

Gutierrez wroteA Theology 0/ Liberation whilea student adviserandparish priestinaworkingclass neighbourhood in central Lima. With theseexperiencesinmind,hetookupthe conclusions of Medellin onpovertytowhich hehimselfhad contributed .f Gutierrez started by noting the expectations createdby Vatican II when John XXIII'smessagepriortothe opening ofthe Council spokeof"a Church ofaPoor."63However,hefelt that the Council failedtoliveuptotheseinitial expectations .Despiteitsreferencesto povertymost noticeably in LumenGentium (§ 16)and Gaudium et Spes (§ 14)-it failed tomakepovertyamajor thrust ofits work/" The problems therefore needed tobelookedatagain,and A Theology 0/ Liberation offered Gutierrez anopportunity toreflectonpovertyin both its material andspiritualdimensions.

Gutierrez presented material povertyas "the lackof economic goodsnecessaryfora human lifeworthyofthename."65 However,headded that thecriteriafor material povertyareintheprocessof change. Inthe modem world, they needed toincludeaccessto cultural, social,andpolitical values, aswell asits traditional economic dimension. Although itwaswidely accepted that povertywasdegradingand something that mustbe rejected, Christians nonethelesshada tendency toidealise material povertyandgiveitapositivevalue. Gutierrezsawthis unresolved ambiguityinthe attitude topoverty,asoneof themostseriousbarriersto promoting aneffective Christian social ethic.

Asecond element that Gutierrezidentifiedas important inthisprocesswas theshiftfroman individualistic toa structural understanding ofthecausesof poverty.Traditionally,povertywasseenasprimarilya condition that affected individualsandmade them objectsof charity.Heargued that thisnaive thinkingaboutpovertywouldnolongerdo,becausethevictimsofpovertywerebecomingconsciousofpoverty's structural elements andtheneedtostruggleagainst these.He concluded:

What wemeanbypovertyisa subhuman situation. Asweshallseelater, theBiblealsoconsidersitthisway.Concretely,tobepoormeanstodieof hunger,tobe illiterate, tobeexploitedbyothers,nottoknow that youare beingexploited, not toknow that youareaperson. It isin relation tothis poverty-material and cultural, collective and militant-that evangelical povertywillhavetodefine itself/"

Gutierrez warned that the notion ofspiritual poverty waslessclear than materialpovertyandfraughtwithdangersof misunderstanding.He rejected any

61 A Theology of Liberation, chapter13.

63 Radio message of11 September 1962, in The Pope Speaks 8.4 (Spring 1963) p.396, citedinA Theology of Liberation, p.287.

64 Gutierrez acknowledged that Populorum Progressio ismoreconcreteandclearon thesubjectof poverty, butsaidthat"it will remainfortheChurchonacontinentof misery and injustice togivethethemeof poverty itsproper importance" (A Theology of Liberation, p. 287)

65 A Theology of Liberation, p. 288.

66 A Theology of Liberation, p. 289.

spiritualistic account ofpoverty that treated povertyasan abstract ideal, rather than engagingwithpovertyasitwaslivedbythepoorofLatinAmerica.He argued that theambiguitiesoverspiritualpoverty that arosefromsuchabstract discussionshadveryharmfulhistorical consequences/"

Toclarify both thematerialandspiritualdimensionsfurther,he then turned tothebiblicalmeaningofpovertyintheBibleandidentifiedtwobasicsenses: ontheonehand,povertyasascandalous condition,andonthe other hand , povertyasspiritual childhood." Toexplainthis,GutierrezfirstofferedananalysisofthewordsusedintheBibletodescribethe poor/"Hesawthelanguage oftheBibleasavigorous rejection ofpovertyand indignant protest againstits causes.Heconcluded,"Indigent,weak, bent over, wretched aretermswhich wellexpressadegrading human situation."?Theseterms indicated thebiblicalprotestagainstmaterialpovertyasscandalous. The prophetsIsaiah,jeremiah, Amos,andMicah "condemn everykindofabuse,everyformofkeepingthe poorin poverty orof creating newpoor people."?' Exodus,Leviticus,and Deuteronomy demanded positiveand concrete measuresto blunt theedgesof povertyintheshort-termand prevent povertyfrombecoming entrenched in thelong-term."

Gutierrez concluded hisanalysisofbiblical attitudes tothescandalofmaterialpovertywitha restatement ofhisbeliefinhistoryasone. Human beings meetGodin their encounter with other people. What theydo unto othersis whattheydountoGod.Intermsofmaterialpoverty,thismeansthat:"tooppress thepooristooffendGodhimself;toknowGodistodojusticeamongmen."?

Then he turned totheBible's understanding ofspiritualpovertyasspiritual childhood.Inthissense,povertywas:

. .. theabilitytowelcomeGod,anopennesstoGod,awillingnesstobeused byGod,ahumilitybeforeGod... Understood inthiswaypovertyisopposed

67 "Wehavealsofallenintoveryvagueterminologyandakindof sentimentalism whichinthelastanalysisjustifiesthestatusquo.Insituationslikethepresentonein LatinAmericathisisespeciallyserious."A Theology of Liberation, p.290.

68 Gutierreztookthisdistinctionfrom A. Gelin, ThePoor of Yahweh (trans.K.Sullivan; Collegeville,Minn.:TheLiturgicalPress,1964),anddrewonGelin'sworkforhisown analysis; A Theology of Liberation, p.291n.11.

69 TheseincludetheOldTestamentterms, rash,e!ryo n,dal and anaw, aswellasthe NewTestamentterm ptokos. A Theology of Liberation , p.291.

70 A Theology of Liberat ion, p. 292.

71 A Theology of Liberation , p. 293.

72 Gutierrezdevelopedhisaccountofmaterialpovertyasevilfurther,byidentifying threebiblicalprinciples.First,theexamplesetbyMosesleadingthepeopleoutofslaveryandoppressionsothattheymightinhabitalandwheretheycouldlivewithdignity.Second,themandateofGenesis(1.26;2.15),inwhichhumanitywascreatedin theimageofGodwithaspecialplaceincreation. Finally, theChristiantraditionthat peopleare"thesacramentofGod,"athemethatGutierrezdevelopedinmoredepth in chapter 10.SeeA Theology of Liberation , p.295.

73 A Theology of Liberation , p.295.

topride,toan attitude ofself-sufficiency;onthe other hand, itissynonymouswithfaith,with abandonment and trust inthe Lord .?'

HedrewonthePsalmsforthis inspiration, but said that theideafoundits highestexpressionintheNew Testament Beatitudes . Thus, Gutierre zsawthe povertydescribedasblessedin Matthew 5.1intermsofspiritual childhood. According to Gutierrez "Blessedarethepoorinspirit"refers,atadeeperlevel, to dependence onthewillofGod.He then examined different interpretations ofLuke6.20,"Blessedarethepoor."Hesuggested that although thistextrefers tothemateriallypoor,itshould not be taken asthe canonization ofasocial classorasan exhortation to accept social injustice forthesakeofafuture reward. On thecontrary, Gutierrez drewonMark1.15toargue that Christ says that thepoorareblessedbecausetheKingdomofGodhasbegun,and therefore, theiroppressive situation is about tochange."

Finally, havingdistinguishedthesetwoaspectsofpovertyandthebiblicalperspectiveson them, Gutierrez attempted tosynthesisethem.He introduced a third dimension topovertyasabasisfor Christian commitment tosolidarity and protest. " Gutierrez sawthisasthe meaning ofpovertyfor Christ and argueditofferedthebestmodelfortheLatin American church .To support this,hedrewonPaul'slettersandargued that in christological perspective "poverty is anactofloveandliberation."?ForGutierrez"povertyhasaredemptivevalue," but "itisnota question ofidealizingpoverty, but rather oftaking itonasit is-an evil-to protest againstit. "78 Then he turned totheidealof theearly church asrepresentedinActs2.44and4.33.Heargued that the intention behind the community ofgoodswasnotto erect povertyasanideal but to elim inate poverty. On thisbasis,he concluded withachallengetothe church : Onlybyrejectingpovertyandbymakingitselfpoorinordertoprotestagainst it can the Church preach something that is uniquely itsown:'spiritual poverty,' that is,the openness ofmanandhistorytothefuturepromisedby God ... Only authentic solidaritywiththepoorandareal protest against thepovertyofourtimecanprovidethe concrete, vital context necessaryfor atheologicaldiscussionof poverty."

Gutierrez's interpretation ofpovertyandthe challenges that it presented tothe church inLatinAmericaandelsewhereamplifiedandexplainedthe commitment taken atMedellin. The needforsolidaritywiththe poor-and protest against their exploitation-pointed towardsaradical transformation ofthe church.

74 A Theology of Liberation ,p.296.

75 A Theology of Liberation ,p.298.

76 A Theology of Liberation,p.299.

77 A Theology of Liberation ,p.300.

78 A Theology of Liberation, p.300.Gutierrezadds(pp. 300-301) :"Christianpoverty, anexpressionofloveissolidaritywiththepoorandisaprotestagainstpoverty."

79 A Theology of Liberation ,pp. 301-302

CONCLUSION

A Theology of Liberation didnotcomeoutoftheblue,butbuiltonvariousbreakthroughsmadeinthelate1960s. Nonetheless, asthefirstsystematicexpositionofmanyof liberation theology'skeyideas,Gutierrez'sbookisrightlyseen asthe movement's foundingtheological publication.Eventhoughthecomponent partsofliberationtheologywerebornatMedellinandearlyformulations couldbefoundintheworkofdifferentthinkersinthelate 1960s-most notably Gutierrez himself-they had attracted little attention outsideasmallcircleand werealmostunknownatthe international level.Gutierrez'bookin1971served tobaptiseandnamethenewlybornmovement. It providedthefirmtheological foundation onwhichprogressivesinthe church inLatinAmericacould basetheirpoliticaloptionforthepoorandensuredthatliberationtheologywould cometothe attention ofaglobalaudience.

The crucial contribution ofA Theology of Liberation was that itsetthekey challengesfacingtheLatinAmericanchurchintoapowerfulandwell-integrated framework.First, anewsetof principles fortheology(theologyasasecondstep and orientated to orthopraxis), whichwouldgovernitsmethodology.Second, a distinctive new theological language (liberation),whichwouldprovidethemovement withacohesivecoreandsenseofself-identity. Third, anew pastoral option and political commitment-a commitment toservethepoorandanew solidarityin both thought and deed-which wouldprovidethesocialimpetus to liberation theologyandthepastoralprogramforthe church.

CHAPTER SEVEN

The early1970swereveryexcitingtimesforliberation theology. InJuly1972, manyof liberation theology'sleadingadvocateswere invited toEIEscorial Spainforaconferencesponsoredbythe Institute ofFaithandSecularization intended to introduce liberationtheologytoa European audience.' The papers presented atthe conference showedtherangeandpowerofreflection that had alreadydeveloped.Inthesameyear,theBrazilianLeonardo Boff soughtto buildfurtherfoundationsforliberationtheologybygroundingitonamoredevelopedChristology.HetookthetermJesustheLiberatorandpublishedabook of that titlein 1972,3 JonSobrinotookthisinitiative further in1976withhis Christology atthe Crossroads. Thesetwoworksaddedanewdimensiontothe liberation theology literature andoffered further methodologicalprinciplesfor the movement tobuilduponinthefuture.

MARX AND THE BIBLE

JoseMiranda'sbook MarxandtheBible waspublishedin Salamanca in1971, ayearbeforeA Theology of Liberation waspublishedin Spain ." Mirandawasa formerJesuitwithdiverseacademicinterestsand graduate training that ranged acrossphilosophy,economics,andbiblicalstudies.Heworkedasanadviser to student andworkergroupsinMexicoandwroteprimarilyasanindependent scholar, rather than inservicetothe church Nonetheless, hisworkhad amajorimpactonhowEuropeanssawtheemerging literature of liberation theology.

In MarxandtheBible, Mirandaarguedstrongly that "toagreatdegreeMarx coincideswiththeBible."!Afewyearslaterandequallyprovocatively,hewrote in TheBibleand Communism:

fora Christian toclaimtobe anticommunist without doubt constitutes thegreatestscandalofour century The notion ofcommunismisinthe NewTestament,rightdowntothe letter-and sowellput that inthetwenty centuries sinceitwas written noonehascomeupwitha better definition ofcommunism than LukeinActs 2.44-45 and 4.32-35. 6

Suchclaimswereclearlydesignedtobe startling-especially inMexico,where the church hadaparticularlyconservative history-and itishardlysurprising that theystirredopposition. The bookshapedperceptionsof liberation theologyasawhole,whichwasinsomeways unfortunate, becausehisworkwas

2 Thepapersofthis important conferencewerepublishedasInstitutoFeySecularidad, Fe cristiano y cambio social (EncuentrodeElEscorial,Spain,1972;ed. J. AlvarezBolardo; Salamanca:Sfgueme,1973).

3 Jesus Christ Liberator: A Critical Chriswlogy ofOur Time (trans. P. Hughes;Maryknoll, N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1978;London:SPCK,1980[Portugueseorig.1972)).

4 A Theology of Liberation waspublishedinSpainin1972,then translated intoEnglish andpublishedintheU.S.in1973andtheU.K.in1974.

5 Miranda, Marx and the Bible, p.xvii.

6 J. P. Miranda, Communism in the Bible (trans.R.Barr;Maryknoll,N .Y. :OrbisBooks, 1982[Spanishorig.1981)),pp.1-2.

never representative of liberation theology. Nonetheless, Miranda's workoffered a provocative reading of both MarxandtheBible,and although untypical,it wouldbewrongtodismisshisworksimplyasanaivebaptismofMarx.In part , Miranda's workwassignificantbecauseitshowedjusthowfarsomeoftheradicalideas under discussionmightbetaken.Primarily,however,his importance layinhis consistent emphasisonthebiblical concern forjusticeandtheBible's radical attitude to economic issues.'

Like Gutierrez, Miranda drewontheExodus narrative to illuminate the nature ofGodas liberator oftheoppressed.He pointed out that theBiblepresentstheExodusasthehistorical action inwhichGodwasrevealedasYahweh the deliverer ofIsrael(Exod. 6.6-7). 8 Miranda seestheExodusasdefinitiveof God's action :"Hewhorevealshimselfby intervening inourhistoryisalways Yabwehassavioroftheoppressedand punisher oftheoppressors."?

Miranda alsomade extensive useofthe Prophetic bookstoargue that the Biblemakesthe understanding ofGodinseparablefromthepracticeofjustice. to Heoffered considerable biblical support forthis.Forexample, Miranda refers tothe statement in [er, 22.16,"Hejudgedthecauseofthepoorandtheneedy; then itwaswell.Isthisnot to knowme?saystheLord,"and comments :

Herewehaveanexplicit definition of what itistoknowYahweh.Toknow Yahwehistoachievejusticeforthepoor. Nothing authorises us to introduce acause-effectrelationshipbetween'toknowYahweh'and'topractice justice.'!'

Gutierrezand other earlyliberationtheologiansalsoplacedaverystrongemphasisonjustice,but Miranda appeared togo further than Gutierrez." Miranda stressed that thebiblicalview that "toknowGodistodojustice"wastobe taken atabsolutefacevalue. According to Miranda, themessageinthis text wasnot that acausal connection existed between doingjusticeandknowing God,but that theywereactually identical.

Ineffect, Miranda seemedtoargue that intheBibleGod was justiceand vice-versa.Thiswasa much more controversial claim than Gutierrez'sview that justicewasa central and essential part ofGod's character and not amarginal

7 Mirandamakesmuchgreaterreferencetobiblicalscholarship than toMarxist theoryandthisisreflected,forexample,inmanymoreentriesintheindextothework ofOldTestamentscholarGerhardvonRad than to KarlMarx.

8 Miranda, Marx and the Bible, pp. 78-88. LikeGutierrez,Mirandadrewparticularly onGerhardVonRadtolinktheexodusto creation (see esp. p. 77).

9 Miranda, Marx andthe Bible, p. 81.

10 Miranda, Marx and the Bible, pp. 44-53. On theinseparabilityofGodandjustice, seealsoMiranda'sfollow-upwork,idem, Being andthe Messiah :The Message of St. fohn (Maryknoll, N.Y.: OrbisBooks, 1977 [Spanishorig. 1973)), pp. 27-46,137-140. Fordiscussion,see P. Berryman, Liberation Theology :The Essential Facts About Revolutionary Movements in lAtin America and Beyond (NewYork: Pantheon ;London:Taurus; 1987), p. 148; A.E McGovern, Marxism : An American Christian Perspect ive, pp. 190-194; idem, Liberation Theology and its Critics,p. 70. nMiranda, Marx and the Bible, p. 44.

12 Forexample,Gutierrez, The Power ofthe Poor in History, pp. 7-8.

or accidental one.ForMiranda,Godshouldnotbe thought ofasabeing,nor didGodhaveanyexistenceexceptinthe ethical imperative tojustice.In effect,thisde-ontologisedthe traditional theisticviewofGodandoffereda radicalethicofjusticeinitsplace.MirandasawGodasjusticeintermsofbeing asummonstoa better future.

ThisradicalviewofGod's nature wascloselyassociatedwith another distinctive featurein Miranda' swork. Miranda rejected participation inwhat hecalledthe cultus (thesphereofreligiousworship)asthebasisforknowledgeofGod.Thiswasbecauseworship tended toseparateknowingGodfrom actionforjustice.Heargued that itwasonlyanidolatrousGod that couldbe knowninthis way. KnowledgeofthebiblicalGodcouldnotcomethroughreligionorreligiousactionsofworshipor contemplation, but onlyfromthestruggle forjustice.

MirandastoodaloneamongLatin American theologiansinhisviews, both in de-ontologising God into ethicsandhisrejectionofworship.Infact,in adoptingthisapproach,Mirandamayhavefedthefearsofthose that claimed that uncriticallyadoptingMarxistcategoriesofsocialanalysisinevitablyledto acceptance ofan atheist outlook andantireligiousideology. Miranda raised important questions,buthisnegativeviewof traditional religiouspractice(and the church) andtheprovocativetitleofthebookpolariseddebate.Manyradicalandprogressivesfounditafreshandpowerfulperspective.However,itwas veryeasyformore conservative criticstodismissitaspartisan Marxism.' :' Unfortunately,theeasystereotypingofMiranda'sworkasMarxist reductionism consolidated theeasystereotypingofthewholeliberationtheologymovement inthesameterms.Afterthe publication of Marxandthe Bible, other worksofliberationtheologyfoundchargesofMarxistreductionismevenharder toavoid;no matter howpoorlyandunreasonablysuchcriticismswerereferencedtothetheologianorworkinquestion.

O CTOGESIMA ADVENIENS AND THE SYNOD ON JUSTICE Inthesameyear that GutierrezandMirandapublishedtheirinfluentialbooks, PaulVIelectedagainstissuingasocialencyclicalto commemorate the 80th anniversaryof Rerum Novarum andinsteadissuedanapostolicletter, Octogesima

13 Infact,Miranda'shighlyindividualisticuseofMarxistconceptsandaMarxist frameworkforthistaskcanhardlybedescribedasuncriticalMarxism.His subsequent work Marx against the Marxists wasasustained attack oncommonMarxistbeliefs,and madeclearthathewasanythingbutanuncriticalororthodoxMarxist;see J. P. Miranda, Marx against the Marxists: The Christian HumanismofKarlMarx (trans. J. Drury, Maryknoll, N.Y. :OrbisBooks;London:SCMPress,1980[Spanishorig.1978)).On Miranda'sMarxismsee A. Kee, Marxism and the Failure of Liberation Theology (London: SCMPress,1990),p.210; A. Fierro, The Militant Gospel : An Analysis of Contemporary Political Theologie s (trans. J. Drury;Maryknoll, N.Y. :OrbisBooks;London:SCMPress, 1977),p.296.

Adveniens(TheEightiethAnniversary), on14May1971.14 The letter marked another significantstepindefiningthe church's socialresponsibilityinthe contemporary world. It wasof particular interest foritsdiscussionofsocialism andMarxism.

On socialism,it noted that some Christians were attracted tovariousdifferentformsofsocialismbut cautioned that manyofthesedrewinspirationfrom ideologies that were incompatible with Christian faith. It calledforcareful judgements that recognisedthe distinction between"thevariouslevelsofexpressionofsocialism:asagenerous aspiration andaseekingforamorejustsociety,historicalmovementswithapoliticalorganizationandaim,andanideology whichaimstogiveacompleteandself-sufficient picture of man."!' It added that although these distinctions existed,thedifferentlevelswerenotcompletely separated from each other,and Christians needed torecognisethe mutual influencesbetweenthem"toseethedegreeof commitment possiblealongthese lines,whilesafeguardingthevalues,especiallythoseofliberty, responsibility, and opennesstothespiritual,which guarantee theintegral development of man .?"

It then turned toMarxismandreviewedsomeofthedifferentwaysinwhich itmightbeseenbefore presenting asimilar conclusion

While, through the concrete existingformofMarxism,onecandistinguish thesevariousaspectsandthequestionstheyposeforthereflectionandactivityof Christians, itwouldbeillusoryanddangerousto reach a point of forgettingthe intimate linkwhichradicallybinds them together,to accept theelementsofMarxistanalysis without recognizingtheirrelationshipswith ideology, andto enter intothepracticeofclassstruggleanditsMarxistinterpretation, whilefailingtonotethekindof totalitarian andviolentsociety towhichthisprocessleads ."

OctogesimaAdveniens supported localbishopswho searched for contextual responsestothesocialchallenges that theyfaced. IS It recognisedthe autonomy ofthe national episcopatestodeveloptheirownpastoralprogramsinlinewith church teaching.Inthe1970s,progressiveepiscopatessuchasthoseinBrazil, Peru,Chile(especiallyafter1973),andEl Salvador (especiallyafter1977)took advantage ofthisofficial encouragement and promoted awiderangeofsocial

14 His previous encyclical Humanae Vitae (issued on 25 July 1968) had unexpectedly reaffirmed the traditional rejection of artificial contraception and generated considerable controversy. It was generally thoughtthatthis may havemadehimreluctantto issue another encyclical sosoon. Octogesima Adveniens was issued asaletter to Cardinal Maurice Roy (president ofthe recently established Justice and Peace Commission) rather thanasan official social encyclical; see O'Brien and Shannon (eds.), Catholic Social Thought , pp. 265-286.

15 Octogesima Adveniens, § 31.

16 Octogesima Adveniens, § 31.

17 Octogesima Advenien s, §§ 32-34 (§ 34).

18 Onthe legitimate pluralism of options see Octogesima Adveniens, § 50.

initiativesfromthedefenceof Human Rightstodemandsforland reform.'? At thebishops'synodinRome,sixmonthsaftertheapostolicletter,theydiscussed socialjusticeandthepriesthoodasthemissionofthepeopleofGod.20

The CouncilforJusticeandPeace handled preparations fortheSynod'sdiscussionofsocialjustice."Inresponsetothechallengein Gaudium et Spe s that Christiansexaminethesignsofthetimesand detect theirmeaning,thesynod addresseditselftosocialinjusticesinthelightofthe Catholic social tradition .F Theytookthechallengesthe church facedonurgentsocialissuesastheir starting pointanddrewontheexistingsocial tradition Their publishedstatement "JusticeintheWorld"recognised:"theseriousinjusticesofmenwhich arebuildingaroundtheworldanetworkof domination, oppression,andabuses whichstifle freedom/ '" Theyaffirmed that "Actionon behalf ofjusticeand participation inthe transformation oftheworldfullyappeartousasaconstitutivedimensionofthepreachingoftheGospel.Y'Theyrecognised that promotingthissocialresponsibilitymightrequirenewrolesanddutiesforthe

19 In1978,theaccessionofJohnPaulIIwouldstarttoreversethisregionalautonomyandtherecentralisingprocessgatheredspeedinthe1980s.ThiscreatedconsiderabletensionbetweentheVaticanandsomenationalbishopsconferences(andincreased thetensionwithintheconferencesthemselves),whichwasan important influenceon theconflictoverliberationtheologyinthe1980s.

20 The 1971SynodofBishopswasthethirdSynodheldafterVaticanII(inaccordancewiththeCouncil'sprovisionsforsuchmeetingstobecalledbythePopeevery two yearsafter the C ouncil) Much of thediscus sion at the conference focussed on priesthoodandpriestlydiscipline,buttheconferenceisoftenreferredtoasthe"Synodon Justice"becauseits statement onjusticewassubsequentlypublishedandmadeanimportant additiontotheCatholicsocialtradition.See"JusticeintheWorld"inO'Brienand Shannon(eds.), Catholic Social TIwught, pp.288-300.Furthermore,becausethediscussion ofjusticetouchedonsuchimportantissues,itwasdecidedthereshouldbefurtherdiscussionatthe1974SynodofBishops.

21 ThisbodyhadbeensetupbyPaulVIin1967totakeforwardtheteachingof theCouncilin Gaudium et Spes. IthadbeentheofficialCatholicbody that sponsored cooperation withtheWorldCouncilofChurchesovertheSODEPAXconsultationat Cartignyin1969whenGutierrezandAlvesspokeofliberation.

22 Intheprocess,theyprovidedahelpfulsummaryofrecentdevelopmentsinthe tradition inthepreviousdecade:"Asneverbefore,the Church has,throughtheSecond VaticanCouncil's constitution Gaudium et Spe s, better understoodthe situation inthe modernworld,inwhichtheChristianworksouthissalvationbydeedsofjustice. Pacem inTerrisgaveusan authentic charter of human rights.In Mater et Magistra , internationaljusticebeginstotakefirstplace;itfindsmoreelaborateexpressionin Populorum Progressio,intheformofatrueandsuitabletreatiseontherighttodevelopment;and in Octogesima Adveniens isasummaryofguidelinesforpoliticalaction"("Justiceinthe World"inO'Brienand Shannon [eds.], Catholic Social Thought, pp. 296-297).

23 "JusticeintheWorld"inO'Brienand Shannon (eds.}, Catholic Soc ial TIwught, p.288.Therestofthe document makesclear that thisappliedtobothsocialistand capitalistsystemsofdomination.

24 "JusticeintheWorld"inO'Brienand Shannon(eds.), Catholic Social Thought, pp. 288and289.

church,andthattheseshouldbeorientatedespeciallytoallthosewhoarevoicelessvictimsof injustice." Thisendorsedtheimport ant shift-w hichliberation theologyhadalreadypioneered-awayfromthechurchcallingonotherstomake aspecialsocialoptionforthepoorandtowardthechurchmakingtheoption itsownresponsibility.

Further echoesofliberationtheologycanbeseeninthebishops'recognition that:

IntheOldTest ament Godrevealshimselftousastheliberatorofthe oppressedandthedefenderofthepoor,demandingfrommanfaithinhim andjusticetowardsman'sneighbour. It isonlyintheobservanceofthe dutiesofjusticethatGodistrulyrecognisedastheliberatoroftheoppresse d... ChristlivedhislifeintheworldasatotalgivingofhimselftoGodforthe salvationandliberationof men."

However,thesynodstoppedwellshortofsomeofliberationtheology'smore radicalaspects.Forexample,itcondemned theproblemscreatedbycolonialismandthedangerthatdevelopmentmightevolveintoanewformofcolonialism.However,themajorityofbishopscontinu edtospeakofdevelopment asthewayforwardandliberationthroughdevelopmentasthegoal. ThePeruvian bishops(influencedbyGutierrez)offeredamoreoutspokencontributi on to the synodthatincludedtheexplicitrecognitionofdependencyandrejectionof capitalism." ThesynodwasunwillingtogoasfarasthePeruvians,whopledged thePeruvianchurchtostart:"optingfortheoppressedandmarginalpeoples aspersonalandcommunal commitrnent.?" ThePeruviancontributionmade explicittheideaofthe church' ssocialoptionforthepoor.Duringtheearly 1970s,thisphrasespreadandbecameasho rth andsummaryofthesocial

25"••• wemustbepreparedtotakeonnewfunctionsandnewdutiesineverysectorofworldsociety,ifjusticeistobeputintopractice.Ouractionistobedirected aboveallatthosemenandnationswhichbecauseofvariousformsofoppressionand becauseofthepresentcharacterofoursocietyaresilent,indeedvoicelessvictimsof injustice"("JusticeintheWorld"inO'BrienandShannon[eds.), Cathol icSocial Thought, p.291).

16 "JusticeintheWorld"inO'BrienandShannon(eds.), Catholic Socia lThought, p.293.Inthe1960swhatmightbedescribed-independencyterm s-asstimulusfrom the"theologyofthecentre"(VaticanII, PopulorumProgressio andEuropeanpoliticaltheology)influenced the"theologyoftheperiphery." Th e1971SynodofBishopsand "JusticeintheWorld"areimport ant becausetheyindicatethestartofthereverse processintheearly1970s.Theyreflecttheinfluenceofthetheologyoftheperiphery onthetheologyofthec entre.

27 SeeBishopsofPeru,"JusticeintheWorld," moc (December1971),pp.2-18; reprintedinH enn elly(ed.),Liberation Theolo gy, pp.125-13 6.

2S SeeBishopsofPeru,"JusticeintheWorld"(§8)inHennelly,Liberation Theology , p.128. TheSynod,byencouragingepiscopalconferencestopursuetheSynod'sdiscussion inthefutureatalocallevel,gaveencourageme nt-o ratleastleeway- tothosewho tookthismoreradicalview,buttheSynoditselfstoppedshortoffullyadoptingitsradicalimplications.

CHAPTERSEVEN

messageofliberation theology. AttheendofthedecadeatCELAMIII(Puebla, Mexico),itfounddefinitiveexpressioninthebishops'famousreferencestoa preferential option forthepoor.29

CHRISTIANS FOR SOCIALISM

Duringtheearly1970s,abasicconsensusexistedbetweenliberationtheologiansandtheVaticanonthe importance ofsocialjustice,butacleardifferenceonthevalueofMarxismanddangerofsocialism.Gutierrez'sA Theology of Liberation stresseda commitment tosocialjusticeandthepossibilityofworkingwithsocialistandothergroupsalreadyworkingtothis end." HugoAssmann's Opreston-Libemcion alsooffereda forceful statement ontheurgencyofsocialissues anda pro-Marxist analysisofwhatneededtobedone.

On the other hand,theapostolicletter Octogesima Adveniens stressedtheneed forsocialjustice,butrejectedtheprinciplesofsocialism. Likewise, "Justicein theWorld"hadreinforcedtheurgencyofsocialjusticeandcalledforthe church to undertake newrolesandduties,butsaid nothing aboutanewcollabor ation withsocialists. Neither Octogesima Adveniens nor"Justiceinthe World"hadbeenwrittendirectlyaboutthe situation inLatinAmericabutthey were both intended toapplythere.InLatinAmerica,thegroupspressingfor radicalsocial change-as opposedto moderate reforms-were ofteninspiredby socialism.Rejectingsocialism(as demanded by Octoge simaAdv eniens) orignoringit(asencouragedby"JusticeintheWorld") presented apracticalproblem.

Ifthechurch'sprioritywassocial transformation, itmadesensetocollaboratewith other groups committed tochange.A church that maintained itsdistancefromgroupsinfluencedby socialism-c-or denouncedthem outright-aroused suspicions that itsown institutional interests, rather than social transformation, remainedthepriority.Thistensionmighteasilyhaveremainedatthelevelof alargelyabstractdebate.However,duringtheearly1970s,itwas forcefully tested

29 CELAMIII, § 1134 (see chapter 8). ThePeruvianbishopshadclarified that the optionforthepoorwaspreferentialandnotexclusiveintheverynextsentenceoftheir contribution :"Thisoptiondoesnotexcludeanyindividualfromourcharity;ratheroptingforthosewhotodayexperiencethemostviolentformsofoppressionisforusan effi caciouswayofalsolovingthosewho,possiblyunconsciously,areoppressedthemselvesbytheirverydifferentsituationofbeingoppressors" (§ 8).However,itwasnot untilCELAMIIIatPuebla that thefullydevelopedphrase"preferentialoptionforthe poor"wouldbeofficiallysanctioned .

30 Gutierrez,influencedbythePeruviansocialist,JoseMariategui,hopedforadistinctivelyLatinAmerican(or,asMariateguiputit, "Indo-American') formofsocialism; seeA Theology of Liberation, pp. 88-92(90). ForabriefsummaryofMariategui'slife andwork,seeS.B.Liss, Marxist Thought in Latin America (Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress, 1984), pp. 129-137. ForanexcellentdiscussionoftheinfluenceofMariateguionGutierrez(andGutierrez'sattitude to socialismandMarxism)see C. Cadorette, From the Heart ofthePeople:The Theology of Gustavo Gut ierrez (OakPark,Ill.:MeyerStone, 1988), pp. 75-114. ForGutierrez'spositioninrelationtootherliberationtheologians,seeMcGovern, Liberat ion Theology andIts Critics, pp. 132-164.

bytheriseofthe Christ iansforSocialism movement inChileand other Latin American countries .ChristiansforSocialismraisedthequestionsofthechurch's relationship tosocialismina particularly controver sialway. The publicity generated bythedifficult relationship between thegroupandthe Chilean hierarchyhadamajorimpacton perceptions ofthe liberation theologyasamilitant movement. "

The electionvictoryofthesocialistPopularUnity Coalition with Salvador Allende as president ofChilein1970 heralded a democratic revolution .V To Christiansonthepoliticalleft,thisvictorypromisedtofulfilthedreamsofthose whohadworkedtomakethe church moreprogressiveinthelate1960s.33 Under Allende ,thelandreforms initiated byFreiwere extended andrapidly accelerated.ForthebriefperioduntilthemilitarycoupofSeptember1973,Chile becamethefocusof revolutionary hopesfora democratic path to socialism."

3\ Fordocumentsrelating to themovementdutingitsbrief official lifespan,seeJ.Eagleson (ed.), Christiansfor Socialism : DocumentationoftheChristiansfor Social ism Movement of Latin America (Maryknoll, N.Y. :Orbis Books, 1975).Foranalysis,seeB.Smith, The Church and Politics in Chile: Challenges to Modem Catholi cism (Princeton,N.J.: Princeton UniversiryPress,1982),pp. 230-280; A. EMcGovern, Marxism, pp.210-242.

Jl PopularUnitywasformedbyacoalitionofCommunists,Socialists,Radicals,and other smallergroupsin1969and contested the1970 election againstthe incumbent Christian Democrat presidentEduardoFrei.Freiwonthe1964electionwithsupport fromthereformistwingofCatholicismincludingthe Chilean church hierarchy.Frei promisedarevolution inlibertyanddeliveredaseriesofreforms that fittedthepoliticallycautioushopesofthereformist church .However,hiscautionmanagedtosimultaneouslyalienatetheconservativesandfailedtosatisfythepoliticalleft.OnChile's post-Independence history,seeS.Collierand WE Sater,A HistoryofChile: 1808-1994 (NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1996);ontheChristianDemocratmovement, M.Fleet, The Riseand Fall ofChilean Democracy (Princeton ,N.J.: Princeton University Press,1985).

JJ Bythelate1960s,inChil e-aselsewhereinLatin America-agroupofChristians emergedwhichwasrecognisedin1968astheYoung Church movement.Thisgroup pressedformuchmoreradicalsocialchangesthanthecautiousreformsofFreiandlater alliedthemselvestoAllende'sdemocraticsocialism.From1971,Allende'scoalitiongovernment includedthe Christian Leftinitsshort-lived democratic socialist experiment inChile;seeB.PollackandH.Rosenkranz, Revolutionary Social Democracy : The Chilean Socialist Parcy (London:FrancesPinter,1986); P. E.Sigmund, The Overthrow ofAllende and the Politics ofChile: 1964-1976 (Pittsburgh:UniversityofPittsburghPress,1977). l4 Allendeassumedthepresidencyon3November1970,buthis government lasted lessthanthreeyears(sometimesreferredtoas"the1,000days")untilitwastoppledby amilitarycoupledbyGeneralAugustoPinochet on10September1973.Thecoupinaugurateda seventeen-year periodofrepressivemilitaryunderPinochet,whoeventually retiredin1990,afterlosingaplebiscitein1988(whichforcedhimtocallelectionsfor 1989).Onthe Pinochet regime,see A. Valenzuela,ANation of Enemies :Chileunder Pinochet (New York :Norton,1991);M. H. Spooner, Sold iers in a Narrow Land: The Pinochet Regime in Chile (Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1994).Fora recent work that covershisarrestinLondonin October 1998for human rightsabusesandthesubsequent legalproceedings,seeH. O'Sh augne ssy, Pinochet: The Politics ofTorture (London: LatinAmericaBureau,2000).

CHAPTER SEVEN

Agroupof Chilean priestswhowere committed toliving and working with the Chilean poor met in April 1971todiscuss Christian participation in the implementation ofsocialismin Chile. The workshop wasbilledas Christian Participation in the Taskof Developing and Implementing Socialism in Chile

On 16 April the groupissuedabold declaration known asthe "Declaration of the 80" which advocated Christian commitment to socialist policies. l'

As Christians wedo not seeany incompatibility between Christianity and socialism. Quite the contrary is true. As the Cardinal of Santiago saidlast November : "There are more evangelical values insocialism than there are in capitalism .T"

After the April meeting, this radical group together with some members of the Young Church and other supporters took the name Christians for Socialism. Gonzalo Arroyo became secretary and SergioTorres and asmallgroupof others became a steering group.

Since the priests referred tothewordsof the cardinal in their declaration, the Chilean church hierarchy feltit had totakeapublic stance onhowthey saw the movement." On 22 April Cardinal Silva and the Chilean bishops responded with their "Declaration of the Bishopsof Chile.t'" In the first part ofthe document, thebishopsspokepositivelyofthe urgent needforsocialtrans-

35 See "Declaration ofthe 80" in J. Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism : Documentation ofthe Christians for Socialism Movement ofLatinAmerica (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1975), pp. 3-6

36 Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, p.4.Thegroupdrewadistinctionbetween Marxist analysis andtheMarxist worldview thatwouldbecentraltotherecurrentdebate ontherelationshipsofliberation theology to Marxism. Thegroupargued:"Thusitis necessary to destroy the prejudice andmistrustthatexistbetween Christians and Marxists. ToMarxistswesaythatauthenticreligionisnottheopiateofthepeople. It is,onthe contrary,aliberatingstimulusto revivify andrenewtheworld constantly. ToChristians we offer areminderthatourGodcommittedhimself personally tothehistoryofhuman beings. ThereisalongroadaheadforbothChristiansandMarxists.ButtheevolutionthathastakenplaceinChristiansandMarxistcirclespermitsthemtoengagein ajointeffortonbehalfofthehistoricalprojectthecountryhassetfor itself. Thiscollaborationwillbefacilitatedtotheextentthattwothingsaredone:1)totheextent that Marxism presentsitselfmoreandmoreasaninstrumentfor analyzing andtransforming society; 2)totheextentthatweasChristiansproceedto purify ourfaithof everythingthatpreventsusfromshoulderingrealand effective commitment"(p.4).

37 CardinalRaulSilva Henrfquez becameoneofGeneralPinochet'sstrongestandmost outspokencritics.However,thisreferencetohisviewsonsocialismis misleading. AlthoughSilvahadbeenabletoacceptandworkwithAllende'sgovernment,hewas neveranactivesupporterofAllende's socialism .Hisoutlookin 1971 was firmly New Christendom.Hesawtheroleofthechurch,astheproviderofmoralguidanceto whatevergovernmentwas legitimately in power, socialistorfree-market.Thepriests hadcitedhispositionvery selectively withtheir suggestion thathe favoured socialism. Hemerely affirmed thepositiveelementsbehinditsideals.Theneedto clarify thismay haveprecipitatedthebishops' swift response

38 "Declarationofthe Bishops ofChile"in Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, pp. 12-15; reprintedin Hennelly, Liberation Theology, pp. 143-145.

Justice, Socialism, and Revolution 147 formation but cautioned against "options forsocialismwithaMarxist cast."39 Inthe second half-which turned directlytothe "Declaration ofthe 80"theystressed that priestsmust not involve themselves directlywith politics." Although itwaspermissibletoprovidemoral guidance forthelaityonpoliticalissues,thebishops cautioned against any suggestion that some political choicesweretheonlyonesavailableto Christians. The differences between the groupandthebishopsonthis point wereclearandreflectedthecrisisinNeoChristendom theologyasdiscussedbyGutierrez.However,agenerallypolitetone was maintained inthisearly exchange ."

The bishops'responsedid not stopthe Group of 80 frompressing their concerns andorganisinga meeting forawidergroupofpriests(referredtoas "The 200") in preparation forthe upcoming synodofthe Chilean bishops. The document theyissuedafterthis meeting calledfor change within the church, but offeredalessovertlypolitical stance fromthe "Declaration ofthe 80."42 Itwas broadly accepted bythebishopsand added asan appendix tothe documentation ofthe Chilean episcopate presented at their national synod.

Meanwhile ,thecoregroupofthe Chilean Christian forSocialists started to makelinkswith like-minded priestsandlaityfrom Argentina, Brazil,Bolivia, Colombia ,andPeru.In December 1971, they decided toplanfora meeting of Christian socialistsfromacrossthe continent andissueda "Draft Agenda of Proposed Convention" for "The FirstLatin American Convention ofChristiansfor Socialism."!' The timingofthe convention (23-30 April 1972) wasto coincide withthe third meeting of United Nations CongressonTradeand Development (UNCTAD), whichwas scheduled for Santiago . The draftagenda statedthree central objectives:toexchange;toanalyze;andtoprobemoredeeply intothe experiences of Christians whoareactively involved inthe revolution toliberateLatin America."

39 See Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, p.13.

40 The bishops advise that:"likeany citizen, apriestisentitled to havehisownpoliticaloption.Butinnocaseshouldhe give thisoptionthemoralbackingthatstems from hischaracterasa priest Wehave always insisted, andwe will continue to insist, thatour priests abstain from takingpartisan political positions in public. Toactotherwise would betoreverttoanoutdated clericalism thatnoonewantstosee again" :see Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism , p.14.

41 For example, the bishops said:"Thesituationthathasarisendoesnot affect our esteemforthe priests inquestion.Nordoesit diminish ourhigh regard fortheapostolicwork they, alongwithmanyothers,are performing"; see Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, p.14.

42 Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, p. 37.

43 Issued 16 December 1971, see Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, pp. 19-31.

44 Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, p. 21. Todothis effectively attheconvention,theycalledfornationalreportstobe formulated inadvanceandthenpresented forfurther discussion atthe meeting. Foraselectionofreports (including Chile, Peru, Puerto Rico, andCuba),see Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, pp. 69-140

CHAPTER SEVEN

In response to this proposal, Carlos Oviedo Cavada (auxiliary bishop of Concepci6n and secretary general of the Chilean Episcopal Conference) drew upa "Confidential Episcopal Memo on Upcoming Convention," which he circulated to the other Chilean bishops in January 1972. 45 The memo did not explicitly condemn the proposed convention, but it made clear that noepiscopal approval forit had been sought or given." Inreply, Gonzalo Arroyo wrote to Cardinal Raul Silva Henriquez on behalf of the organizing committee to invite him to the event." On 3 March Cardinal Silva replied, but the tone was much less conciliatory than earlier exchanges, and he unequivocally rejected the proposed agenda.f Silva voiced particular concern over the group's attitude to Marxism He acknowledged that the group's endorsement of Marxist thought was limited toits value as an analytical tool to identify the dialectic of class struggle. Nonetheless, he pointed totwo concerns that had already been stressed by the bishops of Chile: neither the scientific validity of Marxist analysisasa sociological method, nor its inseparability from the overall Marxist theory were universally clear and self-evident. Silva went on to quote § 34 of Octogesima Adveniens and raised the concerns that the group had reduced Christianity to something that was purely sociological and had no element of mvsterv,"

In response, the coordinating committee sent a letter to the cardinal on 20 March 1972 signed by Arroyo and thirteen others, including Sergio Torres and Pablo Richard , which challenged his interpretation of the movement and sought to defend its stance .P With considerable grace, Silva accepted the substance

45 "Confidential Episcopal Memoon Upcoming Convention" in Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, pp. 35-38.

46 ThememogivesbackgroundontheChristiansforSocialismmovementandstates (p. 36)thatalthoughthepriestsinthe80maintainrelationshipswiththeirbishops, "thegroupknownasthe80,assuch,doesnothavetheapprobationoftheChilean episcopate."

47 "LetterofInvitationtotheArchbishopofSantiago"(dated 10 February 1972) in Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, pp. 39-40.

48 "InitialResponseofSilvatoGonzaloArroyo"inEagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, pp. 41-47.

49 Morespecifically,Silvasawthedangerof reductionism in:the reduction of Christianitytotherevolutionaryclassstruggleandtothehistoricalsituation;thereductionoftheologyto ideology inasuperficial way; andthereductionofChristianitytoa singledimension,socio-economictransformation. On apersonalnote,heendedbyconfessing thathewasscandalizedatArroyo'seffortstopromotetheconventionandsuggestedthatArroyo'sinstitution(theSocietyofJesus)betrayedthereasonsforitsexistence inpermittinghimtodoso (Christians for Socialism, pp. 44-46).

50 "ResponseoftheCoordinatingCommittee to CardinalSilva"inEagleson(ed.), Christians for Socialism, pp.48-61.Thewritersexpressedtotaldisagreementwiththe personalreferenceattheendoftheletter,andinturn,confessedthemselvesscandalizedbysuchseverejudgementbyapastoronapriestwhostruggledtobringthepoor andoppressedtotheirliberationinJesusChrist.TheyacceptedthattheDraftAgenda omitted"importantfeaturesofChristianliberation,andthattheseare precisely theones thatyoubringupinyoursixobservations.Butwedonotdenywhatwehaveomitted.

oftheirremarksas intended tobepositiveand invited them to continue the conversation with him." On 28AprilhemetwithFrGiulioGirardiofthePriest Secretariat to continue thedialogueandagreedonan"AuthorizedSummary of Cardinal Silva'sViews"which restated his concerns, but generallyoffereda morepositiveviewofthe movement andits intentions 52

On thecontrarywetakethesethingsfor granted .. .Sowespokeaboutthingswhich were new tousandwhichthereforerequiredgreaterelaboration:namely, the sociologi· caland political aspect oftheChristianfaith." (p. 49). Theyalsosuggestedthat: "The novelaspectofPaulVI's treatment ofMarxismishisshiftofemphasisfromdoctrine to concrete options.Thisshiftwas anticipated byJohnXXIII:'Itisperfectlylegitimate tomakeaclear distinction betweenafalsephilosophyofthenature,origin,andpurposeofmenandtheworld,andeconomic,social,culturalandpolitical undertakingsevenwhensuchundertakingsdrawtheiroriginandinspirationfrom that philosophy. True,thephilosophicformuladoesnotchangeonceithasbeensetdowninprecise terms,buttheundertakingsclearly cannot avoidbeinginfluencedtoa certain extent bythechangingconditionsinwhichtheyhavetooperate (Pacem in Terris, n 159)'" (p. 53). Theyalsoquotedfrom Octogesima Adveniens § 31: "'Keen anddiscerningjudgementiscalledfor...Socialismfindsexpressionindifferentways:asagenerousdesire andaquestforamorejustsociety,asanhistorical movement withapoliticalorganizationaim,asabodyof doctrine that professestogiveanintegraland independent consideration ofman.Distinctionsmustbemadebetweentheseformsofexpressions, so that selectivitymaybeexercisedin concrete circumstances ... This discernment will enableChristianstoappreciatetowhat extent theymayinvolvethemselvesinthese plans'" (p. 54). Inthislight,theysuggested that "InthecourseofhistoryChristians havetakenoverthemostvariedkindsof thought ,someofthembeinggreatlyatvariancewiththe Christian faith:e.g.,gnosticism,pantheistic neoplatonism,Averroistaristotelianism, materialistic darwinism, atheistic psychoanalysis"(p. 54). On theirown position,theyconfirmedthat:"Weagree .. .the Christian visionofliberationismore profoundandcompletethantheMarxistvision...the Christian doesgoevendeeper, plantingandposingliberationintermsofman'srelationshipwithGod.Onthislevel human beingsdonotsimplyliberatethemselves;they integrate theireffortsintothe liberationachievedbyChrist.Butwhile Christianity doeshaveamore clear-cut vision oftheoverallperspectivesofliberation,italsohasmuchtolearnfromMarxism,psychoanalysis,and other disciplinesabouttheir concrete mechanismsthroughwhichliberation worksitselfoutatdifferentlevels"(pp. 55-56).

51 "ResponseofCardinalSilvatoCoordiantingCommittee,"13April 1972, inEagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, pp. 62-63. Silvawrote:"Despitethepolemicalpassages itcontains,anddespitetheharshandinmyopinionunjustjudgementsitexpresses,I acceptthesubstanceofitwhichstrikesmeasbeingquitepositive"(p. 62). Hewent ontorespondtosomeoftheircriticismsofhimand reiterated thelimitsofpermissiblepolitical engagement forapriest(p. 63).

52 "AuthorizedSummaryof Cardinal Silva'sViews"inEagleson(ed.), Christians for Socialism, pp. 64-66. Onapositivenoteit indicated that Christiansoughttoinvolve themselvesintheliberationof human beingsandcombatanyandeveryoppressive structure (pp, 65-66). However,it continued tostressthat:"inrecognizingthefactof classstruggle,the Christian cannot acceptitasa permanent stateofaffairs.Rather,he mustworktosupersedeit" (p, 64) and''AsfarasMarxismis concerned, theycanutilizesomeofitsfeaturesintheanalysisofsociety.Buttheyshould maintain acritical attitude towardsit,thusrelativizingitstendencytoabsolutizeeconomicfactorsandrectifyingthematerialistideology that servesasitsbases"(p. 65).

CHAPTER SEVEN

InApril 1972, the convention took placeas planned and approximately four hundred delegates attended The majority were priest-members from Latin American organisations (Third WorldPriests, ONIS, etc.), but also present were some Protestant members (especially linked toISAL).53

Sadly,bythistime attitudes inthe hierarchy to the movement had hardened. The bishops addressed manyoftheissuesraisedat their plenary meetingoftheepiscopal meeting at Punta deTracla(6-11April 1973) and concluded "No priest orreligious can belong to the movement known as 'Christians for Socialism."'54 However, rather than makethispublicimmediately,they convened a committee tomakeamore thorough studyofthe literature with aviewto anofficial proclamation.

The official proclamation wasreadyby mid-August but was not scheduled forformal approval until a meeting a month later.Bythistime, Allende's government wasincrisis under economic and political pressurefrompowerfulbusiness interests. Astheproblems deepened and concerns grew over the outbreak of chaos ,amilitary coup--encouraged andassistedbythe CIA-overthrew Allende's government on 11 September 1973. Intheweeks that followed,a military junta headed by Augusto Pinochet imposeda harsh martial lawasthe basisforanew National Security State similartoBrazil.Asafirststep toward this,manyof Allende's supporters (aswellas Union leaders, community workers, and other potential subversives)were rounded up, tortured, and then executed.ChristiansforSocialismwasoutlawedandmanymembersweredisappeared orforced into exile.

Despite the new situation brought by the coup, the bishops decided topublish their proclamation asit stood in October It included the prohibition on priestsormembersofreligious order beingmembersof ChristiansforSocialism.55

53 A theological committee (including GiulioGirardi,Gustavo Gutierrez, andHugo Assmann) assisted the group's maincommittee.Inadditiontothe informal opportunitiestonetwork,the formal business oftheconventionincludedanopening address from Arroyo, avisitby delegates toSalvadorAllendeandCardinalSilva,abrief address from Sergio Mendez Arceothe Bishop ofCuernavaca,thereadingofa message fromPresident SalvadorAllende,the submission ofnationalreports,anddebateofideasfora"Final DocumentoftheConvention";see Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, pp. 143-175.

54 Session XVI, 11 April 1973, in Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism , p. 179, n. 139.

55 "ChristianFaithand Political Activity:DeclarationoftheChilean Bishops" in Eagleson (ed.), Christians for Socialism, pp. 179-228. Themaindocumentstartedwith abriefintroductiononthesituation in ChileunderAllendeandthenturnedto Christians for Socialism. Itidentifiedanumberof positive contributionsbuthadalongersection onits"Unjust Accusations againsttheChurch"includingitsunacceptableand injurious statements(p. 191) . It acknowledged that"Theremaywellbeanacceptablesensein whichonecanadoptcertainelementsofthis methodology withinaChristianvisionof history, butitisnotevidentinthetacktakenbythesepriests.Ingeneral,theydonot giveanyindicationthatthey posses therequired theological, philosophical, andscientifictrainingforsuchatask"(p. 192) . The bishops addthattheyrejectnotthefact ofclass struggle, buttheMarxistinterpretationofit(p.206).Theycomplainedthat the leadership of Christians for Socialism contradictedthe bishops' disciplinary endeavours

The short-livedexperimentwasthusatanendinChile.Elsewhere, other countriesinLatinAmericawerealsoenteringanewphaseinwhichtheatmosphereofliberationwouldbestifledbybrutalrepression.Inthisnew context, liberationtheology'soptimism that democratic socialismcouldbearealistic pathforLatinAmericaseemedutopian.Unfortunately,formanycriticsofthe movement,theassociationbetweenliberationtheologyandsomeoftherhetoricalexcessesofChristiansforSocialismhadbeenfirmly entrenched andwas oftenencouragedinthemediaportrayals. The simplisticpictureofMarxist priestsmadegoodheadlines,butdidlittletoaddresstheunderlyingissues.

JESUS THE LIBERATOR

Gutierrez's presentation oftheexodusaspoliticalandtheologicalliberationin A Theology of Liberation promptedfurther examination oftheNewTestament andespeciallythegospelsfromasimilarperspective.InA Theology of Liberation, Gutierrezincludedashortsectionon"JesustheLiberator."Thetermliberator hadaparticularresonanceinLatinAmerica,notjustbecauseofitsobvious linktoliberation,butalsobecausethetermiswidelyusedtorefertoindependence leaderssuchasSimonBolivarandSanMartin. It wasthereforenot surprising that itwaschosenbyLeonardoBoffasthetitleforhisearlychristologicalwork Jesus Christ Liberator. 56

InapplyingthetermliberatortoChrist,Boffwasconsciouslytryingtoredress thedistortedpictureofChrist that hasbeencreatedbyignoringhispolitical significance.Boffwasas emphatic asGutierrez that politicalliberationdidnot exhaustthe Christian message.Infact,theoriginalversionofBoff'sbookwas quite tentative aboutthepoliticalandeconomicdimensionsofliberation. It waspublishedinBrazilin 1972, atimewhensomepartsofthe church were

infullviewofthefaithfuland"Forthisreason,andinthelightofwhatwehavesaid above,weprohibitpriestsandreligiousfrombelongingtothatorganization;andalso fromcarryingoutthekindsofactivirywehave denounced inthis document inany form whatsoever-institutional orindividual,organisedor unorganised" (p, 217) .

The document then turned to "Other GroupsofChristians"(pp. 217-223). Inwhat (inviewofthelaterclashesbetweenthe church andtheChileanmilitary)seemsan extraordinary statement ,theyasserted:"Theutilizationofthefaithintheopposite directionisjustasregrettable.Butitdoesnotcallforsuchextensiveexamination for obviousreasons.Itisnotcrystallizedinorganizedgroups,itdoesnothavethesame impactonpublicopinion,itdoesnotinvokethelabel 'Christian' soexplicitly,itdoes notentailmilitancyonthepartofpriestsandreligious,itisnotformulatedinwritten documents,itdoesnotpropoundadistinct doctrine orvisionofthe Church ,itdoes notcallthefundamentalsofthefaithinto question inthesameway,anditdoesnot opposetheecclesiasticalhierarchyinthesamemeasure"(p.217).

56 L. Boff, Jesus Christ Liberator : A Critical Christology ofOurTime (trans. P. Hughes; Maryknoll, N.Y.: OrbisBooks, 1978; London:SPCK, 1980 [Portugueseorig. 1972]) For other contributionstoLatinAmericanChristology,seethecollectionin].MiguezBonino (ed.), Faces of Jesus : Latin AmericanChristologies (trans.].Drury;Maryknoll, N.Y.:Orbis Books, 1984 [Spanishorig. 1977]). Seealso C. Bussmann, Who Do YouSay? Jesus Christ in LatinAmerican Theology (Maryknoll, N.Y. : OrbisBooks, 1985 [Germanorig. 1980]) .

sufferingharshrepression.PerhapsBoffwouldhavewishedtosaymoreon theseifhisown situation hadbeendifferent.57 However,herejectedanysuggestion that Jesuswastobeseenasliberatoronlyintermsofpromisingdeliverance fromforeign domination or economic oppression.Hefeltthatsuch oversimplification failedtodojusticetothe Christian gospelin both firstcentury Palestineand twentieth -century Latin America.Boffemphasizedthat it wasthe human person,thesociety,andthetotalityofreality that allunderwentGod's transformation /"

Boff'sworkwas subtitled A Critical Christology ofOur Time.Init,Bofftried tomovebeyondthecriticalChristologiesofEurope."Hewantedtodevelop aLatin American perspective that would broaden traditional dogmaticChristologiesandreflectamoreholistic concern with human life.Intheprocess,he alsohopedtoprovideabasisofhopeforthe present transformation ofsociety. Hewantedtochallenge traditional dogmas that maintained therelationship betweenthe church andpoliticalsocietyinLatinAmerica.Hestressedthelegitimateroleofsocialconcernsintheologyandtheneedtorestoreright action andethics (orthopraxis)ascriteriafor theologv/?

Boff'sdoctoralstudiesinGermanyhadmadehimfamiliarwiththedebates overhistoricalcriticism,andinhisfirstchapterheofferedasummaryofhow discussionofthehistoricalJesushaddeveloped.Boff'sownemphasisona human Jesusandhishistoricalmessagereflectedthisscholarshiptoasignificant degree.European hermeneutic alapproaches,suchasexistentialism,encouraged himtopresentthesubjectiveandpersonalsignificanceofChrist,aswellasthe historicalaspects.However,Boffwentbeyondpersonal existential concernsto amoreexplicitpoliticalreading."

Boff started withJesus' proclamation ofthekingdomofGod.Thishesaid wasamessageofintegralliberation.He noted that thetermkingdomofGod occurs122timesintheGospelsand90timesonthelipsof[esus." Supported

57 AsBolfnotesinhispreface to theEnglishtranslation(p.xii),whenthebookwas originallypublishedinBrazilthewordliberationwasforbiddeninallcommunications media.TheepilogueaddedtotheEnglishtranslation(pp. 264-295) includesmuch moreexplicit attention tothepoliticalsignificanceofliberationanditsimplicationsfor LatinAmerica.

58 Bolf, Je sus Christ Liberator, p. 55;cf. p. 105.

59 BolfwasawarethatmuchoftheliteraturewithwhichheengagedwasEuropean buthestressedthedistinctivelyLatinAmericannatureofhisenterprise: u••• a Christology thoughtoutandvitallytestedinLatinAmericamusthavecharacteristicsofitsown. Theattentivereaderwillperceivethem throughout thisbook.Thepredominantlyforeignliteraturethatweciteoughtnottodeludeanyone. It iswith preoccupationsthat areoursalone,takenfromourLatinAmerican context, that wewillrereadnotonly theoldtextsoftheNewTestamentbutalsothemostrecentcomment arieswrittenin Europe" (Jesus ChristLiberator, p.43).

60 Boff Jesus ChristLiberator, pp. 43-47.

61 Bolfwasawarethat Moltmann and othershadstarted to makethismoveina Europeanpoliticaltheology(p.300n.2),buthemadelittleexplicitreferencetothem.

62 Bolf, Jesus Christ Liberator , p. 52.

byaconsensus amongst biblicalscholars,he emphasised that thekingdomdoes notsignify another worldorterritory,butthe transformation ofthisworldin termsofanew order/" Heargued that this transformation shouldnotbeunderstoodasexclusivelypoliticalorexclusivelyspiritual,but represented "allreality inallitsdimensions,cosmic, human andsocial." 64

Boffalso noted that Jesus proclaimed thekingdom through hisactionsas wellashispreaching.fActsof liberation (forexample,healingsandexorcisms) made the kingdom present/" Forexample, when thefollowersof John the Baptist questioned Jesus,Jesusrepliedby pointing tohisactionstowardsthe poorandoppressed(Lk.7.18-23) .Jesuswas not onlyproclaimingthekingdom but alsoactuallybringingit about byhis presence (cf.Lk.11.20;Lk.17.21).67

For Boff Jesuswasan authority higher than thelaw,andthereforehecould offer liberation fromthelaw.Jesus liberated individualstobecomenewpeople governed byanew ethic ofloveand fraternity expressedinthe Sermon on the Mount (Mr. 6.17-18). Jesusbrokesocial conventions and stratifications to demonstrate this ethic in practice and teach total liberation fromallformsof alienation /"BoffsawJesusasa down-to-earth genius,whosesimple, honest, and direct styleforcedpeopletomakea decision beforeGod.Hislifewas characterised bythevery human characteristics ofanger, joy, goodness, strength, friendship,sorrow,and temptation that makehimeasilyrecognisable.Jesushad asenseof authority and creative imagination that markedhimwithadistinctiveoriginality.Hisliferealisedtheexemplary path that his contemporary disciplesshouldchooseto follow/" Ultimately,hisworktoliberatepeoplefrom

63 Boff Jesus Christ Liberator , p. 55.

64 Boff Jesus Christ Liberator , p. 60. Seealso,"Inaword,itcouldbesaid that the kingdomofGodmeansatotal,global, structural revolution oftheoldorder,brought aboutbyGodandonlybyGod" (Jesus Christ Liberator, pp. 63-64). Thisisentirelyconsistentwithhislaterworkwhereherestatesthesamepositionas: "The kingdomor reignofGodmeansthefullandtotalliberationofallcreation,intheend,purifiedof all that oppressesit,transfiguredbythefullpresenceofGod.No other theologicalor biblicalconcept isasclosetotheidealofintegral liberation asthis concept ofthekingdomofGod" (L. and C. Bolf, Introducing Liberation Theology , p. 52).

65 Forexample,onLk. 11.20, seeBoff Jesus Christ Liberator, p. 283.

66 InhisdiscussionofJesus'wordsandactionsitwashardlysurprising that hepaid particular attention toLuke'sgospel.Fromtheoutset,Luke'sgospelpresentsJesus'missionintermsofliberation.Forexample,Luke's presentation ofJesus'readingfromIsa. 6I.l-2 inthesynagogueat Nazareth (Lk. 4.16-21) identifiedtheoriginsofJesus'ministryasthe proclamation ofthekingdomofGodandtheLord'syearoffavour: "The SpiritoftheLordisuponme,becausehehas anointed metobringgoodnewstothe poor.Hehassentmetoproclaimreleasetothecaptivesandrecoveryofsightto theblind,tolettheoppressedgofree,toproclaimtheyearoftheLord'sfavour" (NRSV).SeealsoLuke'semphasisontherevolutionarychallengeofthekingdomand itsreversalofsocialrolesso that theleastisthegreatest(Lk. 9.46-48; 22.25-26).

67 OnLk. 17.21, seeBoff Jesus Christ Liberator, p. 280.

6S Bolf, Jesus Christ Liberator, pp. 64-79 .

69 Bolf, Jesus Christ Liberator, pp. 80-90.

the constraints ofsocietyledtohis death.P Then ,becauseoftheresurrection, the failure ofdeathwastransformedintotriumph.Intheresurrection,Boffsawthe answertoallhumanhopebecauseitshowedthetransfigurationofall human realitycorporalandspiritualasautopiarealisedinthisworld."

BoffexaminedthelaterchristologicaltitlesgiventoJesusagainstthisreadingofthegospels. On thisbasis,hepresentedthechurch'schristologicaltraditionintermsofthehumananddivinecapacitytogiveoneselftoothers." ThisreadingofChristologychallenged Christians todiscoverJesusanewinthe world-especiallyinthepresenceofthepoor.Byunderstandingtheworldas opentotransformationand fulfillment, ChristianscouldtrytoreproduceChrist's exampleintheirownlives."InthisprocesstheymightrefertoChristunder different titles, including Christ as revolutionary and Christ asliberator. 74 However,itwasnotprimarily through titles that Jesuswastobeunderstood, butbytryingtoliveasJesushimselflived."

The other majorworkofLatin American Christologyinthe1970swasJon Sobrino's Chriswlogy atthe Cros sroads . 76 SobrinowasaBasqueJesuitwhoworked inEISalvadorformanyyearsandrecently returned fromhisdoctoralstudies inFrankfurt.HisbookwastheresultofaseriesoflecturersonChristologyhe gaveatthe Central American UniversityinSan Salvador," Hisapproachdrew on the historical-critical method ofBiblical Studies common inEurope." However,headdedtwomethodologicalprinciples that hesawasparticularly

70 BoffblamedJesus' death onthefact that hisworksetalltheauthoritiesofthe dayagainsthim.ThisincludedthePharisees,scribes,Saduccees,Heriodians,andthe Romansthemselves;see Bo/f, Jesus Christ Liberator, p.100.

71 Bo/f, Jesus Christ Liberator, p.135.

n Boff Jesus Christ Liberator , p. 205.

73 Boff, Jesus Christ Liberator, pp. 206-225

74 Bo/f, Jesus Christ Liberator, pp. 238-240 However,healwaysstressedthatthese titlesmustbeunderstoodinanintegralway.Forexample, (Bo/f, Jesus Christ Liberator , p. 239): "ItisnotliberationfromRomansubjugation,norashoutofrebellionbythe pooragainstJewishlandowners. It istotalandcompleteliberationfromallthatalienateshumanbeings,includingsickness,death,andespeciallysin."Despitetheeffortsby BoffandGutierreztostresstheirintegralunderstandingofliberation,criticsofliberationtheologyhave continued tochargethemwithonesidednessintheirapproach.

75 Boff, JesusChristLiberator, p. 245.

76 J.Sobrino, Christology atthe Cros sroads : A LatinAm erican View (trans.J.Drury; Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks;London:SCMPress, 1978 [Spanishorig. 1977]).

77 SobrinowasborninSpainin 1938, butimmediatelyafterjoiningtheJesuitsasa youngman,hewasdispatched to ElSalvadorin 1957. AfterfiveyearsofgraduatestudiesintheUnitedStatesandsevenyearsinGermanycompletinghisadvancedstudies, hedescribedhis return toElSalvadorin 1974 as"awakeningfromthesleepofinhumanity"an"awakening to therealityofoppressedandsubjugatedworld,aworldwhose liberationisthebasictaskofevery human being,so that inthiswayhumanbeingsmay finallycometobehuman" (J. Sobrino, The Principle of Mercy :Takingthe Crucified People from the Cross [Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks, 1994 (Spanishorig. 1992)), p. 1).

78 Inparticular,SobrinostressedthekingdomofGodasthecentreofJesus'message andJesus'faithinGod.

appropriatetoChristianwitnessinLatin Americ a.First,hea ffi rmedapracticalcommitmentto Christiandiscipleship.Second,heidentifiedasimilarityof situatio nbetweencontemporaryLatinAmericaandfirst-centuryPalestine. ForSobrino,apracticalcommitm ent toJesuswascrucialtoanauthentic Ch ristology.Like Gut ierrezandBoff,Sobrinoarguedthatthetheological significanceoftheGospelscouldnotbediscoveredsimply throu ghd etached reflection. An appropriatehermeneuticinvolvedacommitment tofollowingChrist ineverydayengagementwiththeworldinwhichonelived.Infact,theoriginalSpanishtitlefor ChristologyattheCrossroads was"ChristologyfromLatin America:An Appro achBasedonFollowingtheHistoricaljesus."?

IntheprefacetotheEnglishtranslation,Sobrinoemphasisedthatcommitteddiscipleshipwasmorethanapracticalconsequenceof Christology:itwas alsoaprec onditionfor Christolo gy.

WecancometoknowJesusasthe Christonlyinsofaraswestartanewlife, breakwiththepastand undergoc onversion, engageinChristianpractice andfightforthejusticeofGod'skingdom. That iswhyIstressthefollowingofthehistoricalJesus....IstressthefollowingofthehistoricalJesushere becauseitisonlythisthatmakeschristologicalepistemologypossibleatall.Bo Sobrinoclaimedthatthereisadecisivesimilaritybetweenthehistoricalsituation incont emporaryEISalvadorandthehistoricalsituationofJesus'day. Ashe sawit,theywerebothsituationsofsinthatleadto death." SinceSobrino's underst andin gofthesimilarityprimarilyintermsofsin(notpolitics)hasnot beenwidelyrecognized,itisworthwhiletoquoteSobrinoatlengthhere:

Firstofall,thereisaclearlynoticeableresemblanceinthesituatio nherein LatinAmericaandthatinwhichJesuslived.Needlessto say, wecannotinterpretthatresemblanceinsomeingenuousor anac hronisticway. The followingofJesuscannotbeanyautomaticprocessofimitationwhichpaysno heedatalltoourownconcretesituationandbypassespolitical,anthropological,andsocio-economicanalysis.Atbottomtheresemblanceliesinthe factthatinLatinAmerica,asopposedtootherhistoricalsituations,thepresentconditionisacutelyfeltandunderstoodtobeasinfulsituation. Thu s theresemblancedoesnotliesolelyintheobjectiveconditionsofpoverty andexploitationthatcharacterizeJesus'situationandours,aswellasmany others throughout history. It liesprimarilyinthecognizancethatistakenof thesituation.In that respect there isarealhistoricalcoincidence between thesituationofJesusandthatofour continent today,anditismoremarked thaninotherplaces."

Thesetwoh ermeneut icalprinciples,Chri stian comm itment andthesimilarity ofsituations,allowedSobrinotoincorp orate andgobeyondthetrad ition al

79 Criswlogia desde america latina: esbozo a partir delseguimiento delJesushist6rico.

80 Christology at the Cros sroads, p.xxiv.

81 It isnotsimplythatsinexists, but thatitisclearlyrecognisedasacauseofdeath thatprovidesthesimilarityofsituations.

B2 C hristo logyat the Crossroads, pp. 12-13

toolsofacademichistorical-criticalscholarship.Asaresult,thehistoricalissues that headdressedwhenusingtheBiblewerenotjustthoserelatingtopast history,thetextandtheevents that gaverisetoit,butalsothoserelatingto present history,the context anditssignificance.AccordingtoSobrino,ifa readerwassocially committed andrecognisedthe fundamental theologicalsimilaritybetweenLatinAmericaandPalestine,heorshedidnotneedtosubordinate concern forthehistoricalJesus beneath contemporary relevance. The urgentneedsofLatinAmerica'ssinful situation didnot detract fromthehistoricalquest,butgavenewinsightintoJesus'lifeandteaching.

Sobrino'sapproachtoChristologydistilledmanyofthedifferentfacetsofdoing theology into apractical principle-active discipleshipofJesusinone'sown social context asanecessarystepforthosewhowanttoknowJesus.Assuch, hisbookwasawelcome addition to liberation theologybutitraised concerns attheVatican."In September 1977,the International TheologicalCommission (ITC)-an advisorybodytoPaul VI-published a document titled "Human Development and Christian Salvation" that wassympatheticto liberation theology's concern forthepoor,butexpressedreservationsoverthetermsocial sin,andwarnedagainstover-simplifyingbiblicalthemesinpolitical terms." Giventhedifficultbalancingact that thisrequiredofliberationtheologians,it washardlysurprising that theissueresurfacedevenmoreforcefullyduringthe papacyofJohnPaulII.

CONCLUSION

Inkeepingwiththeradicalatmosphereofthetime,theearly literature ofliberation theology pointed tocloser cooperation withsocialistgroupsandmore positiveuseofMarxistanalysis.ChristiansforSocialisminChile demonstrated howfarsomeprogressivepriestswerewillingto extend this.However,neither theVaticannorthe Chilean hierarchywerewillingtoendorsesuchtheoreticalorpracticalexperiments. The controversyover Christians forSocialism resultedinmakingliberationtheology'scriticsmoresuspiciousofthemovement andepiscopalhierarchiesevenmorecautiousintheir pronouncements onsocialism.Afterthe premature endto Christians forSocialisminChile,the controversyfelloutoftheheadlinesforafewyears.However,ontheground inLatinAmerica,relationswithpopularorganisations committed tosocialism

83 TheCongregationofCatholicEducationexpressed concern overallegedMarxist and Protestant influencesinthebook,butwhenSobrinomadeawrittendefenceagainst thechargesandthe matter appeared to beclosed.Infact,Sobrino'sbookwasnotable foritsavoidanceofMarxistanalysisandterminologyandtheaccusationsseemedtobe moreguiltbyassociation rather than carefulreadingofthebook.Nonetheless,theincident showedthatdifferencesovertheinfluenceofMarxisminliberationtheologywere stillunresolved.

84 Intern ational Theological Commission , "Human Development and Christian Salvation," Origins 7(3November1977);reprintedinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp.205-219.

remained a contentious issue.Individualbishops,priests,religious,andlaity hadtodealwiththeissuesasbesttheycouldinaccordancewith church teachingandtheirownexperiencesinthesituations.

Byabout1975,explicitdiscussionsof dependency and revolution andthe useofMarxistterminologyandanalysisdecreasedrapidlyinthe literature of liberationtheology.An important factorinthiswastheimpositionof National SecurityStates.In contrast totheoptimismoverradicalchangeinthe1960s, theoutlooknowseemed uncertain andtheneedfor caution wasgreater.

On thepositiveside,bythistimethe literature ofliberationtheologywas beginningtoopenupawholevarietyofsubjectsfordoingtheology.Theworks ofBoffandSobrinoonChristologyshowed that radicaltheologicalreflection onliberationcouldbedone without referencestothe theoretical literature of dependency,ideological critiques orMarxism. Structural economic analysis started toreceiveless attention. Thisledtoamarkedchangeinthetoneand styleoflaterworksinliberationtheologywhencomparedwiththelate1960s andearly1970s. These changeswouldbefurtherreinforcedbythe interaction ofliberationtheologianswiththeexperiencesoftheso-calledpopular church andbasecommunities.

sametime, the experiences of the communities encouraged and supported more thoroughgoing and systematic theological work .In particular, the struggles of the communities ch allenged theologians toclarify and redefine their option to the poor.As the popular church suffereda period offiercepers ecution in many countries , their experiences evangelized the theologians .In1980, looking back on the seventies, Gut ierrez commented:

After Vatican II and the stimulus of the Medellin Conference, we creatively reappropriated the gospel expression about evangelizing or 'preaching the goodnewsto the poor.' Reinforced byan option for the oppressed and commitment of solidarity with them, aseriesof rich and promising initiatives took place all over Latin America Then came the irruption of the poor.At a terribl e price thecommon people began to become theactive protagonists ofhistory. This factgaveus deeper insight into the whole matter of evangelization. Working in the midstof the poor, exploited people, whom wewere supposedly goingto evangelize,we came torealize that wewere being evangelizedby them.'

As the 1970s progressed, liberation theologians increa sed priority to the poor as the active authors of liberation theology and incorporated an epistemological/theological option for the poor into thei r methodology.Liber ation theology set out to transform the livesof the poor but inthisprocess the poor, transformed liberation theology.

REPRES SION AND PERSECUTION

During the early1970s,Brazil positioned itself as regional policeman. ' The Brazilianmilitarysuccessfully exported their N ational Security ideologyto neighbouring militaries in the Southern Cone and Bolivia. Military coups inBolivia (1971-1978), Chile (1973-1989), Uruguay (1973-1985), and Argentin a (1976-1983) ensured that in the 1970s and early1980s, almost the entire continent was under dict atorial rule." Hard-line regimeswillingtouse torture and

2 Gutierrez, "TheIrruptionofthePoorinLatinAmericaandtheChristian Communities oftheCommonPeople"inS.Torresand J. Eagleson(eds.), TheChallenge of Basic Christian Communities (EATWOTInternationalEcumenicalCongressofTheology,Sao Paulo,Brazil, 20February-2March1980; Maryknoll, N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1981),pp.107123(120).AtthesameconferenceSobrinonoted:"Neither Evangelii Nuntiandi nor Medellinplacedanystressonpersecutionormartyrdomeither.Theyboth re-ernph asise theneedforsubjectivewitnessinthe evangelization process. Both,Medellininparticular, stresstheneedforpovertyandthe necessity ofbecomingpoorinordertobein solidarity withthepoor.Buttheessentialnatureofwitnessisnotviewedintermsofpersecution andmartyrdom"(].Sobrino,"TheWitnessoftheChurchinLatinAmerica"inTorres andEagleson[eds.], TheChallengeofBasic Christian Commun ities, pp.161-188[171]).

3 SeeLernoux, Cry of thePeople, pp.167-175.

4 Paraguay,whichwas always viewed asabitofabackwater, suffered the long-standing dictatorshipofGeneralAlfredoStroessnerfrom1954to1989;see P. H. Lewis, Paraguay underStroessner (ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolina,1980). However, Peruwas aninterestingexceptionintheearly 1970s, becauseduringthefirstphaseofmilitary

state terror as policies of social control replaced the so-called soft dictatorships of earlier decades. The church was often caught in the crossfire or deliberately targeted when it tried to intervene or protest.

In Brazil, Emilio Medici's regime (1969-1974) continued the hard-line tendency of his predecessor Costa e Silva (1967-1969). General Ernesto Giesel (1974-1979) relaxed the military's gripa little, but human rights abuses under his government remained high . Progressive priests in the Brazilian church were often targets for political violence. In 1976, three more priests were killed.' In the same year, Bishop Dom Adriano Hipolito was kidnapped inhis diocese of Nova Iguaca on the outskirts of Riode Janeiro. He was only released when he had been stripped, splashed with red paint, and humiliated in an attempt to defame his reputation ." Between 1968 and 1978, nine bishops, eighty-four priests, thirteen seminarians, and six women religious were imprisoned inBrazil along with 273 other pastoral agents (local lay leaders).' Ordinary laity of the base communities, who enjoyed less protection, suffered in untold numbers .In 1972, Cardinal Arns of Sao Paulo created a human rights agency for the church, which served asa precedent for similar initiatives in Chile and EI Salvador a few years later,"As the decade progressed, the Brazilian bishops became more outspoken, especially under Aloisio Lorscheider's leadership of the CNBB.9In rule,underGeneralJuanVelascoAlvarado (1968-1975), the government soughtprogressivereforms rather than reactionaryrepression.Asaresult,theregimeenjoyedpositive relations withthe Peruvian church, whichatthetimewasoneofthemost progressiveepiscopatesonthe continent It wasnotuntilthesecondphaseofmilitary rule,underGeneralFranciscoMoralesBermudez, that Perucameundertheinfluence of National SecurityDoctrineandrepression started toescalate;seeesp. J. Klaiber, The Catholic Church in Peru, 1821-1985: A Social History (Washington,D.C.: Catholic UniversityofAmericaPress,1988),pp.276-358.

S Frs.RodolfoLlukembein,[oaoBoscoPenidoBurnierSJ,and A. Pierobon.See Lernoux, Cryofthe People , p.464.

6 SeeLernoux, Cryofthe People, pp. 314-320 .

7 ArchdioceseofSaoPaulo Human RightsCommissioncitedin Klaiber, The Church, Dictatorships and Democracy in Latin America , p. 35.

8 Thechurch'scentralCommissionofPeaceandJusticewasoriginallycreatedafter Medellin,butitwasbasedinRiode Janeiro under the conservative oversight of ArchbishopEugeniodeAraujoSales. It wasnotuntilArnsdevelopeda chapter inSao Paulo(with independence after1974) that theBrazilian church developedaseriousrole inrecordingandpublicising human rightsabuses.Inthefinalyearsofthemilitary regime,itwastheSaoPaulocommission that organisedthecovertcollectionofcopied militaryrecordsforpublicationasArchdioceseofSaoPaulo, Torture in Brazil : A Report bythe Archdiocese ofSao Paulo (trans. J. Wright;ed.J.Dassin;New York :VintageBooks, 1986[Portugueseorig.1985]).Theamazingstoryoftheecumenicalcollaborationbetween ArnsandthePresbyterianJaimeWrightonthisproject(supportedbythe wcq istold inLawrenceWeschler,A Miracle , A Universe : Settling Accounts with Torturers (Chicago andLondon:UniversityofChicagoPress,rev.ed.1998[1990]),pp.7-77.Forawider overviewofthechurch's involvement in human rightsinLatinAmerica,seeE. L. Cleary, The Struggle forHuman Rights in Latin America (Westport, Conn .,andLondon: Praeger,1997).

9LorscheiderwaselectedCNBBsecretaryin1968.However,theearlyyearsofhis

November 1976,theCNBBissuedtheir outspoken "PastoralMessagetothe PeopleofGod."

The situation inChilewas particularly severe.Afterthe1973coup,the widely respected prelate, Cardinal Silva, responded tothe torture anddisappearance of thousands of Chileans byhelpingtoestablishthe Committee for Cooperation forPeaceinChile. The committeeprovidelegaland other assistance tovictimsofthe Pinochet regimeand documented the human rightsabuses takingplace ." When government pressurefinallyforceditsclosureattheend of1975, Cardinal Silva responded immediately byestablishingaVicariateof Solidarityto continue its work." Pinochet wasfuriousatSilva'sdefianceand workedceaselessly to intimidate and undermine him.Silvaalsofacedconsiderable opposition fromsomeof the other Chilean bishops, but other Latin American bishopsralliedtohissupport. 12

Infact,hostilitytowardsthe church wasspreadingacrossthe continent and reaching thehighestlevels.InBolivia,the government's BanzerPlan(named afterthe dictator) advocated covertactionstoincrease tension andwidendivisions between differentpoliticalfactionsinthe church. The intention was to undermine and intimidate progressivebishopsandharassandsmeartroublesomepriests.!'Inmanycases, harassment extended tophysicalbeatings, death threats, andevenmurders.Missionarypriestswereliablefor deportation or refused reentry iftheytravelledabroad.

While persecution wasmainlyatalocallevel, there weresomeveryhigh profileexceptions.InAugust1976,armedsecurityforcesin Ecuador brokeup an international meetingofLatin American bishopsandtheologiansinRiobamba

leadershipwereconstrainedbytheconservativemajorityontheCNBBexecutive.The previousCNBBpresident,AgneloRossi,hadbeenverycautiousinrelationswiththe government .However,whenRossibecamePrefectofthe Congregation fortheEvangelizationofPeoplesinRomein1970,itallowedprogressivestomakecriticalheadway ininfluenceovertheBrazilian church. PauloArnsreplacedhiminSaoPaulo,and LorscheiderwaselectedaspresidentoftheCNBBin1971.AidedbyIvoLorscheiter whobecameCNBBsecretary(andlatersuccededLorscheiderasCNBBpresidentin 1979),the progressives hadconsiderableinfluenceontheleadershipofthe Brazilian church inthe1970s.

10 Itwasanecumenical venture withtheMethodist, Lutheran ,andsomePentecostal churchesaswellastherabbinicalcollegeandWorldCouncilofChurches.SeeB.Smith, The Church and Politics in Chile : Challenges to Modem Catholicism (Princeton,N.].: Princeton UniversityPress,1982).

II Asa church office,theVicariatecameunderSilva'sdirect protection andwas locatednexttothe cathedral inthe central PlazadeArmas.

12 SilvawasknownforhispoliticalmoderationanddiplomacyindealingwithChristians forSocialismandpersuadingSalvadorAllendetobackdownoverhispoliciesonschools. BishopselsewhereinLatin American respondedcautiouslytohostilitiesagainstbishops inBrazilwhowereseenasradicals(forexample,HelderCamaraandPedroCasaldaliga). However,thecampaignagainstSilvashowedtheextremityofthepoliticalforces that heandthe Chilean church confronted andtheneedforaunifiedresponse.

IJ SeeLernoux, Cryofthe People , pp. 143-147

andarrested them." When thethree Chilean bishopswerefinallyallowedto return toSantiago,theywerepeltedwithrocksina demonstration orchestrated by Pinochet's securityforces. IS

The Riobambaaffairsuggested internationally organised harassment ofthe church ." The cooperation ofthedictatorshipsinsettingup national security states contributed tofurther collaboration betweentheirsecurityforcesineliminatingpoliticalopposition.After1976,staterepressioninLatinAmericabecame internationally organised,withpoliticalagreementsbymilitaryregimestocollaborate withother. The most notorious exampleofthiswastheso-called Condor Plan,whichallowedeasy extradition ofpoliticalrefugeesbetweencollaboratingsecurityforces.Evenmore disturbingly, itallowed state-security forces tooperateclandestinelyin another membercountrytoassassinateordisappear theirtargets without havingtoanswerawkwardquestions.

Inmost countries, hostilitiesagainstthe church didnot reach thesame severityasagainst other civilgroups(forexample,oppositionpoliticians,union activists,or students), becausethe church's traditional status and international connections providedconsiderable protection Nonetheless, the1970s werean unprecedented periodof church persecution acrossthe continent. This deepened divisionsinthe church between thosewhohadmadetheoptionfor thepoorandthosewho continued tooptforprivilege.

Afterthecoupin Argentina inMarch1976, seventeen priestsandnuns were murdered ; thirty morewere imprisoned by the endof the following year." During the "dirtywar" against internal dissent, most members of Argentinean church hierarchyactivelysupportedthe government orlookedthe other wayandrefusedtospeak. IS An exception tothiswasBishopEnrique

14 BishopMarianoParraLeoninVenezuelahada heart attack whiletheywereheld incustody.

15 PennyLernouxoffersatypicallyvivid account oftheRiobamba incident andthe bishops return toChilein Cry ofthe People, pp. 137-142.

16 Lernoux (Cry ofthe People, pp.141-142)pointsout that theEcuadoranmilitary wouldprobablynothaveactedontheirowninitiative,butattheinstigationofBrazil orChile.Someofthe church participants attheRiobambameetinghadjust attended asimilarmeetinginBrazil,andChilehadparticularlyclosetieswithEcuadoranmilitary.

17 Lernoux, Cry ofthe People, p.345.Right-wingviolenceagainstthePriestsforthe Third Worldbygroupssuchasthe Argentinean Anti-Communist Alliance (AM) began afewyearsbeforethis.Thisincludedthemurderofthemovement'smost prominent representative, CarlosMugica,inMay1974.Partlyasaresultoftheseattacks,by1974 the movement hadalreadysplitandceasedto function . Nonetheless ,priestswhohad beenmembersofthe movement werestillprimetargetsafterthe1976coup.

18 Fortheofficialreportonthemilitary'swaragainstitsowncitizenshipissuedafter the return to democracy in1983(andprovingtobeabest -seller), see National Commission on Disappeared People, NuncaMds: A Report by Argentina's National Commission on Disappeared People (trans.WritersandScholars International; Bostonand London:Faber & Faber,1986[Spanishorig.1984));aninterestinganalysisontheparanoiabehindtheterrorisgivenbyM.Feitlowitz,A Lexicon of Terror : Argentina andthe Legacies of Torture (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1998).Forafascinatinginvesti-

The Church ofthe Poor 163

AngelleliofLaRiojaintherural northwest region.InJuly1976,hewas attempting toestablishresponsibilityforthemurder of twopriestsinhisdiocese-the evidencepointedtothe military-when hehimselfwaskilledinan automobile accident inhighlysuspiciouscircumstances.

In Central America,therepressionwasjustas bad." InElSalvador,asmall groupofradicalpriestsbecameactiveinthe1970sandthe appointment of BishopOscarRomeroasarchbishopofSanSalvadorin1977waswidelyinterpretedasaconservativemovetobringthemintoline.Romero's appointment coincidedwiththefraudulentelectionofGeneralRomero(norelation)aspresidentanda clamp-down onthecountry'sunionsandpoliticalmovements." Perhapsbecauseofthenewarchbishop'sperceivedconservatism, persecution ofthe Salvadoran church escalated dramatically in1977afterhisappointment." Two priests-the JesuitRutilioGrandeinMarchandthediocesanpriest Alfonso Navarro in May-were killedandright-winggroups threatened to assassinateanyJesuitsleftinthecountryafter21July1977.Infaceofwidespread condemnation, the threat wentunfulfilled;butinthenextthreeyears, afurthersixpriestswerekilled.Thisexperienceandthesufferingofordinary Christians inthebase communities moved Archbishop Romerodeeply.He becameoneofthemostoutspokenprophetsofthe Latin Americanchurch andinfulfillmentofthe1971Synodof Bishops-became knownasthevoiceof those without voice." Hewasoutspokenin condemning both thepoliticalviolence that wasbecomingcommonplace,andtheeconomicinjustices that were gationofthereligiousdimensiontodirtywar torture, seeEGraziano, Divine Violence : Spectacle , Psychosexuality, and Radical Christianity in the Argentine 'Dirty War' (Boulder, Colo.,andOxford:WestviewPress,1992);forthewiderbackground,see J. Burdick, For Godand Fatherland : Religion and Politicsin Argentina (Albany:StateUniversityofNew York Press,1996).

19 Argentinean securityagentsactively collaborated withtheir Central American counterparts inNicaragua,ElSalvador,and Guatemala insettingupsurveillanceand securityapparatus;see A.C. Armony, Argentina, the United States andthe Anti-Communist Crusade in Central America 1977-1984 (Athens:OhioUniversityPress,1997),pp.73-105.

20 GeneralRomerohadbeenthehawkishdefenceministerforthepreviouspresident, GeneralMolina (1972-1977). Sinceacommunistuprisingin1932,ElSalvador'smilitary maintained atightcontrolonstatesecurity,andthe1972and1977electionssimplyendorsedtheir nominated candidate .ForanoverviewoftheperiodinElSalvador, see P. Berryman, The Religious Roots of Rebellion (Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks;London: SCMPress,1984),pp.91-161;Lernoux, Cryofthe People, pp. 61-80

21 ArchbishopRomerowaspreviouslyknownforhispoliticalmoderationandhadbeen inconflictwiththecountry'spriestsandJesuitswhoadvocatedpoliticalengagement. On Romero'slifesee J. Brockman, Romero : A Life (Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1989), andO.Romero, Archbishop Oscar Romero : A Shepherd's Diory (trans. 1. B. Hodgson;London: Catholic AgencyforOverseas Development and Catholic Institute for International Relations,1993).

22 Forhishomiliesandpastoralmessages,seeO.Romero, Voice ofthe Voiceless : The Four Pastoral Letters andOther Statements (trans.M.Walsh;Maryknoll,N.Y.:Orbis Books,1985[Spanishorig.1980)); The Violence of Love: The Words ofOscar Romero (trans. J. Brockman;NewYork:Harper & Row, 1988;London:Collins,1989).

CHAPTEREIGHT

at the root of EI Salvador's problems. In weekly homilies broadcast on the radio, he frequently committed the church to standing with the poor in their tribulations and finding its own salvation in solidarity with their suffering

This prompted retaliation fromhis opponents. Bombs exploded at churches, the archdiocesan radio station, and the Catholic University. Romero himself was frequently threatened with death .In February 1980,he sent a letter to President Carter requesting a halt to further consignments of aidtoEI Salvador's security forces." On 23 March 1980, Romero's sermon pleaded foran end to the violence with an appeal addressed directly at ordinary soldiers: "In the name of God , and in the name of this suffering people, whose laments riseto heaven each day more tumultuous ,Ibegyou,I beseech you,I order youin the name of God : Stop the repression! '?" The next day,hewas assassinated ashe celebrated massina hospital chapel. Within ayear,EI Salvador toppled into afullscale civilwar that brought untold misery and lasted throughout the following decade. This civilwar dominated internal politics and everyday lifein the I980s and brought further persecution of the church. "

Meanwhile, in neighbouring Nic aragua, Anastasio Somoza won a staged election in1974. Rejecting political pressures for overdue reforms, he chose instead to unleash the National Guard against his political opponents , union representatives, and peasant leaders." Eventually, he united almost the whole country-including th ebu sines s community and church hierarchy-against him." InJuly1979,amass uprising ledby the Sandinistas finally swept him from power Thus, just as the dec ade began with Allende embarking on a socialist experiment in Chile, soit ended with the Sandinistas adopting a range of socialist

2J See"LettertoPresidentCarter"inO.Romero, Voice ofthe Voicel ess, pp. 188-190. PresidentJimmyCarterrejectedhisplea,despitehis 1976 electionvictoryoverGerald Fordonaplatformthatpromisedhonestgovernment andconcernforhumanrightsin foreignpolicy.However,Carter'sDemocraticadministrationwasatleastmoreconcerned forhumanrightsinitsforeignpolicythantheRepublicanperiodofNixonandFordin theearlyseventies.While Carter' sprofessed concern forhumanrightsdidnotprevent widespreadhumanrightsabusesinLatinAmericaduring 1976-1980, itatleastmoderatedthemtosome extent.ThenightthattheRepublicancandidateRonaldReagan beat Carter inthe 1980 election wasanightofcelebrationfortherightwingof Salvadoranpolitics.TwoweekslaterfourU.S.womenworkinginEISalvador-three U.S.nunsandoneU.S.laymission ary-were rapedandmurderedbyNationalGuard memberswhobelievedthattheywerenowbeyondanymoralorpoliticalrestraint.

24 Brockman, Romero, p.242.

25 SeeA. L. Peterson, Martyrdom andthe Politics of Religion : Progre ssive Catholici sm in El Salvador's CivilWar (Albany:StateUniversityofNew York Press, 1997).

26 ThisincludedparticularpersecutionofgrassrootsChristianmovementsinspiredby Capuchinpriests.SeeBerryman, The Religious Roots of Rebellion, pp. 51-89 ; Lernoux, Cryofthe Peopl e, pp. 81-107

27 SeeA.Bradstock, Saints and Sandinista s: The Catholic Church in Nicaragua and its Response to the Revolution (London:EpworthPress, 1987); J. M. Kirk,Politics andthe Catholic Church in Nicaragua (Gainesville:UniversityofFloridaPress, 1992).

The Church ofthe Poor 165 policiesinNicaragua."However,duringthe1980s,itwouldpayahigh pricejustas Allende's Chilehad done-for itssearchforapolitical alternative.

THE BASE CHRISTIAN COMMUNITIES

One ofthesignsofthetimesrecognisedatMedellinwasthe potential importanceofbase communities intheLatin American church .i? The baseecclesial communities(commonlyreferred to bytheiracronyminSpanishandPortuguese asCEBs)developedintoimpressive national movementsinmanycountries,and especiallyinNicaragua,Chile,Peru,EISalvador,andmostofall Brazil. '? For manyprogressivestheCEBs pointed towardagrass-roots regeneration ofthe church inLatin America."

The restofthis chapter focusesontheCEBsinBrazilinthe1970sandtheir rolein integrating theideasof liberation theologywithasocially orientated pastoralpractice.Ithasprovedsurprisinglyhardtoevenestimatethe number ofCEBsorquantifythepeopleinvolvedwiththem." It hasbecomeclear that

28 It would,however,bequitewrongtothinkoftheSandinistasashard-lineLeninistMarxist. There policeswereamixoffree-marketand state-planning intended tobetterthelotofthepoormajoritywhohadbeenimpoverished under Somoza. They achievednotablesuccessinraising standards of health and education, despitetheseprojectsbeingparticulartargetsforu.S.-sponsoredcontrasduringthe1980s.

29 Document15,PastoraldeConjunto,§§10-12;DocumentI,Justice,§20;Document 6,PastoralPopular,§13.Medellinreferstothe communities asbase Christian communities rather thanbaseecclesialcommunities, although itdoesdescribethe Christian basecommunityas"thefirstandfundamentalecclesialunit"(Pastoralde Conjunto, §10) andspeaksof"ecclesialcommunitiesintheparishes"(PastoralPopular,§13).Asthe movementgrewin strength it attracted attention outsideLatinAmericaandwassupportedinPaulVI's Evangelii Nuntiandi (8December1975)followingthe1974Synod ofBishopsinRomeon"EvangelizationintheModernWorld." Evangelli Nuntiandi cautionedagainstanumberofperceiveddangersinbasecommunities(§58.5-58 .13),but gavetheCEBsan important endorsement as"ahopefortheuniversal Church." (§58.5). AtPuebla,in1979,considerable attention wasgiventotheCEBsandtheirvalueand importance fortheLatinAmerican church wasstronglyreaffirmed(§629).

30 The Portuguese comunidades eclesiais de base andtheSpanish comunidades eclesiales de base are both commonlyabbreviatedtoCEBsand translated asbase church communitiesorbasicchristiancommunitiesinEnglish.However,thecommunitiesaresometimesreferredtoas comunidades Cristds de base (Portuguese)or Comunidades Cristianas de base (Spanish),whichismoreliterallytranslatedasbase Christian communities.

31 SeeS.Mainwaring,"Grass-Roots Catholic GroupsandPoliticsinBrazil"inS. MainwaringandA.Wilde(eds.), The Progressive Church in LatinAmerica (NotreDame, Ind.:UniversityofNotreDamePress,1989),pp. 151-192 (151).Itshouldalsobenoted that basecommunitiesalsoexistedoutsideLatinAmericaandwereespeciallydevelopedinthePhilippines.

32 There areanumberofreasonswhythefiguresneedtobetakenwithsomecaution.First,thedefinitionofwhat constitutes abaseecclesialcommunitywillalterthe numberssignificantly.Second,alltheestimatesarebasedonverypartialsamples,and thereforeresttoalarge extent onguessworkinassuminghowrepresentativethese

despitetheimpressionsometimesgiven,eveninBrazil,thecommunitiesnever representedthewhole Brazilian churchorevenamajorityof Brazilian Catholics." Nonetheless, theywereaverysignificantsectorofthe church. Duringthe 1970s,theyemergedfromfairlymodestearlyoriginstobecomeafocusofworld attention andassumeapositionattheforefrontofliberationtheology.

The Distinctive Features oftheCEBs

The CEBswereknownasbaselevelorbasiccommunitiesbecausetheywere smallersubdivisionsoftheparish.Alargeorparticularlyactiveparishmight bedividedintomanysuch communities." ManyCEBswereinpoorruralareas orintheworking-classand shanty-town areas (favelas) surrounding Brazilian cines." IntheseareasCEBmemberswerelikelytoworkwiththeirhandsas poorlypaidlabourers.Manywerenearthebaseofthesocialpyramidandsome mightbe. Third ,thereisinevitablepressurefornumberstobereportedfavourablyin areassupportiveofthe movement anddown-playedinareaswherethereisdisapproval forthem. The mostfrequentlygivennumbersarebasedonasurveybythe Centro de EstatfsticaReligiosaeInvestigacoesSociais,whichsuggested that therewere40,000 CEBsin1974,risingto80,000in1980. Furthermore ,itseems that the strength ofthe CEBsinBrazilandelsewherepeakedinthe1980s,andhas been indeclinesince (althoughsometimesevenhighernumbers-lOO,OOOor 120,000-are citedasthepeak). Hewitt reviewsdifferentestimatesofthenumberofCEBsandthedifficultiesincountingthemin,WE.Hewitt, Base Christian Communities and Social Change in Brazil (Lincoln:UniversityofNebraskaPress,1991),pp. 6-10 .Intermsofthenumberofpeople,EdwardClearysuggests that CEBshaveapproximatelyonemillionmembersin Brazilandatleastasmanyin other Latin American countries(E.Cleary, The Church inLatin America Today: Crisis and Change [Maryknoll,N.Y. :OrbisBooks,1985]p.104). Once again,however,othershaveestimatedsignificantlyhigher than this,withsome estimatesforBrazilgoingashighasfourmillion.Unfortunately,estimatesofCEBmembershiphaveevenmoreproblems than estimatesofthe number ofCEBs,sincelevels ofmembershipneedtobedefinedandaccuratelymeasured.Hewittcomments:"Although, consequently,twoorperhapsthreemillionBraziliansmayparticipateinCEBs,thelevel atwhichtheydosomaydisqualifymanyfromactualCEBmembership"(Hewitt, Base Christian Communities and Social Change in Brazil, p.8).

33 ScottMainwaringsuggeststhreefactorsinthe Braziliansituationthathelp to explain whythe church inBraziltooksuchaprogressiveandinnovativelead.First,theinitiativesofthe1950s that providedthe foundation forthemoreradicalapproachinthe 1970s.Second,thehistoryof institutional weakness that encouraged innovation atgrassrootslevel.Third,theabsenceofsustained persecution byliberalism,whichencouraged ageneralopennesstosociety.SeeS.Mainwaring, The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916-1985 (Stanford,Calif.:StanfordUniversityPress,1986),pp. 237-238) .

34 Forinsider accounts ofparticular communities inBrazil,see D. Barbe, Grace and Power: Base Communities and Non-violence in Brazil (trans. J. P. Brown;Maryknoll,N.Y.: OrbisBooks,1987); A. B.Fragoso, Face ofa Church (trans.R.R.Barr;Maryknoll, N.Y.: OrbisBooks,1987);R.Rezende,Rio Maria: Song ofthe Earth (trans.anded.M. Adriance;Maryknoll,N .Y. :OrbisBooks;London: Catholic Institute for International Relations,1994).

35 Regrettablythereisnosingleterm that providesan adequate translation ofthe PortugueseandSpanishtermde base . EachoftheseEnglishvariantscapturesadifferent nuance ofwhatisme ant byde base

The Church ofthe Poor 167 wereonlymarginallyliterate.However,eveninpoor neighbourhoods, themembershipwasunlikelytobecomposedofthemost destitute .Most community membershadsufficientmeanstogetbymostofthetime;and enough stability inlifeto attend meetingsonafairlyregularbasis. The dispossessedhomeless orentirelydisenfranchisedpoorwerelesswell-represented than theworkingpoor. Furthermore, theCEBs often included morefinanciallysecure members as well-teachers or white-collar municipal workers-who mightprovidelayleadershipforthegroup ."

Asecclesial,thegroupswere part oftheofficialpastoralworkofthe church The strength of commitment tothegroupsvariedfromdiocesetodioceseand parishtoparish, but inBrazil,atleastthe communities werea central partof the church's official national plan. When base communities firstdevelopedin the1950sand1960s,theyfound support fromawidevarietyofpoliticalpositionsinthe church. Asawayof extending church authority insociety,they hadawideappealamongsttheepiscopacy.

In1975,crucialimpetustothetermbaseecclesial communities wasgiven byPaulVI'sApostolic Exhortation Evangelii Nuntiandi (Proclaiming the Gospel) afterthe1974Synodof Bishops." Notonlydid Evangelii Nuntiandi usethe termbasicecclesial communities, but it distinguished between communities whichwerecriticalofthe institutional church (referredtosimplyasbasiccommunities)andthosewhichwere supportive (describedasbasicecclesialcommunities)." Thus, theterm CEB-base ecclesial community-reflected official church approval. 39 FormanyprogressivesinBrazil,theCEBsweremore than justalegitimate part ofthe church, theywereseenasessentialtothe church's future.t "

36 It wouldbemistakentothink that basecommunitiesonlyexistedinthepoorer neighbourhoods.However,inmiddle-classareas,thecommunitiesmighthavealess pronounced politicaledgeand concentr atemoreontr adition al charitable acts(see Hewitt, Base Christian Communities and Social Change in Brazil, pp. 60-72).

37 PaulVI, Evangelii Nuntiandi: Apostolic Exhortation on Evangelization intheModem World (1975).TheMedellin document Pastoral deConjunto(§§10-12)referredsimply to base Christian communities without addingthetermecclesial.

38 Evangelii Nuntiandi,§58.Azevedo (Basic Ecclesial Communities in Brazil, pp.70-71) interprets thisasareference to thedifference between communitiesinBrazil(which hadsupportofthebishops),andcommunitiesinEuropeand North America(which werenotpartofanepiscopalstrategy).

39 Prominent writersinBrazilreferred to the communities asecclesialinthe1960s. Forexample,R.B.Caramuru, Comunidade eclesial de base :uma pastoral decisiva (Petropolis,R. J.: Editora Vozes, 1967),and J. Marins, Comunidade eclesial da base (Sao Paulo:EdicoesPaulinas,1968).However,theCNBBwasstillreferringsimply to "communitiesfromthebase"intheearly1970s,forexampleintheirstudy, Comunidades : Igreja na Base, (CNBBStudies,3;SaoPaulo:EdicoesPaulinas,1974). The termbase ecclesialcommunirybecamecommoninthe literature after1975;asimilarCNBBdocumentwastitled Comunidades eclesiais de base no Brasil, (CNBBStudies,3;SaoPaulo: EdicoesPaulinas,1979)andlikewisea subsequent studywas Comunidades Eclesiais de Base na Igreja do Brasil (SaoPaulo:EdicoesPaulinas,1982).

40 The importance ofthebaseecclesialcommunitiesinthisperiodisreflectedinthe

CHAPTEREIGHT

The Brazilian bishops' biennial plans of 1975-1977 and 1977-1979 placed the CEBs among the topfour pastoral priorities. This meant practical support for the communities in terms of resources and expertise. Furthermore, the CNBB's endorsement ofCEBs ensured that even ifalocal bishop wasunsympathetic, thelocalCEBs could callon support froma national network.

Asa community, the people might meet once aweekinsmallgroups(anything fromsixto over a hundred people) to reflect on the Bibleinthelight of their local situation and their own lives." Active involvement of the laity was central to the CEBsY CEBsusually had someone who acted asafacilitatoror animator who need not bea priest." More often, lay catechists took this role. The intention of the facilitator was not to instruct, but to provoke the discussion and dialogue."

As noted below,itwas not until the early1970s that manyof the communities-and especially those indioceses with progressive bishops-became active agents for political change However, when this happened, their communal emphasis meant that all members of the groupwere encouraged to express their viewson contemporary issues.Inthe process of sharing experiences, a deeper awareness of common problems and their relation towidercauses often emerged. This processowed much tothe pedagogical approach to consciousness-raising piloted inBrazilin the early1960sbyPauloFreire. After discussing

nationalmeetingsofcommunitiesthatstartedafter1975.Thefirstnationalplanwas "CEBs :Bornofthe People bytheSpiritofGod"(1975);nextcame "CEBs :TheChurch, a People WalkTogether" (1976) and "CEBs :Church,A People Liberating Itself" (1978) Thefourthmeetingtookplacein1981as "CEBs :TheChurch,A People WhoHave OrganizedThemselvesfor Liberation" andthefifthin1983as "CEBs :AUnited People, SeedbedofaNew Society." SeeAzevedopp.99-100n.3.

41 Theyareonlyresidentialcommunitiesinthesensethatthemembersare likely to live fairly closetogether.Theydonotshareacommunalresidenceandalthoughfamilies oftencooperate together, the CEBs arenotcommuneswhereall possessions areheld incommonsuchasdescribedinActs.

42 InmostofLatinAmerica,itwasusualfor progressive bishopstopromote CEBs andconservative bishops toresistthem. However, Brazil wasunusualforthesharedconsensusbetweenconservativesand progressives thatthechurchshouldpromotebase communities.Supportforbasecommunitiesasawayofstrengtheningthechurch'spresenceinsocietywascommoninboththe progressive andconservative wings ofthe Brazilian church. However, therewasamarked difference onthesocialandpolitical dimensionto CEBs activityfromdiocesetodiocese.For progressives, theorientationto social transformation wasanintegralpartofthe CEBs. For conservative critics, thispoliticisationwasaseriousdeviationfromtheoriginalpurposeofthecommunities.

43 Progressive women religious and/orthelocalpriestwereoftencriticalintheestablishmentofa community, butastheCEBdevelopeditwas likely tobecomeincreasingly dependantonlayleadership.

44 Inpractice,their effectiveness inthisdependedontheir personalities, skills, and commitmenttotheparticipatoryideal.ItwouldbenaivetobelievethateveryCEB liveduptothesehighidealsineverysituation,butitwouldbeundulycynicalnotto recognisethedramaticchangetowardmoreequalrelationshipscreatedwithinthe communities.

The Church ofthe Poor 169 aproblemanddiagnosingitsroots,the community couldreflectonhowthey mightsolveitusingtheirownmeansandinitiatives ." Community levelsolutionscouldrangefrompoolingresourcesintoasmall credit fundformembers, working together tobuildashared centre, organisinga petition fortrafficcontrolsto protect pedestrians,orany manner oflocal community action .

The Historical Development oftheCEBs

The political orientation ofCEBsinthe1970sand1980sdid not materialise overnight .Base communities inBrazilwereoriginallypartofa nonpoliticised pastoralprocessinBrazil that predated theearliestpublicationsinliberation theology.A number ofearly experiments in church renewalatacommunity levelweremadeinthe1940sand1950s. These provideda foundation forthe emergenceoftheearlybasecommunitiesinthe1960s.46 Theecclesialbasecommunities extended this trend further inthelate1970sandearly1980s.After themid-1980s,the momentum ofthe movement slowed,andafterthe return toformaldemocracyin1985,theCEBsceasedtobetheforcetheyoncewere."

To understand thishistorymore precisely, ahelpful distinction maybedrawn between theearlybase communities ofthe1960sandthelaterbase ecclesial communities ofthe1970sand1980s.48 Initself,thechangeinterminologydid notmarkasignificantchangeinthe nature ofthe communities ,However,its timingoverlappedwithamore important change that wastakingplace,because intheearly1970smanybaseecclesial communities wereinfluencedbyliberationtheology. It wastheseactivist commun it ies-committed tosocialanalysis andsocial transformation-that liberation theologianshadinmindwhenthey referredtoCEBsintheirwork ."

45 TheMedellin document on education encouragedtheadoptionofFreire'sapproach withitsreferencestoliberating education (esp. §§ 7-9).

46 Foranexcellent recent overview,seeA.Dawson, "The Originsand Characterof theBaseEcclesialCommunity:ABrazilianPerspective"in C. Rowland(ed.), Cambridge Companion to Liberation Theology (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1999),pp. 109-128 (esp. 110-113) .

47 Theconservativeupswinginthe church inthe1980sandthe retirement ofbishopswhosupportedtheCEBs(andtheirreplacement withlesssympatheticoractively hostilebishops)alsohadasignficiantimpactandisdiscussedatgreaterlengthin Chapter 11.

48 Inthe1960s,theecclesialnatureofthebasecommunitieswascertainlyrecognised(andthe movement endorsedbytheCNBBintheirnationalplans),buttheterm that wasusedwasbasecommunitiesnotbaseecclesialcommunities.However,after1975, formalreferencestothemovement invariablyreferredtothebaseecclesialcommunities(orfrequentlytheacronymCEBs)eventhoughitwascommonforthesetobeabbreviatedtobasecommunitiesorsimplycommunitiesinlessformalreferences.

49 Although,asnotedabove,liberationtheologiansreferredtothecommunitiesas basecommunitiesorbaseecclesialcommunities,itwasinvariablythesocialactivist CEBsofthe1970s, not theirearlierpredecessors,thattheymeant.

CHAPTEREIGHT

Forernnners

in the1940s and 1950s

Notable amongst the precedentsfor the CEBsweretheecclesiological innovations in the Northeast dioceseofBarradoPirai and especiallythe popular c ateches is movement associ ated with Dom Agnelo Rossi.Beginning in the 1950s, popular catechism soughtto "extend evangelization andthepre sence of the church." ?Layleaderswould substitute forthepriestin those roles that were open to them in the absence ofthepriest. Although itwasimpossibleto celebrate massinthisway, other aspectsofworshipwerepossible including weeklymeetingswithreadingoftheBibleandprayers."Likewise,inthe Amazon areaof Maranhao from1952onward,thebishopofSaoLuis(DomJoseDelgado) decentralized parishe s into chapels and encouraged lay leadership in them .To support thisshift,hisauxiliarybishop(Dom Antonio Fragoso) provided trainingcoursesforlay administr atorsand maintained contact with them. 52

Tentative originsforthe political dimension oftheCEBsmayalsobediscerned inthis period .Inthelate1940s, the movement foradult education in the Northeast dioceseofNatal under DomEugenioSales linked the traditional concerns of catechesis to integral concerns forthewhole human being.Asimilar concern for the whole human being became increasingly prominent inthe radi o-broadcast movement that startedinthe Northeast in the late1950sand theBase Education Movement withits commitment to con scientization built onthisfoundation in the 1960s ,53 The Movement fora Better World might alsobe noted here. It spread toBrazilfromRomein the late 1950s and influenced both priestsandbishops.It stressed theimp ortance andurgencyof socialissues.Itssocialprogramswerefirmly ant icommunistr ather than politicallyprogressiveinin spiration, but atleasttheyposedanimplicitchallengeto the fatalistic acceptance ofpoverty andmisery.

Emergence ofBaseCommunities in 1960s

Earlybase communities appearedinBrazilin the early1960s.54 The communitiesofferedthe chance forp articipation atamore personal levelinasocial community asBraziliansociety became increasingly disrupted by the effectsof migration and industrialization. National supportforthebase communities in Brazilwasfirst indicated in the Emergency Plan of1962 drawn upinresponse

50 M. Azevedo, Basic Eccles ial Communitiesin Brazil trans. J. Drury; (Washington, o.c.: Georgetown University Press),p. 26.

51 Azevedo, Basic Ecclesial Commun itiesin Brazil, pp. 25-27.

52 Althoughhewasmovedfromthispositionin 1963 , DomFragosocontinuedto playaprominentroleasaleaderoftheprogressivechurchasbishopofCrateus(alsoin northeastBrazil). Hisstoryandreflectionsonthechurch'sroleareofferedinhisbook A. B.Fragoso, Face ofaChurch (trans.R.R.Barr;Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks, 1987) .

53 OnPaulo Freire,conscientiz ationandtheBaseEducationMovement,seeChapter3.

54 Ataboutthesametime,basecommunitieswerealsoappearingelsewhere.For example,oneoftheearliestandmostinfluentialforCentralAmericawasSan Miguelito inPanamaCity;seeEBravo, The Parish ofSanMigueli w in Panama (Cuernavaca: CentroInterculturaldeDocumentaci6n, 1966) .

toa letter from John XXIII. 55 Thiswassubsequentlyreaffirmedinthebishops' First Joint PastoralPlan (1966-1970) withitsrecognitionofthe church asthe peopleofGod. 56

The emphasisinVaticanIId ocumentsonactive participation inthe church (LumenGentium)andinvolvementwiththeworld (Gaudium et Spes) gavethe existinginitiativesinBrazilofficialsupportandencouragement.InBrazil,the veryprocessofdisseminatingConciliardocumentsthroughcourses,studysessions, andpopularised publicationsstartedtobuildthenew particip atory pastoral modelandtakeforwardtheexistingexperimentsinlayparticipationinthechurch. Thiswasaremarkable development ina church that hadonlyjustallowedthe masstobecelebratedinthelanguageofpeople attending andstartedtoencouragepeopletoreadtheBibleforthemselves.

Throughout thisperiodtheroleofbase communities was understood in fairly traditional ways." The relativelypoor priest-to-population ratioinBrazil created a desperate needformorelay leadership ifthe church wastomaintainitsinfluenceonsociety. The communities allowedthe church to project its institutional presence ,promotelay participation, and enrich relationships withinthelocal church . The fact that evangelical churches and traditional Afro-Brazilianreligion s-both ofwhicharesignificantin Brazil-have a much more participatory stylemayhaveencouragedthepeopleofBrazilto support thebase communities.

RadicalizationoftheCEBs in the1970s

The CNBB,whichwasvirtuallysilentonsocial matters sincethe1964coup, finally started toraiseitsvoicein protest againstthemilitaryregimeinthe 1970s.58 By then, manyle ader sof the Brazilian church wereprogressively radicalizedbytherepressivemeasuresofthemilitary dictatorship,whichwere

55 CNBB,PlanodeEmergencia para a Igreja do Brasil (RiodeJaneiro:LivrariaDom BoscoEditora,1963). It wasformallyadoptedbytheCNBBin1963.

56 CNBB,Planode Pastoral Conjunto 1966-70 (Riode Janeiro: LivrariaDomBosco Editora,1966). The planrec ommended: "Our present parisheswillorshouldbecomposedofvariouslocalcommunitiesandbasic communitie s.... Thusitwill be mostimportant to undertake parishrenewal through the creationofdynarnizationofthesebasic c ommunities "(2nded.1967,pp. 57-58 ; cited in Azevedo, Basic Eccl esial Communities in Bra zil p.46n.21).

57 The relative readine sswith which theBrazilian church contemplated changes in the1960shas been interpreted bysomeasa survival mech anism,aresponsetothe socialand economic changesofthe preceding three decades.Prop onent softhisview arguethat industrialisation andmobilization eroded thetraditionalpowerofthe church overthepeople,and the church waseagertorestoreitsin stituti onalrole.Inthis interpretation,the change sundert aken inthe1960swereto undercut theappealofsocialism(onsocial concerns)andPentecostalism(onlayparticipation). The CNBB integrated thena scent localmovemen tsinto their nationalplans,and therebymade them intoa c oncern for the Brazilian church asawhole.

58 Seeesp.D.Regan, Churchfor Liberation:A Pa storal Portrait oftheChurch in Bra zil (Leomin ster, Herefordshire:FowlerWrightBooks,1987).

CHAPTER EIGHT

at their height from1968to1974. 59 Hand-in-hand with this radicalisation of many in the church hierarchy ata grass-roots level, the base communities movement also developed a more radical political outlook after 1968. 60

On 6May1973, the bishops from the Northeast and Amazon regions both published documents that sharply condemned abuses by the military regime and its human rights violations, "I Have Heard the CriesofMyPeople" and "Marginalization of the People,Cryof the Churches."?' Although the bishops in the Northeast and Amazon werestill ahead of the CNBB,bynow the CNBB was becoming increasing critical of the military. It was starting toexpress public concern not just over individual casesof human rights, but alsoof the widespread and entrenched social poverty inBrazil's National Security State. In1972 and again in1973, the CNBB stated its support for the Amazonian bishops. Increasingly, CNBB statements started to address issuesof poverty and commit the church to the poor."

As themilitary clamped down on opposition organizations and prevented political meetings that might voice criticism of the regime, the base communities cameto the foreasvoicesof protest on behalf ofthepoormajorityinthe1970s.63

59 HelderCamaraandotheroutspokenbishopsvoicedcriticismofthegovernment onanumberofoccasions.TheDominican Affair ofNovember1969wasaparticularly high-profile exampleoftensionswiththechurch.On4 November, CarlosMarighella (theleaderoftheguerrillagroupAllianceforNationalLiberation,ALN)wascaught inSaoPauloandthechurchcameundersuspicionforhelpinghim.AnationwideinvestigationeventuallyaccusedelevenDominicans,oneJesuit,andtwosecularpriestsof aiding subversives. TheDominicanCarlosChristowasarrestedon9Novemberandspent twenty-two monthsintrialbeforebeingsentencedinSeptember1971tofourmoreyears inprison.Christo'swritingsinprisonwerepublishedasC.Christo, Against Principalities and Powers (trans. J. Drury; Maryknoll, N.Y. :Orbis Books, 1977;U.K.ed., Letters froma Prisoner of Conscience [London:Lutterworth,1978]).Theshockingtreatmentofonejailed Dominican,FatherTitodeAlencar (graphically describedinaletterfromtheprison), ledhim to commitsuicideonhisrelease(seeLernoux, Cryof the People, pp.321-324).

60 Barbe (Grace and Power, p.92)writes:"ByChristmasof1968,afterthetougheningoftheregimeinDecemberofthat year, thepriestsand religious-the 'agentsof pastoral ministry'-had tomakeachoice:eitherjointheguerrillaforcesandtheclandestinesubversion,asurgedbycertainMarxistandevenChristianelementsofthemiddleclass,orattach themselves, more seriously thanbefore,toapastorallabouratthe base,inordertogetclosetotheworkermilitantsandpeasantsandformcommunities withthem.Thoseoptionswereneverlaidoutwiththeclarityjustusedhere,butthey werereal."TheradicalizationofCatholicActionandtheMEBintheearly1960sprovidedaprecursor to thisshiftinthebasecommunitiesintheearly1970s.

61 Mainwaring (The CatholicChurch, p.93)comments,"Atthetime,thesetwodocumentswereprobablythemostradicalstatementseverissuedbyagroupofbishops anywhereintheworld."

62 Mainwaring divides the CNBB's attitudetothedictatorshipintothree periods: "After virtuallysupportingthemilitaryregime(1964-1968),itraisedatimidvoiceagainstthe repressive excesses (1968-1972)and finally amuchstrongervoiceagainstviolationsof humanrightsandauthoritarian excesses (1972-1982)" (The Catholic Church, p.112).

63 Animportantprecedentforthiswastheso-calledCatholicLeft,whichwasradicalized duringthelate 1950s andearly 1960s. WithintheCatholic Left, the Young Catholic

The Church ofthe Poor 173

IntheCEBspeoplewereabletodiscusspoliticsinways that werenotpossibleelsewhere.This contributed toaself-reinforcingprocessbywhichtheCEBSs increasedintheirimportanceforBraziliansocietyduringthemilitarydictatorships.They attracted involvement fromthose committed tosocialchange,and becameincreasinglypoliticalintheiroutlook.

The moreprogressiveleadershipoftheCNBB(electedin1972)helpedgive thecommunitiesatleastsomeprotection.Meanwhile,liberationtheologyencouragedthecommunitiestoviewtheirsocial involvement andpoliticalactionsas promoting thekingdomofGodandliving out anewrealityofbeingthe church."

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CEBS

ChurchandSociety

The CEBschangedthefaceofBraziliansociety.Biblereadinganddiscussions intheCEBsoften generated communityactionsandsocialprojects. Usually, thesestartedat fairly modestlocallevelwithobjectivesthatwoulddirectlybenefit thelocalcommunity(adaycare centre ,afoodcooperative,aschool,orhealth

Students aUC) andPopular Action deservespecial mention asanticipationsoftheradicalizationoftheCNBBandtheCEBsinthe1970s(seeMainwaring, The Catholic Church, pp. 60-75). The jUC beganinthe1930saspartofBrazilianCatholicAction (aclerically controlled conservative movement addressedtothefutureeliteofthe n ation). However,withthereorganist ation ofBrazilianCatholicActioninthelate 1940s,the jUC becamemore independent ofclerical control startedtoworkmore closelywiththenationalstudent movement .By1960, jUC wasactivelyinvolvedinstudentand national politicsandwashighlycriticalofthesocialproblemsfacingBrazil. In1961,theBrazilianhierarchystartedtotakesanctionsagainstthemovementandit waseventuallydisbandedin1966.However,PopularAction(AcaoPopular)quickly replacedJUCasthechannelforradicalCatholicpoliticalaction.PopularActionwas createdin1961andbecameasmall,buthighlyinfluentialforceinleft-wingBrazilian politics. It favouredrevolutionandendorsedsocialistpoliciesmoreclearlythanwasever thecaseinJUC,butitremainedhighlycriticaloftheSovietUnionandinsistedon theimportanceoffreedomandpluralism.Afterthe1964coup,itwasforcedundergroundand underwent afurthersequenceofradicalization that propelledittoward Maoismandarmedstruggle.Bythistime,ithadmovedawayfromitsoriginal Christian identity,andin1973,itsremainingmembersjoinedtheCommunist PartyofBrazil.

64 ForliberationistecclesiologyoftheCEBs,see L. Boff Church: Charism and Powe r: Liberation Theology andthe Institutional Church (trans.J. Diercksm eier:NewYork: Crossroad;London:SCMPress,1985[Portugueseorig.1981]); P. Berryman, Liberati on Theology :The Essent ial Facts aboutthe Revolutiona ryMovement in LatinAm erica and Beyond (NewYork:Pan theon, 1987), pp. 64-68; J. Marin s, T. M.Trevisan and C. Chanona, The Church from theRoots : Basic Eccl esial Communitie s (London:Catholic FundforOverseasDevelopment,1989[ET1983]);S.TorresandJ.Eagleson(eds.), The Challenge of Basic Christian Communities (Papersfromthe Intern ationalEcumenical CongressofTheology,1980,SaoPaulo,Brazil;trans.J.Drury;Maryknoll,N.Y.:Orbis Books,1981).ForaProte stant perspective,seeG.Cook, The Expectation ofthe Poor : LatinAmerican Basic Ecclesial Communities in Protestant Perspective (Maryknoll,N.Y.: OrbisBooks,1985).

clinics;electricity,water,sewersystems,andpavedroads).Intime,thecommunitymightdevelopandjoinwithothercommunitiestoaddressmorenational and structural issuessuchasminimumwages,workingconditions,landdistribution,andpoliticalcampaigns.

Equallyimportant,thecommunitiesprovidedexperienceofaworkingdemocracy. Thisoftenhadaprofoundeffectonparticipants.Theydevelopedconfidence, understanding, andpracticalskills that weretransferableto other politicalprojectsasthebasisfor participation inlong-termsocial transformation farbeyond anyimmediateworkoftheCEBs.Manyofthoseinvolvedinthe transition to democracyinBrazilinthe1980sdevelopedtheirpoliticalawarenessandleadershipskillsintheCEBs.

FortheBrazilian church, theCEBsprovidednewenergyandanewrelevanceinmanyworking-classandruralareas.Furthermore,asthe movement becamepartofa national pastoralplan,theypromptedthe institutional church toassertitsrolein national politicallife. The church-and theCEBsthemselves-often paidaheavypriceforthesesocialinitiatives.However,forthe many participants involved,itgaveanewsenseofprideandvalueinthe church'ssocialroleandgained admiration ftomaroundtheworld.

Atanecclesiologicallevel,theCEBswerealsosignificantbecausethey modelledan alternative visionforthe church's own institutional relations. The CEBsprovidedamodeloflayleadershipand democratic principles that raised questionsabouttheappropriatenessofexisting church hierarchies.Analysisand criticismofpowerstructuresledthoughtfulmemberstoenvisagealternativepower structures withinthe church.

FortheRoman curia this reinvention of church relationswasahighlysensitiveissue.Inthe1980s,itwasattheheartofthedifficultrelationshipbetween theBrazilian church andtheVatican. Although theVaticanendorsedtheCEBs andsawthemasavaluabletoolinpromotingtheactiveandenergeticpresenceofthe church insociety,itwasalways concerned that theCEBsbekept underfirmecclesialcontrol.Asaresult,theCEBscouldhaveanuneasyrelationshipwith institutional authorities. Although they officially operated within the structures ofthe institutional church, andatleastinBraziltheCEBswere partofan officially endorsedpastoralplan,their democratic nature wasan implicitcritiqueofthe hierarchical church/"

The Reorientation of Liberation Theology

The CEBspromptedprofoundchangesinliberationtheologyasatheological movement. Inthecommunities,liberationtheology interacted withrealpeople and their problems.This interaction gavethedevelopingtheologya much strongerpopularbase than isnormallythecaseforanacademictheologyand encouraged anewmethodologicalemphasisondialogueandanewepistemo-

65 Chapter 11examineshowthistension created inthe1970sbecameanopen conflictinthe1980s.

logical interest in the experiences ofthepooras the starting point fortheology. Engagementwiththepoor converted liberationtheologymuchmoreprofoundly than anyone expected .Everyday experiences of oppression started totakeprecedence asthe starting point fortheology. Liberation theologians started torecognise the strugglesofthepoorasaprivileged locus of theology-a placewere Godwasspecially revealed inhistory. Gutierrez's bookThe Power ofthe Poor in History and Sobrino's The TrueChruchandthe Poor both reflected thisnew outlookandprovideditstheological foundation/" This wasnot intended toromanticize either the pooror their state ofpoverty. Gutierrez was clear that :

The preference for the poorisbasedon the fact that God,as Christ shows us,loves them for their concrete, real condition ofpoverty, 'whatever may be' their moralor spiritual disposition. "

Liberation theologians started toengageina genuine dialoguewith the poor, soasto learn fromthem.Pickingup the challenge laiddownbyFreire'swork ondialogical education, liberation theologians sought to listen tothepoorand be their partners in articulating their experiences andfaith.Asaresult,liberation theology became distinctive intermsof who didtheology. The common split between the academic theologian and the peoplewas rejected; instead, the theologian was challenged to forgean organic solidarity with the people/" Thus ,afterthe mid-1970s liberation theologywould often takeplaceinatleast three differentlevels:theprofessional,the pastoral, and the popular.At each level, there wasa different emphasisinthe theological forms even though each levelwas interdependent on the others .s? Inaclassicimage, Leonardo and ClodovisBoffrefertothe different partsofatreeto explain the different parts ofthissingleprocess:

Liberation theology couldbe compared toatree. Thosewhoseeonlyprofessional theologians atworkinitseeonlythe branches ofthetree. They failtosee the trunk which isthe thinking of priestsand other pastoral ministers,let alone theroots beneath thesoil that hold the whole tree-trunk and branches-in place. The rootsare the practical livingand thinkingthough submerged and anonymous-going onintensof thousands ofbase communities living out their faithand thinking itina liberating key.70

66 Gutierrez, The Power ofthe Poor in History (trans.R.R.Barr;Maryknoll,N.Y.: OrbisBooks;London:SCMPress,1983[Spanishorig.1979]); J. Sobrino, The True Church andthe Poor (trans.Matthew O'Connell; Maryknoll, N.Y.: OrbisBooks;London: SCM,1984[Spanishorig.1981]).

67 Gutierrez, The Power ofthe Poor in History, p.138;cpSobrino.Inlocatingthe preferenceforthepoorintheir struggles withpovertyandnotinanymeritthattheyhave aspeople,GutierrezandSobrino,p.137,reaffirmedthelineofteaching that wentback to RerumNovarum that therewasnothingspeciallydeservingaboutthepooraspeople buttheyshouldbegivenspecial consideration becauseoftheirsituation(seep.46).

68 Onthepracticalwaysthatsuchsolidaritymightbeshownatdifferentlevelsof commitment,see L. andC. Boff, Introducing Liberation Theology, p.24.

69 Seethe chart in L. and C. Boff, Introducing Liberat ion Theology , p.13.

70 L. and C. Boff Introducin g Liberat ion Theology, p. 12.

CHAPTEREIGHT

Not alloftheearliestpioneersofliberationtheologywereunhappywiththis new orientation. JuanLuisSegundosawtheshiftinthe1970saseffectively creating twodifferenttheologiesof liberation." The first,whichwasprompted byworkwith students' movements,was concerned withthesocial function of ideologies. It critiquedtheroleof Christianity inLatin American classinterests that Christianity traditionally served.Itspurposewasto "de-idologise" Christianity byrigorousideologicalsuspicion." Becausethe context ofthiswork wastheuniversities,thosewhofirstreceiveditwerenottheoppressed,but middle-class students whowere concerned withthe liberation ofthepoorpreviouslyheldbackbyoppressiveelements that theysawas constituent partsof theirfaith."In contrast tothis,Segundo outlined thesecondtypeofliberationoftheologyarisingfromanew context fortheologising:thecommonpeople ." Thistypeoftheologyemphasisedlearningfromthe common people, structuring thecommonpeople's understanding offaith,andgroundingthe practicescomingfromthisfaith.

Segundohimselfremained firmly intheformercamp.Heleftopenthe extent towhichthetwoapproacheswerecomplementaryoropposedandsimplywished toemphasisehowdeepthedivisionbetweenthem went."

CONCLUSION

To understand the development of liberation theologyinthe1970s,itisessentialtorecognisethis interaction between itsacademic literature anditsecclesialmanifestations. The basecommunities that sprangup throughout Latin America,especiallyinBraziland Central America,providedfertilesoilforlib-

71 J. L. Segundo,"TwoTheologiesofLiberation," TheMonth 17(October1984); reprintedinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 353-366

7Z Aclassicexampleofthisstrandis J. L. Segundo, The Liberation of Theology (trans. J. Drury;Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks;1976[Spanishorig.1976]).SeealsothefivevolumeChristologyhewroteinthe1980s, Jesus of Nazareth, Yesterday and Today (5 vols.,trans. J. Drury,Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books; London:SheedandWard;1984-1989 [Spanishorigs.1982-1985]).ForgoodoverviewsofSegundo'swork,seeMarshaHewitt, From Theology to Social Theory ;JuanLuis Segundo andthe Theology of Liberation (New York :PeterLang,1990);A. T. Hennelly, Theology fora Liberating Church :TheNew Praxis of Freedom (WashingtonD.C.:GeorgetownUniversityPress,1989).

73 Segundo,"TwoTheologiesofLiberation,"pp. 357-358 .

74 Segundonotes:"This context wasalreadythereinmostLatinAmericancountries, butitwasdiscovered,sotospeak,withthehelpofsomepopularorpopulistmovements,whichcametopublic attention intheearly1970sandstillmoreopenlyinthe late1970s. Thus,EnriqueDusselcoinedfortheologiansandpastoralagentsthe expression, the discipleship ofthepoor;Leonardo Boff spokeaboutanew 'ecclesiogenesis,' a church bornfromthepoor;andGustavoGutierrezchoseasthetitleofhisnewbook The Power of the Poor in History; Segundo,"TwoTheologiesofLiberation",pp. 358-360.

75 Thus,heconcluded:" .aftertwentyyearsatwork,liberationtheologyisprofoundlyaliveonour continent, althoughtakingdifferentformsindifferentclassesor groupsofsociety";Segundo,"TwoTheologiesofLiberation,"p.365.

The Church ofthe Poor 177

eration theologyand ensured that the impact of liberation theologywould spread much further than mosttheologicalmovements.However,theCEBs weremore than passiverecipientsof liberation theology.

The writingof liberation theologians stimulated and directed thegrowthof thepopular church, andtheneedsandexperiencesofthepopular church stimulatedand redirected thewritingof liberation theology.Theologiansbecame activelyengagedwithCEBsandsoughttoengagewiththe concerns ofCEBs. Thishadaprofoundeffectonthestyleandfocusoftheirtheologicalwork. The involvement ofanincreasinglymasspopular movement inthevisionof liberationtheology started totransformthe movement inthe1970s. The CEBs promptedmanyliberationtheologianstofocusonhowtheirworkcouldsupportthe church atapopularlevel.

Whereas manyoftheearlyworksin liberation theologypriorto1975were clearly intended witha well-educated audience inmind,asthe1970sprogressed,liberationtheologianswere prompted toreconsidertheinsightsinthe movement's earliestpublicationsinthelightoftheircreativetheologicalpartnershipwiththebase communities and their readingsoftheBible.Inthe process,theybegan to openup further theologicalavenuesforexploration. It wasthisshift,whichcanbedatedfrom 1975-1979 onward, that markedthe transition fromoptingtowriteatheology for thepoortoatheology from the poor.Liberationtheologiansengagedwiththepeople's thoughts andideasas theyarosefromeverydaylifeinthelightof Christian faith.Inturn,theyoffered theologicalreflections intended to strengthen andsustainthepeopleintheir journeyoffaithasthepeopleofGod.

Inthelate1960sandearly1970s,liberationtheologywasbasedonthepoliticaloptionforthepoor,whichclosedlyresembledradicalversionsofEuropean politicaltheology.How fundamental thedifferencesactuallywerewasanissue ofsome contention. It wascertainlytrue that Latin American liberationtheologywasmorerootedintheimmediaterealitiesofpoliticaloppression than theEuropeanpoliticaltheologyofthetime. Likewise, intermsofmethodology, liberationtheologywasalsodistinctivefromthe outset inits commitment to theologyasasecondstep,as articulated byGutierrezandothersinthelate 1960s. Nonetheless, someobserversfelt that liberationtheologywasstill firmly withintheEuropeantradition.However,inthesecondhalfofthe1970s,liberation'stheology'sepistemologicaloptionforthepoordistinguisheditfarmore sharplyfromEuropeanor North Americatheologies than thesimplypolitical optionoftheearlyyearshaddone. Understanding theextensionofthepolitical option intoanepistemologicaloption(andtherefore,amoretrulytheologicaloption)iscrucialto understanding the development oftheliberation theologyinthe1970sandthecomplexityofthe movement asawhole.

Bytheendofthedecade,liberationtheologywasawell-establishedtheologyandinfluential movement in church andsociety.Christiansinfluencedby liberationtheology constituted aciviloppositioninmanycountriesundermilitary dictatorship .However,Latin American elitesand conservative church figureswereeagerto blunt itsedge,andhostilitytowardthe movement grew andbecame better organised. The finalpartofthis chapter examinesthisresistanceintermsofthe institutional intriguesofthethirdextraordinarybishops' meeting,CELAMIII1979,inPuebla(Mexico). The conflictsatPueblaoffer insightintothebattlesbeingwagedacrossthe continent overthesoulofthe church atthecloseofthedecade.Intheend,theconflictatPueblawasindecisive.A determined defenceofliberationtheologybyprogressivebishopsat theconferenceensured that theconferencedidnotbringthemovementtoan end. Nonetheless, itpointedtothefact that themainopposition that liberationtheologymightfaceinthefuturemightbemoretodowith church authorities than withrepressivegovernments.

THE HERMENEUTICAL CIRCLE

Duringthe1970s,leadingfiguresinBrazilianliberationtheology(whichincludedthe brothers ClodovisandLeonardoBoffandthe Dutch Carmelite missionaryCarlosMesters)respondedtotheCEBsbyfashioninganewwayof readingtheBible.

AccordingtoLeonardoandClodovis Boff, readingtheBiblerequiredan approachinvolvingthreedifferentstagesormediationsbasedonthesee-judgeactmethodologyof Catholic Action.' The mosttheoreticallyadvancedstatement ofthisapproachisgivenbyClodovisBoffinhiswork Theology and Praxis,

3 AsnotedinChapter3,this form of Catholic Action was embraced throughout Latin America bythe 1950s.

adapted fromhis doctoral dissertation and published inBrazilin1978. 4 The three stepswere the social-analytical, hermeneutical, and practical mediations, which were combined together ina circular processfor reading thebiblicalword and the social world.'

Social Analysis

The first step (or mediation) wassocial and historical analysis. Participants in aBible reading group addressed thesocialissues that affected their dailylives. Discussion often began with members of the group to talking aboutthe events of everyday life, things that may have happened to them that week.More expansively,they might retell thewiderstoryof their lives and the personal history that they have experienced. Recognising common elements in people's histories and experiences provided the starting point forsocialanalysis, which could move beyond personal storiestoraise structural issues.For example ,discussion of hunger, personal poverty, and pressure on land might eventually lead onto the consideration of the foreign debt, systems of world trade, and divisionsin society

Fora deeper analysisofthesocial situation, thegroup'sdiscussion might draw upon concepts fromsocial science. This was necessary ifthegroup'ssocial understanding wastogo beyond superficial symptoms to understanding the real causesat the root of social issues." However,since community members might have only limited education (and insomecases many might be illiterate) det ailed discussion of Marxist theory (or other analytical tools)was never a priority forthe communities.

Interpretation

The Baffs called the second stepofthecircle the "hermeneutical mediation." Atthis point, the community sought toread the Bibleand understand Christian tradition in accordance with the commitment to liberation and the preferential option forthepoor.Someofthemost important biblical material reflected liberation theology's interest intheExodus, the prophets inthe Old Testament, and the gospelsin the New Testament. ' The perspectives brought to thetexts

4 C. Boff, Theology and Praxis : Epistemological Foundations (trans. R.R. Barr; Maryknoll, N.Y. :Orbis Books, 1987) . Thecentralelementsofthisapproacharerestatedinanumberofother places ; an especially helpful versionis offered intheoutstandingintroduction toliberation theology writtenby Clodovis andLeonardoBoffa few yearslater,Boffand Boff, Introducing Liberation Theology

5 ThisversionofthehermeneuticalcircleshouldbedistinguishedfromtheoneelaboratedbyJuanSegundoin The Liberation of Theology (trans.J.Drury; Maryknoll , N.Y.: OrbisBooks; 1976 [Spanishorig. 1975]).

6 Fora well-balanced discussiononliberation theology's relationshipwiththe social analysis,seeMcGovern, Liberation Theology and its Critics, pp. 105-176.

7 Itwould, however, bemistakentosuggestthatthesearethe sole sourcesofliberation readings. Leonardoand Clodovis Boffcomment,"Thehermeneuticsofliberation stressesthese veins, butnottothe exclusionof everything else" (Boff and Boff, Introducing Liberation Theology, pp.32-33).

bythe community often opened upfresh perspectives on what seemtobeless relevant texts.As Gutierrez says, "When the reading oftheBibleis done asa community,asa church, itisalwaysan unexpected experience."

Inevitably, such readingswerealways selective tosomedegree.However, selectivity is inevitable inany reading oftheBible.ReadingtheBibleinLatin America hadalways been selective, stretching backto Columbus andtheconquistadors The crucial issuewas not the existence of selectivity, but who benefited from ir.? Furthermore, within theCEBs,theBiblewastobe interpreted bythe community discussingthetexttogether, rather than the individual extracting a meaning on their own.So,any interpretation hadtobegiven somepublicjustification.Each interpretation couldbemeasuredagainstthecommunity's experience, aswellasthe individual's.

Action

Aftersocialanalysisand hermeneutical mediation, the third stepwas practical action The action element inthecirclecoversawidevarietyof options, from verysmall-scale practical projectsatalocallevelto participation inbroadbased national movements .Atalocallevel, projects mightinvolve community membersinorganisingadaycare centre forthe children, afood cooperative, alocal advice centre, oraprimary health carefacility.Ata municipal level,thegroup mightorganise petitions and lobbylocal government fortheprovisionofpublicservicessuchas education, water,electricity,busroutes,orpavedroads. Nationally,thegroupcould contribute to national reformcampaignsandjoin demonstrations for recognition ofworkers'rights,the minimum wage,andwelfarelegislation. Representatives mightbe chosen to attend regionaloreven national meetings of community groupswheresocialissueswerediscussedand new initiatives started .Insomecases, direct practical action suchaslandoccupations tookplace.In both thecities(forhousing)andthe countryside (for farming),theconflictsoverlandcanbe intense .'?Inmany countries thestruggle forlandwas often the highest priority.

The practical mediation often brought the community into direct or indirect contact withpoliticalissues.Alloftheexamplesabovehadapolitical dimensiontoa greater orlesser extent. The Boffs described political action asa "true formoffaith"even though theyrecognized that "faith cannot be reduced to

8 G. Gutierrez, The God ofLife (trans.M.O'Connell; Maryknoll, N.Y. :Orbis Books; London:SCM Press, 1991 [Spanish orig.1989]),p. xvii.

9 Somecriticsofliberation theology acceptthatthe Bible often speaks withmore thanone voice, andthereforeagreethatsomehermeneutical selectivity is inevitable, but disagree with the reading proposed by liberation theologians . However, the Boffs argued thattheirinterpretationhadtobeseenintermsofapriorethicaloptionforthepoor andthe Bible itselfpointedtowardthis.

io Thecentralityoftheland issue in Brazil was reflected inthe establishment ofthe Pastoral Land Commission (Comissao Pastoral da Terra orCPT)tocoordinateandpromote activities aroundland reform .

action."!' Actions that aroseinthe practical mediation completed the hermeneuticalcircle, but theydid,not end the circular process. The hopewas that the community wouldbereadyto restart the circle with a renewed commitment to the poor. 12

THE ACADEMY OF THE POOR

Some academic critics have questioned the scholarship of liberation theology on the basis that liberation theologians weremore concerned with the everydaylives of the poor than withthe intellectual disciplines required for theology,especiallyinbiblical studies ."

At one level, such criticism isjustified.Many liberation theologians received their training in academic disciplinesin the 1950s and 1960s. 14 Although they studiedatmajorEuropeancentresofCatholic theology, muchofwhattheylearned was dated bythe1970s(and even moresoin the 1980s) .1 5 Furthermore, systematic theologyusually took prideofplacein the theological curriculum, and the main proponents of liberation theology being referred to here are general theologians, not biblical experts . Leonardo andClodovis Boff, Gutierrez, and Jon Sobrino allmake extensive use of the Bibleata professional level, but they are not specialists inbiblical scholarship." Their useoftheBibleis invariably theological and there is relatively little sustained and detailed exegesisin their main works." Most liberation theologians areawareof important shiftsin biblical criticism, but have littletimeor opportunity tobe abreast of recent biblical scholarship. Much ofthe recent historical scholarship isinEnglishand thefinancialcostandtimerequiredtokeep abreast ofitinLatin America would bevery considerable.

11 See Boff and Boff, Introducing Liberation Theology, p.39.

12 Thus, Lenoardo and Clodovis Boff concluded: "Liberation theology isfarfrombeing an inconclusive theology. It starts from actionand leads to action, ajoumey wholly impregnatedbyandboundupwiththeatmosphereoffaith.From analysis oftherealityof the oppressed, it passes throughthewordofGodtoarrive finally at specific action. 'Backtoaction'isacharacteristiccallofthis theology.Itseekstobeamilitant,committedandliberating theology" (IntrodUcing Liberation Theology, p.39).

13 Segundorecordsthatinitsearly days liberation theology"clearly evokedacertain amountofacademicdisdainfromthegreatcentresof theological thoughtaroundthe world. .. asa well-intentioned butrathernaiveanduncriticaleffort.... " (Segundo, The Liberation of Theology, p. 5).

14 In biblical studies, thiswasoftenevenbeforethenew focus on biblical studies promptedbyVaticanIIhadtakeneffect.

15 Forexample,Gutierrezstudiedat Louvain, Lyons, andRome.

16 Intermsofthehermeneuticalcircle,concernforthe Bible occurs mainly inthe secondmediation (hermeneutics) andevenhere,despiteits obvious importance,itis nottheonlysourcefor theological judgements.This discourages specialization in single academic disciplines

17 Even Gutierrez's treatmentofJob,hismostsustainedtreatmentofa biblical book, gives priorityto theological questionsovertextual issues. See Gutierrez, On Job : Godtalkandthe Suffering ofthe Innocent (trans.M.O'Connell; Maryknoll ,N.Y.: Orbis Books , 1987[Spanishorig.1986)).

Mostliberationtheologianshaveaccesstouniversitiesorseminarieswitha theologicallibrary,buttheyareunlikelytohaveanything that matches North American orBritishholdingsintheseareas.Insomecases,itisastruggleto maintain anddevelopevenbasictheologicalcollectionsandscholarlytools.For example,theJesuitrunUniversidad CentroamericanainElSalvadorwasbombed repeatedlyduringthelate1970sand1980s.In1989,almostallthe equipment andcollectionsofthePastoral Centre wasdestroyedbythearmedforces.In viewofsuch difficulties-and recognisingtheurgencyof other tasks-there is an understandable temptation to underestimate the importance ofacademic biblicalresearch.18

Nonetheless, theBiblewasnevertheexclusiveguideof Catholic theology. Church teachingand tradition wasalwaysan authoritative sourcealongsidethe scripture.Byaddingtheexperiencesofthepoorasa further privilegedsource, liberationtheologians introduced afurther partner tothedialogue,andclearly itwouldbeunfairtojudge them solelyintermsoftheirbiblicalwork.Criticismsoftheway that liberationtheology'ssocial concerns havecompromised theintegrityofitsscholarshiparethereforeoftentoosimplistic. The accusationwasfrequentlymadeasa self-evident assertion that anysocialinvolvement wouldbeasubjective matter undermining academicobjectivity.Liberation theologiansrespondedtothesesuggestionsby questioning theassumption that theologycanorshouldeverbesocially detached orvaluefree.They point out that such attempts at neutrality orobjectivityarelikelytobe both misleading and inappropriate .Claims that atheologyis neutral orobjectivecanhidea conservative acceptance ofthe statusquo. In situations offlagrantsocialinjustice,thefailuretorecogniseandjudgewhatiswrongisnota neutral stance, butcollusionwiththepowers that be. Theological approaches that assertneutralityandobjectivityaboveallelseare often blindtotheirowncovertparticipation insinful situations .Liberation theologiansargued that itisnota matter oftheologytakingsides,butofdecidingwhichsideitwas on.' ?

Underlying much ofthedebatewastheissue concerning towhomandto what theology should be accountable . Liberation theologians believed that previousacademictheologieswere not heldsufficiently accountable tothe poorforthepoliticalimplicationsoftheirwork.Theologicalreflection tended tobe irresponsible inthesenseof not answering-or feelingthe need to answer-to a community or audience beyondthe church oruniversity. The idea that theology should be accountable tothepoor,and tested in what mightbedescribedas"theacademyofthepoor"wasaradicalchallenge.Yet the Boffs argued:

18 Forexample,inadditiontothemoralambiguitiesofemphasisingtheExodusasa modelforliberation another seriousissueinworksfromthe1970swasthetendencyto stigmatizeJudaism(andespeciallythePharisees);seeM. Ellis, Toward A Jewish Theology of Liberation (Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1987).

19 More specifically, liberationtheologyasked whether theologyshould continue to supportthe status quo--however muchthismaybe unintentional--or whetheritshould makeapositiveoptionforsociety'soppressedandtrytochangethe statusquo.

CHAPTERNINE

anyone who wants to elaborate relevant liberation theology must be prepared togo into the 'examination hall' of the poor. Only after sitting on the benches of the humble willheorshebe entitled to enter a school of 'higher leaming.F ?

These differencesin theological priorities between liberation theologians and other academic approaches to the Bible emerged clearlyin the workofCarlos Mesters . Mesters isa Dutch Carmelite, whoworked extensively with communitiesinBrazil.IntheBrazilian context , Mesters made explicit the theological priorities fora popular reading oftheBible:

The Bibleisread and studied in order toknow better the present situation andthecallsfromGod thatexistinit. The ultimate aimof the people's use of the Bible is not somuch to interpret the Bible, but to interpret their lives.zt [Emphasisoriginal]

For Mesters, the Biblewasa mirror oflife. The storyof the peopleofGodin theBiblewasa mirror forlookingat their storyin history." Mesters argued that this approach wasjustified because theBible's importance to life should take precedence over academic studies that are not orientated to application . He referred tothisas putting the Bibleinits proper place:

Finally,the common peopleare putting theBibleinits proper place,theplace where God intended ittobe. They are putting itin second place.Lifetakes firstplace!Insodoing, the peopleare showing us the enormous importance of the Bibleand,atthesametime,its relative value-relative tolifeY

For Mesters, the relative value given to traditional biblical scholarship was something torejoiceat rather than regret.Hedid not seethisasa negation of the academic disciplines inbiblicalstudy, but a recognition that biblical interpretation demanded more than academic study. Authentic interpretation of the Biblein Latin America meant engaging with the peoplein interpreting the reallifeissuestheywerefacingand not studying the text solelyforscholarly interest

Mesters argued that the exegete needed todomore than study the text if theywereto read the Bibleproperly.He identified three forces that came into operation when the Biblewasreadin the base communities :

20 Bo/fandBoff Introduc ing Liberation Theology , p.24.

2\ Mesters, Defenseless Flower : A New Read ing of the Bible (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1989 [Portuguese orig. 1983]), p. 71.

22 Mesters, Defenseless Flower , p.2; d. p.70:"Inthepeople'seyesthe Bible andlife areconnected.Whentheyopenthe Bible theywant to findinitthingsdirectlyrelated totheir lives, andintheirlivestheywanttofindeventsand meanings thatparallel thoseinthe Bible . Spontaneously,theyusethe Bible asan image, symbol, ormirrorof whatishappening to themhereand now."

2J C.Mesters"TheUseofthe Bible intheChristian Communities oftheCommon People" in Torres and Eagleson (eds.}, The Challenge ofBasic Christian Communities, pp. 197-210(209); cf.Mesters, Defenseless Flower , pp. 5-10

Life,science,andfaith.People,exegesis,and church Three forcesinconstanttension,eachwithitsdefenders, attempting initsownwaytomake its contribution tothe correct useoftheBibleinthe church."

These threeforcesmixed together for mutual interference and illumination. P The contribution of expertisewasin both directions . The community contributed expertiseandinsightsderivedfromtheirexperiencestochallengethe wayinwhichtheprofessionaltheologian interpreted theBible.Ratherthanbeing a threat totheacademicintegrityofbiblicalstudy,thistwo-wayprocesscould beavaluablebalanceandguideforit.

Mestersrecognised that thepeople's contribution wasfarfrominfallibleand that itcould open thedoortopopular misinterpretation The connections that thepeoplemade between theBibleandtheirowncommunity mightbearbitrary,andhavenorealbasisin either theBibleorintheirownlives.Attimes itcouldoversimplifydeepandcomplexdynamics.Specialistsinbiblicalstudies thereforehadanessentialroleinusingtheirknowledgetoguidethecommunity'sdiscussion. When usedproperly,biblicalcriticismcouldfreethereader fromthe fundamentalist prisonoftheletter.However, concern forhistoricity didnotandshould not comefirstforthepeopleofthecommunities.Mesters turned thetablesonthecriticsandargued that itwastheywhowereindanger ofoversimplifyingthecomplexityoftheissues. Although historical questions were important infreeingtheBiblefromthechainsof fundamentalist literalism, therewasadanger that givingtoomuchweighttohistoricalenquirieswill createanewprisonofhistoricism.

Mestersclaimed that atthepopularlevel,the community intuitivelytooka way between theseoppositedangersby interpreting thetextinasymbolicway that was neither fundamentalist norhistoricist.Indefenceoftheirapproach, heargued that "asymbolicexplanation ofthefactsisnotalwaysthe product ofanaive, uncritical ,orprescientific underst anding.?" Hedescribedhowthe peoplefollowedtheirownpriorities:"Theytrytobefaithful,notprimarilyto themeaningthetexthasinitself(thehistoricalandliteralmeaning),butto themeaningtheydiscoverinthetextfortheirownlives.?"Historicalconcernsfortheoriginalmeaningofthetextdevelopedasthepeoplereflectedon andexaminedwhatthey understood theBibletobesayingfortheirlivesand struggles." The people'sreadingwastherefore,alwaysanunfinished interpretation. Understanding wasprovisionalon further experiences and remained opentorevisioninresponsetotheologicalscholarship.

Despitethe undoubted achievements ofthescholarlytradition,the religiously learnedneverhadamonopolyon religious truth.Mesterspointedtotheconflicts

24 Mesters , Defens eles s Flower, p. 107 .

25 Mesters, Defenseless Flower , pp. 106-111.

26 Mesters, Defensele ss Flower, p.6.

27 Mesters, Defenseless Flower, p.9.

28 Mesters, Defenseless Flower , p.9.

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that Jesus provoked when he took the Scriptures awayfrom the expertsofhis dayandstartedto interpret them inanewway.2 9 Jesusdid not conduct theologyorbiblical studies inan academic institution, but through a passionate engagement withthereallifeissuesoffirst-century Palestine. Liberation theologians wouldargue that detachment fromworldly concerns is amoreseriouserror than involvement with socialissuesand political struggles.P Thus forallitsimperfections and potential dangers, Mester s insisted on the legitimacyofthepeople's reading."

Insomeplaces, Mesters even went further and criticized academic exegesis forlosingitssenseofserving those whostrivetoliveinfaith. Whereas academic schola rshipwas once a radical challengeto the dogmatic useof the Bible, heargued that ithasnowlostits radical edge.

Academic exegesisno longer has the courage ithadin the first half ofthis century, when, with excellent results,it criticized theoverly dogmatic useof the Bibleinthe church .Todayitno longer hasthesame courage toseeand criticize the overly dogmatic useof the Bible, both insideandoutsidethe church."

For Mesters, the scholarly workof the exegete was not determined by the norms of academia, but guided bythe concerns ofthe communitie sandthe contributions ofthepeople.If liberation hermeneutics failed according to traditional academic standards, then conversely,those traditional academic standardsfailed according tothebasic principles of liberation theology.Liber ation theologypressed the church and the academytochoose the values that were most import ant inLatin America .

Liberation hermeneutics should be understood within the context ofthe 1970stwo-fold option for the poor : political and epistemologic al.In retrospect, itisclearthatliberation theologyex aggerated and romanticised someofitsown contributions arisingfromthepooranddid not alwaysgivesufficient attention to other biblical research. However,aswithany movement, failuresto perfectly fulfillitsidealswere not proof that the idealswerein themselves misguidedor wrongheaded .If the liberation theology of the 1970s had flawsandweaknessesinits biblical work, it shared them with most other contemporary approaches to constructive theology. Furthermore, assessment of theseweak-

29 Mesters, Defenseless Flower, pp.8-9;cf. Segundo's claimthatintheNewTestament: "It isanhistoricalfactthatthepeoplewhowere best informed about God's revelation in the Old Testament letJesuspassbyand failed toseeinhimthenewand definitive divine revelation.TheChristianmessagehascomedowntousthroughthe amaretz ofIsrael, thatis,thepeoplewhowereless knowledgeable aboutthelawanditsinterpretation" (The Liberation of Theol ogy, p.82,emphasisoriginal).

30 Segundoputsitbluntly:"IndeedJesusseemstogosofaras to suggest thatone cannotrecognizeChrist,andthereforecometoknowGod,unlessheorsheis willing to startwithapersonalcommitmenttotheoppressed" (The Liberation ofTheology, p.81).

31 Mesters, Defenseless Flower, p.71.

32 Mesters, Defen seless Flower, p.158.

ReadingtheWordandtheWorld 187

nessesneedstobebalancedagainstliberationtheology'sobvious strength son relatingthewordtotheworld,whichislikelytoprovepartofitsmostenduring legacy. Liberationtheologiansrecognised that theBiblecouldilluminateand empowerthestruggleforjusticeinLatinAmerica. Likewise, theysaw that contemporarystrugglesforjusticecouldilluminatetheBibleandgeneratenew insightsintoits message."

FROM THE NONBELIEVER TO THE NONPERSON

Inthe1970s,liberationtheologians undertook aprocessofdeepeningtheir reflectionon Christian commitment inLatinAmericaandthemeaningofliberation .Theatmosphereofliberation that characterised thelate1960sdeterioratedrapidlyintheearly1970s.Asthe1970sprogressed,theconfidenceof thepreviousdecadereceded. The National SecurityState,withitsapparatus ofsystematicterror,spread throughout the continent withterribleconsequences forthepoorandtheprogressivechurch.EnriqueDusseldescribedthemore cautiousmoodcreatedbytheseharshrealitiesafter1972atamajormeeting ofliberationtheologians in Mexico in 1975titled Liberaci6n y cautiverio (Libe ration and Captivity) ."

In1976,the retreat fromtheearlyhopesofliberationbecameevenmore apparent whenLeonardoBoffpublishedhis Teologia do cativerio e da (Th eology ofCaptivityand Liberation) 35 Speaking especiallyforBrazil,Boff confirmed:"thereisnolongertheeuphoriaofthe1960s,whenitwaspossible to dreamofpopularliberationona spectacular scale.':"

Whilethisshiftwithinliberationtheologywasalreadyinprocess,thedifferencesbetweenLatin American liberationandEuropean theology-especially

)J Formyown attempt ataliberationistreadingofthepassionnarrativesinthelight of human rightsreports,seeD.Tombs,"Crucifixion,StateTerrorandSexualAbuse," Union Seminary QuarterlyReview 53 (Autumn 1999),pp. 89-108 .

34 Nearlyfortypapersbyleadingliberationtheologiansinvolvedattheconference arecollectedtogetherinE.RuizMaldonado(ed.), Liberaci6n y cautivero : debates en como al metodo de la T eologfa en America Latina (EncuentroLatinoamericanadeTeologia.Ciudad Mexicodel11al15deagosto,1975;Mexico,DF:Claverfa,1975).Dussel's contribution,"SobrelahistoriadelateologiaenAmericaLatina"(pp. 19-68 esp.58),presented LatinAmericanliberation theologyaccordingtothreestagesofevolution:atimeof preparation, fromtheopeningofVaticanIItoMedellin (1962-1968) ;theformulation ofatheologyofliberation,frompost-MedellintoEscorial (1968-1972); andatimeof captivityandexileasperiodsofliberation(after1972).

35 Theexpression"withawhitehand"inthischapter'sopeningcitationfromGutierrez isanacknowledged citation fromLeonardoBolf's Teologla do cativerio e da (Lisbon:Multinova,1976).AsusedbyGutierrezandBoffitwasanappropriateshorthandforthepoliticalandracialinterestsoftheEuropeancolonisersandtheirmodern daydescendants.InEISalvadorinthelate1970s,ittookonaparticularominousassociationasthenametakenbythemostbrutaloftheright-wingdeathsquads that started tooperateatthistime.

36 Boff, T eologfa docativerio e da liberta¢Q, p.9;cited in Gibellini, The Liberation Theology Debate, p. 2.

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theissueoftheoriginalityofearlyworksin liberation theologywhencompared with European political theology-became asubjectofacute controversy.'?

Atthe1975conferenceinMexico,JonSobrino(aBasqueJesuitwhohas spenthisworkinglifeinElSalvador,butcompleteddoctoralstudiesinFrankfurt)suggestedan important difference between Europeantheologyandthe earlyworksinthenewtheologycomingtotheforeinLatinAmerica."According toSobrino,all modern Christian theologydevelopedwithin theboundariesset bythe Enlightenment, butEuropeanandliberationtheologyreflectedresponses tothetwodifferentphasesofthe Enlightenment .Sobrinosawthetwophases as represented intwokeyfigures:thefirstinImmanuelKant;thesecondin KarlMarx.AccordingtoSobrino,thefirstphaselookedto "theliberationof reasonfromallauthority,"whereasthesecondlookedto"notjustaliberation ofthemind,butaliberationfromthemiseryofthereal world.?"

Sixmonthsaftertheconference,inMarch1976, The German Lutheran theologian [urgen Moltmann-whose work The Crucified God wasaparticularfocusinSobrino's dissertation-wrote "An Open LettertoJoseMiguez Bonino."?MiguezBonino,an Argentinean Methodist,criticised Moltmann in hisrecentlypublished Doing Theology in a Revolutionary Situation. 41 Whilehe acknowledged that Moltmann's discussionofthe liberation ofmanin The Crucified God wasabrilliantargument,MiguezBoninocomplained that despite Moltmann's deliberate attempt todialoguewithliberationtheology,hefailed tograspthebasicchallengeofLatin American works.Asaresult,Miguez Boninosaid, Moltmann's outlookremainedwithinthecircleofEuropeanpolit-

37 Intheearly1970s,Latin American criticismofthefailingsofprogressiveEuropean theologians-when readfromaLatinAmerican situation-already strainedrelations betweenthetwogroups.ThesplitwasparticularlyclearinHugoAssmann'sremarksat aWCCsponsoredconferenceinGenevain1973.MoltmannandMetzalreadyraised questionsaboutliberationtheologyinaseriesoftalksinMadridin1974.

38 J.Sobrino,"Elconocimiento teol6gicoenlateologiaeuropeayIatinoamericana" inRuizMald onado (ed.), Liberaci6n y cautivero, pp. 177-208; ET"Theological UnderstandinginEuropeanandLatin American Theology"in J. Sobrino, TheTrue Church andthe Poor (trans.M.O'Connell;Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1984[Spanish orig.1981]),pp.7-38.ThisconferencemarkedSobrino'sfirstclearidentificationwith liberationtheology,andDussel'spapercreditedhimasoneofthenotablenew figures inthemovementonaccountofhisworkonthe death ofChrist(Dussel,"SobrelahistoriadelateologiaenAmericaLatina,"p.61).

39 Sobrino, TheTrue Church andthe Poor, p.11.

40 J.Moltmann, "An OpenLettertoJose Miguez Bonino," Christianity and Crisis(29 March1976),pp. 57-63 ; reprinted inHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theolo gy , pp.195-204. Moltmannwaswellknownforhisinfluentialworks Theology of Hope (trans.J. W. Leitch; London:SCMPress,1967[Germanorig.1964])and The Crucified God(trans.R. A. WilsonandJ.Bowden;London:SCMPress,1974[Germanorig.1973]).

41 Miguez BoninopickedoutMoltmann's Theology of Hope and The Crucified God on thebasis that "Moltmann isthetheologiantowhomthetheologyofliberationismost indebtedtheologyandwithwhomitsharestheclearest affinity," Doing Theology in a Revolutionary Situation, pp. 144-50 (144).

icaltheology."Inp articular, hecomplained that Moltm ann did not givea tangiblec ontent toGod's identific ation with the oppre ssed."M oltm ann addre ssed hisresponse to Miguez Bonino asa friend." H owever, there wasno hiding the strongfeelingsinhisfrank andforcefulrespon setothe criticismof European politic altheologybyMiguez Boninoand others." First,heclaimedthat unlike thenew challengesraisedby African orBlacktheology,Latin American liberationtheologydid not introduce an ything comp arablynewfromLatin America. Instead,its novelty wasinitsuseof Marx ,asif Marx werea Latin American discovery, when infact,MarxwasEuropeanandalreadywell-known to European the ology. " Second, heargued that the Latin American sclaimed to have turned to the people, but infactitwasfairertosay that they had turned toMarx, and itwaswrongtoseethetwothingsas the same.f On thisbasis,he praised liberation theology's idealsinits turn to the people, but argued that thiswas stillatask that lay ahead ofitandwas certainly not adifference between its earlyworksand European theology

Theology aspuretheology, and even that has been extended and broadened to Marxism and socialism, remains initsowncircle. The true radical change that is necessary isstill ahead of both the 'political the ologians' in the Eur opean context and the 'liberation theologian s'inthe Latin American context .Inmy opinion they can enter ina thorou ghly mutual way into this change-namely, aradical turn toward the people. t"

42 MIguezBonino,Doing Theology in aRevolutionary Situation ,p.146.

43 Toillustratethis,hecited Moltmann's statementsthat:"ThecrucifiedGod is really aGodwithoutcountryandwithoutclass.ButheisnotanapoliticalGod;heisthe Godofthepoor,oftheoppressed,ofthehumiliated"(Moltmann, TheCrucifiedGod, p. 305). Thenhenoted:"Butthepoor,theoppressed,thehumiliated areaclass and live incountries"(emphasisorig.,MIguezBonino,Doing Theology in aRevolutionary Situation,p.148).

44 Hestartedbysayingthatheread Do ing Theology in aRevolutionary Situation ina singlesittingandwas"asdeeplymovedbyitasIamdisturbed"(Hennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology , p. 195).

45 InadditiontoMoltmann'stwomainpointsdiscussedhere-the Europeannature ofLatinAmericanliberationtheologyandits failure totrulyturntothepeople-he alsodefendedEuropeantheologyforitsrecognitionthatitdidnotexistinanysortof revolutionaryorevenpre-revolutionarycontextandarguedfordemocratic socialism as the realistic political framew orkforsocialjusticeinEurope(Hennelly, Liberation Theology, pp. 200-203).

46 Thus,hesawevenGutierrez'sA Theology of Liberation asofferingverylittlethat wasdistinctivelyLatinAmerican.Moltmannasked:"GutierrezhaswrittenaninvaluablecontributiontoEuropeantheology.ButwhereisLatinAmericain it am"(Hennelly, Liberation Theolo gy, p. 195) .

47 "Inthemonereadsmoreaboutthesociologicaltheoriesofothers,namelyWestern socialists,thanaboutthehistoryorthelifeandsufferingoftheLatinAmericanpeople.. .. Marxism andsociologydonotbringatheologianintothepeoplebut,atleast atfirst,onlyintothecompanyofMarxistsandsociologists"(Hennelly, Liberation Theology, p. 199)

48 Hennelly, Liberation Theology, p. 200.

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ReadinLatin America, the tone of Moltmann's letter seemed another example of arrogant Euro -centrism.Herecognisedhowtheearlyworksof liberation theology remained largely dependent on the European tradition, but gave little attention tohow liberation theologians were developing their thought through practical engagement withstrugglesforsocialjustice and intheface ofrealdangers.His point that an option forMarxcouldonlybean incomplete part ofan option forthepeoplewasafair critique of limitations inliberation theology'searlyworks.However,the transition that Moltmann called forwasalready taking placeinthe1970s. The radical turn towardthepeople that Moltmann challenged liberation theologians to embrace wasalready underwayin liberation theology's extension ofits option forthepoor,frombeinga purelypolitical option into a political and epistemological option. While this shiftdid not showupinthe literature until the second part ofthe decade, it wasalreadywell underway after1972andhad revolutionized liberation from within by1979. Nonetheless, the exchange with Moltmann mayhave encouraged liberation theologians tomaketheshiftmore explicit andfocusonit moredirectlyin their writingfrom1976 onwards

Aclearsignoftheshiftcanbeseenin August 1976atthefirst meeting of the Ecumenical Association of Third World Theologians at Dar-es-Salaam (Tanzania). Gustavo Gutierrez 's paper "Two Theological Perspectives: Liberation Theology and Progressivist Theology" offered further clarification onhowliberation theologywasdistinctivefromEuropean theology" Inthiswork,Gutierrez addressed the strengths aswellastheweaknessesof European political theology.His extended review of Metz's contributions-and toalesser extent Moltmann's-located them inthe broad sweepof European historyandpresented them asfacinguptothe questions offreedom,the Enlightenment, and a Marxist critique ofreligion that became so important inthe European context.Healso noted that aftersome uncomfortable early encounters, European political theology started tobringtheseaspectsofitswork into afruitfuldialoguewith liberation theology.50

According to Gutierrez, the fundamental problem that has influenced theologyin developed Western nations has been the secular challenge toreligious belief. The Christian gospelhas been forcedto demonstrate its credibility in

49 G. Gutierrez, "Two Theological Perspectives: Liberation Theology and Progressivist Theology" inS. Torres and V. Fabella (eds.), The Emergent Gospel : Theology from the Underside of History (EATWOT Dialogue heldin Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania, 5-12August 1976; Maryknoll, N.Y.:Orbis Books, 1978), pp. 227-255. The following yearhepublisheditin revised form as Teol6gia desde el reverso de la historia (Lima:Centrode Estudiosy Publicaciones, 1977); ET"TheologyfromtheUndersideofHistory"in Gutierrez, The Power ofthe Poor in History, pp. 169-221. Gutierrez notedthatthemost lethal assaults onliberation theology came from thosewhoclaimedtobeconcerned with orthodoxy andthe magisterium ofthechurch,andthatin answering criticssuch asMoltmann,liberation theology shouldnotlosesightofwherethehardestbattleswere tobe waged (p, 170).

50 Gutierrez , The Power ofthe Poor in History, p. 185.

theincreasinglysecularized culture that Bonhoefferreferredtoas"aworldcome ofage."Since Schleiermacher, the nonbeliever increasinglysettheagendafor theologyinEuropeand North America ." Often, thispushed academic theology into sophisticated philosophical attempts tospeaktotheprogressivemodernspiritof nonbelief Latin American theologians who completed theirstudies inEuropeinthe1950sand1960sfollowedthisbasic orientation.

However,on their return toLatin America the limitations ofthis outlook became apparent . The challenge of nonbelief that followedfromtheprogressive modern spiritwas not thesameasthe challenges tolife experienced by themajorityoftheLatin American people." AsGutierrezand other liberation theologianscametoseeit,themost important concern fortheologyinLatin America wasnotthenonbeliever, but the nonperson :themillionswhowere deprivedofbasicphysicalnecessitiesand elementary human rights. According toGutierrez:

Thisiswhyour question isnothowtospeakofGodinanadultworld. That wastheold question askedbyprogressivisttheology.No,the interlocutor of thetheologyof liberation isthe 'nonperson,' the human beingwhois not considered human bythe present social order-the exploitedsocialclasses, marginalized ethnic groups,anddespised cultures. Our question ishowto tellthe nonperson, the nonhuman, that Godislove,and that thislove makesusall brothers and sisters ."

Gutierrezinsisted that doingtheologyforthe nonperson involvedarereading ofhistoryand Christian faithfromthe vantage point ofthevictim:

History,whereGodrevealshimselfandwhereweproclaimhim,mustbe reread fromthesideofthe poor. The historyof humanity hasbeen written 'with a white hand,' fromthesideofthe dominators. History'slosershave another outlook .Historymustbereadfroma point of departure intheirstruggles, theirresistance, their hopes."

Gutierrez's phrase"theologyfromthe underside ofhistory"signifiedthisstarting point inthelivesofthe marginalized-the epistemological option inwhich thelivesofthepoorwerethe locus oftheology(see Chapter 8). Committing oneself tothis option madeadifference to which questions wouldbeaskedas wellastohowtheywouldbeanswered.Gutierrez pointed out that thequestions

51 SeeED. Schleiermacher, On Religion : Speeches toits Cultured Despisers (trans. ].Oman;New York :Harper& Row, 1958 lET 1894]).

52 Inasmuchasany social group inLatinAmerica embodied the progressive modern spirit, it was theculturalelitewho were muchmore likely to bepartofthe problemforthe poor, ratherthanpartofthesolution. Speaking onlytothiseliteaboutbelief would havelittlevalueforthe lives ofthepoor.

53 Gutierrez, The Power ofthe Poor in History , p. 193. Clodovis andLeonardo Boff madethesamepointwhentheysaid:"The gospel isnotaimed chiefly atmodernmen and women withtheircritical spirit, but first and foremost at nonpersons, those whose basic dignity and rights are refused them" (Introducing Liberation Theology, p.8).

54 Gutierrez, The Power ofthe Poor in History, p.201.

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and concerns of the marginalized often have lesstodowith abstract theology and moretodo with practical social, economic, and political issues.A theology that is responsive to them wouldhaveto reflect this, but itisnoless theological than one that isfocussed on nonbelief.

CELAM III AND OPPOSITION IN THE CHURCH

A further factor in liberation theology's development in the 1970swasthe growing opposition that itfacedinsome church circles. The 1971and1974 SynodsofBishops both stressedsocial justice. The papal documents related to the Synods, OctogesimaAdveniens and Evangelii Nuntiandi were both broadly supportive of liberation theology. Evangelii Nuntiandi went even further than OctogesimaAdveniens to use-and thereby atleastimplicitly endorse-the languageof liberation. It stated:

The Church, as the Bishops repeated, has the dutyto proclaim the liberation of millions of human beingsmanyof whom areherown children-the duty of assisting the birth ofthis liberation, of givingwitnesstoit, of ensuring that itis complete."

However, just as Octogesima Adveniens expressed cautions over the use of Marxism, inasimilarway Evangelii Nuntiandi stressed that liberation must not bea reductionist concept .56 Both documents rejected liberation theology's perceived endorsement of violence asa legitimate means of social change ." There was therefore alackofclarityin the Vatican's position on liberation theology. Vatican social teaching emphasised support for concern for the poor and even adopted the language of liberation insomeplaces, but it seemed that Latin American liberation theologywasstillviewed with extreme reservation.

Meanwhile, conservative opposition to liberation theologygrewsteadilyin some Latin American church circles.In1972at the CELAM annual meeting in Sucre (Bolivia),a much more conservative wing within CELAM captured key administrative positions within the organisation The Colombian bishop Alfonso LOpez Trujillowas elected as secretary general and reshaped CELAM's previouslyprogressive outlook to reflect hisown conservatism. Together with theBelgian Jesuit RogerVekemans,hesetupanew conservative periodical, TierraNueva (Bogota), which maintained asteady stream offiercely critical arti-

55 Evangelii Nuntiandi, § 30.

56 "AsthekernelandcenterofhisGood News, Christ proclaims salvation,thisgreat giftofGodwhichissalvationfromeverythingwhich oppresses manbutwhichisabove allliberationfromsinandEvilOne" (§ 9). Returningtothesamethemelateron Evangelii Nuntiandi emphasised thattheliberationthat evangelization proclaims "cannotbecontainedinthe simple andrestricted dimension of economics, politics, and social orcultural life; itmust envisage thewholeman,inallhis aspects, rightuptoandincludinghisopennesstotheabsolute,eventhedivineAbsolute" (§ 33).

57 Octogesima Adveniens in Catholic Social Thought, pp. 294-295 ; Evangelii Nuntiandi, § 37.Inboth cases, PaulVIseemed to bebacking away from recognising the possibilities described in Populornm Progressio, § 31.

des against liberation theology.58 With active support fromthe Vatican curia, Trujilloroserapidlyfromauxiliarybishoptocardinal.Forconservatives,thethird extraordinary CELAM meeting (The Present and Future of Evangelization in Latin America) offeredadecisive opportunity toreversethe direction taken at Medellin in1968. After his election in1972, LOpez Trujilloworked hard to ensure that heandhisallieswouldbeina strong enough position to outrnanoeuvre thebishopswhoweremore supportive of liberation theology.

CELAMIIIwasoriginally scheduled for1978,tomark theten yearssince Medellin .In preparation forthe conference, LOpez Trujillo manoeuvred sympathetic bishops tokeypoststo chair committees and prepare draft documents" To prevent the influence ofprogressive theologians who made such an impact at Medellin, healsotookfirm control oftheofficial invitation listfor theological advisers/" Finally,healsomade arrangements toisolatethedelegatesat the conference from outside influences, and restricted the media's involvement toformalpressbriefingswith questions submitted inwritingin advance.

However, LOpez Trujillo's careful preparations forthe conference hitanearly setback when his Consultative Document stirred strong reactions fromprogressive church leadersand community groups throughout the continent when it was published in1977. 61 The Brazilian church ledthe protests and the president of CELAM-Cardinal Aloisio Lorscheider ofFortalezain Brazil-commissioneda redrafted Working Document more acceptable toprogressives.f Meanwhile, the deaths ofPaulVIand John PaulI meant that the meeting had tobe postponed until 1979.Thisgave the progressivesalittlemoretimeto react to the developments to ensure that theywouldbereadyto defend their positions when the conference finally met ."

In January 1979, John PaulII travelled toMexicoonatripto inaugurate the CELAM meeting, three months afterhis election as the first non-Italian

58 Vekemans had previously beenanadvisertothegovernmentofEduardoFreiin ChileandleftshortlyafterAllendecametopower.His opposition toChristiansfor Socialism andliberation theology was expressed inhis lengthy, butuntranslatedbook Teologia dela liberaci6n y Cristianos por el Socialismo (Bogota : CEDIAL, 1976)

59 CardinalSebastiano Baggio, whowaspresidentofthe Pontifical Commission for LatinAmerica,gavehiminfluentialsupportinthistask.

60 Intotaltherewere350participants,whichincluded175elected bishops from national conferences, 12 bishops appointedbythe Vatican, and 16 official theological advisers. Therestwere representatives from religious orders,churchesinothercontinents,orotherdenominations.

6\ CELAM, "DocumentodeConsulta" (Bogota : CELAM, 1977)

62 CELAM, "Documentode Trabajo" (Bogota : CELAM, 1978) . Lorscheider wasone ofthe few progressives onthe CELAM executive, butwasnonethelessable to usehis influence togreat effect.

63 Onattitudestothe forthcoming conferenceamongst progressives, seeesp.thecollectionofarticles published togetheras"Puebla:Momentof Decision fortheLatin American Church"asa special editionofthejournal Crosscurrents 28.1 (1978), pp. 1-103.

CHAPTERNINE

Popefor 455 years.AtthefamousshrineofGuadalupe(abouttwelvemiles northofMexicoCity),JohnPaulIIconcelebratedmasswiththeLatinAmerican bishops." Inhishomily,thePopeaffirmedMedellinanditsteachingonintegral liberation as"acallofhopetowardsmore Christian andmore human goals."65 However,healsotoldthebishops that attimesthe interpretations of thishadnotbeenbeneficialtothe church andhestressed that theoptionfor thepoorwaspreferentialnotexclusive.

Laterthesame day-in anaddresstothepriestsandreligiousof Mexicohe cautioned themagainst understanding themselvesassocialandpolitical leadersand repeated his concern that anexaggerated interest intemporalproblemscouldeasilybeasourceof division.v'

The followingday,thePopegavealengthyaddressattheopeningsession oftheconferenceitselfinthesmallcityofPuebladeLosAngeles(about70 miles southeast ofMexicoCity).He encouraged thebishopstotakethepositiveelementsofMedellinastheirstartingpoint,buttolettheirdebatesbe guidedbythePueblaWorking Document soasavoid incorrect interpretations ." He instructed thebishops that theycouldnotkeepsilentwhenrereadingsof Christ created confusionabouttheGospel."Inaclearwarningtotheprogressives-and asaprequeltothe confrontations ofthe 1980s-the Popeput particular stressonthe importance of church unitv/"Afterestablishingthese guidesthePopediscussedthechallengestothe church as "Defenders and Promotersof Human Dignity."70Hedrewonhispredecessor's Evangelii Nuntiandi toaffirm that a correct and nonreductionist understanding ofthe Christian ideaof liberation wasessential.

64 AnaccountofthePope'sjourneytoMexicoandthe entire textofhisspeeches maybefoundin John Paul IIin Mexico : His Collected Speeches (London:Collins, 1979). Hishomilyat Guadalupe andaddressesatPueblaarealso included-in an alternative translation-in CELAM, Puebla : Evangelization at Present and in the Future of Latin America : Conclusions (OfficialEnglishEditionofthe Third General Conference ofLatin AmericanBishops,Puebla,Mexico, 1979; Slough:St.PaulPublications;London:Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1980 [Spanishorig. 1979]), pp. 1-26.

65 John Paul IIin Mexico, pp. 39-46 (44).

66 John Paul IIin Mexico, pp. 47-50. Likewise,inhisaddresstothewomen'sreligous orders that followedhewarnedagainstoptionsforthepoor that arisefromsocio-politicaloptions rather than thegospel(see John Paul IIin Mexico, pp. 51-52).

67 See John Paul IIin Mexico , pp. 66-83 (67).LaterinhisspeechthePopeemphasisedtheimportanceofasolidChristologyfortheirwork.Hedidnotmentionanynames, buthe pointed to specificerrorstobeavoided.Forexample:"InsomecasesChrist's divinity,ispassedoverinsilence .. .. In other cases,peopleclaimtoshowJesusaspolitically committed, asonewhofoughtagainstoppressionandthe authorities, andalsoas oneinvolvedintheclassstruggle. The ideaof Christ asapoliticalfigure,arevolutionary,asthesubversivemanfrom Nazareth, doesnottallywiththe Church's catechesis" (p. 69).

68 John Paul IIin Mexico , p. 71.

69 John Paul IIin Mexico, pp. 75-76.

70 John Paul IIin Mexico , pp, 78-82.

While none oftheseaddressesmadean explicit condemnation of liberation theology,manymedia reports focussedalmostexclusivelyonhiswordsofcaution, rather than thosepartsofthe speeches that mightbeseenasoffering some support." Giventhe expectations atthetime,itwashardlysurprising that the concerns thePoperaisedandthewayinwhichhe presented them were widelyseenasa straightforward rebukeof liberation theology.Forliberationtheologians,itwasan inauspicious start toanalreadydifficultmeeting.

Gutierrez and other liberation theologians that attended Medelin in the capacityof theological adviserswere pointedly excluded from invitation tothe meeting atPuebla.LopezTrujillowas determined to restrict accesstotheproceediongs.However,a number of them travelled anywayandsetupanoffice inthetown.Atfirst,itseemed that there was little that the uninvited advisers coulddo. Security atthe high-walled PalafoxianMajor Seminary ontheoutskirtsofthetownwas tight and outsiders were turned away.However,thisdid not stopsomeprogressivebishopsfromignoring requests to remain within the seminarywallsandvisiting them outside.A pattern quickly developed inwhich somebishopsvisitedthegroupandshowed them copiesof documents under discussion. The theologicaladvisers then workedatnighttodiscussandrespond to conference drafts and providenew material forthebishopsinthemorning. Someof their work then madeitswayintothe conference discussionsandfinal documents .

Astheconferenceprogressed,thestrictsecurityloosenedand contact between those outside andthoseinsidetheseminary increased Whereas the Medellin conference attracted little attention outside the church, themedia interest at Pueblawas intense withupto4000 journalists present. LOpez Trujillo's attempts toisolatethebishopsfromthemediahadamajor setback when shortlybefore theconference,he inadvertently handed a journalist atapewhichincludedcomments outlining his strategy forthePuebla meeting The tape included afrank discussionofhishopesto manipulate the proceedings andderisory comments about a number ofprogressivebishops including hispredecessorEduardoPironio andthe Jesuit General Superior,Pedro Arrupe When the Mexican newspaper Uno Mas Uno published his comments hewasforcedtotakea much lower profile,andhisabilityto enforce hisplanwasseverely weakened .F

On topofthis,atthe outset ofthe conference thebishops themselves rejected LopezTrujillo'splansto appoint CELAMstafftothe steering committee

71 Alittlelaterduringhis visit-when speaking topoor campesinos (peasant farmers) in Oaxaca-the Pope was equally strongin advocating theimportanceof social concernsinChristian life. Here,itmightseemthatliberation theology's strongstanceon social justicewasnotwronginitself Rather, the problem appearedtobeits political implications, especially the way thatliberation theology stressed the political implicationsandthe Marxist elementsintheirearly works .

72 See]. Filochowski, "Medellin to Puebla" inCatholicInstituteforInternational Relations(ed.), Reflections on Puebla (London:CatholicInstituteforInternational Relations, 1980), pp. 19-21 (esp. 15-16).

CHAPTERNINE

for the 21 commissions that workedon the documents Instead, the bishops elected five of their own number forthistask. The progressive Archbishop of Panama, Marcos McGrath, was then elected as their head, ensuring a much greater balance ofpower between the different wingsof the church. Although the progressives stilldid not have anything like the influence they had at Medellin, theyatleast had a much stronger position than was expected .This helped to ensure that the conference would not result inaflat condemnation of liberation theologyorthe popular church."

In general, the final Puebla statements offeredamore cautious perspective than those at Medellin. For example, thepassageson the useof Marxism drew attention to the dangers of Marxist analysis that assumed aspects ofa Marxist world-view that are not compatible with a Christian vision." They reaffirmed PaulVI's teaching at the beginning of the decade in Ocwgesima Adveniens (14 May 1971).75 Although liberation theology after 1976 showed clear signsofa switch in emphasis, the continuing fearof Marx's influence indicated someof the problems that stilllay ahead for liberation theologians inthe1980s. However,manyof the documents were inconsistent in their emphasis." In fact,a number of keyphrases appeared in the final documents that reflected the concerns of liberation theologyandgave strong endorsement to the option for the poorand the base communities. The most significant of these is"A Preferential Option for the Poor" (chapter 1 of part 4in the final conclusions) inthe context of ''A Missionary Church ServingEvangelization in Latin America." This starts with the bold statements :

With renewed hopein the vivifyingpower of the Spirit,wearegoingtotake up once again the position of the Second General Conference ofthe Latin American episcopate inMedellin,which adopted aclearand prophetic option expressing preference for,and solidarity with, the poor.Wedothis despite the distortions and interpretations ofsome,who vitiate thespiritof Medellin, and despite the disregard and even hostility of others. Weaffirm the need for conversion on the part of the whole Church toa preferential option for the poor,an option aimedat their integral liberation (§1134).

73 Newspaper accountsoften offered simplistic versionsoftheconferenceasarejectionofliberation theology, andthePope's speeches were usually citedinsupportofthis. However, the Pope's activitiesandspeechesduringhisvisitrevealamuchmorecomplexpositionthansome newspaper accounts suggested.

74Puebla, §§ 544-545 .

75Puebla, §§ 544, citing Octogesima Adveniens § 34 (seeChapter6).

76 Theactualinfluenceofliberation theology onthefinaldocumentsisalsoopento debate.For example, Edward Cleary, suggests that Boff and Sobrino's workon Christology hada significant impactonPuebla where-unlike Medel1fn-Christology suffuses the finaldocument(E. Cleary, The Church inLatin America Today, p.97). However, Phillip Berryman argues thatalthoughPueblaismarkedbya Christology, itisatraditionalview ofChristin glory, ratherthanaliberationistChristinconflictthatismostmarkedand thatthiscouldonlyhavebeendeliberate.

Ina footnote tothe next section,§1135,thebishopslistedmorespecifically whotheyprincipallyidentifiedasthepoorinterms broader than economic poverty. These included:

ourindigenouspeoples,peasants,manuallaborers,marginalizedurbandwellers and,in particular thewomenofthesesocialgroups. The womenaredoubly oppressedandmarginalized.

They thereby endorsed the extension ofthesocial/political option forthepoor that emerged between RerumNovarum and Medellin toamoreinclusiveapplication for other oppressedsocial groups." In addition, Puebla reflected the developments ofthe1970sinwhichthe option forthepoorbecameaprocess bywhichthe church was converted bythepoorand reoriented around the poor. The secondnew attitude showntothepoorwasalsoshownhere:

Commitment tothepoorandoppressedandtheriseofthegrassrootscommunitieshavehelpedthe Church todiscovertheevangelizing potential of thepoor.Forthepoorchallengethe Church constantly, summoning itto conversion. 78

LumenGentium said that the church recognised"inthosewhoarepoorand whosuffer,theimageofher founder "79 SomepassagesatPuebla, perhaps influenced bynewworkinLatinAmerica,madethis even more emphatic. For example:

This situation ofpervasive extreme povertytakesonvery concrete facesin reallife.Inthesefaceswe ought torecognizethesufferingfeaturesof Christ theLord,who questions andchallengesus.80

The immediate aftermath ofPueblawas marked bythesamedivisionsand mixedresults." On theprogressiveside, liberation theologianstookgreatsatisfactionfrom turning adifficult situation into atleast partial victorybyavoidingclear condemnation They werealsoableto interpret the meeting asan endorsement ofthe option forthepoorand repeat important phrasesfromthe documents. fHowever,itwasequally clear that considerable opposition to

77 Rerum Novarum suggested that thepoorhaveaspecialclaimforconsideration,but onlydiscusseditsrelevanceintermsofthestate'sduties.Medellinpointedtothespecialclaimsofthepoorasanoptionforthe church

78 Puebla, § 1147 Rerum Novarum, §29; seealso QuadragesimoAnno, §25.

79 LumenGentium, § 8(see Chapter 4).

80 § 31. Thesocialgroups that areespeciallyidentifiedinclude:"thefacesofyoung children,struckdownbypoverty...thefacesofyoungpeople,whoaredisorientated becausethey cannot findtheirplaceinsociety .. .thefacesofindigenouspeoples,and frequentlyoftheAfro-Americans...thefacesofthepeasants .thefacesoflaborers. thefacesoftheunderemployedandunemployed...thefacesofthemarginalizedandovercrowdedurbandwellers...thefacesofoldpeople" (§§32-39).

81 ForacollectionofgenerallypositiveviewsonPuebla,seeJohnEaglesonandPhilip Scharper(eds.), PueblaandBeyond:DocumentationandCommentary (trans.JohnDrury; Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1980).

82 Forexample,inEISalvador,ArchbishopRomerodrewonPuebla'sassessmentof

CHAPTERNINE

liberation theology remained amongstmanybishops. Furthermore,conservative opponents of liberation theology within the church weremore determined than evertoopposeit.In March 1979,LopezTrujillo(whohadbeen Secretary of CELAMsince1972) defeated theprogressive Archbishop McGrath ofPanama inthe elections for Lorscheider's successoras President ofCELAM. The result ensured that itwouldbeamore conservative CELAMinthe next decade, and this meant that liberationtheologianswouldhavetoworkwithinamoredifficult context within the church.

CONCLUSION

The communal readingsoftheBibleofferedinbase communities generated new interpretations oftheBible that theologiansdrewonintheirown understanding oftherealityoffaithin Latin America. This meant that liberation theology would not beascholarlyexercise undertaken byprofessional theologians and then offeredtothepoor. The active participation ofthepoorwouldbenecessaryifthe church wastobe not justforthepoor,butalsoa church ofthe poor. The dialogical methodology that developedinresponsetothiswasan important advanceonCatholicAction'spastoralcircleofsee-judge-act.Liberation theology's hermeneutical circleradicalizedthe potentially conservative tendenciesoftheearliermodelin each ofits mediations: it extended thefieldof concerns fromthe personal tothe communal andpolitical;itemphasizedthe importance ofa deeper socialanalysis;andit included active participation in thestruggleagainstsocial injustice asanessential part oftheprocess. Inthe1990s, commentators ontheCEBsasked searching questions about whether their numerical strength and democratic egalitarianism hadbeenexaggerated andthe extent of their biblicalinsights romanticised. "Itiscertainly important torecognise that the account ofthe hermeneutical circlegivenin this chapter-based onthe Boffs-is moreatthelevelof theoretical ideal than actual practice . Caution injudginghowwell liberation theologyliveduptoits ownidealsis important if overestimating its achievements istobeavoided. Nonetheless, theway that theBiblewasreadintheCEBsoffereda practical wayto incarnate both thepoliticalandepistemological options forthepoorin

the social injustice inLatin America forhisfourth Pastoral Letter (6 August 1979) . Addressing the Salvadoran people, Romero stated:"That'mutedcry'of wretchedness that Medellin heardten years ago, Puebla now describes as'loudand clear, increasing in intensity, andat times fullofmenace' (§ 89). It calls the characteristics thatdelineatethissituationof injustice 'themost devastating and humiliating kindof scourge' (§29). Theyareinfant mortality, the housing shortage,health problems, starvation wages, unemployment, malnutrition, nojob security andsoon."See Romero, Voice ofthe Voiceless, pp. 114-161.

83 See,for example, P. Berryman, Religion in the Megacity : Catholic and Protestant Portraits from Latin America (Maryknoll, N.Y. :Orbis Books, 1996) ; J. Burdick, Looking for God in Brazil :The Progressive Catholic Church in Urban Brazil's Religious Arena (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993) .

away that gavenewdignityandhopefor thousands ofChristiansinLatin America.

Lookingbackoverthewholedecade,aclearshiftcanbediscerned.Inthe earlyyears,Gutierrezandothersdevelopedtheinsightsfromthe1960sintoa methodological principle(theologyascriticalreflectionon action), linkedto thepowerfulterminologyof liberation andbasedonapolitical commitment to anewpastoral approach (solidaritywiththepoorand protest againsttheir poverty). The emergenceofbase communities asasocialnetwork orientated tosocial transformation gave liberation theologyasocial outlet atapopular level.However,astimepassed,workwiththe communities started toreorienate liberation theologians.Asrepressionand persecution increased,thepoor started to convert liberation theology. After1975,publicationsputlessemphasis ontheradicalanalysisand revolutionary messageand started tofocusonGod's specialpresenceinthesufferingandstrugglesofthepoorasa distinctive epistemologicalprinciple.

Part4

The God ofLife

1980-1989

between rich countries andpoorcountrieswidened,andthe standard ofliving ofmanyinLatinAmericaactuallyfelloverthecourseofthedecade.

Atan economic level,theforeigndebtcrisisprovedadisasterforLatin America. The totaldebtforLatinAmericaandthe Caribbean wasunder$300 billionin1981.Itgrewto$450billionby1990.4 Manyoftheloanswerefirst taken out atlowinterestinthe1970swhenWesternbanksencouragedrecklessborrowingtorecyclethe petro-dollars builtupafterthe1973pricerises inoil. Often, thismoneywaswasted through inappropriate projects,military spending,andsimple corruption. It didlittletopromoteefficientlong-term productive capacity.Inthe1980s, interest ratessoared,andLatin American countries foundthemselvessinkingintoadebttrapwithescalatingandunpayabledebts.

NewLatin American governments found that theycouldnotescapethe legacyoftheirpredecessors.Tomaketheirpayments,theyslashedsubsidieson goodsthepoorneededtosurvive(suchasfoodand transport subsidies)and cutbackwelfareservicessuchas education and health . When eventhisfailed toresolvetheproblem, some-most famouslyMexicoand Peru-reneged on thedebtandrefusedto pay. However,theyfacedharshsanctionsfromtheinternational community that quicklyforcedthembackintoline. Others desperate tomaintaintheirinternationalcreditworthinessturnedinsteadtotheInternational Monet aryFund(lMF).Thishelpedto restructure thedebtatthecostoffollowing stringent measuresimposed to cutessentialservicesyet further.

Toaddtothe difficul ties,civilconflictsin Central AmericaandPeruwreaked havoconthealready strained socialfabricandeconomic infrastructure. In Peru,theMaoistguerrillamovement,ShiningPath(SenderoLuminoso),and the government's counter-insurgencyinflicteduntoldmiseryonthousandsof innocent victimsandanyonewhoactivelysoughttoholdamiddleground.'In Nicaragua,theU.S.-backed"contras"operatingfrom Honduras blewupschools andmedicalclinicsbuiltbythenew Sandinista government .InElSalvador,a full-scalecivilwarbrokeout between theU.S.-backed government andacoalitionofguerrillagroupsunitedunderthetitleofFarabundoMarti National LiberationFront(FMLN). 6 In Guatemala, state violenceagainstindigenous Mayancommunitiesreachedgenocidalproportionsintheperiod 1981-1983.

4 Data fromU.N.EconomicCommissionforLatin American and Caribbean citedin Green,Silent Revolutions, p.68.

5 On Shining Path,seeD.PooleandG.Renique, Peru : Time ofFear (London:Latin America Bureau,1992); D. S.Palmer(ed.), Shining Path of Peru (London: Hurst and Company,1992).

6 MartiwasaleaderinEI Salvador 's communist led peasant uprisingof1932,the first communist revoltinthehemisphere.However,the1932revoltfailedandthebrutalreprisals(inwhich30,000 peasants weremassacred)leftadeepscarinS alvadoran society;see T. P. Anderson, Matanza : EI Salvador's Communist Revolt (Lincoln:University ofNebraskaPress,1971). On thecivilwarinEISalvadorinthe1980s,see J. Dunkerley, Power inthe Isthmus : A Political History of Modem Central America (London:Verso,1988), pp.267-333

Deepeningthe Commitment andExpandingtheView205

Meanwhile,the literature ofliberationinthe1980smovedontoexplore newareasasit continued the post-l97 5 trend fromexplicitlypoliticaltomore directlypastoralreflection.Thecommitment tothepoorremained,butthetone wassignificantlylesspolemicaland militant .Gutierrez'sbooksputlessemphasisonpoliticaltheoryandsocialanalysisandmoreonspiritualityandcontemplation. When GutierrezrepublishedarevisedversionofA Theology of Liberation in1988,thisshiftintoneandexpressionbecameeven clearen ? His introduction totherevised edition clarifiedthekeychangesaddressedinthis chapter andconcludedwithan anecdotal story that reflectedthe continuity andchangeinhisthinking.

Someyearsago,a journalist asked whether IwouldwriteA Theology of Liberation todayasIhadtwodecadesearlier.InanswerIsaid that though theyearspassed by, thebookremainedthesame,whereasIwasaliveand thereforechangingandmovingforward thanks toexperiences,toobservationsmadeonthebook,andtolecturesanddiscussions. When hepersisted, Iasked whether inalove letter tohiswifetodayhewouldusethesame language that heusedtwentyyearsago;hesaidhewould not ,buthe acknowledged that hisloveperdured.Mybookisalove letter toGod,to the church, andtothepeopletowhichIbelong.Loveremainsalive,butit growsdeeperandchangesits manner of expression ."

THE GOD OF LIFE AND SPIRITUALITY OF LIBERATION

The insurgencyand counter-insurgency that convulsedPeruinthe1980shad aprofoundeffectonGutierrez'swork.Increasingly,hereflectedonthemysteryofwhathecalled"theGodofLife"inasociety characterised byunjust and premature death,"

His GodofLife wasfirstpublishedin1982andthenreissuedinasubstantiallyexpandedversionin1989. The laterversionopenedwiththewordsof two representatives fromVillaElSalvador(a shantytown closetoLima)who addressedJohnPaulIIonhisvisittoPeru. to Gutierrezrecalledtheirwordsof greetingtothePope:"HolyFather,wearehungry. .Wesufferaffliction,we

7 G. Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation : History, Politics andSalvation (trans. and ed. C.Indaand J. Eagleson; Maryknoll ,N .Y. :OrbisBooks; London:SCMPress,2nded., 1988).Thisallowedthe languagetobe updated to become more gender inclusiveand some other minor changes tothe text .Forexample,the section inch apter 12thatwas previously "Christian Brotherhood and Class Struggle" (pp. 272-279) was updated and reformulated as"FaithandSocial Conflict" (pp. 156-161), but thebasicstanceremained thesame.

8 Gutierrez, TheGodofLife, p.xlvi.

9 "Human lifeunfolds within an option forde ath oran option forlife,"G. Gutierrez , WeDrinkfromOur Own Wells, pp. 69-70.

10 The papacyof John PaulIIhas been particular noteworthy fortheenergyand frequency ofhis international visits.His1985visitto Latin America lasted11days(26 January-6 February)and included visitstoVenezuela,Ecuador,Peru,and Trinidad and Tobago.

lackwork,wearesick. Our heartsarecrushedbysufferingasweseeourtubercularwivesgiving birth ,our children dying,oursonsanddaughtersgrowing upweakand without afuture."Gutierreznoted: "The simplicityandfrightfulnessoftheseopeningwordssetthetoneforall that follows .... The reality ofunjustand premature death isdescribedinutterly unadorned language. Out ofitcomes,withrenewedforce,aprofessionoffaith:Butdespiteallthis, we believe in theGodof life."1 1

Gutierrez'sstyleofreflectioninthebookismarkedlydifferentfromA Theology of Liberation. In The GodofLife Gutierrezdrewalmostexclusivelyonbiblical textsinthelightoftheLatin American situation and church teaching. There wasminimalreferencetothesocialsciencesorphilosophicalinfluences.Throughoutthework,Gutierrezpointedtothebiblical understanding ofGodasliberatorand protector ofthepoor.Inaparticularlyhelpfulsectiononidolatry, Gutierrez contrasted theGodoflifewiththeidolworship that theBiblecondemns ." He noted that theBiblesaw idolatry-not atheism-as the rejection ofGod.Heobserved that LatinAmericaclaimedtobea Christian continent, butitwastheonly continent wherethemajoritywereatthesametimeChristian andpoor," The continent's richeliteclaimedtoserveGod,but Gutierrez claimed that theirreal commitments weretothe modem idolsof death Their trueloyaltiesweretomammonandworldlypower.

Gutierrez's understanding of idolatry-as ayearningforpowerandmoney that stopsatnothing---offeredapowerfulcritiqueofLatinAmerica'ssinfulsituation.IdolatrouscompetitorsreplacedtheGodoflife in theheartsofthepowerful.MaterialwealthandfalsesecuritywereprizedabovethetrueGodofjustice andlife.Gutierrezsawthebiblical condemnation ofidolsasa rejection of human powerswhentheywereraisedaboveGod'spowersof creation. He exposedand condemned thesamementalityamongstthepowerfulofLatin America. Their idolatrous concern for wealth stemmedfromaself-idolatry regardingtheirownpower.Idolatrywasonthesideof death againstlifebecause "idolatryisamurderousgod."!'Gutierrez pointed tothesufferingofthepoor that resultedfromdifferentidolatriesintheBibleandshowedhowtheidolatry ofmoney demanded human victims.

Theidolatryofmoney,ofthisfetish produced bytheworkof human hands, isindissolublyandcausally connected withthe death ofthepoor. If wethus go to therootofthematter,idolatryrevealsitsfullmeaning:itworksagainst theGodoftheBible,whoisaGodoflife.Idolatryis death; Godis life."

Atthe1980 International EcumenicalCongressofTheology(heldinSaoPaulo undertheauspicesoftheEcumenicalAssociationofThirdWorldTheologians),

II G.Gutierrez, The GodofLife, p. xi.

12 Gutierrez, The Godof Life, pp. 48-64

13 Gutierrez, The Godof Life, p. 48.

14 Gutierrez, The Godof Life, p. 53.

15 Gutierrez, The Godof Life, p. 56.

Deepeningthe Commitment andExpandingtheView207

thecollectivegroupofLatinAmericantheologians(both Protestant andCatholic) spokeclearlyofthe importance ofspiritualityandtheneedforittobe taken upinthefuturewritings,meetings,and events." Not surprisingly,workson spiritualitywereoneofthedistinctivefeaturesofliberationtheologyinthe1980s, and both GutierrezandSobrinowere particularly prominent. I7 GutierrezalreadyspokeinA Theology of Liberation ofthe"greatneedfora spiritualityoflfberation.?"HisbookWe Drink from OurOwnWells wasan opportunity toworkthisoutin much moredetailandsignalledmanyofthe significantnewthemesandideas that wouldbe important inhis1980spublications ." It seems that Gutierrezwrotethebookinsomehaste,andithasbeen suggested that oneofhis concerns was to head-off criticismfrom conservative traditionalists andcriticsintheVatican(whoclaimed that hiswork reduced theologytopoliticsandignored spiritual concerns). However,manyofthe themeswere important forhimfromtheverybeginning.Itwouldbequitewrong to think ofspiritualityasa belated introduction into Gutierrez'spoliticaloutlookforpurely pragmatic reasons." Gutierrez's workasapastoralwayskept him rooted ina concern forspirituality,andthesuggestion that hereplaced spiritualitywithpoliticsinthe1970sdoesnotdojusticetohis continuing commitment, despitehis international prominence, totheeverydaylifeofhisparish.

16 The International EcumenicalCongressofTheology,SaoPaulo, Brazil, 20February2March1980;see"Final Document" inTorresandEagleson, The Challenge of Basic Christian Communities, pp. 231-246. FormoreontheconferenceandtheroleofEATWOT,seebelow.

11 SeealsoS.Galilea, "The SpiritualityofLiberation," TheWay 25.3(luly1985),pp. 186-194

18 Gutierrez,A Theology of Liberation, p.136.

19 G. Gutierrez,WeDrink from Our Own Wells. The bookcameoutofthelectures GutierrezgaveattheXIIJornadasdeReflexi6nTeol6gica(atheologysummerschool organizedbythe Catholic UniversityofPeruinLima, 8-19 February1982).Arecollectionofthesummerschool(andespeciallyGutierrez'slecturesonspirituality)isoffered inH.Nouwen, jGracias! : ALatinAmerican Journal (Maryknoll, N.Y. :OrbisBooks,2nd ed.1993[1983]),pp. 132-146 ;Nouwenalso contributed aforewordtoWeDrink from Our Own Wells (pp. xii-xxi). SomeofthematerialinWeDrink from Our Own Wells waspublishedinaslightlyearlierforminthearticlebyGutierrez,"DrinkfromYour OwnWell," Concilium, 159(1982),pp. 38-45

20 Theexplicitemphasiswascertainlynewwhencomparedtothe1970s,butthedifferencesshouldnotbe overstated for either Gutierrezortheliberationtheologymovementasawhole.Inafootnote,Gutierrez (We Drink from Our Own Wells, p.1n.2) mentioned significantworksonliberationspirituality that hadalreadybeenpublished, forexample, L. Boff, Vida segundo 0 espiritu (Petr6polis,RJ:Editora Vozes, 1982). Furthermore, attention tospiritualitywasalreadyfeaturedasasectioninA Theology of Liberation, pp. 203-208, andinhisfirstfootnote (We Drink from Our Own Wells, p. 1) Gutierrezexplained that "EversinceIpublished that book[A Theology of Liberation] I havebeen intending todevelopthethemeofthesepagesmore fully. Onlynowhasit beenpossibleformetodoso;thedelayhastheadvantage that Icannowdrawon theexperiencesandreflectionsofsomanyothersin recent years."

CHAPTERTEN

For Gutierrez, spirituality wasthefollowingofJesusineverydaylife. This required action and prayerbeingkepttogerher,"AsinA Theology of Liberation, heinsisted onthe integral nature of liberation andthe essential connection between spirituality andthesocialand political sphere." He rejected notions of spirituality that separated thespiritfromthebody and argued that :

Life according tothe Spirit is therefore not an existence atthelevelofthe soul and inoppos ition toor apart fromthebody;itisan existence in accord withlife, love,peace, and justice(the great valuesofthereignofGod)and againstdeath.23

The sourcesofan authentic Latin American spirituality-the wellsfrom which he encouraged peopleto drink-were the historical strugglesagainstoppression and testimonies ofhope and resurrection that occupied thefaithfulin Latin America." The starting point forthis spirituality wasthe experiences of thepoorandthosewho stood by them Gutierrez wishedto root spirituality in thelife,struggles, and hopesofthosewhoworkedforthe kingdom ofGodin Latin America . Within thisframework, Gutierrez repeatedly returned tothepremature and unjust deaths ofthepoorandthe challenges that theyposed.He interwove reflection on their experiences with biblical reflections and Christian tradition Latin American sources-ranging fromthe unpublished testimonies ofbase community membersat meetings tothe publications of Latin American bishops-shapethe distinctively Latin America ethos ofthework.P

Authentic spiritualityisfollowingJesusin contemplation andaction,solidarity with the oppressed ,hopeinaworldofsuffering,the option forlifeintheface of death, andfaithin resurrection Authentic spirituality,however, must havea social and communal dimension. It is not just something within the inner life ofthe individual. Gutierrez madethisclearinthefinal paragraph ofthebook:

21 Gutierrez, We Drink from Our Own Wells, p.5andp. 37. Gutierrez criticised approaches to spirituality that failed topromotethisessentiallinkandnotedtwoparticularly common mistakes. First,tosee spirituality asamatterforarelative minority, eitherthosecalledtolifein religious ordersorlaitywhoturned away fromthe everyday activities oftheworld.Second,tosee spirituality asan individual andinteriormatterofpeopleforwhomintentionstook precedence overoutcomesandoftenwithlittle concernfortheoutside world. Henotesthatthesetraitsmake possible whatPuebla referredtoas"thespiritualityof evasion" (Puebla, § 826).

zz See Gutierrez ,We Drink from Our Own Wells, p.29n.16,where Gutierrez refers backtohis formulation of this in A Theology of Liberation, pp. 36-37,143-144 (see above) .

Z3 Gutierrez,We Drink from Our Own Wells, p.71.

Z4 Gutierrez 'stitle deliberately echoesthe words ofSt. Bernard of Clairvaux in De Considertione thatwhenitcomesto spirituality everyone "mustdrinkfromtheirown well."

2S Because ittakestheordinaryandthe everyday asitsstartingpoint,theSpanish liberation theologian Pedro Trigo SJ(whostudiedunder Gutierrez in Lima and worked withbase communities inEcuadorand Venezuela) described We Drink from Our Own Wells, ratherthanA Theology of Liberation, asthe"first stammerings" ofliberationtheology (citedin P. Berryman, Religion in the Megacity, p.118).

Deepening the Commitment and Expanding the View 209

Spirituality isa community enterprise . It isapassageofapeople through the solitude and dangers ofthedesert,asitcarves out itsownwayinthe followingofJesus Christ. This spiritual experience isthewellfrom which we must drink .Fromitwedrawthepromiseof resurrection.i"

The focuson spiritual experience helped Gutierrez 'sto sharpen his methodologyinthe 1980s.21 Gutierrez sawspiritualityasmore than an additional theme for liberation theology. It was fundamental tothevery methodology ofliberationtheology,"Hedid not contradict hisearlierfocusontheologyasa second step, but heclarifiedthe importance of contemplation andsilenceas preconditions oftheology.

Discourseonfaithisa second stagein relation tothelifeoffaithitself.This methodological statement isa central oneinthetheologyof liberation .But the statement does not implya separation ofthetwostagesoraspects.Its point issimplytoemphasizethefact that authentic theological reflection has itsbasisin contemplation andin practice. Talk about God(theo-logy)comes afterthesilenceofprayerandafter commitment. Theology isdiscourse that is continually enriched by stlence."

This development inhis methodology was further clarifiedin Gutierrez's other majorworksofthe1980s.Inhis introduction to On Job: God-Talk and the Suffering ofthe Innocent Gutierrezprovidedoneoftheclearest statements ofhisapproach.

Godisfirst contemplated when wedoGod'swillandallowGodtoreign; onlyafter that dowe think about God.Tousefamiliarcategories, contemplation and practice makeupafirst act; theologizingisa second act. Wemust first establish ourselvesonthe terrain of spirituality and practice ;onlysubsequently isitpossibleto formulate discourseonGodinan authentic and respectfulway,"

26 Gutierrez,We DrinkfromOur Own Wells, p. 137 .

27 Gutierrezargues that spiritualityalwaysprecedestheology.Hepointstothisasthe historical courseinallofwhathecallsthe"great spiritualities" including Anselm (c. 1033-1109) and Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225-1274). Thusheinsists: "The solidityand energyoftheological thought dependpreciselyonthespiritualexperience that supports it.Thisexperiencetakestheform,firstandforemost,ofaprofound encounter withGod andGod's will. Anydiscourseonfaithstartsfrom,andtakesitsbearingsfrom,theChristian lifeofthecommunity.Anyreflection that doesnothelpinlivingaccordingtothe Spiritisnota Christian Theology. When allissaidanddone, then ,all authentic theologyisspiritualtheology.Thisfactdoesnotweakentherigorouslyscientific character ofthetheology;itdoes,however,properly situate it."Gutierrez,We DrinkfromOur Own Wells, pp. 36-37.

28 Gutierreznotesatthestart:"Sincetheveryfirstdaysofthetheologyofliberation,thequestionofspirituality(specifically:thefollowingofJesus)hasbeenofdeep concern .Moreover,thekindofreflection that thetheologyofliberationrepresentsis consciousofthefact that itwas,and continues tobe,precededbythespiritualexperienceofChristianswhoarecommittedtotheprocessofliberation,"Gutierrez, WeDrink fromOur Oum Wells, p. 1.

29 Gutierrez,We DrinkfromOur Own Wells, p. 136.

30 Gutierrez,On Job, p.xiii.

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Like TheGodofLife andWe Drink from OurOwnWells, Gutierrez'sbookOn Job wasanotable contrast instyletoA Theology of Liberation. It drewonJob's situation fora profound meditative reflection onthe challenge ofevilfor Christian faith. The bookwas dedicated jointlytoGutierrez'sparents,whofirst spokeofGodtohim. It wasalsodedicatedtothepeopleofAyacuchowho wereatthe centre ofthepoliticalviolenceclaimingthousandsof innocent lives andmaking hundreds ofthousandshomeless.Gutierrezwantedtofindaway totalkaboutGodwhenthe innocent continuedto suffer inAyacucho.Henoted that Johannes BaptistMetzinGermanypreviouslyaskedhowtheologycould bedone after Auschwitz.InLatinAmerica,Gutierrezsaid,thechallengecame fromthe present aswellasthepast.Gutierrezsummedupthechallengeina criticalquestion:"Howarewetodotheology while Ayacucho lasts?" 31 This question leadstomanyothers:HowcouldtheologyspeakoftheGodoflife inthefaceofmurderonamassivescale?Howcouldthe church preach the loveofGodamidsuchprofound contempt forhuman life? HowcouldChristians havefaithinthe resurrection when death reigned,andespeciallythe death of children,women,thepoor,theindigenous,andthe other "unimportant" membersofoursocieryl'"

ForGutierrez,thiswasonlypossiblebykeepingfaithwiththeprofound mysteryoftheGodoflifeand maintaining activesolidaritywiththosewho suffered.Liberationtheology advocated sharingthesufferingofthepoorwhile protesting againstit,andduringthe1980s,this commitment wastestedtothe extremeinPeru.

A Theology of Liberation exudedenergyandoptimism;liberationseemedto becloseathand.Gutierrez'sworkinthe1980sarosefromthesamesolidarity withthepoor that markedhisworksincethe1960s,buttheyexpresseditvery differently. A GodofLife, We Drink from Our Own Wells, andOn Job were morecautiousaboutpoliticalchangeandmuchmoredirectinthepastoral anguish.Theygavelessreasonforimmediatehope, but perhapsmorereason forlong-termfaith.

JonSobrino'sworkinElSalvadorduringthe1980salsostimulatedreflection onaliberativespirituality that waslargely complementary toGutierrez's.A collectionofSobrino'swritingsonthisthemewaspublishedas Spirituality of Liberation.J3 LikeGutierrez,Sobrinosaw liberation spiritualityaslifelivedasa following ofJesus.Hedescribeditaslife"livedinaparticular spirit-specifically, inthecaseof Christian spirituallife,lifelivedinthespiritof [esus.t'" Sobrino stressed that thespiritualwasinessential relation tothehistorical rather than inisolationfromit.He commented, "there isnospirituallife without actual,

31 Emphasisoriginal.Gutierrez,On Job, p.102.

32 Emphasisoriginal.Gutierrez,On Job, p.102.

33 J. Sobrino, Spirituality of Liberation : Towards a Political Holiness (trans.RobertR. Barr;Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1988[Spanishorig.1985)).

34 Sabrina, Spirituality of Liberation, p.2.

Deepeningthe Comm itmentandExpandingtheView 211

historicallife. It isimpossibletolivewithspiritunlessthatspiritbecomes flesh.l'" Inthishistoricizedsense,spirituality(theintegralreality to which liberationisdirected)wastheguidinglightofriberationtheology'sveryearliestorigins.

Sobrino'stitlefortheSpanishversionofhisworkwas Liberacion con espiritu (LiberationwithSpirit). Thisphraseechoed the t erminologyofhisclosefriend andcolleague,IgnacioEllacuria,therectorofSanSalvador'sCentralAmerican University.Ellacurfasuggestedthephrase"poorwithspirit"asawaytosynthesisethedifferen cesinthefirstBeat itud esofM atthewand Luke." M atth ew's "Blessedarethepoorinspirit"(Mt,5.3)andLuke's"Blessedareyouwhoare poor"(Lk6.20)haveoftenbeenseenaspo int inginoppositedirections.Luke's phrasehasoftenbeenanexcusetofocusonabstractspiritualpovertyatthe expenseofthematerialpovertyindicatedbyM atth ew.However,forEllacurfa, both materialandspiritualpovertyareimp ort ant ;thephrasepoorwithspirit indicatedtheir integralcharacter. It alsocapturedthefaith oftheSalv adoran c ommun itiesthatinadecadeofcivilwarmanagedtom aint ain their spiritual journeyof faith."

IgnacioEllacurfa,andthenJonSobrino,alsotookupanddevelopedearlier insightsonthecloserelationbetw een Ch rist'ssufferingandtheplightofthe Salvadoranpoor.Morethanfour hundredyearsearlier,BartolomedeLasCasas discerned Christ'spresenceinthesufferingIndiansofthesixteenthcentury. Gut ierrez-s-whowasp art icularlyinspiredbyLasCasa s-had alreadydrawn attentiontothisinthe1970s.38 It wasaninsightthatEISalvador'sarchbisho pOscarRom ero--alsocame to in1977.Inoneinstance,thevillageofAguilares wasoccupiedbythemilitary,andthevillagerssufferedgreatviolence.Asthey reclaimedtheirtownandchurch,Romeroaddressedtheminhishomilyasimages ofChrist,crucifiedonthe croSS . 39

Inthelate1970s,EllacuriastartedtousetheimagetoreflectonEISalvador's conflictandtherelationshipbetweenthecrucified Ch rist,and"the crucified

35 Sobrino, Spiritualityof Liberation , p.4.

36 UnfortunatelyEllacuna'sdistinctivephraseissometimesmissedin Englishtranslations.Forexample, Spiritualityof Liberation (p, 25) referencesthephrase"pobres con espiritu" to Ellacurfa,butmistranslatesitas"poorinspirit"not"poorwithspirit."

37 Foragoodoverviewontheprogressivechurchinthisperiod,seeS.Wright, Promi sed Land: DeathandLife in EI Sa lIJado r (Maryknoll,N.Y. :OrbisBooks,1994).See alsoM.L6pezVigil, Death and Life in Morazan: A Priest'sTestimony froma War-Zone in ElSalIJado r: FatherRogelioPonseeleTalks to Maria L6pe z Vigi l(trans. D. Livingstone; London:CatholicInstituteforInternationalRelations,1989[Spanishorig.1989]).

38 Gutierrezespeciallydrewattention to thelinksLasCasasmadeinhisletter to the king, whichproclaimedthatnatives in theIndies were like "JesusChrist,ourGod,scourged and afflic tedandcrucified ,notonce,butmillionsoftimes."Las Casas, "Historia delas Indias," ObrasEscogidas 2:356,citedinGutierrez, Powerof the Poor in History, p.197.

39 O.Romero, "Homilia enAguilares"inJ.Sobrino, I. Martfn-Bar6yR.Cardenal (eds.), La IJOZ de los sin IIOZ (SanSalvador:UCAEditores,1980),p.208.

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people"became central toSobrino'schristologicalreflectioninthe1980s.40 The imagedrewonPaul'stheologyofthe church asthebodyof Christ, which couldbe creatively revitalisedinthelightof post-Conciliar understanding of sacredandsecularhistory. The violence directed against ordinary Salvadoran Christians, theysaid,wasviolence directed againstJesus. The identification of Christ withthesufferingpoorofLatin America provided apowerful statement onthereligioussignificanceofsocialinjustice.

ForEllacurfa,thesufferingofthepeopleofEI Salvador (inEnglishthename meanstheSaviour)was related historicallyandtheologicallytothesuffering of Christ ." An understanding ofthecrucifiedpeoplecould therefore deepen an understanding ofthesufferingofthe historical [esus.v

Sobrino's reflectionsonthecrucifiedpeople sought to balance thehopeof Latin American Christologiesof"Jesusthe liberator" withthepainofthecontemporary presence of Christ intheworld. The poignancyofthecrucifiedpeopleinSobrino'sworktookonanawfulnewlevelwhenEllacuriaandfive other Jesuits that helivedwith(aswellastheir housekeeper and daughter) were murdered in November 1989.Sobrinoonlyescapedbecausehewas out ofthe country ata conference in Thailand."

Sobrino's griefandshockatthemurderswas directed into histheological work.Hiswritingwasmarkedbyintensified reflection onthecrucifiedpeople andonthetheologicalsignificanceof martyrdom inhisstruggleto understand faithinaGodoflife when theidolsof death provesostrong.As Sobrino has explained, theterm"crucifiedpeople"is not hyperbolic exaggeration, but a necessary attempt todescribeahorrifyingsocialreality:

Crucifiedpeoples is usefulandnecessarylanguageattherealleveloffact, becausecrossmeans death, and death is what theLatin American peoples are subjected toin thousands ofways.Itisslow but real death causedby

40 EllacuriaandSobrinohadaparticularlyclosefriendshipandworklifeattheJesuit run Central AmericanUniversityinSanSalvador.Theysharedacommonbackground asBasqueJesuitsandtheybothdevotedtheirlivestoworkinElSalvador.

4\ EllacurfafirstpresentedonthistopicataconferenceinMexicoaspartofpreparationforCELAM III atPuebla. It waspublishedas"Pueblo crucificado : ensayode soteriologiahistorica"inna, Cruzy resurrecci6n (Mexico:CentrodeReflexi6n Teologica, 1978), pp. 49-82; ET "The CrucifiedPeople"inEllacuriaandSobrino, Mysterium Liberationis : Fundamental Concepts of Liberation Theology (Maryknoll, N.Y.: OrbisBooks, 1993 [Spanishorig. 1990)), pp. 580-604. ForSobrino'sdevelopmentofthetheme,see J. Sobrino, Jesus in Latin America (trans.various;Maryknoll, N.Y.: OrbisBooks, 1987 [Spanishorig. 1982)) , esp.pp. 148-165.

42 SpeakingoftheSalvadoranpoorasacrucifiedpeopleJonSobrinonoted:"Ifthey resist,theyarecrucifiedsuddenlyandviolently.Iftheydonotresist,theyarecrucified graduallyandslowly" (Spirituality of Liberation, p. 30).

43 See esp. Whitfield, Paying the Price. Onthefalseaccusationof Ellacurfa's Marxism thataccompaniedthemurders,see D. Tombs,"TheLegacyofIgnacioEllacuriafor LiberationTheology in a 'Post-Marxist' Age," Journal of Hispanic;!Latino Theology 8.1 (2000), pp.38-53.

Deepening the Commitment and Expanding theView213

thepoverty generated byunjust structures-'insitutionalisedviolence':thepoor arethosewhodiebefore their time. It isswift, violent death, causedby repressionandwars,whenthepoor threaten these unjust structures. And it is indirect but effective death whenpeoplesaredeprivedevenof their culturesin order toweakentheir identities andmake them moredefenseless."

EXPANDING THE VIEW

Atthesametime that Latin American liberation theologians deepened their reflectiononspiritualityandsuffering,theyalso extended theirhorizonsoutwardswithawider concern foroppression. Gutierrez describedmanyofthese changesinan introductory chapter titled "Expanding theView"forthe1988 edition ofA Theologyof Liberation. He noted:

Black,Hispanic,and Amerindian theologiesinthe United States,theologies arisinginthecomplex contexts ofAfrica,Asiaandthe South Pacific,and especiallyfruitfulthinkingofthosewhohaveadoptedafeminist perspectiveallthesehave meant that forthefirsttimeinmany centuries theologyis beingdoneoutsidethe customary European and North American centres."

Latin American theologians werenottheonlyonestosearchfornewdirectionsintheologyinthe1970s.Inthe United States,Blacktheologiansbegan tofocusonraceandracisminthe churches andsocietyaslongneglectedissues intheology.Meanwhile,inAfrica,theologians started tosearchforatheology beyondtheshacklesof Eurocentrismand cultural imperialism.Likewise,in Asia, Christian theologianswereexploringnewapproachestodialoguewiththe other major religious faiths. However, in the early1970s there wasvery little contact betweenthesedevelopingmovements.ItwasnotuntiltheTheology intheAmericasconferencesinDetroit(1975)andEcumenicalDialogueofThird World Theologians at Dar-es-Salaam (Tanzania)in1976 that Latin American liberation theologiansevenbegantoaddress other liberation theologies.Unfortunately,the distinctiveness ofeach movement madeinitial attempts todialoguewitheach other difficult. Instead ofbuildingsolidaritytheseearly contacts often ended in misunderstanding and mutual suspicion.

It wasonlyafter1980 that seriousdialoguewith liberation theologiesfrom other social contexts helpedtheLatin Americans recognisethe importance of socialdynamics other than poverty.Asthe1980sprogressed,Africaninculturationism, Asianpluralism,andtheracialjusticeemphasisofBlacktheology all influenced Latin American liberation theology. Furthermore, the ecumenical setting ofthesedialoguesalso contributed to greater awarenessamongstLatin

44 Sobrino, The Principle of Mercy , p. 50.

45 Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation 2nded.,p.xix.Thesamephrase was usedfor a collection of papers givenata conference at Maryknoll, New York, in1988tomark theneweditionof A Theolo gy ofLiberation, thetwentieth anniversary ofMedellinand Gutierrez's sixtieth birthday; seeM. Ellis andO.Madura (eds.), Expanding theView: Gustaoo Gutierre z and the Future of Liberation Theology (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1990) .

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American Catholic theologians of the need to address liberation within anecumenical framework

Black liberation theology appeared in the United States at almost exactly the same time that Latin American liberation theology was emerging at the end of the 1960s.Black theology was not a derivative of Latin American liberation theology." It was rooted instead in the distinctive experiences of African Americans in the United Sates, especially in the CivilRights movement and Black Power movements of the 1950s and 1960s.47 Theologians from Latin America met with their North American colleagues for the firsttimeat the Theology in the Americas conference in Detroit, August 1975.48 Although they shared much in common, in terms of engaging with contextual experience and taking social liberation as central to their work, they werealso deeply divided on someissues. Some Latin Americans sawBlack North Americans asfightingto take an equal place inU.S.society,while being uncritical of the global injustices that the U.S. economy created . On the other side,Black theologians felt that Latin Americans placed too much emphasis on economic class and ignored issuesofrace and colour." Likewise, the North American feminists felt that the Latin American's commitment to liberation did not address sexism and

46 JamesConeservedasafoundational figure fortheliteratureofBlacktheologyin anevenmoresignificantwaythanGutierrezwasforLatinAmericanliberationtheology. Cone'stwoearliestworkswerebothpublishedbeforeGutierrez'sA Theology of Liberation; see J. H.Cone, Black Theology and Black Power (New York: SeaburyPress, 1969); J. H.Cone,A Black Theology of Liberation (Philadelphia:Lipincott, 1970). Since ithassometimesbeen mistakenly suggested thatallotherliberation theologies arederivativefromLatinAmericanliberation theology, itshouldbenotedthatConedidnot readSpanishandtheearliestpublishedversionof Gutierrez's thought available in English wasin Theological Studies 1970. Gutierrez'sbookwasnotpublishedinEnglishuntil 1973, whichwasthesameyearthatCone'sA Black Theology of Liberation wastranslatedintoSpanish.InMay 1973, theWCCorganiseda symposium inGeneva to address LatinAmericanandBlacktheologywhichincludedPauloFreire,HugoAssmann,and JamesConeandisreportedin Risk 9.2(1973).

47 Onthedevelopmentofhisliberationapproach,seeJ.H.Cone My Soul Looks Back (Nashville :Abingdon, 1982); For My People : Black Theology and the Black Church (Bishop HenryMcNealTurnerStudiesinNorthAmericanBlackReligion,1; Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1984); Speaking the Truth (GrandRapids,Mich:Eerdmans, 1986).

48 See,S.TorresandJ.Eagleson(eds.), Theology inthe Americas (Papersfromthe TheologyintheAmericasConference,Detroit,August 1975; trans.J.Drury; Maryknoll, N.Y.:Orbis Books, 1976). Some progressive NorthAmericantheologianssympathetic to liberationconcernsalsoparticipated.

49 SeeCone,For My People, pp. 72-74. Thetensionwouldresurfaceanumberof timesin dialogues atEATWOT.Cone discusses therelationsofBlacktheologywith otherThirdWorldtheologiesatEATWOTin My Soul Looks Back, pp. 93-113 The factthatmanyoftheLatinAmericanliberationtheologianswerelighterskinnedand oftenhadEuropean family backgroundsadded to the feelings ofBlacktheologiansthat theydidnotadequatelyaddressissuesofrace.TheoneexceptiontothiswasGutierrez whomayhavehaddeeperinsightintotheissues(andperhapsgivenmorerespectby Blacktheologians)becauseofhisownIndianbackground.

Deepeningthe Commitment andExpandingtheView215

theliberationofwomen.Inviewofthedifferentagendas,itwashardlysurprising that themeeting created strongfeelings;butitservedausefulpurpose. Itshowed that thedifferent contextual theologiesneededtotalktoeach other and enrich and challenge each other with their insights. The Ecumenical AssociationofThirdWorldTheologians(EATWOT)provedanexcellentforum forthisdialogue.

EATWOT was intended topromotedirect contact betweentheologiansof the Third World.50 Inthelate1960sandearly1970s, although Third World liberationtheologianswereinvitedtodialoguessponsoredbytheWorldCouncil of Churches (WCC)or other bodies(forexampletheSODEPAX Conference inCartigny),theirdialogue tended tobe mediated bytheconcernsofthehost organisationsinNew York, Geneva,orRome. EATWOT encouragedLatin Americans,Africans,Asians,andU.S.minoritiestotalktoeach other directly abouttheirownagendas.At EATWOT conferencesBlacktheologiansfrom North Americaand South AfricachallengedtheLatinAmericanstotakeseriouslyissuesofraceandethniciry,especiallyincountrieslike Brazil. Theologians fromAfricaandAsiaalsochallengedtheologiansinLatinAmericatoextend theirtheologicalawarenesstoissuesofindigenouscultureandrelationswith non-Christian religious traditions." DebatesovertherelationshipofChristianity

50 The term Third Worldin EATWOT's titleissignificant.Talkofa Third World came to prominenceinthe1950sandthe acceptance ofthetermisespeciallyassociatedwiththeAfro-Asian Conference atBandung(Indonesia)in1955,whichwasone ofthefirst attempts at independent inter-regional organisation; seeR.Wright, The ColourCurtain: Report on the Bandung Conference (New York: TheWorld,1956).Inthis originalsense,thetermwas adopted asapositiveself-designationtoindicatenonalignmentwith both theFirstWorld(thepoliticalandeconomicsystemsofcapitalist North AmericaandEurope)andtheSecondWorld(thesocialismoftheformerSoviet UnionandEasternEurope).Regrettablytheoriginal intentions behindthenameare oftenforgotten,perhapsbecauseathirdwayfor nonaligned countries hasprovedelusive.Asaresult,theterm Third Worldoftensimplyimpliesanegativeeconomicstatusas underdeveloped (aterm that hasitsownhistoryofdisputedmeaning).Inthe papersofthefirstconference,Torresnoted that someprefernot to usetheterm Third World(S. Torres, "Introduction,"TorresandFabella(eds.), The Emergent Gospel, pp.vii-xxii [xxii)), but theFinal Statement adopted the termfor countries inAsia,Africa, LatinAmerica,andthe Caribbean outsidetheindustrializedFirstWorld(including Japan,Australia,andNewZealand)andSecondWorldregardlessof whether theywere free-marketorsocialist. Typically, these Third Worldcountriessharedsocialindicators ofloweconomic standards ofliving,limitedtechnologicaladvances,over-relianceon agricultural production, unfavourabletradebalances,andoftenlargeexternaldebts.See "Final Statement oftheEcumenicalDialogueof Third WorldTheologians,"Dar-esSalaam,August 5-12, 1976,inTorresandFabella(eds.), The Emergent Gospel, pp. 259-271(260).Thedemiseoftheso-calledSecondWorldmadetheproblemswiththe terminologyparticularlyawkward.Somehavesuggested that intermsofbothlandmass andpopulation,referencestoAfrica,Asia,andLatinAmericaasthe"Two-ThirdWorld" wouldbemuchmoreappropriate. Others suggest that itwouldbe better simplytotalk ofthe North andthe South

SI Thegradual development ofadistinctive contextual theologyinAfricaparalleled

CHAPTERTEN

withindigenousculturesinAfricaand other religionsinAsia stimulated similardiscussionamongstLatin Americans abouttheirimplicationsforindigenous American traditions. 52

Dar-es-Salaam (1976), Accra (1977), and Wennappuwa (1979)

The new organisation was launched witha conference ofEcumenicalDialogue towhichdelegatesfromAfrica,Asia,andLatinAmericawereinvited."Twentytwotheologians attended thefirstmeetinginDar-es-Salaam,Tanzania. Of the publishedpapers,sevenwerefromAfrica,fivefromAsia,and three fromLatin AmericabyEnriqueDussel,GustavoGutierrez,andBeatriz Couch." Participants atthe conference decidedtomakethe conference thebeginning rather than theendoftheprocessofdialogueandagreedtoa sequence of further events. Aseriesofthree continental conferenceswasplannedtorecognisethedistinctive featuresoftheologyonthedifferent continents-Africa, Asia,and Latin America.

theprogressiveemergenceofliberationtheologyinLatinAmericainanumberofways. DecolonizationinAfricaduringthe1950swasaccompaniedbytherecognitionthatmuch ofthetheologicalculture inherited fromEuropeanmissionarieswasalieninthenewly independent countries.Thisencouragednewpastoralinnovations,anda consultation ofAfricantheologiansatIbadan(Nigeria)in1958broughttogethermanyofthosewho started toaddressthefuturedirectionofChristianityinAfrica.Fiveyearslater,theAll AfricaConferenceofChurches(AACC)wasinauguratedin1963inKampala(Uganda); seeAACC, The Drumbeats from Kampala (London: Lutterworth Press,1963).During the1960s,Africantheologiansexploredtheissuesofindigenizationand inculturation especiallyintheliturgicalfield;see,forexample,E.B.Idowu, Towards An Indigenous Church (London:OxfordUniversityPress,1965).TheAACChelditssecondmeeting atAbidjan(IvoryCoast)in1969,andthepaperswerepublishedasK.Dicksonand P. Ellingworth(eds.), Biblical Revelation andAfrican Beliefs (London: Lutterworth Press, 1969;Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1971).Inthesameyear,PaulVIgaveencouragementtothesedevelopmentswhenheendorsedtheAfricanliturgicalrenewal in anaddress totheUgandanbishopsinwhichhepraised"acertainpluralism[which]isnotonly legitimatebutdesirable. .. [and]favouredbythechurch.Theliturgicalrenewalisa livingexampleofthis.AndinthissenseyoumayandyoumusthaveanAfrican Christianity";citedinA. Shorter, African Culture andtheChristian Church (London: Geoffrey Chapman ,1973).Meanwhile,JohnMbitipublishedhisinfluentialwork African Religions and Philosoph y (London: Heinemann, 1969;New York: Doubleday,1970). However,itwasnottilltheearly1970s that thefirstEnglish-languagearticlestouse thetermAfricantheologystartedtoappear;seeG.H.Muzorewa, The Origins and Development ofAfrican Theology (Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1985).

52 See L. Boff, Good News to the Poor: A New Evangelization (trans. R. Barr;Maryknoll, N.Y.:OrbisBooks;TunbridgeWells:Bums & Oates,1992[Portugueseorig.1990]),pp. 95-114

53 A representative ofU.S.Blackminoritieswasalsoinvited,butsurprisinglythere wasno invitation forBlacktheology'smost prominent spokesperson,JamesCone.

54 However,thefinal document-largely theworkofthe Chilean SergioTorres,who wasSecretaryto EATWOT-paid particular attention toeconomicandpoliticaloppression;S.TorresandVirginiaFabella(eds.), The Emergent Gospel : Theology from the Underside of History (EATWOT DialogueheldinDar-es-Salaam,Tanzania, 5-12 August, 1976;Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1978).

Deepeningthe Commitment andExpandingtheView217

Ineachcase,themainbodyof participants wouldcomefromthe continent concerned, while representatives from other continents would contribute their insightsandcritiquetheapproach.

The firstoftheregional conferences-the Pan-African Conference-took placethe following yearatAccra,Ghana. About two-thirdsofthenearlyone hundred participants werefromAfricawithonlysevenfromLatinAmerica." Atthismeeting,onlysixLatinAmericanswerepresent(includingGutierrez andMiguezBonino)andtheywere outnumbered by representatives of North American minoritieswhichincludedanumberof prominent Blacktheologians includingJamesCone,GayraudWilmore,andJacquelyn Grant." The relatively lowprofileoftheLatin American contribution mayhavereflectedthefeeling ofAfricanand other members-that theLatinAmericansshouldnotbecome too dominant insettingtheagendaoftheorganisation. 57 Differencesofopinion withtheLatinAmericansoverindigenizationand inculturation wereparticularly noticeable at Accra and remained the keydifference between Latin American andAfricantheologiansinfutureconferences. 58 The finalcommuniqueofthedocument suggested boththevalueandthelimitsofLatinAmerican liberationtheologyasamodelofAfricantheology,"

55 ThesewereSergioTorres,EnriqueDussel,JoseMiguezBonino,whowasalsoand presentatDar-es-Salaam,plusGustavoGutierrez,JuliaCampos(Mexico),CandidoPadin (Brazil),andSergioArce(Cuba).

56 Thedecisiontoincreasethenumberof representatives fromblack churches inthe U.S.isdiscussedinapaperbyGayraudWilmorewhichwaswrittenaftertheconferencebutincludedinthepublishedpapersas,G.Wilmore, "The RoleofAfro-America intheRiseofTwo-ThirdWorldTheology:AHistoricalReappraisal"inK.Appiah-Kubi andS.Torres(eds.), African Theology En Route (EATWOT Pan-African Conference of Third WorldTheologiansheldinAccra,Ghana, 17-23 December 1977; Maryknoll, N.Y.:OrbisBooks, 1979) pp. 196-208. It shouldbenoted that someAfricantheologians felt that thepoliticalliberationagendaofBlacktheologywasasequallyalientothe African concern for inculturation astheLatin American politicalemphasis.Perhapsthe most prominent exampleofthisviewisJohnMbiti.SeeJamesCone'sresponsetoMbiti's criticismsin"ABlack American PerspectiveontheFutureofAfricanTheology"in Appiah-KubiandTorres(eds.), African Theology En Route, pp. 176-186. The tensions betweentheconcernsfor inculturation andblackliberationareclearinanumberofthe papers.OnepositiveoutcomeoftheconferenceforthefuturedirectionofAfricantheologywastheestablishmentoftheEcumenicalAssociationofAfricanTheologians (EMT).

57 SergioTorresgavetheopeningaddress,butallthepaperscamefromAfricans,except onefromJamesCone.The importance ofAfricantheology'sdistinctive concerns is clearinthe documents .Thepublishedpapersare notable foranumberoffeatures that foundlittleplaceintheLatin American approach .First,theAfricanstressonculture andthe importance ofaffirmingindigenousAfricancultureinreactiontopastEuropean colonialismand continuing neo-colonialism.Second,the recognition ofthe antiracist thrust inBlacktheologystressedbytheologiansfacing apartheid in South Africa.

58 ManyAfricantheologiansfelt that Latin American wasessentially another Western theology. Three yearspreviously,thethirdmeetingofthe MCC atLusaka(Zambia) calledfora moratorium onthesendingofWesternmissionariestoAfrica;see MCC , The Struggle Continues (Nairobi: MCC , 1975).

59 It suggested that Africantheologyarisingfroma commitment to African freedom

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The next conference, theAsian Theological Conference, tookplaceat Wennappuwa inSriLankainJanuary1979(afewweeksprior to CELAMIII atPueblal.t" The eighty participants (62menand18women)werefromten Asian countries witheight fraternal delegatesfrom other continents including onlytwofromLatinAmerica(Torresand Dussel)." All participants spent three daysimmediatelypriortotheformal conference asa"live-inperiod"toexperiencetheAsian situations ofoppressionfirst hand andtoroottheirreflections duringdiscussionsatthe conterence .f The similaritiesanddifferencesinthe approaches developed indifferent continents foundclearexpressioninthe papers evaluating the conference fromanAfrican,Latin American, andBlack American perspective that were included inthepublished book."

The majorissuesatthe conference arosefromthedual concerns ofAsian Christian cultural identity (especiallyvis-a-visthe other majorworldfaithsin Asia)andsocialliberation. The Latin American emphasisonsocialpolitical liberation found strong support amongst manyoftheFilipino delegates ."

strugglesincultureandpoliticswouldhavethreecharacteristics.First,itwouldbecontextual andaccountabletoitsAfrican context .Second,"becauseoppressionisfound notonlyinculturebutalsoinpoliticalandeconomicstructuresandthe dominant mass media,Africantheologymustalsobe liberation theology."Third,itwouldneedtostruggleagainst sexism. Therecognitionof contextuality aheadoftheliberationandthe recognitionofculturalimperialismasthefirstoftheissuesfromwhichliberationwas requiredshowedboththesimilaritiesand difference swiththeLatinAmericans.See"PanAfricanConferenceofThirdWorldTheologians:FinalCommunique"inAppiah-Kubi andTorres(eds.), African Theology En Route, pp.189-195(194).

60 See V. Fabella(ed.), Asia's Struggle forFull Humanity : Towards aRelevant Theology (EATWOT AsianTheologicalConference,Wennappuwa,SriLanka, 7-20 January1979; Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1979).AtthistimeAsianChristiantheologyhadalready developedadistinctivecontextual identity,whichinsomewayspredatedboth Latin AmericanandAfricanversions.AsinAfrica,thedecolonisationprocesspromptedreexaminationofthetraditionsderivedfrommissionarytheologyinanumberofcountries. TheWCCassembliesinAmsterdam1948,Evanston1954,andNewDelhi1961stimulateddiscussionontherelationshipbetweenAsianchurchesandotherAsianreligions. AspecialnoteshouldbetakenofthedistinctiveMinjungtheologyinKorea that dates fromtheearly1970s;seeD.K.S.Suh,"Korean TheologicalDevelopmentinthe1970s" inCTCandCCA, Minjung theology :People astheSubjects of History (Singapore:CCA; Maryknoll,N .Y. :OrbisBooks;London:ZedBooks,1981),pp. 38-43.

61 TheotherdelegatesweretwoBlacktheologiansfromtheU.S.(jamesConeand CecilCorbett),threefromAfrica(RoseZoe-Obianga, Kofi Appiah-Kubi,andNgindu Mushete),andonefromtheCaribbean(Eunice Sant anade Velez).

62 See V. Fabella(ed.), Asia's Struggle forFull Humanity, pp. 39-56.

63 SeeR.Zoe-Obianga,"FromAccratoWennappuwa: What isNew? What isMore?" andJ.Cone,"ABlackAmericanPerspectiveontheAsianSearchforFullHumanity," andS.Torres,"ALatinAmericanViewoftheAsianTheologicalConference"inFabella (ed.), Asia's Struggle forFullHumanity: Towards aRelevant Theology , pp. 171-176, 177-190 ,and191-197respectively.

64 Seeespecially C. H.Abesamis,"FaithandLifeReflectionfromtheGrassrootsin thePhilippines"inFabella(ed.), Asia's Struggle forFull Humanity, pp.123-139.The Philippinesare culturallymuchclosertotheLatinAmerican context than otherAsian

Deepeningthe Commitment andExpandingtheView219

However,otherssawtheprimaryissueintermsof cultural identity andrelationto other faiths.65 Inanespecially intere stingpaper,theSriLankan Jesuit AloysiusPieristriedto prevent this either/ordebatewithan argument that madeeach thrust inseparablefromthe other/" PierisarguedforanAsianliberation theologyinwhich "the common denominator betweenAsiaandthe restofthe Third Worldisitsoverwhelmingpoverty;thespecificch aracter whichdefinesAsiawithinthe other poor countries isits multifaceted religiosity."67Inmanyways,hiswordswereoftheirtimeandhardfor otherstohear. However,in retrospect Pieris's present ation at Wennappuwa-and hisequally important papertwoyearslaterin Delhi---can beseenassomeofthemost creative thinking onthechallengesfacingthe Christian church inAsia.Pieris's critiqueofpovertywasasprofoundasanythinginLatinAmerica,whilehis focusonworldreligionsgaveitaglobal dimension that Latin American theologianshadhardlyyet touched upon"

Sao Paulo (1980)

The limited number sofLatin Americans whocould attend at Dar-es-Salaam, Accraand Wennappuwa meant that despite EATWOT's firstthreemeetings, fewoftheLatin Americans had direct experienceof Third Worldtheologies in other contexts ." Priorto1980,Latin American theologiansmighthaveread EATWOT conference reportsand publications,butthetheologiestheyrepresented remainednewsfromforeignlands. Other contextual theologiesmade littleimpactontheirownwork.Itwas, therefore, onlyinthe1980s that the challengeof other Third Worldtheologies started tocomehometoLatinAmericans. The starting pointforthiswas EATWOT's Latin American conference

countri es.ItslargeCatholicmajority(c.85%)andthecolonialhistoryofthePhilippines undertheSpanish(startinggraduallyin1542andnotendinguntil1898)isexceptional forAsia.

65 Regrettably,theMinjungtheologiansof South Korea-who mighthavebridged both perspective s-were prevented from attend ingtheconferencebytheKoreangovernment Nonetheless, aKoreancontribution to theconferencepaperswaspublished as"ReflectionsbyKoreanTheologiansontheFinalSt atement oftheAsian Theological Conference" inFabella(ed.), Asia's Struggle forFullHumanity, pp. 167-170 .

66 A. Pieris,"Towardsan Asian Theol ogyof Liberation :SomeReligio -Cultural Guidelines"inFabella(ed.), Asia's Struggle for FullHumanity, pp. 75-95. Although this paperwasnotsuccessfulin preventing polarisationattheconference,ithas nonethelessbeenrecognisedasa signific antpotentialframeworkforaddressingthetensionsraised attheconference.

67 Pieris,"TowardsanAsian Theol ogyofLiberation,"p.75.

68 Foranoverviewofthechallenges presented inPieris'swork,see "Liberating Christology:ImagesofChristintheWorkofAloysiusPieris"inS.E.Porter,M. A. Hayes, and D. Tombs(eds.), Image sofChrist:Ancientand Modem(STS2andRILP4;Sheffield: SheffieldAcademicPress,1997),pp. 173-188

69 Thoseinvolvedinoneormoreprevious EATWOT gatheringsincludedSergio Torres,EnriqueDussel,GustavoGutierrez,BeatrizCouch,JuliaCampos, Candido Padin, andSergioArce.

CHAPTERTEN

inSaoPaulobilledas International Ecumenical CongressofTheology.'"? Because the conference was under the auspicesof EATWOT rather than CELAM,itwas particularly notable fortheroleofLatin American Protestants alongside their Catholic colleagues. The Methodist bishopofRiodeJaneiro, PauloAyres Mattos, was president oftheorganizing committee ,andBeatriz Melano Couch (aprofessoratthe Protestant SeminaryinBuenosAires)presided overthe conference itself,"

The conference (20 February-2 March 1980)cameatatimeof enormous upheaval in Central America. The group met six months afterthe Sandinista revolution had driven Somozafrom Nicaragua Meanwhile, inEl Salvador and Guatemala therepressionwas escalating tonewlevelsofferocity,"However, thesurprisinglysuccessfuldefenceoftheprogressive church atPueblathepreviousyear, meant that most liberation theologians wereinapositivemood.

SergioTorresgavean opening address,whichset out the conference's focus ontheecclesiologyofthe popular Christian communities. "Manyofthepapers presented were outstanding contributions tothenew understanding ofthebase communities and their roleinthe evangelizaton ofthe church. The shiftfrom a church that opted forthepoorethicallyandpoliticallyinthelate1960sand early1970s,toa church that opted forthepoorepistemologicallyand methodologicallyasthe1970sprogressedwas particularly clearina number ofcontributions." Conference participantsmadevisitstolocalCEBsandpubliclectures intheeveningsatalocaluniversity attracted enthusiastic crowds.

InresponsetocriticismsoverdeficienciesintheLatin American approach raisedatprevious EATWOT conferences, three special preparatory seminars were arranged . These included oneonwomen(Tepeyac,Mexico,1-5 October 1979),oneon indigenous peoples(San Cristobal deLasCasas,Mexico, 3-7 September 1979),andoneonrace(Kingston,Jamaica, 27-31 December 1979). Representatives who attended theseseminars then presented paperstothe larger conference inSaoPaulo.

Despitethe importance ofthesemeetings, their overallimpactonreorientating traditional concerns wasfairlymarginal.Forexample,MauroBatista,a black Catholic priestfromSaoPaulo,addressedraceandracisminBrazilwith areviewofBrazilianslaveryandits legacy." Intheyears1530to1850,slave

70 The paperswerepublishedasS.Torresand J. Eagleson(eds.), The Challenge of Basic Christian Communities .

71 Her opening welcomeis included inTorresandEagleson (eds.), The Challenge of Basic Christian Communities, pp. xix-xx,

72 Archbishop Romerowas assassinated three weeksaftertheendofthe conference on 24 March 1980.

73 S.Torres, "Introduction" inTorresandEagleson(eds.), The Challenge of Basic Christian Communities, pp. 1-10.

74 SeeespeciallythevariouspapersgroupedinPart II, pp. 77-197.

75 SeeM.Batista,"Blackand Christian inBrazil"inTorresandEagleson(eds.), The Challenge of Basic Christian Communities, pp. 50-54.

Deepeningthe Commitment andExpandingtheView 221

traders brought between fourandsixmillionAfricanstoBrazilandmillions morediedonthejourney. The population censusof1872showed that people ofAfricanandmixedrace descent werethemajorityofthe population and itwasonlythelaterwavesofEuropean migration tothe southern states that changed thedemographic distribution .However,despitethemyth that Brazil isacolour-blindsocietyandaracialdemocracy,itremainsstratifiedbythe colourof skin ." The estimated 40-50 millionAfro-Brazilianminoritycommunity-much bigger than the entire population inmanyAfrican countriesremains disadvantaged inmanyways. The Catholic church hardly started to addressissuesofraceinitsworkforsocialjusticeinthe1970s.77 MostLatin American liberation theologiansdismissedtheproblemofracismas not really aproblemforLatinAmerica,whileothersonlyconsideredraceasa contributoryfactorto class."

The tension betweenthemore traditional Latin American liberation view that focussedonclassissuesandthemore recent concerns aboutracewere reflected inthefinal statement. Despite its acknowledgement ofrace,the emphasisintheFinal Document wasonpoliticalandeconomicoppression.It acknowledgedthat: "It is important tostresstheimplacabilityofawholeseries ofmechanismsofamoresubtle domination , often underestimated intheanalyses,whichproduceformsofinequalityand discrimination amongblacks,indigenouspeoples,andwomen,"butdidnotdo much toengagewith these." Some oftheobserversfrom other continents felttheyhadto remind the Latin Americans that theyhadinsightstolearnaswellasinsightstooffer.Fortheir part,theLatinAmericansacknowledgedtheirlackofawarenessofissuesfacing

76 For example, the world famous footb all player Pele-c-who served as extraordinary ministerforsport (1995-1999)-was thefirst-everBlackminister in Brazilian government

77 The significanceofraceand ethnicity andraceincolonialLatin America was reflectedinthetermsusedtodescribedifferentsocialgroups: peninsulares, Iberians born in Spain/Portugal but working in America ;creoles (criollos) , Iberians born in America;mestizos,mixedIberianandIndian;Blacks,slavesandfreemenofAfrican descent Under theTreatyofTordesillas,thefuture territories ofAfricawereawarded toPortugal.PortugueseAngolawas therefore the departure point forthe trans-Atlantic slavetradetoLatin America inthe sixteenth century, The firstslavestoserveon Braziliansugar plantations arrivedin1538,andthe number ofslavesinvolvedinthis trade increased dramatically after1595 when the Spanish crown commissioned the Portuguesetosupply African slavesto Spanish America .Duringthe seventeenth century,theEnglish, French, and Dutch joinedthePortuguese.Slaveswere taken toboth Spanish America andthe Caribbean islands that England, France ,andthe Dutch acquiredinthe sixteenth century.Inallcases,the conditions onthe trans-Atlantic voyageswerehorrific. The Anglo-BrazilianTreatyof1826agreedabantotheslavetrade, butitwasonlyafter1850 that thetradefinallycametoanend. It wasevenlater(1888) that Brazilbecameoneofthelast countries intheworldtoformallyabolishslaveryas an institution

78 The document fromthewomen's seminar willbediscussedinthe next chapter.

79 "Final Document" inTorresandEagleson(eds.), The Challenge of Basic Christian Communities, pp. 231-246 (234).

CHAPTERTEN

thechurchesofAsia,Africa,theCaribbean,andtheethnicminoritiesofthe U.S.andcommitt edthemselvestoimprovingcommunicationwith them ."

NewDelhi(1981)

W ith the threecont in ent al confere ncescompleted,NewDelhimarkedanew stageinthedialogue. It wasintended to synthesizesomeof thedevelopm ent s from the previousfiveyearsanddeepen the dialogue between thedifferent theologies." Nationalconsultationsin1980-1981preparedregionalrep ortsto bepresented at the conference. The fifty part icip ant s-which included b oth theologiansandactivists-i ncludedroughly equ al numb ersfromAsia,Africa, andLatin Americ aaswellasrepresent ativesfromBlackandHispanicminoritiesin the U.S.andonerepre sent ativefrom the Caribbean. The scaleofdestitutioninIndiawasaneye-openingexperienceformanyoftheLatinAmericans. IndianpovertychallengedthemtounderstandLatinAmericanpovertyinaclearer global context ." Theconfer enc eitselfraised furth erch allengesto different aspectsoftheirwork.

Asat Wenn appuwa , th eSriLankan Je suit AloysiusPierispre sented an influ enti al paper onengagem ent withn on-Christianreligionsinthe Christian strugglefor liberation." Pierisincorporatedastrongliberationstance, but was cautiousabouthowadequatetheLatin AmericanmodelcouldbeinAsia.He pointedoutthatthemajorityofthe Third Worldwasnon- Ch ristian,andthat atrulyliberativetheologyneededtoextend the boundariesoforthodoxyto addressthis.84 PierisdidnotcriticiseLatinAmericantheology, but felt it had beenuncriticallyimp ort ed intoAsia.Implicitlyhispaperalsosuggestedthat theLatin Americ answerein dange rofanuncriticalrejection offolkreligion, indigenous culture ,andpopular spirituality."

so SeeTorresandEagleson(eds.), The C hallenge ofBasicChristia nCommunities, pp. 253-28 1 (esp,p. 244).

81 V. FabellaandS.Torres(eds.), IrmptionoftheThirdWorld (FifthInternational ConferenceandFirstGeneralAssemblyofEATWOT,NewDelhi,India, 17-29 August 1981; Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks, 1983).

82 Theconferenceincludedathree-dayprogramofcontactwithIndiansociety.At thetime,Indiahadapopulationof 700 millionofwhom65%livedbelowthepoverty line.FortheLatinAmericanreportonthisexperience,see 1. GebaraandZ.Dias, "Everyday Life inIndia"inFabellaandTorres(eds.), Irrupt ionoftheThird World , pp. 171-180.

83 A. Pieris,"ThePlaceofNon-ChristianReligionsandCulturesintheEvolutionof ThirdWorldTheology"inFabell aandS,Torres, Irmption of the Third W orld , pp. 113-139.

84 A. Pieris,"ThePlaceofNon-ChristianReligionsandCulturesintheEvolutionof ThirdWorldTheology, "p. 114.

85 PierispickedoutJoseMirandaand to alesserextentJonSobrinoasexamplesof this("ThePlaceofNon-ChristianReligionsandCultures in theEvolutionofThirdWorld Theology,"p. 115). AccordingtoPieris,supportforthisrejectionofreligionisbased on"thetwoKarlsof'dialectical'fame,thatisKarlMarxandKarlBarth,"Pierissuggeststhatalthoughtheirreasonsforarejectionofreligionareverydifferent,inboth casesthereisasimilarWesternbiasandriskofcrypto-colonialis m.FormoreonPieris's workandhisthought-provokinginsightsonliberation,seeD.Tombs,"Liberating

Adifferenttypeofchallengecamefromthe Cameroonian JesuitEnglebert Mveng.Mveng,whowastheexecutivesecretaryoftheAssociationofAfrican Theologians, criticised theway that someLatin Americans dominated the institutional workingsofEATWOT.86He then suggested that theLatinAmericanswere uncritical ofthe destructive Westernassumptionsintheirvision ofhumanbeings.

We thank ourcolleaguesforsharingwithus,overtheyears,theirMarxist analysis,theirsocialistprojectionsforthesocietyofthefuture,andtheircontextual readingofthebible.Butweare not satisfied.Firstofall,thebasic problemremainsthe foundations of Western anthropology,whichwould imposethemselvesupontheworld. The concept ofthe human being that theWestseekstoexporttousisbasedon domination, power, death struggle,andso on-the triumph of death overlife.87

AthirdcriticismoflimitationsinLatin American theology(whichappliedto other Third Worldtheologiesaswell)wasgivenbyMercyAmbaOduyoye,who criticisedthemarginalisationofwomeninthe church andinsociety,includingthe EATWOT conferences. The conference was intended toformulatea common statement fromAsia,Africa,andLatinAmericathatoutlinedthe"irruptionofthe Third World"inglobal affairs andtheologicalreflection.AsOduyoye pointed out,within this irruption wasa further irruption-the irruption of women'svoiceswhichhermalecolleagueswereslowtohear.Untiltheyrecognisedtheinfluenceofsexismin church, society,andtheology, EATWOTs theologywouldfailtoaddressthecomplexityofoppressioninthe Third World andelsewhere.

Oaxtepec (I 986)

TheNewDelhiconferencedrewthefirstandmostintensivestageof EATWOTs worktoanend.Duringthe1980s, EATWOTs workwasmorefocussedon regionalconferences than onmajor intern ational gatherings .P The nextmajor Christology:ImagesofChristintheWorkofAloysiusPieris"inS.E.Porter,M.Hayes, and D. Tombs(eds.), Images of Christ: Ancient andModem (RILP2;Sheffield:Sheffield AcademicPress,I997)pp.173-188.

86 E.Mveng,"ThirdWorld Theology-What Theology?WhatThirdWorld?:Evaluation byanAfricanDelegate"inFabellaandTorres(eds.), IrruptionoftheThirdWorld, pp. 217-221.Hiscomplaintsincluded concernsabouttheway that thestatutesoftheassociationwereapplied(orrather,notapplied),andthewaythatAfricaseemedtobemarginalizedattheexpenseofLatinAmerica.OthersinAfricaandAsiaseemtohavefelt similarfrustration.Forexample,PremanNilesdidnotattendfurtherconferencesafter themeetinginSaoPaulo.ElectionsforanewexecutiveatNewDelhi(thefirstcommitteehadservedtheirfiveyearterm)reducedsomeofthe discontent andspreadcontroloftheconferencealittlemoreevenly.TheMethodistbishopofLuanda(Angola), EmiliodeCarvalho,waselectedasPresident(andreplaced J. R. Chandran ofIndia), Torresmovedtothe vice-presidency, andVirginiaFabellatookoverastreasurer/secretary.

87 E.Mveng,"ThirdWorldTheology,"p.220.

88 Duringthisnewstagein EATWOT'swork,therewasan important conferencein GenevainJanuary1983.ThiswasthefirsttimethatFirstWorldtheologiansfrom

CHAPTER TEN

EATWOT gathering was December 1986in Oaxtepec, Mexico The Oaxtepec meeting marked EATWOT's ten year anniversary, and coming fiveyears after New Delhi, itwas an appropriate opportunity toreview what progress had been made since the initial sequence of meetings from1976to1981. It wasa major landmark in EATWOT's history, with fifty-six Third World theologians attending including more women than ever before. The theme of the meeting was designated as the commonalities and divergences in Third World theologies. Published papers from the meeting suggested that Latin Americans took someof the previous challenges to heart." Maria Clara Bingemer's introduction described Latin America's continual concern forsocial, economic , and political liberation, but recognised the much greater attention nowgiventorace, indigenous issues, and gender," JoseMiguez Bonino showed that Latin America shared with other Third World contexts a colonial/neo-colonial history that served as the backdrop for the struggleforlife against systemsof death .Inthisstruggle, the God of life-to be encountered in other religious traditions aswellas Christianity-was the basisofanew spirituality that servesto strengthen all those who stand insolidarity with the oppressed." SergioTorres's examination ofdivergences wasa marked contrast to the ambiguities of the Final Statement atSao Paulo that he drafted. He struck a much more modest tone with the admission that :

.. .itis essential tokeepin mind that the majority of the oppressed people of the Third World are not Christians. And we have tobeawarealso that universal liberation will not be achieved with the contribution of Christians alone, but especially with the contribution of the main non-Christian religions. This makes our contribution somewhat relative and placesusinamore humble and modest position."

EuropeandNorthAmericatheologianswereinvitedtojoinEATWOT'sdiscussionand sharetheircontributionsonliberation.ManyoftheFirstWorldguestswereactivists ratherthan professional theologians andsharedconcrete experiences of struggle inlabour movementsorpeace organisations .ThecontributionsofanumberofFirstWorldwomen theologiansfurtherreinforcedtheimportanceoffeministtheologyforanytheologythat espousedliberation.SeeR.R. Ruether, "A Feminist Perspective," and D. Solle, "Dialectics ofEnlightenment: Reflections ofaEuropeanTheologian,"and L Russell, "AFirstWorld Perspective" in Virginia FabellaandSergioTorres (eds.),Doing Theology in a Divided World (SixthInternationalConferenceofEATWOT,Geneva, Switzerland, 5-13 January 1983;Maryknoll,N.Y. :OrbisBooks,1985),pp.65-71,79-84,and206-211.Pablo Richard,"Nicaragua:BaseChurchCommunitiesinaRevolutionarySituation,"Juliode SantaAna,"The Perspective ofEconomic Analysis," andElsa Tamez, "LettertoJob," eachcontributedaLatinAmericanperspective(pp.28-32,59-64,and174-176).

89 K. C. Abraham (ed.), Third World Theologies : Commonalities and Dillergences (Second General Assembly ofEATWOT,Oaxtepec,Mexico,7-14December1986;Maryknoll, N.Y. : Orbis Books, 1990).

90 M. C. Bingemer, "Preface"inAbraham (ed.), Third World Theologies, pp. vii-xiii

91 J. Miguez Bonino, "Commonalities:ALatinAmerican Perspective" inAbraham (ed.), Third World Theologies, pp.105-110.

92 S.Torres,"Divergences:ALatinAmerican Perspective" inAbraham(ed.), Third World Theologies, pp, 120-126.

Deepeningthe Commitment andExpandingtheView225

Elsa Tamez-who exploredthe cross-fertilization that had taken place-noted that African andAsiantheology encouraged Latin Americans totakeLatin American culture moreseriously (including itsdiversity)andespeciallythe mythsandsymbolsof indigenous religions." PabloRichard,whowrotethe Latin American evaluation ofthe conference, echoed the sameview.He describedLatinAmerica'sawarenessofitscolonialhistoryandtheneedfor indigenization asthemost important discovery that theLatin Americans gained fromthe dialogue."

Inthe Introduction tothesecondeditionofA Theology of Liberation, Gutierrez expressedthesame concerns :

One ofoursociallieshasbeentheclaim that there isnoracisminLatin America . ... The marginalization of Amerindian andblack populations, and the contempt in whichtheyareheld,aresituationswe cannot acceptas human beings, much lessas Chrisrians ."

However,beyondthese statements of intent theresponseofLatin American liberation theologianstothese challenges wasmixed.Verylittlewasactually donetocarrytheseprojectsforward.In retrospect, itisclear that engagingwith an extended viewofoppressionwasa much harder stepformanytheologians than theoriginal commitment tothepoorinthe1960sand conversion bythe poorinthe1970s.Twocrucialfactors provided the foundations fortheoriginalfocusonthepoor: support bythe church's magisteriumandpersonalexperiencethroughvowsofpovertyandworkwithpoorcommunities.Theseelements made much less impact on culture and race." Someofthe exchanges in EATWOT's earlydiscussionsduringthe1970sweredismissiveofsuchconcernsandoverdefensiveoftheLatin American focusonclass.Asthe1980s progressed,thisgradually changed and there wasmoreemphasisoncomplementarily and convergence (rather than opposition anddifference), but little substantive progress.

CONCLUSION

The 1980ssawmost countries inLatin America movingawayfrom dictatorshipandthe return ofwhatmightbecalled"lowintensitydemocracy."However, despite improvements onthepoliticalside, the economic situation remained difficultandmany countries facedcrippling external debts. Silent revolutions and structural adjustment plansshiftedLatin American economiesawayfrom state intervention torelianceonthe free-market. Subsidiesonbasicgoodsand

93 E. Tamez, "A Latin American Perspective" in Abraham (ed.), Third World Theologies, pp. 134-138 (esp 137).

94 P. Richard, "A LatinAmerican Evaluation ofOaxtepec"inAbraham(ed.), Third World Theologies, pp.170-173 (esp. 171) .

95 Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation (2nded.),p. xxii.

96 Gutierrez's Indian background distinguished him from the majority of liberation theologians, manyof whom were eitherbornin Europe orhadrecent European ancestry

serviceswereslashedleavingthepoor to work harder than everbeforejustto standstill.

Iftheinfluentialparadigminthe1970swasexodus,thechallengeofthe 1980swasthe continuing strugglebetweenlifeand death. The new context encouraged moreexplicitemphasisonspirituality,highlightedtheplaceofcontemplativesilenceinliberationtheology'smethodologicalapproach,andshifted attention tonewbiblicalthemessuchasthecrossandthesuffering servant . It should,however,bestressed that theseshiftswereachangeinemphasisand focus rather than acompletechangeofsubject.Aswellastheobviousdifferences between the1980sandthe1970s,thereisalsoclear continuity withthe earlierworks. The insightsofthe1980swereallatleastimplicitintheworks ofthe1970s, but are not given sustained liberationist treatments untilthe 1980s.

Atthesametimeasthisdeepeningwastakingplacetherewasalsoabroadeningofoutlookbutwithmuchmorelimitedsuccess. The option forthepoor wasalwaysan option fortheoppressed,butliberationtheology's understandingofoppressioninthe1980sbecamemuchwider than itsvisioninthe1970s. Dialogueswithin EATWOT promptedsomeliberationtheologianstobroaden theirawarenessofoppressionandengagemorewiththechallengesposedby ethnicityandrace.However,itwashardfortheliberationtheologians that were attheforefrontofthe movement inthe1970stosustainthesame depth and insightonraceand ethnicity that theyhadshownonpoliticsandeconomics. Beyondthelevelofgeneralities,theyofferedlittlebywayofcreativetheologicalresponse.Thisfailure,coupledwiththeabsenceofenoughnewvoicesable to fulfill this important role,signalledtheseriousproblemsfacingthemovement inthelongerterm.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

andDemocracy(foundedin1981)tookupthischallengewith sustained attacks onliberationtheologyandtheprogressivechurch,especiallyin Central America.'

Meanwhile, opposition to liberation theologywas mounting in both Rome and Latin America. PowerfulsectorsintheLatin American church hierarchy were determined to succeed wherePuebla had failedandbring liberation theology to adecisiveend. The Vaticanalso renewed its interest intheworkof someoftheleading liberation theologians .Afterthe election ofKarolWojtyla as John PaulIIin October 1978,thepressure started toincreasesignificantly."

John Paul's experience inPolandofthe church's opposition to state socialism influenced his attitude to liberation theologyintwoways.First,itconfirmed hishostilitytosocialismasanoppressivesystemofpowerand increased his suspicionof liberation theology's relationship withMarxism.Hesawsocialism rather than capitalismasthemajor threat tothe Christian visionoflife.Second, the strength ofthePolish church that he had ledwasbasedona tight-knit unity under a hierarchical leadership .Afirm chain of command and strict obedienceto authority werethemilitary-stylevalues that helpedthePolish church defenditselfagainstthehostilestate. John Paul sought totransferthistothe worldwide Catholic church .Hispolicyhas been calleda restoration becauseit sought tovigorouslyreassert Catholic influence insociety,' Restoration was seenin traditional termsof Catholic leadership andmoralauthority,andinthis regardwasasignificant change of direction fromtheemphasisatVaticanII on cooperation and partnership ordialoguewiththeworld.

Theconcernforarestorationofchurchinfluenceandauthorityhelpstoexplain manyofthepoints that mightotherwiseseemas contradictions in John Paul

5 Although private,the institute hadclosetiestotheReaganadministrationandheld acontroversialconferencesponsoredbythe State Department in1985.Figuresassociatedwiththe institute includedMichaelNovak,PeterBerger,RichardNeuhaus,and JamesSchall.Fortheir attitudes to liberationtheology,seeM.Novak,WillIt Liberate? (Mahwah, N.}.: PaulistPress,1986); P. Berger, Pyramids of Sacrifice : Political Ethics and Social Change(GardenCity,N .Y. :DoubledayAnchor,1974);R.J.Neuhaus, The Naked Public Square (GrandRapids,Mich.:Eerdmans,1984);J. V. Schall(ed.), Liberation Theology inLatin America (SanFrancisco:IgnatiusPress,1982). On the institute itself, seeLernoux, People ofGod:The Struggle for World Catholicism (NewYork:Viking,1989), pp.176-177and 400-403 .Forwideroverviewsof North Americancriticismsofliberationtheologyonpoliticaland other grounds,seeSigmund, Liberation Theology atthe Crossroads (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1990),pp.134-153;McGovern, Liberation Theology andItsCritics,pp. 55-58 .Foralengthieranalysis,seeC. L. Nessan, Orthopraxis or Heresy :The North American Theological Response toLatin American Liberation Theology (Atlanta:ScholarsPress,1989).

6 KarolWojtylawaselectedon16 October andinstalledon22 October.At58he wastheyoungestPopesincePiusIX,andthefirst non-Italian Popeforfourcenturies. HispredecessorAlbinoLuciani(johnPaulI)succeededPaulVIinAugust1978,but diedafteronly33days.Forawellbalancedbiographyandassessmentofhispapacy, seeM.Walsh, John Paul II:A Biography (London:Fount,1994).

7 On the restoration policyofJohnPaulIIanditsimplicationsforliberationtheology,seeR.DellaCava,"VaticanPolicy, 1978-1990:An Updated Review"in Social Research 59.1(Spring1992),pp.169-199.

Defending the Faith 229

II'spapacy.Forexample,hewent further than anypreviouspopeinhisendorsement ofsocialjusticeasanecessary part of faith." His teachings onmanysocial issueshave shared thesamepassionforjustice that motivated liberation theologians.? However,hewasalso determined tobringunitytothechurch,reassert traditional authority overpoliticalissues,andcurbanymovestoengagewith Marxismorsocialism. to Furthermore, hehasalsobeenvery sympathetic toconservative movements suchas Opus Dei and "Communion and Liberation," and hisreadinesstolistentotheirleaders'opinions increased hissuspicionsofliberation theology.'!

Duringthe1980s,Vaticansuspicionofliberationtheologydevelopedintoopen opposition andhigh-profile confrontation. AfterhisspeechesinMexicoatthe opening ofPuebla,thePopegavea further indication ofhis concern inthe early1980s.In1980,he requested that Cardinal Arnsexplainthe church's role inan auto-workers strikeinSaoPaulo. The followingyear,whentheJesuit Superior General Pedro Arrupe sufferedaseriousstroke,thePope intervened and appointed PaolaDezzaas interim successor," Arrupe was elected in1965 inthe aftermath ofVaticanIIandhad overseen aperiodinwhichtheJesuits' commitment tosocialjusticeput them attheforefrontof liberation theology." Arrupe's December 1980 letter toLatin American provincialsanditsdiscussion

8 Forhelpfuloverviews,see 1. Linden,"PeoplebeforeProfit: The EarlySocialDoctrine of john Paul II," and C. Longley, "Structures ofSinandtheFreeMarket: john Paul II onCapitalism"inVallely(ed.), The New Politics, pp. 84-96 and 97-113. Forpapalsocial teachinginthe1980s,seeespecially Laborem Exercens : On Human Work (14 September 1981)and Sollicitudo Rei Social is(30December1987).

9 It mightalsobe noted that john Paul II hasbeenvery conservative onwomenand genderissues,butsadlythisisaviewpoint that isalsosharedbymanymaleliberation theologians(see Chapter 12).

10 HisvisitstoLatinAmericahavefrequentlyshown both sidesofthissocialteaching.Inthe1980sthesevisitsincludedBrazil(1980), Argentina (1982), Central America (1983),DominicanRepublicandPuertoRico(1984), Venezuela ,Peru,andEcuador(1985), Colombia(1986),Uruguay,Chile,and Argentina (1987),Uruguay,Bolivia,Peru,and Paraguay(1988).SeeM.Walsh, John Paul II, pp. 83-85, 108, 117-121,142-143, 144-145 , 169-170, 192-194.

II Opus Dei wasfoundedinSpainin1928by [osemaria Escriva deBalaguery Albas andhassincespreadworldwide.Pius XII granted it recognition in1950,andin1982 john Paul II elevated the movement intoapersonalprelacy. It hasbeenparticularly active in Latin Americaandconsistent in itsoppositiontoliberationtheology."Communion and Liberation" isasimilarly conservative movement (butless secretive andmore focussedonyouth)thatdevelopedinItalyin1954undertheleadershipofLuigiGiussani. Foroverviewsofboth movements andtheinfluenceonworldCatholicism,seeLemoux, People of God, pp. 302-338

12 Arrupe's relation withthePopehadbeendifficultbeforethisandhealreadytold thePopeof his wishtoresignbutwasaskedto delay. SeeM.Walsh, John Paul II, pp.97-98; P. Hebblethwaite, In the Vatican (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1986),pp. 138-140

13 Arrupe hadalsobeen president ofthe Conference ofMajorSuperiors(headsof religiousorders)inRome,andthereforeinan influential rolefor other religiousorders aswell.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

ofMarxism(seebelow)provokedparticularhostilityfromLopezTrujilloand hisrelationswithsomeofthe curia werealsodifficult."Dezza's appointment seemedtobeareverseonArrupe'svigorousleadership.Dezzawas79years oldandspentmostofhistimeinRomewherehehadpreviouslybeenRector oftheGregorianUniversity (1941-1951). The Pope'sapparentlyhostilemove strainedrelationswiththeJesuits,buttheirloyalobediencetopapalauthority (Jesuitsmakeaspecial oath ofobedience) prevented publicprotests. The crisiswaseventuallyresolvedwhenthePopesanctionedtheelectionofPeter-Hans Kolvenbachatthe thirty-second General Congregation in September 1983. BythistimethePope'smovesto restoration werealreadywellunderway.In November 1981,he appointed Cardinal JosephRatzingerof Munich tosucceed Cardinal FranjoSeperasprefectofthe Congregation forthe Doctrine of Faith,themostpowerfulbodyintheVatican(andthe descendant ofthe Inquisition).15 RatzingerhadtaughttheologyinGermanuniversitiesand attended VaticanIIasanadvisertoCardinalFrings.Inthe1960s,Ratzingerwasseen asaliberal,andhewasafoundingmemberof Concilium in1967.16 However, histimeat Tubingen overlappedwiththe student unrestinthelate1960s,and hisexperiencesthere contributed tothemuchmoreconservative direction of histheologyinthe1970s.17 Inthe1970s,Ratzingerwasassociatedwiththe more conservative Comrnuruo." Hewasmadearchbishopof Munich in1977 andelevatedtocardinalsoonafterwards.In cooperation with Cardinal Hoffner ofCologneheworkedtoreestablishmoreconservative control ontheWest German church.'? Inhisnewpositionasprefect,heenjoyedthePope'sfirm supportforstoppingwhattheysawastheexcesses that followedfromtheopti-

14 TherewasparticulartroublewiththePontificalCommissionforLatinAmerica. Thecommissionwasunder Cardinal SebastianBaggio(theVatican'sprefectofthe CongregationforBishopsfrom1973-1984),whowassympathetictothe Opus DeimovementandhadpreviouslyservedasnuncioinChileandBrazilwherehedevelopedclose linkswithconservativeLatinAmericanbishops.

15 When itwas originally setupin1542the congregation was known asthe CongregationoftheHolyInquisitionofHereticalError.In1908,itbecameknownas theHolyOfficeandaspartoftherenewalofVatican II, PaulVI renamed itthe Congregation forthe Doctrine oftheFaithin1965.The International Theological Commissionwascreatedin1969toaiditswork.

16 Concilium wasestablishedafterVatican II andquicklybecamean important forum forprogressive Catholic theology.

17 Duringthisperiod,healsoclashedwiththe prominent SwisstheologianHans Kung.Kungwasoneofthemostprogressivetheologiansat Tubingen andhispopularityextendedbeyondtheuniversitytoasizeablepublicaudience.Hisworkhadlong beenseenascontroversial,andheclashedwithGeorgMoser(thebishopfor RottenburgStuttgart) andJosephHoffner(theinfluentialcardinalinCologne).TheCongregation fortheDoctrineofFaithwithdrewKung'slicencetoteachasa Catholic theologianin December1979.

18 Communio wasestablishedinthe1970stoofferamoreconservative counterpoint to Concilium.

19 The German church wasalsoinastrongposition to influencethe church inother countriesduetothesizeofitsfinancialdonations.HoffnerwasabletoexerciseconsiderableinfluenceoverVaticanfinances.

Defending

mismofVatican 11 . 20 Ratzingertookastrongpersonal interest inliberationtheologyandhis determ ination tobringit under closerVatican control soon becameclear.Zl

The progressoftheconflictcanbedividedintoatleastthreeperiods.First, thegrowingtensionin1980-1983,markedbyconcernswiththe church inpostrevolution Nicaragu aand investigat ions into Sobrino, Boff, and Gut ierrez. Second,theperiodofacuteconflictin 1984-1985, whentheVaticanpublished itshighlycritical Instruction on Liberation Th eology andsilencedLeonardo Boff. Third, attempt sonbothsidestoimproverelationsbeginningin1986,which includedtheVatican'ssecondandmorepositive Instruction onliberationtheology. Thispreparedthewayfortheuneasy relationship thatfollowed,during whichtheVaticantoneddownbutdidnotstopitsdirect confrontations with prominent liberationtheologiansand maintained a consistent policyofappointingconservativefigurestoLatin American dioceseswhereliberationtheology hadpreviouslybeenstrong.Atthesametime,however,theVaticansoughtto makethelanguageandthemesofliberationtheologyitsownwhilepurifying themofpreviouserrors.

GROWING TENSION (1980-1983)

Nicaragua andthe Sandinistas

The revolution inNicaraguainJuly1979broughttheleft-wingSandinistasto poweronawaveofpopularsupportforwide-reachingsocialchanges." The Sandinistas tooktheirnamefromAugustoSandino,wholedtherevoltby

20 ThePopebeganthisprocessforthe church inEuropeatthe Janu ary1980synod ofthe Dutch church The Dutch church waswidely perceivedasoneofthemost advancedinits promotion ofVaticanIIreforms.

21 InFebruary1983,thePopeelev ated LopezTrujilloto cardin al.Ratzingerapp ointed him to the Congregation fortheD octrine oftheFaithwherehe joined thearchbishop ofBrasilia,JoseFreireFabi o,whowasseenassympathetic to Opu sDei.

22 On the church inNicaragua,see C. Jerez, The Church and the Nicaraguan Revolution (London:C atholic Institute for Intern ational Relations, 1984); T. Caberstreo, M inisters ofGod,Min istersof the People : Testimonies of Fa ith in Nicaragua (trans.R.R.Barr; Maryknoll ,N.Y.: Orb isBooks;London :ZedBooks,1986); A. Bradstock, Saintsand Sandinistas : The Catholi cChurchinN icaragua and its Response to the Revolution (London: Epworth Press,1987); P. Casaldaliga, Prophets inCombat: The Nicaraguan Journal of Bishop Pedro Casalddliga (Oak Park,Ill.: Meyer-Stone Books; London : Catholic In stitute for Intern ation al Relations ,1987);R.N.Lancaster, Thanks to Godand the Revolution : Popular Religion and Class Consciousness in the New Nicaragua (NewYork: Columbia University Press,1988);G.Girardi, Faith and Revolut ion in Nicaragua :Convergence and Contrad ictions (trans. P. Berryman;M aryknoll ,N.Y.: Orbi sBooks,1989); J. Medcalf, Letters from Nicaragua (London : Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1988); P. J.Williams, The Catholic Churchand Politics in Nicaragua andCosta Rica (London : Macmillan,1989);M.Foroorhar, The Catholic Churchand Social ChangeinNicaragua (Alb any : State University of New York Press, 1989) ;M. Dodson and L. Nuzzi O 'Shaughnessy, Nicaragua 'sOther Revolution :Religious Faith and Political Survival (Chapel Hill:Universityof North CarolinaPress,1990); J. M.Kirk, Politics and the Catholic Church in N icaragua (Gainesville: University ofFloridaPress,1992).

CHAPTER ELEVEN

nationalist Nicaraguans againstoccupyingU.S.Marinesinthe1930s.Inspired byhis nationalist ideology,the Sandinistas ofthe1970s overthrew Somoza's corrupt government and sought toendoutside interference and exploitation. Politically, they opted fora broadly democratic socialism. Their economic policywasamixed free-market andstated irection; indeed astimepassedthe emphasisshiftedmoretotheformer than the latter. The main expressionsof their socialismwereintheareasof health and education,inwhichtheymade hugestridesagainstdifficultodds.

The Sandinista government wascertainly not perfect onevery democratic criterion.AsU.S.sabotageagainst their revolution grew,theyalso tightened state control overpartsofthemedia. Their concern forsecurityandtheneed forunityto confront counter-revolutionaries did not sufficiently respect the rightsofall minorities .Forexample,they had a disturbing conflictwithindigenous communities onthe Caribbean Miskitocoast. Nonetheless, the Sandinistas were undoubtedly agreat improvement ontherepressive dictatorship that went beforewhichthe United States enthusiastically supported. Compa redto what was happening innearbyEl Salvador and Guatemala ,the Sandinistas werefar ahead onany human rightscriteria.

The Nicaraguan revolution poseddifficult questions for Latin American Christi ans:howcouldtheybestwork out apr actical relationshipwithleft-wing politicalparties?Awide cross-section ofthe church supported the revolution andearly government initiatives ." Manyinthebase communities were particularly committed tonew government's programoflandreform,basic education,andprimary health care.However,theVatican wasdeeply concerned about the influence ofMarxisminthe Sandinista government andworried that cooperation mightseemto endorse it. The Reagan administration tookevery opportunity to encourage theVatican'sfearsby projecting their own concerns that the Sandinistas wereahostile Marxist-Leninist force.

The extraordinary alliance between the Sandinista partyandthe popular church wasexemplifiedwhenfourofNicaragua'smost prominent radicalpriests became government ministers .f However,astimepassed,thebishopsledby Archbishop Obando yBravo,foundthemselvesinincreasing opposition tothe Sandinistas andwerecriticalofthe direction the revolution had taken . The bishopsgavethepriestsan ultimatum toresigninJuly1981, but acompromisewas reached according towhichtheycould remain iftheydesistedfrom priestlydutiesduringthistime.However,during1982, relations between the

23 Bishopsof Nicaragua ,"Christian Commitment foraNew Nicaragua, 17 November 1979," LADOC 10 (March-April 1979), pp. 1-4; reprintedin Hennelly (ed.), Liberat ion Theology, pp.282-291.

24 These were :ErnestoCardenal (minister ofculture)and Edgar Parrales (minister ofsocial welfare andthen ambassador toOAS),who were bothdiocesan priests ; Miguel D'Escoto (foreign minister), a Maryknoll Father;andFernandoCardenal (coordinator of Literacy Crusade),aJesuit.Canonlawatthetime allowed priests to particip atein politics inextraordinary circumstances.

Defending the Faith 233

government andtheVatican continued to deteriorate. Asthegap between the bishopsandthe government widened,the position ofthefourpriestsserving inthe government remained highlysensitive.

John PaulIIwas concerned that the tension between the popular church andthe hierarchy would create aseriousdivisioninthe church andwas determinedtorestore order and authority through the bishops." During thePope's visitto Nicaragua in1983,hesoughttoemphasisethe importance ofunityfor the Nicaraguan church." However,thetripservedtoincrease rather than reducehis concerns .

The Pope'stripgotofftoapoor start afterconfusionattheairportscupperedcareful arrangements to prevent embarrassment on either side. One of the government's reception partymistakenly stepped forwardtogreetthePope andsothePope proceeded to greetallthose present intheline.However,this ledto the anticipated problem when he reached therebel priest Ernesto Cardena!. When Ernesto Cardenal bent forwardtokissthepapalringthePope issuedafirmandverypublictelevisedrebuke,wagginghisfingerand instructing Cardenal toregularizehispositionwiththe church."

The papalMass attended byahugecrowdin Managua compounded this inauspicious start .AsthePope's sermon onunitydrewtowardanend,anumberofvoices started tocallforhimtomakeapleaforpeaceandofferaprayer forthedead.Somepressreportssuggesteda deliberate Sandinista plan,but other observerssayit originated spontaneously. The commotion started inan areareservedforrelativesofthosewhohadlostfamilymembersinraidsby theU.S.-backed contras, and then spreadto others inthecrowd. The Pope hadto shout "silence"a number oftimesbeforehecouldproceedandseemed shaken bythe experience."

III-feelingoverthevisit heightened the tension between theVaticanandthe fourpriestswhohadtakengovernmentpostsundertheSandinistas.InNovember 1983,anew canon lawwaspassed that prevented all participation ofpriests in government. The effectofthiswasto undermine thecompromise that had

25 LOpez Trujillo organised a CELAM reportprior to hisvisitthat warned of serious problems posed by liberation theology intheCentralAmericanchurches.Thereport of Pax Christi thatputthechurch's struggles forjusticeinamore positive lightcarried less weight

26 Hissermon"UnityoftheChurch" was delivered inthecentral Plaza 19 deJulio in Managua on 4 March 1983 (The Pope Speaks 28[1983], pp. 206-210, reprintedin Hennelly[ed.], Liberation Theology, pp. 329-334). The message cameasno surprise sincehehad already indicatedconcemover divisions ina previous message tothe Nicaraguan bishops ("The Bishop : Principle of Unity," 29 June 1982, in The Pope Speaks 27, pp. 338-343; reprintedin Hennelly [ed.], Liberation Theology, pp. 323-328).

27 Ernesto Cardenal's reputationin Nicaragua was especially highduetohis accomplishments asapoetas well ashis life asa priest. The televi sed pictures ofthe Pope's rebuke shocked manywithinthebase communities.

28 SeeInternational Observers, "OpenLetter Regarding the Papal Mass" in Hennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 335-337.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

existedsince1981betweenthefourpriestsandtheNicaraguanbishops.Fernando CardenalwasexpelledfromtheJesuitson10December1984,andallfourpriests were suspended fromthe priesthood on19 January 1985.29

The Pope's concerns over Nicaragua typifiedhis concern over liberation theologyingeneral.First,hesawthe popular church asa threat totheunityof the church andthe traditional authorityofRome. Second, heworriedoverthe relationship between priestsandtheMarxistsinthe Nicaraguan government. Eversincethe fourteenth ordinary meeting ofCELAMatSucre(1972),conservativeLatin American church leaders sought toresistthechangessignalled atMedellinand return the church toitsprevious neutrality onpoliticalissues." Theywere delighted bythenewPope's attitude andseizedthe situat ionin Nicaragu aas proof ofthedangers that liberation theologyposedtothe church throughout the continent .

Marxist Analys isand Marxist Philosophy

The appropriate relationship of Christianity and Marxist analysisin Latin America had not beenproperlyresolvedinthe1970s. While developments within liberation theology meant that the issuewasfarless significant in mostwritingthanithad been intheearly1970s,theissuesraisedbythe Sandinista revolution madeitagrowing concern for church authorities once again. It is therefore helpfultoreviewa nuanced discussionofthedangersfrom Marxistanalysis, outlined ina letter toJesuitsuperiorsinLatin America after thePuebla conference ." The General Superior oftheJesuits,Pedro Arrupe , wrotethe letter inresponseto §§ 544-555 ofthePuebla document onthe dangersofMarxism. Arrupe's letter offeredadviceonthe appropriate attitude toMarxistanalysis. Specifically, hediscussed whether Marxistanalysiscouldbe embraced while maintaining a rejection of other aspectsofaMarxistworldviewsuchas atheism

Arrupe avoideda blanket rejection of Marxist ideasandoffered cautious approvalof what Marxistviewpointsmight offer. Hesaid,"we can accept a certain number of methodological viewpointswhichtoa greater orlesser extent arisefrom Marxist analysis,aslongaswedonot attribute anexclusivecharacter to them ."32Heseemedto agree-at leastin principle-that itwaspossibletouseMarxistanalysiswhilerejectingMarxistphilosophy.However,Arrupe

29 See Bradstock, Saints and Sandin istas, pp.59-69.ForFernandoCardenal's views oneventsseeECardenal,"ALettertoMy Friends" in The National Catholic Reporter (11 January 1985) ,pp.1,6--8; reprinted in Hennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology, pp.341-347.

30 InadditiontotheelectionofArchbishopAlfonso L6pez Trujillo asthenew Secretary Generalof CELAM, other conservatives electedinkey posts included Bishop Luciano Duarteas, PresidentofSocialAction,and Bishop AntonioQuarricinotothe DepartmentoftheLaity.

31 P. Arrupe, "Marxist Analysis by Christians," Origins 10(16April 1981) ,pp. 689-693; reprintedin Hennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology, pp.307-313.

32 Arrupe,"Marxist Analysis by Christians," § 5.

Defending the Faith 235

went ontoreject attempts todraw.asimple distinction between Marxistanalysisand other partsofMarxistphilosophy. The letter argued that Marxistanalysiscouldnotusually be isolated in thiswayandstressedthatuncriticalacceptance ofMarxistanalysiswaslikelytohave negative consequences fortheology.For example, that "Marxist socialanalysis contains asanessential element aradicaltheoryof antagonism andclassstruggle."!' According toArrupe:"Inpractice,however,the adoption ofMarxistanalysisisrarelythe adoption ofonlya method oran 'approach.' Usuallyitmeans accepting the substance oftheexplanations Marxprovidedforthesocialrealityofhistimeandapplying them to that ofour time."34 Hetherefore concluded that Marxistanalysis asawhole cannot be acceptable to Christian theology:

Inbrief, although Marxistanalysisdoes not directlyimply acceptance of Marxistphilosophyasa whole-and stilllessofdialecticalmaterialismas suchasitisnormally understood itimpliesinfacta concept of human history which contradicts the Christian viewof humankind andsociety,andleads to strategies which threaten Christian valuesand attitudes .. .. To adopt thereforenotjustsomeelementsorsomemethodologicalinsights,butMarxist analysisasawhole,is something we cannot accept ."

Arrupe's viewswereacarefuland balanced development ofissues touched on in OctogesimaAdveniens andthe controversy over Christians forSocialismin Chileintheearly1970s.Hegavean endorsement ofthecriticaluseofsome aspectsofMarxism,butrejectedany thorough-going Marxistanalysis." The simplisticsuggestion that if other aspectsofMarxistphilosophyarerejected, then Marxistanalysiscanbe whole-heartedly embraced wasrejected.However,while ruling out a full adoption ofMarxistanalysis,heleftthedoor open forthe continued criticaluseofMarxist thought in liberation theology.

Arrupe'sletterraisedimportantissues that couldhaveprovidedadeeperframeworkforthediscussionsofMarxismin liberation theologyand promoted more balanced critiques ofthesomeofthe publications inthe1970s. Unfortunately, asthedecadeprogressed,the conversation usuallymovedbackward rather than forward. Arrupe's careful statement wassweptasidebymorepolemicalworks that madeit harder rather than easierto evaluate theroleofMarxisminliberation theology.Discussionwasmadeevenmoredifficultbythe tendency of criticstospeakofliberationtheologyinverygeneralterms,whichfailed to recognisedthe dramatic changes that had taken placeinitsmethodological approach duringthe1970s.

3) Arrupe, "Marxist Analysis by Christians," § 11.

34 Arrupe, "Marxist Analysis by Christians," § 6.

35 Arrupe, "Marxist Analysis by Christians," §§ 13and15.

36 Furthermore, Arrupenotedthe difficulties in making any a priori judgement on this matter. Healso acknowledged thatthoseoutsidethesituationmightseethemain problem as theoretical compatibility atan ideologic allevel, while those dealing withthe issues onthegroundmighthavemuchmoremodest goals of determing guidelines for practical partnership .

CHAPTER ELEVEN

Investigations into Sobrino, Gutierrez, andBoff

In 1980, continuing onfromthePope'swarningsonChristologyatPuebla, Cardinal Franjo Seper (Ratzinger's predecessor as prefect ofthe Congregationforthe Doctrine ofFaith) reopened the Sabrina case that hadfirstbeen prompted bythe 1977 publication of Christology atthe Crossroads Seperexaminedtheresponse that Sabrina hadpreviouslygiventothe Congregation for Education and decided it required further clarifications . Sabrinasent anew responsetoRomeanditarrivedshortlyafterRatzingertookover.In 1982, RatzingeraskedtheJesuits to makea further enquiryonthe matter.Thiswas effectivelythethird investigation of Sabrina andwas conducted by Juan Alfaro SJin 1982-1983. 37 Alfaro's firm support for Sabrina ended the sequence. Meanwhile, Ratzingerwasreadytomoveonto other inquiries,in particular onhisformer student-Leonardo Boff-and onthe influential figureheadofliberation theology Gustavo Gutierrez.

In 1981 , Boffpublisheda collection ofhispreviousworkonthe church as Church : Charism and Power. 38 The underlying concern overBoff'sworkwas that hehadappliedasocialanalysisofpowerrelationstotheworkingofthe church The newlyformed archdiocesan Commissionforthe Doctrine ofFaithofRio de Janeiro (which operated under theauspicesofthecity's conservative archbishop,Eugeniode Araujo Sales)promptlyseizedits contents asa dangerous distortion ofthe church's orthodox doctrine .'? The commission launched an examination ofthebook under the leadership ofBishopKarlJosephRomer. Thisbeganwithacriticalreviewofthebookby Father Urbano Ziliespublished inthe Boletim da Revista do Clero inFebruary 1982.

Boff responded tothecriticismswithanarticlefortheApril 1982 edition of Boletim da Revista do Clero. 40 Healso sent copiesofhisreplyandtheoriginalcriticismsto Rome." However,the Boletim da Revista do Clero printed

J7 See J. Alfaro, "Foreword" in J. Sobrino, Jesus in Latin America (trans. various ; Maryknoll ,N.Y. :Orbis Books, 1987 [ET 1982]), pp. ix-x iii.

38 L. Boff, Church : Charism and Power: Liberation Theology andthe Institutional Church (trans. J. Diercksmeier:New York : Crossroad; London:SCM Press, 1985 [Portuguese orig. 1981]) Since Boff was responsible forthe religious sectionof Vozes (a Brazilian publishing company) he was involved notjustasthe author, butalsothe publisher of this work. Onthe controversy andits background ,seeesp.H.Cox, The Silencing of Leonardo Boff:TheVaticanandthe Future ofWorld Christianity (OakPark, Ill.: MeyerStone Books, 1988) and P. Lemoux, People of God : The Struggle of World Catholicism (New York : Penguin, 1989), pp. 89-115.

39 When Eugenio Sales established the commission oneofitscentral aims was to tackle liberation theology inhis archdiocese sincehehad failed to persuade thenational commissionundertakethetask.Healsobanned Clodovis Boff frominstructingin schools or universities underhis jurisdiction (Lernoux, People of God, p.106).

40 SeeCox, The Silencing of Leonardo Boff, pp. 22-23.

41 In retrospect, thismayhavebeenacrucial mistake . It allowed Rome toclaiman interestand oversight inthecase.Cardinal Rossi (the former Archbishop ofSao Paulo) who worked inthe curia was concernedatthe way liberation theology-and especially

Defending the Faith 237

Boff'sarticlealongwitha further rejoinderfrom Zilles. When Boffresponded totherejoinder(inthejournal GrandeSinal) itwasagain matched by another attack, thistimefromFr.Estevo Bettancourt whowasalsoamemberofRio deJaneiroCommissionforthe Doctrine ofFaith.Inaddition,Boff'sfellow Franciscan Bonaventura Kloppenburg(whowasalso another ofhisformertheologicalteachers)publishedacriticalreviewofthebookin CommunioY

Kloppenburg'sarticleinan international Catholic journalprovidedaconvenient opportunity forCardinalRatzingerhimselfto enter directlyintothe controversy. On 14April1982,RatzingerwrotetoBofftosaythematerial that Boffsenthadbeenreceived.HealsoaskedBofftomakeaformalresponseto Kloppenburg'scriticismsaswell,sincethiswasnotincludedinwhatBoffhad previouslysent ." Boffsentbackhisresponseasrequestedandalsopublished itintheJune1982editionof Revista Eclesidstica Brasileira, theinfluentialjournalforwhichhewas editor." Boff then waiteduntilboththeaccusationsand responseshadbeenstudiedandadecisionmade.Thisproveda protracted processofalmosttwoyears.

Duringthistime,thetensionwithintheBrazilian church overliberation theologysurfacedattheBishop'sSynodinRome,whichmetonthethemeof penance and reconciliation (September-October 1983).CardinalArnsspoke onthesignificanceofsocialsinand Cardinal Lorscheidercriticisedthefalse interpretations andsuspicionsofheresyraised against liberation theology. However, Cardinal Saleswho represented theoppositetendencyrespondedand wassupportedbyBishop Duarte ofAracajuand LOpez Trujillo." LOpez Trujillo,

Bolf's work-posed a threat tothechurch'straditionalhierarchicalauthority.Rossiwas anearlysupporterofbasecommunitiesinSaoPaulo,butthesewerewithintheframeworkofaverytraditional ecclesiology, and not-as Bolf advocated-anewwayofbeing church.

42 Kloppenburghadparticularinfluenceasamemberofthe International Theological CommissionandBolfhadpreviouslyservedashissecretary.Kloppenburghadalready attacked liberationtheologyandthepopular church inhisbook The People's Church: A Defense of My Church (trans.M. J. O'Connell;Chicago:FranciscanHeraldPress,1978 [Portugueseorig.1977]).

43 RatzingerrefusedtheBrazilianbishops'request that they conduct theirowninvestigationofBoffunderCardinalLorscheider.Ratzinger'sjustificationofdirectinterventionwasthatBolf'sworkhadbeentranslated(andthusbecamean international matter), and that BoffsentcopiesoftheoriginalexchangewithZillestoRome.

44 Atthesametime,Kloppenberg'sarticlewas reprinted inthenewspaper Jomal do Brasil andgeneratedfurtherpublicityforthedispute.

45 WhereastheCNNBelectedmostrepresentatives that werepresent,theVatican invited LOpez Trujillo andDomDuarte,the Brazilian ArchbishopofAracaju.Afewmonths laterDomDuartemadeahighlypublicised attack onthepopular church inBrazil througha 'IY. andnewspaperinterviewattheCNBBAssembly(6-15April1983).He allegedthatmanybishopsopposedthePope,complainedabouttheinfluenceofMarxism inthechurch, condemned the independence ofthepopular church fromthebishops, andsuggested that papal intervention mightbeneeded.Ironically,itmayhavebeen sucha blatant attack that swung support forprogressives(includingthe outgoing PresidentofCNBBDomIvoLorscheiter)intheelectionsoftheCNBBexecutive.The

whowasparticularlyhostile to ArnsandLorscheideraftertheirdefenceofliberation theologyatPuebla,claimed that thefocusonsocialsininLatinAmerica reduced personalsintosecondplace. The synod'smessagereflectedtheviews ofArns(whowas elected tothedrafting committee) more than LOpez Trujillo. Nonetheless, thePope'sfinalspeechwascriticalofsocialsinasanythingmore than ananalogy,"This concern wouldresurfaceinlaterVatican pronouncementsinthe1980s.

MeanwhiletheCommissionfor Doctrine andFaithwerealsoexertingpressureonthePeruvianbishopstodisciplineGutierrez.In March 1983, Cardinal Ratzingerissuedahighlycritical document entitled "Ten Observations onthe Theologyof Gustavo Gutierrez.?" The allegationsmadeagainst GutierrezwhichclaimtobebasedonA Theology of Liberation and The Power ofthe Poor in History-were notreferencedtoanyspecificpassages,andthereforeveryhard to counter," Other theologiansinLatin America andelsewherevoicedstrong support forhimduringthisprocess. The German theologianKarlRahner,who hadbeenso influential in determining themoreopentheologyofVaticanII, wroteto Cardinal LandazuriRickettsofLimatovoicehis conviction that the liberation theology that Gutierrezrepresentswasthoroughly orthodox ."

Although thePeruvianbishops conference becamemore conservative, the opponents of liberation theologywere not yetstrong enough tooverrulethose whovalued Gutierrez's work. Cardinal Rickettsanda number of other bishops protected Gutierrez fromthosewho wanted topublicly condemn hisworkin accordancewiththeObservations.Aftertwelvemonths,thedeadlockedPeruvian bishopswerenotabletoresolvetheproblemwhenRatzingercalledtheDoctrinal Commissionsofthe National Latin American Bishops Conferences toajoint meetinginBogotain March 1984.Atthemeetinghe denounced theMarxist affinitiesof liberation theologyanditsecclesiologicalerrors.However,itwas still not enough toprovokeaclear condemnation of liberation theologybythe

progressive slantoftheCNBBwastohaveimportant consequences inthetensionsbetween theVaticanandLeonardoBoffinthemid-1980s.SeeD.Regan, Church for Liberation: A Pastoral Portra itofthe Church in Brazil (Dublin:DominicanPublications,1987),pp. 1-15(esp.3).

46 SeeWalsh, John Paul II,p.127.

47 CommissionfortheDoctrineoftheFaith,"TenObservationsontheTheologyof GustavoGutierrez"(March1983);reprintedHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 348-350

48 ForaveryhelpfuloverviewofcriticismsofGutierrez,seeBrown, Gustavo Gutierrez, pp.131-156,andespeciallypp.137-138forasummaryoftheObservations.

49 K.Rahner,"LettertoCardinalJuanLandazuriRickettsofLima,"16March1984, inHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp.351-352.ThiswasnotthefirsttimethatRahner voicedstrongsupportforliberationtheology.AlongwithotherprominentGermantheologians(includingHerbert Vorgrimler, JohannesMetz,MartinNiemoller,andErnst Kasemann)hepubliclyprotestedattacksonliberationtheologyina statement publishedinNovember1977andtranslatedintoEnglishasGermanTheologians,"WeMust Protest," Cross Currents 28(1978)pp. 66-70.Fordiscussionofthisarticle,seeG.Baum, "GermanTheologiansandLiberationTheology," The Ecumenist 16(1978),pp.49-51; reprintedinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp.220-224.

Defending the Faith 239

Peruvians.P Eventually, theysenttwocontradictory assessments ofGutierrezback totheVatican,whichwerelittleuseto Ratzinger," Nonetheless, respondingto thetenobservationsoccupiedagreatdealofGutierrez'senergyforthebest partoftwoyearsandeventuallyfoundcarefulexpressioninhiswork"Theology andtheSocial Sciences."?

March1984alsosawfurtherpressureonliberationtheologywhentheItalian magazine30GiomofeaturedanarticleclaimingtorevealRatzinger'spersonal concernsoverliberationtheologyanditsrelationshipto Marxism." The article wasapparentlybasedonRatzinger'sconfidentialpapers that heclaimedwere usedwithouthispermission." Howsuchaprovocativearticlecametobepublishedatsuchasensitivetimeremainsunclear,butitseemedtogenuinely describehisfeelingsandleftlittledoubtonhisfierceoppositiontoliberation theology.JonSobrinoandIgnacioEllacuriawerepickedoutasexplicittargets (theonlyliberationtheologians that werenamed, although RatzingerpresumablyhadGutierrezandBoffverymuchinmindaswell),andtheinfluenceof Rudolf Bultmann andscientificexegesiswerealsoheavilycriticised. The articleendedwithhis comment "ifonethinkshowradicalthis interpretation of Christianity that derivesfromitreallyis,theproblemofwhatonecanand mustdoaboutit[liberationtheology]becomesevenmore urgent.?"

Twomonthslater,RatzingerfinallyrespondedtoBoffonthecontroversysurrounding Church: Charism and Power . Ratzinger'sletter,dated15May1984, gaveanumberofcriticismsofthebookandsuggested that BoffcometoRome foracolloquy(conversation)todiscussthemfurther.Boffrequested that the discussion takeplacein Brazil, butwhenthiswasrejected,heaccepted Ratzinger's invitation.

56 NewsofthecolloquyaddedtoRatzinger'scommentsin30Giomo

50 SeeBrown, Gustavo Gutierrez , p. 138. Incomparingthe situations ofGutierrez and Boff itissignificant to note thatboth thePeruvianandBrazilianbishops'conferencesweresplitata national level;Gutierrez'senjoyedthelocalsupportofhisarchbishop,whereasLeonardoBoffdidnot (Cardinal Saleswasanactive opponent of liberationtheology).

5\ RatzingerincreasedthepressureonthePeruvianepiscopalconferencewithapersonalvisitinApril 1984, butthePeruviansremainedsplitandGutierrezremainedsafe.

52 ThiswasfirstpublishedinthePeruvianjournal Paginas, pp. 63-64 (September 1984), andincludedasa chapter inGustavoGutierrez, TheTrnth Shall MakeYou Free : Confrontations (trans.M. J. O'Connell; Maryknoll, N.Y.: OrbisBooks, 1990), pp. 53-84.

53 J. Ratzinger, "Liberation Theology"(March 1984) ; reprinted inHennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 367-374.

54 30Giomiwasarelaunchedversionofthemagazine Incontri. TheconservativeItalian basedorganisation "Communion andLiberation"established Incontri in 1981 asavehicletoexpresstheirviewsonthechurch,anditstargetsincludedliberationtheology andthepopular church inLatinAmerica(seeLernoux, People ofGod, pp. 330-333).

55 Hennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, p. 374.

56 PreviousinvestigationsintotheSwisstheologianHansKungandtheBelgiantheologianEdwardSchillebeeckxsuggested that thiswasa prudent course.Kungrefused togotoRomeandwas condemned inhisabsence.TheCDF condemned himin 1979, andtheGermanbishopswithdrewhislicensetoteachin 1980. Bycontrast,Schillebeeckx agreed to goandescapedwithareprimand.

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andthe preparation ofthe Instruction all pointed toa clampdown on liberation theology. Concern overthe direction ofevents prompted theeditorialboardof Concilium-an international journaltowhichBoffhadclose ties-to issuea statement ofsolidaritywith liberation theologiansinJune1984.57

At about the same time, Ratzinger's closeallyand colleague on the Commissionforthe Doctrine ofFaith, Cardinal HoffnerofColognevisitedSao Paulotoreviewtheseminaryanditstrainingofpriests. While inBrazilwith CardinalArnsHoffner appeared generallypositiveonwhathesaw.However, afterhis return toEurope,hepublishedastrong attack andwarnedagainst liberationist presentations of Christ asa revolutionary figure.58

Meanwhile,Boff spent thenext months preparing forhisvisittoRomeand thinking through hisrepliestoRatzinger's concerns .Togive support ,Bishop JoseIvo Lorscheiter (president oftheCNBB), Cardinal AloisioLorscheider (president oftheCNBBCommissionon Doctrine andformer president ofthe CNBBandCELAM),andCardinalPauloEvaristoAms(archbishopofSaoPaulo) all arranged tobeinRomeatthesametimeasBoff. Although theywould officiallybeinRomeon other business,theytookaclose interest intheupcomingcolloquyandthetwocardinals arranged tobe present forthesecondhalf ofit.59 SinceBoff'sconformitywithecclesial authority wasatstake,thepresenceofthetwocardinalswasan important partofBoff'sdefence.Boffwas eagertoshow that hewasinlinewiththepastoralpoliciesoftheCNBBand hadtheirauthority.Fortheirpart,Arns,Lorscheiter,andLorscheiderhadgood reasonto interpret the investigation ofBoffas part ofan open Vaticanassault onthe direction oftheBrazilian church undertheirleadership /"

57 Concili um EditorialBoard,"StatementofSolidaritywithLiberationTheologians, 24June1984";reprintedinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 390-392 .Boffwas ontheeditorialboardof Concilium andresponsiblefortheBrazilianedition.Inaddition, he contributed asignificantnumberofarticlestothejournalinthe1980s,including: Boff, "Martyrdom:AnAttemptatSystematic Reflection," Concilium 163(1983),pp.12-17; "A Theologic alExaminationoftheTerms'PeopleofGod'and'Popular Church,'" Concilium 176(1984),pp. 89-98 ;"ThePoorJudge:TheMagisteriumandtheLiberation Theologians," Concilium 192(1987),pp.xi-xiii; "WhatareThirdWorldTheologies?" Concil ium 199(1988),pp. 3-13 ;"Anti-Communism:EndofanIndustry," Concilium205 (1989),pp.xi-xiii.Healsoservedasaco-editorforvolumesonimportant themesin liberation theology, including: L. BoffandJ.Elizondo(eds.), La Iglesia Popular :Between Fear and Hope (Concilium 176;New York :Seabury;Edinburgh:T & TClark,1984); L.Botf andJ. Elizondo (eds.), Option for the Poor: Challenge for the Rich Countries (Concilium 187;Edinburgh:T & TClark,1986); L. BoffandJ.Elizondo(eds.), Theologies ofthe Third World : Convergences and Differences (Concilium 199;Edinburgh:T & TClark,1988).

58 SeeLernoux, People of God, p.44;Hewitt, Base Christian Communities , p.100.

59 BothcardinalshadbeenelectedattheSynodofBishopsinRometheprevious yeartorepresenttheAmericas(alongwithCardinalBernardinofChicago)onthe CounciloftheSynod'sGeneralSecretariat.

60 Duringthesameyear,theVaticanundertookareviewofseminarytraininginSao Pauloandotherdioceses.CardinalJosefHoffneroftheSacredCongregationforCatholic EducationwarnedagainstpresentationsofChristasarevolutionaryfigure(seeWE.

Defending the Faith

ACUTE CONFLICT

(1984-1985)

BoffarrivedinRomeon2 September andwasgreetedbyhis brother Clodovis andhissisterLinawhowerebothalreadythere. The verynextdaythelongawaitedVatican Instruction onliberationtheology(dated6August)wasfinally issued. The Vaticanspokesmenclaimed that thiswasentirely coincidental, but thedelayinpublication,untilBoffwasinRome,certainlyincreasedthepressureonBoffandthe Instruction's high-handed criticismswereanominousindication oftheVatican's attitude ."

The 1984 "Instruction onCertain Aspects of Liberation Theology"

Libertatis Nuntius orthe Instruction onCertain Aspects ofthe Theology of Liberation setoutRatzinger'sconcernsonliberationtheologyatsome length .v' The publicationofthe Instruction wasclearly intended tobringliberationtheologians intolinewithecclesialauthority,butitsmessagewasnotcompletelystraightforward.Somepassagesinthe Instruction readasiftheymighthavebeenwrittenbyliberationtheologiansthemselves.Thus,the Instruction openswiththe surprisinglypositivepassagecitedmorefullyatthe start ofthischapter, "The GospelofJesusChristisamessageoffreedomandaforceforliberation.?"At alaterpoint,inaforceful statement ofissues central toliberationtheologyit states:"JusticeasregardsGodandjusticeasregardsmanareinseparable.God isthedefenderandliberatorofthepoor" (§ 4.6).

However,despitetakingoverthelanguageofliberationinsomeregards,the Instruction wasclearly intended asafierce attack onLatin American liberation theology.'" It expressed particular concern overtwocloselyrelatedfailuresof

Hewitt, BaseChristian Communities , p.100).CardinalAmsmayhavetakentheinvestigationintoBoffpersonally,sincehewasafellowFranciscanandArnshadoverseen partofBoff'straining.

61 Thedelayalsopermittedanadditional statement ofRatzinger'sviewspriortothe official Instrnction. TowardtheendofAugust,RatzingergaveasequenceofcandidinterviewstotherespectedItalianjournalistVittorioMessori that Messorirecordedforlater publication.Extractswerepublishedinthemagazine Jesus thefollowingyearwhilethe caseagainstBoffwasstillbeingdecided.Thefullinterviewwassubsequentlypublished as V. Messori, The Ratzinger Report: An Exclusive Interview on theStateoftheChurch (trans.Salvator Attansio and Graham Harrison;SanFrancisco:IgnatiusPress,1985).

62 CDF,Instrnctionon Certain Aspects ofthe Theology ofLiberation (VaticanCity: 1984), Intro .JuanSegundooffersa detailed critique ofthe Instrnction inSegundo, Theology andtheChurch: A Response to Cardinal Ratzinger andaWarning to theWhole Church (trans.J.Diercksmeier;Minneapolis,Minn.:WinstonPress;London:Geoffrey Chapman, 1985).

63 Instrnction, §Intro.Seealso:"JusticeasregardsGodandjusticeasregardsman areinseparable.Godisthedefenderandliberatorofthepoor" (§ 4.6).

64 Section 3ofthe Instrnction isdevotedtoliberationasa Christian theme.Whileit recognisesliberationas "fundamental totheOldandNewTestament"anddescribes thetermtheologyofliberationas"athoroughlyvalidterm,"itinsists that "thetwocan beunderstoodonlyinlightofthespecificmessageofrevelation, authentically interpretedbythemagisteriumofthechurch" (lnstrnction §3.4).Segundo (The Liberation

CHAPTER ELEVEN

liberation theologians. First,it claimed that they gave one-sided attention to earthly and temporal matters. Forexample,it charged liberation theologians with minimising the importance of liberation fromsin. Second, the Instruction claimed that liberation theologians used borrowed concepts (presumably a reference to Marxism) without "sufficient critical caution." 6s Both criticisms were raised in the third paragraph of the Introduction and permeated the whole Instruction. Since, Marxism was the connecting linkat the heart of both these concerns, the focus on Marxism in much of the Instruction waseasily understandable. This was made clear at the outset when the Instruction presented its intention as:

todraw the attention of pastors, theologians and all the faithful to the deviations and risksof deviation, damaging to the faith andto Christian living, that are brought about by certain formsof liberation theology which use,in an insufficiently critical manner, concepts borrowed from various currents of Marxist thought."

The Instruction could therefore move quickly from approval for the Christian heritage behind the term liberation when used correctly, toa sweeping condemnation of the corruptive influence of Marxism in the way that liberation theologians used the term ."

The main bodyof the document wassplit into two parts of roughly equal length, §§ 1-6 and 7-12. The firstsix sections alternate between anaffirmation of the theme of liberation in principle (§§1,3, and 5) and a warning about liberation theology in practice (§§ 2,4, and 6). Thus § 1, titled "An Aspiration," described "the powerful and almost irresistible" aspiration forliberation as "one of the principle signsof the times." Section 2, "Expressions of this Aspiration," then warned that this aspiration often finds itself captive of ideologies which hide or pervert its meaning (§2.3) and lead to violence (§ 2.4).Likewise, § 3 on "Liberation :A Christian Theme" recognised that "In itself, the expression 'theology of liberation' isa thoroughly validterm"(§ 3.4); but § 4 on "Biblical Foundations" warned against a reduction of liberation to something which is "principally or exclusively political in nature" (§4.3). It of Theology, p.4)warnedofthisdangerbackintheearly 1970s: "ecclesiastical authoritiesthemselveshaveadoptedtheterminologyofliberation.Graduallythishasledtoa wateringdownofitscontent,sothatthelanguageofliberationisemptiedofallreal meaning." Likewise, Gutierrezmentionsthedangersof"attemptstoapplythecosmeticvocabularyof'liberation'tooldpastoralandtheologicalstances";seeGutierrez, The Power of the Poor in History, p. 64.

65 The Instruction warnsthat "It is difficult, andperhaps impossible, topurifythese borrowedconceptsofan ideological inspirationwhichisincompatiblewithChristian faithandtheethicalrequirementswhich flow fromit." Instrnction, § Intro.,inHennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology, pp.393-394.

66 Instrnction, § Intro.,inHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, p.394.

67 Forexample:"Butthe'theologiesofliberation,'whichdeservecreditforrestoring toaplaceofhonourthegreattextsoftheprophetsandoftheGospelinthedefence ofthe poor, goontomakeadisastrousconfusionbetweenthepoorofthescripture andtheproletariatofMarx" (Instrnction, § 9.10).

emphasisedthat"Thefirstliberation, to whichallothersmustmakereference, isthatfromsin"(§4.12)."TheVoiceoftheMagisterium" (§ 5)recalledthe intervent ionsofthechurch'smagisterium "to awakenChristianconscienc esto asenseofjustice,socialresponsibility, andsolidaritywiththepoorandoppressed" (§5.2). "A New Interpretationof Ch risti anity "(§6)contrastedthiswiththe warningthatforsome "thenecessarystrugglefor hum anjusticeandfreedom intheeconomicandpoliticalsenseconstitutesthewholeessenceofsalvation. Forthem, the Gospelisreducedtoapurelye arthly gospel"(§ 6.3).68

The finalparagraphsof § 6e mph asised that notallliberationtheologiesare guilty of thesedangers. It alsomadeexplicittheneed to speakofliberation theologiesinthepluralratherthanjustliberationtheologyinthesingular. The different theologiesofliberationaredivided"betweenthepreferentialoption forthepoorforcefullyreaffirmedwithoutambiguityafterMedellinattheconferenceofPueblaontheonehand,andthe tempt ationto reduc etheGospel toane arthly gospelontheother"(§6.5). It then went ontosaythatitwould re strict itsfocustothelatter.'?

SpecificallegationsagainsttheuseofMarxistanalysisarosein§10ofthe Instrnction. The se includ eda numb erofrel ated concerns.First,thatsomeliberationtheologiesadopteda priori aclassistviewpoi nt whichhascome to functionasadeterminingprinciple.Second,t hat theywronglycommitted themselves totheideaofclassconflictandthenecessity of violenceaspresented inMarxist socialanalysis."Finally,thattheyacceptedideasfromMarxistsocialanalysis thatcommittedthemtoanatheisticphilosophyand"a reductionistreadingof the Bible.'?' LiketheearlierObservationson Gutierrez,the Instrnction seemed toas sum e that anylib er ation th eology th at utili sed M arxist analy sis necessarilyledtothesep roblems. Th esweepingversionoftheargumentin the Instrnction fa cilit ateddenu ncia tionsofliberation th eology, but hind ered th e clearassessmentofliberation theologiansontherealissuesoutlinedbyin Arrup e'sd ocum ent. Liberationtheologiansinevitablyassumedthatthiswas deliberate. The prioritywasmoretodenounceliberationtheologythanpromoteacarefulevaluation."

68 Segundodescribesthisalternationasa"see-saw"andgivesfurtherelaborationon itsstagesinSegundo, TheologyandtheChurch, pp. 24-26 . Aftertheinitialappearance ofthe Instruction itwaswidelyrumouredthatmorepositivesectionsoftheearlypages hadbeenaddedbythePopebecausehefeltthedraftshownhimstrucktoonegative atone(seeCox, TheSilencingofLeonardoBoff, p.109).Inaletter describinghisvisit to theVaticanin1988,BishopCasaldaligasuggeststhatthefirstfivesectionscamefrom thePope.However,itisclearthatRatzingerrefusedtoconcedethisclaim(seeHennelly [ed.], LiberationTheology, pp. 532-540(534)).

69 "Inthepresentdocument,wewillonlybediscussingdevelopmentsofthatcurrent thoughtwhich,underthename'theologyofliberation,'proposesanovelinterpretation ofboththecontentoffaithandofChristianexistencewhichseriouslydepartsfromthe faithofthechurchand,infact,actuallyconstitutesapracticalnegation" (§ VI.9).

70 Instruction, § 10.1.

71 Instruction, §10.5.

72 The Instruction explicitlystatedtwolimitationsinitsscope.First,thatnotall

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The Instruction met with a predictably mixed reception. Since the Instruction did not name particular theologians, itwas hard to respond toor defend against. It might be possible, in principle, to read the Instruction as an attack on only unusual variants of liberation theology like Miranda's work on Christianity and Marxism." However, there is little doubt that the Instruction was targeted at leading liberation theologians, such as Gustavo Gutierrez and Leonardo Boff. Opponents of liberation theology welcomed the Instruction and sawitas clearly aimed against the leading proponents of the movement and not just marginal examples."

To deflect its criticism Boff and Gutierrez argued that the positions described in the Instruction did not reflect their publishedwork or thought." Inan interview with the Peruvian newspaper La Republica, Gutierrez struck a particularly positive note by focusing on the Instruction's affirmation of the term liberation." However, itwas hard to deny that itwas clearly directed against them, and it prepared the wayfor Ratzinger to make further attacks on both of them

liberationtheologiesshouldbeseenasflawedinthisway.Theuseoftheplural,theologiesofliberation,appearedtorecognisethediversityinliberationtheologies.Inparticular,itsuggestedthatliberationtheologiesmustcorrectly follow thechurch'steaching atMedellinandPuebla.Thisimpliesthatsomewereguiltyonthematterscriticised, whileotherswerenot,andthattherewere fairly clearcriteriabywhichtomakethis judgement.Second,thatitacknowledgedthatitwasmainlyconcernedwiththedangersandnegativeaspectsofliberationtheologyandpromisedamorepositive treatment oftheliberationthemeinasubsequentdocument (Instruction, § Intro.).Onbothmatters,however,therewasmoretothematterthanwasimmediatelyapparent.

73 However,becauseMirandaisalayacademic,hedoesnotseemtohaveworried theVatican.

74 InLatinAmerica,CardinalL6pezTrujillo,BishopBonaventuraKloppenburg,and othersgatheredinJuly1985ataconferencesponsoredby Communio inLosAndes,Chile (see "Declaration ofLosAndes,"CELAM24 [October-November 1985]pp. 5-9; reprintedinHennelly[ed.], Liberation Theology, pp.444-450). Communio wasajournal thatwasfoundedtoprovideaconservativecounterweight to the progressive ethosof Concilium Theconferenceissuedaringingendorsementofthe Instruction andasserted that:"thepositionsdescribedinpartsVItoXofthe Instruction arenothypothetical constructs,butrealpronouncementscontainedinnumerousbooks,essays,andarticles that circulate throughout LatinAmerica" (§ 3).The Chilean liberationtheologian RonaldoMunozwroteareplytotheAndesDeclarationin"AnOpenReplytoCardinal LopezTrujillo,"inLADOC16 (November-December 1985),pp.40-43;reprintedin Hennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp.451-453.

75 For Boff's response,originallyprintedintheBraziliannewspaper Folha de Sao Paulo, see L. Boff, "Vatican Instruction Reflects European Mind-Set" inLADOC15 (lanuarv-February1985),pp. 8-12 ;reprintedinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 415-418. Gutierrezrespondsfurthertothe Instruction in"TheTruthShallMake You Free,"inGutierrez, The TruthShallMakeYou Free: Confrontations, pp.85-200.

76 Gutierrezpointedout:"ThedocumentdeclaresthattheChristianmessageis'a messageoffreedomandaforceforliberation.' It also affirms thataspirationstoliberationareasignofourtimesthatmustbeanalyzedinthelightofthegospel. It explicitlystatesthat'theexpressionliberationtheologyisatotallyvalidexpression.'''Healso

Defending the Faith

Silencing of Leonardo Boffand Pres suring Gutierrez

The conflictwithBoffwasparticularlysensitivebecausetheissues that Boff raisedwentdirectlytotheVatican's authority." Boff'sworkonecclesiology raisedquestionsonthe nature ofthe church andthePope's restoration of church ordermuchmoredirectly than Gutierrez."Boff'stenacious commitment tohispositionexemplifiedpreciselytheproblem that the curia identifiedinhis work-a failuretoacceptproperecclesialauthority.

Ratzinger's conversation withBofffinallytookplaceon7September. It was anawkwardmeetingbetweenformer student andformerteacherwhowereboth committed toadefenceofthefaith,asthey understood it.Boffreadhispreparedanswerand then discussionofhisecclesiologyfollowed."Someofthe tensionwaseasedwhenCardinalsArnsandLorscheiderjoinedthemforthe secondpartofthe session, andthetalkmovedawayfrom Boff's booktoafriendlierandlessformaldiscussionofthe church in Brazil. t" Afterthemeeting,Boff stayedoninRomeforawhilebeforehe returned toBrazilin October

BackinBrazil,Boffhadtowaitsix months beforehewasinformedonthe outcomeofthemeeting.Inthemeantime,Ratzingertriedtousethepublicationofthe Instruction topressurethePeruvianbishopstoissuetheirowncondemnation ofGutierrez.HecalledthePeruvianbishopstoRomein October 1984todiscussthecase further," When theyarrived,Ratzingerpresenteda

explicitlyreferredtoArrupe's statement onMarxistanalysis.Heappearstoaccept Arrupe'sview that Marxistanalysiscanhaveanexclusive character andagreeswith Arrupe that therefore cannot be accepted initsentirety.However,hearguesthatthe Marxistanalysisthatitrejectsiscertainlynotthe attitude that hetakesinhiswork. Hedistinguishescarefullybetweenthe"criticaluseofsocialsciences"whichheseesas legitimateand contrasts itwith"the adoption ofMarxistanalysisinitsentirety,with alltheideologicalpresuppositions that implies." Reprinted asGutierrez,"CriticismWill Deepen,ClarifyLiberationTheology," IADOC 15 (January-February 1985),pp.2-7; alsoinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology , pp. 419-424 (esp. 421-423).

77 Gutierrez'sallegederrorswereonthemorecomplexmethodologicalissue that only raisedissuesofauthorityindirectly.

78 OntheroleofMarxisminhismethodology,BofflikeGutierrezhadasufficiently complicatedstancetomakeaclear condemnation awkward.Ontheonehand,Boffmay havehadapersonalsympathytosocialism,andtheMarxistmodelofdialecticalsocial scienceisgivenan important placeinthesocialscienceperspectives that heuses(see L. and C. Boff, Introducing Liberation Theology, p.28). On the other hand,explicitreferences to MarxorMarxistideasarevirtually nonexistent inBoff'swork.Accusations onMarxismwereveryhardto corroborate fromhispublishedwork, although therewas concern abouttheallegedlyMarxistreferencetothe church's "systemofreligiousproduction."

79 On theiractual conversation, seeLernoux, People ofGod, pp. 108-109; Cox, The Silencing of Leonardo Boff, pp. 98-101. Coxsuggests that asurprisingly important topic wasdiscussionover Lumen Gentium's understanding ofhowthe church of Christ subsistsin (subsistit in)the Catholic church.

80 LorscheiterhadalsobeeninRomeasagreed,butduetothepresenceofthetwo cardinals,hewasabletoreturn.

81 Lernoux, People of God,pp. 100-102; Brown, Gustavo Gutierrez, pp. 145-146

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document that condemned Gutierrezand liberation theologyin unequivocal tenus andpressedthePeruviansto endorse it.However, Cardinal Landazuri once again mounted a determined defence of Gutierre z. The compromise document that the bishops published the next month did not include the condemnations that Ratzinger sought. Itaffirmedthevalidity of liberation theology, but acknowledged the authority oftheInstrnctioninits warning over distortions. f

On the issueof Marxism, there wasno doubt that Gutierrez's writingsin the1970s made fairly extensive reference to Marxist thought, particularly the French Marxist Althusser andthePeruvianJoseMariaregui."However, Gutierrez always claimed that he put them atthe service of liberation theology rather than vice-versa . Marxism was not used because ofan uncritical allegiance to itsphilosophy.Itisonly drawn upon when itsanalysisservesthe cause of the poorby illuminating therealcausesoftheiroppression."MiguezBoninodescribes the socialanalysisof Gutierrez's A Theology 0/ Liberationas "avowedly Marxist" but makes clear that thisisbyno means an uncritical acceptance ofadogmatic Marxism, but a selective useof certain Marxist ideas." Besidesthis, Gutierrez's worksince then had already adopted aless Marxist tone. Aslong ashewas careful, {and enjoyed the support of Cardinal Landazuri Ricketts} Gutierrez was therefore ableto defend himself from Ratzinger's criticisms.

Afew months after the conversation with Boff and thevisitof the Peruvian bishopstoRome, further lightwasshedon Ratzinger's person alviewsonliberation theology The Italian magazine Jesus published selected extracts from the interviews that Ratzinger had givento Vittorio Messoriin August 1984. 86 These reinforced the perception that Ratzinger was determined to correct what hesawas the distortions in liberation theology.Itwas therefore no surprise that Ratzinger wrote anofficial notification dated 11 March 1985to confirm that Boff's written respon ses and the discussion inthecolloquy had not adequately satisfied the Vatican onthe points that had been raised. This was then made public, along with Ratzinger's letter toBoffof15May1984. 87 At the

82 PeruvianEpiscopal Conference, ''A ChallengetoFaith: 26 November 1984," Paginas (November/September, 1984).

83 Concern with Marxism had been particularly strong inthe seventh oftheten observations, which detailed a number ofhighly negative points that itclaimsflow fromthis.

84 Gutierrez's essay "Theology andtheSocial Sciences ,"inhisbook The Trnth Shall MakeYou Free (pp. 53-84), offersan extensive discussionoftheroleofsocialanalysis in general andMarxismin particul ar.

85 MiguezBonino,Doing Theology in a Revolutionary Situation, p.71.

86 See note 61 above. The fullversion later appeared as Rapporto sulla fede (Milan: Paoline, 1985) which wastransl ated as V. Messori, The RatzingerReport: An Exclusive Interview on the State oftheChurch (trans.S. Attanasio andG. Harrison;SanFrancisco: Ignatius Press, 1985). Ratzingeralsoconsented totheinclusionofthe unauthorised 30 Giomoarticleatthe end ofthebook(pp. 174-186).

87 CDF, "Notificationse nt toFr. Leonardo Boff regarding ErrorsinhisBook, Church: Charism and Power," Origins 14(4 April 1985) pp. reprinted in Hennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology , pp. 425-430.

time,itseemed that no further action wouldbe taken beyondthiscensure. Boff accepted itgraciouslywiththeremark that "hepreferredtowalkwiththe church rather than alonewithmytheology."88

Boffandmost others hoped that this ended thematter, but there wasworse tocome.Two months later,on 9 May 1985, theVatican announced that Boff wastoobservea"periodof obedient silence"foranunspecified duration that would "permit FriarBoffatimeforseriousreflection"anddisqualifiedhimfrom publishingorpublicspeaking."

InLatin American andelsewhere,some church leaderswelcomedthis further indicationofVaticancensureforliberationtheology. Others sawitasill-deserved andralliedquicklytoBoff's support." Boffhimself accepted thesilenceina dignifiedmanner,butwasdeeplysaddenedanddiscouragedattheturnofevents.

Inthesame month that Boffreceivedhissilence, Gustavo GutierreztravelledtoEuropetomakeadefenceofhiswork.However,unlikeBoffGutierrez wenttoLyons, not Rome,andhisdefencewastouniversityacademics,not toRatzingerandhiscurial colleagues." The occasion wasa viva examfor theawardofa doctorate forpublishedwork. Gutierrez discussedallhisworks andespeciallyhis recent replytoRatzinger's Observations inhispaper "TheologyandtheSocial Sciences."? The awardofthe doctorate-at thehighest levelof distinction-helped to strengthen Gutierrez 'spositionagainst further attacks .

UNEASY STANDOFF (1986 ONWARDS)

The Popewas determined to prevent the appearance ofopendivisioninthe church .However,inviewofthehigh-profile support forBofffrom within the Brazilian church-and the oft-stated argument that Boff'sworkwasinsupport ofthe National Pastoral Plan-it seemedtomanyinBrazil that theVatican acted intoo high-handed away. The action againstBoffsuggested that the national leadership oftheBrazilianbishopswere not capableofself-determination inleadingtheBrazilian church .Many moderates joinedtheprogressives in their concern over events .This ensured that divisionswithintheBrazilian church remained openanda continuing concern fortheVatican.

88 CitedinCox, The Silencing of Leonardo Boff, p.105.

89 Cox, The Silencing of Leonardo Boff, p.3.

90 Cox describes the meeting ofa significant groupof liberation theologians forthis purpose .The meeting inRiowas ostensibly intendedtoplanthe Theology and Liberation Series (TLS) However, Cox says thattoshowwith Boff the parricipants allfoundtheir way to nearby Petr6polis .

91 ThediscussionisprintedinG.Gutierrez, TheTruthShallMakeYou Free : Confrontations , pp.1-52. Gutierrez's examiners were all respected academics and some had roles withinthe official magisterium, including Bernard Sesboue 5J(a member of theITC)andVincent Cosmao (a member ofthe Pontifical Commission for Justice and Peace) .Afterhis morning lectureandafternoon defence, he was awarded thedoctoratewithhighestdistinction (see Gutierrez , TheTruth Shall MakeYou Free, pp.1-2).

91 Gutierrez , TheTruth Shall Make You Free, pp.53-84.

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The Vatican's attempts toenforceunityriskedcreatingaconflictbetween theVaticanandtheBrazilian church that wasevenmoreserious than the earlierdivision that hadbeen created withinthe Nicaraguan church." The Vaticanhada much moredifficulttaskindealingwiththeBrazilianleadership than ithadfacedinNicaragua. The Brazilian church hasthelargest number of Catholics intheworld,andover three hundred andfiftybishops. The Brazilianhierarchywasmuchmorepowerful than inNicaragua,andmanyin the national leadershipwere sympathetic to liberation theology rather than united inoppositiontoit.

SinceBoff'ssupportersintheBrazilian church showednosignsofbacking down,furthereffortstoenforcedisciplinelookedlikelytomakedivisionsworse rather than better.Toavoidthe embarrassment ofpublicdivision,anewphase of reconciliation was required-at leasttemporarily.

LiftingtheSilence andthe Second Instruction on Liberation Theology (1986) InMarch1986,agroupoftwenty-oneBrazilianbishopsvisitedRome,fortheir scheduled ad limina (regular five-yearly) visitwiththePope. The groupincluded alltheBrazilian Cardinals, and therefore reflectedthedifferentfactionsin theBrazilian church, fromthe committed supportersofliberationtheologysuch asCardinalsArnsandLorscheidertoits outspokenopponents suchas Cardinal EugeniodeArauyoSales. The Popetookthe chance tolistento both sides andstressedtheneedfor church unity." Littlewas settled atthe three-day meeting (13-15 March)beyondapleafor better relationsanddialogueon both sides.However,progressivestookcomfort that thePopehadnot taken sidesand that theyhad not been attacked asthecauseofthe problem." Furthermore, Ratzinger presented adraftofthe document dealingwiththe mostpositiveaspectsofliberation,whichwasnowveryclosetoits planned publication .Thiswaspromisedwhenthefirst Instruction hadbeenpublished, buttherewereconcerns that thedelayin publication signalled that itmight noteverbecompleted.

93 Sharpdivisionsalsoremainedinthe Nicaraguan church.Thismaybeseeninthe bishopsofNicaragua,"CalltoDialogue," Origins 14(26 July 1984), pp. 131-134, and thereplytoitbythe Maryknol1 laymissionaryPatriciaHynds,"BishopsLetterDeepens Church-State Estrangement," Latinamerica Press , 24 May 1984; bothreprintedin Hennel1y (ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 375-380 and 381-384. However,inNicaraguathe church hierarchybecameunitedagainstthepopular church, whereasinBrazilthehierarchy wasitselfsplit.TheVaticanwasthereforeabletoaddressthe situation inNicaragua simply bystrengtheningthe hierarchy, whereasitneededto be morecautiousinitsapproach toBrazil.

94 TheVatican'ssecretaryofstate,CardinalCasaroli(whohadbeenquitecriticalof thefirstInstruction),mayhavebeen influential inencouragingthis rapprochement. HarveyCoxalsosuggests that thePopebelieved that Ratzingerconsulted Widely with theBrazilianbishopsinadvanceofthe Instruction andwasthereforesurprisedatthe levelofofficialdisquiet that itcaused (The Silencing of Leonardo Boff, p. 109).

95 SeeLernoux, People of God,pp.110-113.

Defending the Faith 249

Shortly after their return toBrazil, there was further newsfor the bi shops and forBoff. On Easter Saturday (29 March 1986) the Vatican lifted its period of imposed silence and Boffsaid he received it"as an Easter present ." The timing of the news before the annual assembly of the CNBB in mid -April was particul arly signific ant . It seemedtobe intended to help gain a positive recept ion for the imminent publication of the second Vatican document on liberation theology and heal some of the divisions amongst Brazilian b ishops .

Sure enough, the second document was finally published on 5 April 1986.96 To further aida positive reception forit, the Pope followed it with a warm letter to the Brazili an bishops on 9 April 1986, which Cardinal Bernardin Gantfn personally presented to the CNBB assembly." The letter clarified that both Instructions carried the Pope's explicit approval. It also indicated th atas long as liberation theology remained "c on sistent and coherent with the teachings of the gospel of the living tradition and the ongoing magi sterium of the church" itwas "not only timely but useful and nec essary" and "should be seen asa new stage ... of the church's social te aching as set forth in documents from Rerum Novarum to Laborem Exercens."

The sec ond Instruction (titled Libertatis Conscientia orInstructionon Christian Freedom and Liberation) voiced similar concerns to the first, but as expected , its tone was much more positive." It acknowledged that modern liberation movements had brought social and political freedoms (§§ 5-24), but questioned the ir success in bringing inner freedom (§9) and warned against the alienation and moral relativ ism that often comes with such developments (§§ 18-19). Although it recognised the legitimacy of speaking theologically in terms of liberation, it repeatedly stressed the primacy of redemption from sinforany true understanding salvation as liberation (§ 3). 100 Unlike the 1984 Instruct ion, for the most p art the 1986 Instructionm ade little direct reference toLatin American liberation theology Instead, it offered its own tre atment of liberation themes inways that corresponded either more orlessclosely with Latin American

96 COp,Instructionon Christian Freedom and Liberation (VaticanCity:LibreriaEditrice Vaticana, 1986); ETinOr igins 15(17 April 1986), pp. 115-128; reprintedinHennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology,pp. 461-497. It wasdated 22 MarchandscheduledforpublicationonEasterSunday(30March),butthendelayedforfurtherrevision.Justasthe COFclaimedthatitwasentirelycoincidentalthatthefirst Instrncti on hadbeenpublished thedayafterBoffarrivedinRome,soitinsisted that theliftingofthesilencetheday beforetheexpectedpublicationofthesecond Instruction wasequallycoincidental.

97 JohnPaulII,"Letter to theBrazilianBishops," L'Osservatore Romano (Englished.: 28 April 1986), pp. 6-7; reprintedinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 498-506. Gant fnsucceededCardinalBaggioin 1984 astheVatican'sprefectoftheCongregation forBishopsandmettheBrazilianbishopsduringtheirvisitthepreviousmonth

98 "LettertoBrazilianBishops," § 5.

99 Hennellyprovideshisowncarefulanalysisofitas"TheRed-HotIssueofLiberation Theology," America (24 May 1986), pp. 425-425; reprintedin Hennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology, pp. 507-513.

100 Seealso §§ 23, 37-42, and 71.

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perspectives.Itaffirmed that "thoseoppressedbypovertyaretheobjectofa loveofpreferenceonthepartofthechurch" (§ 68) .tOl It endorsedthebase communities,butwarnedthattheyshouldbeinunitywiththelocalanduniversal church (§ 69)andwarned church pastorsagainstdirect intervention into politics (§ 80). It ended withareflectiononMary'sMagnificatasthebasisfor atheologyofliberation.

On thewholeitreceivedagenerallyfavourableresponse. There werenew hopes that theconflictsofthepastcouldbe brought toanend.Gutierrezwelcomeditasclosinga chapter andopeninganewandmorepositiveperiod. However, behind thescenestheVaticanwasanxioustofindlesspublicways to confront whatitstillsawasthedangersof liberation theology.

The Vatican' sConsolidationofControl

Justasthe attempt ofLatin American conservativesto blunt liberationtheologyinthe1970sonlypartiallysucceededatPuebla,sothedirect confrontations between the Vatican and liberation theologyinthefirst half ofthe 1980smetwithonlypartialsuccess. The Vaticanwasabletoimposeitsdiscipline,butonlyatacostintermsof church unity. The Boffcasemagnifiedan underlyingriftwiththeBrazilian church.Bythemid-1980s,anewapproach was needed .

On thefaceofitthesecond Instruction signalleda rapprochement between theVaticanand liberation theology.Behindthescenes,however,theVatican wasbusyinconsolidatingits control overtheLatin American church .First, theygavecareful thought tonewEpiscopal appointment s.Second,theytried totakemorediscretedisciplinaryactionsagainstkeytheologiansand church leaders.Third,they appropriated thelanguageofliberationforan orthodox liberation theology.

EpiscopalAppointments

Fromthestartofhis papacy, JohnPaulappointedandpromotedLatinAmerican bishopswhowereknowntobehostiletothe liberation movement or,atvery least,wereexpectedtobeloyaltotheVatican'sviews.Inthisway,conservativesgrewininfluenceon national episcopatesandsupportedtheVatican's effortsbyimposingtheirauthorityontheirowndiocesesandnational policies.l'"

101 It promptlyclarified that "The special option forthepoor,farfrombeingasign of particularism orsectarianism,manifeststheuniversalityofthe church's beingandmission. The optionexcludesnoone"(§68).

102 Hennelly (Liberation Theology, p. 459) notes that this wasnotlimitedto Latin America andcitesthe protest of163 European theologians-including such eminent namesas HansKung, Johannes Metz,andEdward Schillebeeckx-in what isknownasthe "Cologne Declaration." The declaration is dated 27January 1989 (a translation isgiven in The Tablet (4 Feb 1989), pp. 140-141) andwas precipitated bytheVatican's appointment ofthenewbishopforCologne. The signatoriescomplain that "The Roman Curia isenergeticallyfillingEpiscopalsees throughout theworld without respectingthesug-

Defending the Faith 251

Itwas much harder for the progre ssivesto combat thissecond and more discreet attack . Although the direct confront ations with the Vatican of 1983-1986 had a much higher public profile, the shifting power in national bi shop' s conference was an equally significant part of the restoration policy.

Areas where liberation theology had b een strong were the focus of special attention when as new bishops were appointed or promoted .Forex ample, the archbishop of Managua, Obando yBravo,was appointed cardinal in 1985 ahead of Archbishop Rivera y Damas of San Salvador, a more progressive b ishop who was appointed to head the Salvadoran church in the difficult period following th e assassin ation of Romero .In Chile, Cardinal Silvawasa forceful critic of the military government of General Pinochet after the 1973 coup, but when he retired in 1983 , his replacement as archbishop of S antiago was Juan Francisco Fresno.'?' Fresno's more cautious approach gained him the nickname of Cardin al "Fresnos"(the Spanish wordfor "brakes") amongst progressive clergy,' ?' Pinochet's wifewaswidely cited as describing Fresno asan answer to prayers, although conflicts that he had with the government meant that he became more outspoken on occasion than many anticipated When Fresno retired in 1989, an even more conservative choice was made in Antofagasta Carlos Oviedo lOS

InBrazil, Bonaventura Kloppenburg became auxiliary of Salvador Bahia in 1983 (ayear after his public crit icism of Boff).InMay 1984, another known opponent of liberation theology, Jose Freire Falcao was appointed archbishop of the politically sensitive archdiocese of Brasilia Another cons ervative , Dom Cl6vis Frainer took over as archbishop of Manaus in 1984. The change in direction for the church in the Northeast was further marked when the conservative Lucas Moreira Neves was named archbishop of Salvador in Bahia (the official primacy of the Brazilian church) in September 1987 and soon afterwards elevated to cardin al.P" He previously served as secret aryto the Congregation for Bishops in Rome andwassymp athetic Opus Dei. 107

When Ivo Lorscheiter (who had been a leader of the CNBB since 1970) wasp assed over for the archdiocese of Porto Alegre itwas generally seen as gestionsoflocalchurchesandneglectingtheirestablishedrights"(p.140).Foraresponse byBishopKarlLehman,presidentoftheGermanBishopsConference,see The Tablet (4Feb1989),pp.141-142.

103 Silvaofferedhisresignationin 1982-atthecustomaryageof 75-andwasapparentlyverysaddenedbythealacritywithwhichitwasaccepted.

104 Lernoux, People of God, pp.141-152.

105 Theprogressivesfeared that anevenmoreconservativeappointmentwasintended.BishopJorgeMedina,whowasseenbymanyastooclosetothe military, was spokenofinthisregard.Asaresult,whenOviedowasappointedinstead,itwasseen almostasavictoryforthe progressives.

106 SeeA.Riding,"PopeShiftsBrazilian Church to theRight," New York Times (8June1988);reprintedinHennelly(ed.), Liberation Theology , pp. 529-53l.

107 Sympathyfor Opus Dei wasespeciallystrongamongstthePeruvianepiscopacyand ArchbishopRicardoDurand(whoreplacedLandazunRicketts)wasaknown opponent ofGutierrez.

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moveagainsttheprogressive church.l'" Mostsignificantofallwastheretirement of Helder Camara in 1985. ThisallowedtheVaticanto appoint theconservative Jose Cardoso Sobrinho toRecife.In September 1989, he collaborated withtheVatican's Congregation for Catholic Education toclosetwotheological institutions in northeastern Brazil that had been attheforefrontofpromoting liberation theologyata pastoral level:theITER (Theological Institute ofRecife)andSERENEII(Seminaryofthe Northeast Region 11).1 09

The wishto influence keyLatin American dioceses extended beyondnew appointments. In September 1988, the President oftheCNBBandauxiliary bishopofSaoPaulo,LucianoMendesdeAlmeida,was relocated toaconservativedioceseinMinasGerias. The followingyear,Brazil'slargest archdiocese-Cardinal Arns's archdiocese ofSao Paulo-was split into four subunits . Leadersofthebase community movement interpreted this change asamove to reduce theirinfluence.

Disciplinary Actions

After 1986, disciplinary actions weremorerare but did not cease.Assoonas thesilencewaslifted,Boff published theworkhe completed under it,resultingin further conflictoverhiswriting. There wasalsohigh-profileconflictwith theBrazilianbishopPedro Casaldaliga, a Spaniard whohadbeenbishopofSao Felixsince 1971.Casaldaliga wasa committed advocate of liberation theology inBrazilandalsoknownforhissolidaritywiththe popular church in Central America.RatzingerobjectedtohisdescriptionoftheuncanonizedOscarRomero asamartyrandsaint,andhisbold attempt to inculturate themassinindigenous traditions . Casaldaliga's tripto Nicaragua in July-August 1985 to support the hunger strikeofMiguel D'Escoto (oneofthepriestswhohadbeenagovernment minister)wasseenasespecially provocative .!'? InJune 1988, Cardinals Ratzingerand Gantin summoned himtoRome. II I

In seventeen years, Casaldaliga hadavoidedthe required ad liminavisitsto Romeand therefore travelled very reluctantly toRome. On 16 June, Cardinals Ratzingerand Gantin quizzedhimona number ofissues. These included: his acceptance of Vatican documents on liberation theology;his understanding of the poorinclassterms;his preaching onsocialsin;andhis references to

108 SeeMainwaring, The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil , p.249.

109 Oneofthearchbishop'sparticularlyhigh profile struggles withacommunity influenced byliberation theology is described inR. Nagle, Claiming the Virgin :The Broken Promise of Liberation Theology in Brazil (New York and London : Routledge, 1997)

110 On D'Escoto's hungerstrikeinprotestatthe contra war, see Kirk, Politics andthe Catholic Church in Nicaragua, pp. 185-187; onCasaldaliga's visit,see P. Casaldaliga, Prophets in Combat :The Nicaraguan Journal of Bishop Pedro Casalddliga.

III Forhisaccountofhistripto Rome, see P. Casaldaliga, "Letterto Brazilian Bishops," National Catholic Reporter, 11 November 1988, pp.9-11;reprintedin Hennelly (ed.) , Liberation Theology , pp.532-540.

Defending the Faith 253

Romero and Camilo Torresas martyrs. His meeting with the Popeon21 June was more cordial, but Cardinal Gantin made his displeasure with Casaldaliga evident ata second meeting beforehe returned toBrazilon27 June. It therefore came as little surprise that in September 1988,the Vatican censured him and put restrictions on hisspeeches and travel.

The Language of Liberation

During the 1980s,the Vatican continued to adopt the language of liberation fora true liberation theology,in implied contrast tothe reductionist language of Latin American liberation theologians such as Gutierrez and Boff. While thisassimilation of the term liberation in both Instructionswaspositiveforliberation theologiansinsomeways-since itallowed them toclaimo ffi cialendorsement of their terminology-in the longer term it undermined the distinctive challenges of their work. II I

InhisresponsetothefirstInstruction,Boffargued that the document revealed a European mindset and methodology. He distinguished between theInstruction asan example ofthe treatment of liberation ina traditional way(which treated liberation onlyasa theological theme), andworksin liberation theology (which also involved anew method ofdoing theology). The crucial difference,asBoff sawit,was that theformerwaspossiblefor anyone through the conventional methods of intellectual study whereas the latter depended onthedistinctive methodology that required practical participation in liberative action.

John Paul'swillingnesstousethe language of liberation was particular clear inhisencyclical Sollicitudo ReiSocialis(On Social Concern)attheendof1987. 113 Once again,thePopeofferedforceful teaching onsocial justice. For example, he repeated hismessagefrom Puebla that all property is under a"social mortgage" (§ 42).Healsoinc orpor ated key phra sesfromLatin Americ an liberation theology and acknowledged Latin American effortstomake liberation thefundamental categoryandfirstprincipleof action .However,he pointed tothe recent teaching of the magisterium onthepositivevaluesaswellasthe deviations and risksof deviation on these issues(§46).His terminol ogyof "true liberation" and "authentic liberation" may reflect these concerns. He therefore repeated themessageofthe1986Instruction(§§38and42) that sinistheprimary barrier to liberation andspokeof structures produced bysin rather than sinful structures.!" Another notable feature wastheway that liberation was

III Thisstrengthenedatendencythathaditsrootsinthe1970s.PaulVI previously promotedthecorrectedinterpretationofliberation theology in Evangelii Nuntiandi and Alfonso Lopez Trujillo and Roger Vekemansattemptedtoadoptthelanguage ofliberation(asa deliberate strategy to opposethe radical socialmessage of Gutierrez andothers) inthe 1970s

III Theencyclicalwasaslightlybelatedmarkerforthetwentiethanniversaryof Populornm Progressio (whichappearedinMarch1967).

114 "Thesinfulobstacletoovercomeonthewaytoauthenticliberationissinand structuresproducedbysinasit multiplies andspreads" (§ 46).

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socloselylinkedto development .JohnPaulputthetwo together andspoke ofthe intimate connection between them. Furthermore, insteadofthesimple phrase "option forthepoor"he introduced thequalifier"optionorloveof preferenceforthepoor."Hisaffirmationofthis option is further qualifiedby his interpretation ofitsimplyas"aspecialformofprimacyintheexerciseof Christian charity"(§42). The termcharityseemedtobeadeliberatemove back to thetimebeforeliberationistsspokeofapolitical option andsolidarity.

CONCLUSION

The dispute between theVaticanand liberation theologywent through anumberofstagesinthe1980s,duringwhich both sideswere determined todefend thefaithastheysawit.Afteraninitialperiodofescalatingtension (1980-1983), theVatican'saggressive attempts topreserveunityandenforceits authority (1984-1986) weresuccessfulinmost countries, but threatened tomakethings worse rather than better in Brazil. Aperiodof rapprochement followedinwhich theVaticanworkedmorediscretelyby nominating conservative bishopsfor important appointments .Asthedecadeprogressed,theVaticantookoversome ofthelanguageof liberation butrejectedthe distinctive method that hasbeen usedinLatin America .

The issuesonwhichtheVaticanandLatin American liberation theology clashedwereecclesiological,terminological,andmethodological. On ecclesiology, Boffand other advocatesofthepopular church soughtto extend theircriticismofsocietytotheworkingsofthe church itself. The democratic nature of thepeopleofGodexpressedinthebase communities raisedquestionsoverthe traditionalhierarchicalauthorityofthemagisterium. On terminology, theVatican remained convinced that thelanguageof liberation usedby liberation theologianswas reductionist and needed tobereclaimedifthespiritual element was tobepreserved. On methodology,theVaticansaw liberation theology'sstarting point inthe commitment tothepoorasdangerousanddivisiveandits acceptance ofMarxistsocialanalysisinearlyworksasseriouslyflawed.

These three concerns wereclosely interrelated. FortheVatican,theMarxist influenceinthelanguageof liberation inevitablyresultedina reduction oftheologytopoliticsanda reduction ofsalvationfromsintopoliticalfreedomand economic liberation.Thisin turn created divisionwithinthe church, especiallywhenthe church asan institution becamethefocusofsocialcriticism as happened with Boff.

Whatever mightbesaid about theVatican'secclesiologicaland terminological concerns itis important tosee that onthe methodological points, thedisputesoverMarxisminworksof liberation theologyinthe1970swere already something ofan anachronism inthemid-1980s.Changesinliberation theology'ssocial setting andprimary partner ofdialogueduringthe 1970s-a moveawayfromtheuniversitiesandtheradical literature ofsocialsciences andintothe"academyofthepoor,"andtheexperiencesofpovertyandinjus-

ticeataneveryday level-meant muchless attention toMarxistanalysisafter themid-1970s.

Asaresult,themost contentious issueofthe controversy-whether Marxist ideasandanalysiscouldhelptheologiansinthetaskofsocialanalysis(aspracticedinearlyworksofliberationtheology) without entailingdeterminism,atheism,and other aspectsofMarxistphilosophy(astheVatican feared)-eould onlydistract attention fromaproperassessmentofliberation theology. Liberation theologians continued to argue that usingMarxistanalysiswasnotinitselfa flaw(although particular usesofitmightbe).However,Marxismwasnolonger central totheirworkandtheydenied that theyhadeverreducedthegospel toMarxism.

THE EMERGENCE OF WOMEN'S VOICES

The United NationsDecadeforWomen (1975-1985) addressedthemarginalizationofwomenatagloballevel.InLatinAmerica, patriarchal attitudes ran asdeepasanywhere. The spiritofthe conquistadores andthesocialidealofa patron ofthe hacienda (themalelordofthefamilyandlocalcommunity) shapedgenderrelationsasmuchaslabourrelations.Latin American women frequentlyface discrimination forbeingwomenaswellaspoor,everydayof theirlives. The church inLatinAmericahasdonemuchmoretoreinforcethe sharpgenderdivisionsinLatin American societies than reducethem,forexample,byitsteaching that Godhas sanctioned awoman'ssubserviencetoher fatherorhusband.

Publishedworksoffeministliberationtheologyemergedin North America intheearly1970salmostimmediatelyafterthefirstworksofLatin American liberationtheologyandBlackliberationtheology appeared.' Bytheearly1970s, feministtheologyachievedagrowing prominence in North Americaandlater inEurope.Theseearlyworkslargelyfocussedonthe situation ofFirstWorld women(andtheissuesfacingthewhitemiddle-classtowhichtheauthors belonged). However,theyplayedavitalrolein deconstructing patriarchal influencesinthe church andtheologyandputtingthemarginalisationofwomen firmly onthetheologicalagenda.

North American feminists,suchasRosemaryRuether, participated atthe TheologyintheAmericasConference(Detroit1975),butmaleLatinAmerican liberation theologians inthe1970s showed minimal evidence offeminist

4 See,forexample,R.R.Ruether, Liberation Theology (NewYork:PaulistPress,1972); idem, "Outlines fora The ologyofLiberation," Dialog II (Autumn 1972),pp. 252-257; idem,"SexismandtheTheologyofLiberation"in Christianity and Crisis90(12 December 1973),pp. 1224-1229; M.Daly, Beyond God the Father : Towards a Philosophy ofWomen's Liberation (Boston: Beacon Press,1973); L. M.Russell, Human Liberation ina Feminist Perspective : A Theology (Philadelphia : Westminster Press,1974).Someofthesewriters deliberately sought tomakelinkswith other liberation theologiesin their understandingofdifferentformsof oppression (see,for example ,Russell, Human Liberationin a Feminist Perspective, pp. 50-71); others tended tofocusmoreexclusivelyonthedistinctiveness ofsexism and the oppression of women under patriarchy (see,forexample, MaryDaly, Beyond God the Father) Forahelpfulsurveyoftheearly1970ssee C. P. Christ, "The NewFeminist Theology:AReviewofthe Literature" in Religious Studies Review 3.4(1977),pp. 203-212. It should alsobe noted that aswiththe other liberation movements there werealsoa number of important publications duringthe1960s that prepared thewayforthesefuller statements ofa liberation perspective inthe1970s. Seeinparticular,M.Daly, The Churchandthe Second Sex(NewYork: Harper & Row, 1968); V. Saiving, "The Human Situation :A Feminine View"in The Journal of Religion (April1960), reprinted inC. P. Christ and J. Plaskow, Womanspirit Rising : AFeminist Reader in Religion (SanFrancisco: Harper & Row,1979),pp. 25-42. For accounts ofthe longerhistoryofwomen's theological work,seeM. J. Selvidge, Notorious Voices : Feminist Biblical Interpretation 1500-1920 (London :SCMPress,1996),andmanyofthe contributions inE. Schussler Fiorenza(ed.), Searching the Scriptures : A Feminist Introduction (NewYork: Crossroad, 1993; London :SCMPress,1994).

concerns .As men-who mostlyworkedinthemaleworldofthe churchesitwaseasyforthepioneersof liberation theologyinLatinAmericatoignore the patriarchal context that affected both church andsociety. Whereas Catholic social teaching provided liberation theologywithfirm foundations oneconomicrights,itofferedverylittleintermsofwomen'srights. Rerum Novarum had scarcely mentioned women.Intheoneplacewhereitdidaddresstheissueit wasinthe context ofchildlabourandsimply stated that "Women. arenot suitedto certain trades;forawomanisby nature fittedforhomework,and itis that whichisbest adapted atoncetopreservehermodesty,andtopromotethegoodbringingupof children andthewell-beingofthe family.'" It was not until Pacem inTerris that John XXIII noted asoneofthe three distinctive characteristics oftheage that : .womenarenowtakingpartinpubliclife. Thisis happening morerapidly perhapsin nations of Christian civilization,and,more slowly, butbroadly, amongpeopleswhohave inherited other traditions orcultures.Sincewomen arebecomingevermoreconsciousoftheir human dignity,theywillnottoleratebeing treated asmerematerialinstruments, but demand rightsbefitting a human person both indomesticandinpublic life. " Medellinhadmadenomore than themostfleetingofreferencestowomen. In"MessagetothePeoplesofLatinAmerica"itreferredto "woman andher irreplaceablefunctioninthesociety"andalthoughitacknowledged that women were demanding theirrighttoalegitimateequalitywithmen, there waslittle detailonwhatthisme ant inpracticeorhowthe church might promote it .? Th e document onthefamilycriticisedtheviciouscircleof underdevelopment, poorliving conditions, andlowsanitary conditions that somanyfamiliesfaced. However,it interpreted therolesofwomeninthefamilyin traditional terms anddid not addressthesocialinjustices experienced bywomenwithreference to gender orinthe context of patriarchy.

Pueblareferredtowomenas"doublyoppressedand marginalized"-that is oppressedaswomenaswellasoppressedas poor-but itishardtotell whether itsstatusastheonly footnote in1310sectionsof text madethis observation moresignificantormore marginal ." Whatever thecasewiththisstrangefootnote,thebishopsstilldid not offeranydiscussionof patriarchy or attempt to addresssexismatatheologicallevel. Furthermore, thePueblameetingwas

5 Rernm Novarnm, § 33.

6 Pacem inTerris, § 41.

7 "Message tothe Peoples ofLatin America "in CELAM, The Church in the Pre sentDay Transformation ofLatin America in the Light ofthe Council.

8 CELAM, Puebla, § 1135; seep. 197 above.Inan interview, ElsaTamezGutierrez saidthatthe bishops atthe conference intendedittobepartofthemaintext,butit wasmadeintoafootnoteintheeditingprocessaftertheconferenceended;see E. Tamez, Against Machismo :RubemAlves, Leonardo Bo[f, Gustavo Gutierrez , Jos e Migu ez Bonino , Juan Luis Segundo and Others Talk about the Strnggle ofWomen (Oak Park, Ill: Meyer-Stone Books, 1987 [Spanish orig. 1986]), pp.39-49 (40).

Facing the Feminist Challenge 259

notable for the fact that although women's experiences were mentioned, women were still largely excluded from the theological discussion. At Puebla, the Mexican women's documentation centre Mujeres para el Vialogo (Women for Dialogue) offered meetings and conferences to the CELAM delegates but the impact these could make was limited. However, the quality and energy of their work did not go entirely unnoticed . The EATWOT steering group asked them to arrange a meeting for women from all over Latin America in preparation for the 1980 International Congress of Theology at Sao Paulo." This meeting took place later that year near Tepeyac in Mexico under the title "The Latin American Woman : The Praxis and Theology of Liberation ."!"

Mary Judith Rees traces the beginning of the feminist challenge in Latin America to this meeting in Tepeyac .!' In much the same way that from the outset liberation theology proclaimed itself as not just a topic within theology, but a distinctive new way of doing theology, the women at the meeting also emphasised that what was needed was not just women asa topic of concern for theology, but a new approach to the whole of theology from women's perspective 12

ElsaTamez(a Methodist working in Costa Rica) and Ivone Gebara (a Brazilian Catholic) both took part at the EATWOT meeting in New Delhi (1981) and contributed to what Oduyoye described as the "irruption within the

9 See Chapter 10.

10 SeeMujeresparaelDialogo,"Women,PraxisandLiberationTheology:Tepeyac, Mexico,1-5 October 1979"in Voices from the Third World 2,2(1979),pp. 12-18 Their reportwasalso presented atthe InternationalCongressofTheologyatSaoPaulo;see C.Ferro,"TheLatinAmericanWoman:ThePraxisandTheologyofLiberation"inTorres andJ.Eagleson (eds.), The Challenge of Basic Christian Communities, pp. 24-37 See alsotheirlaterwork,MujeresparaelDialogo, MujerLatinoamericana, Iglesia y Teologia (Mexico:n.p.,1981).

11 Seeher account ofthe meeting andits significance inM.J.Ress, "Feminist TheologiansChallengeChurches," Latinamerica Press (31May1984);reprinted in Hennelly, Liberation Theology, pp. 385-392 (385).However,a number ofhistorical precedents could beseenasmuchearlierbeginningsforthe movement .Forexample, Beatriz Couch recallsthe contribution ofthepoetSorJuanaInesdelaCruzincolonialMexico (16511695)in B. M.Couch,"Sor Juana InesdelaCruz: The FirstWoman Theologian inthe Americas"in J. c. B.andE. L. Webster(eds.), The ChurchandWomen in the Third World (Philadelphia:WestminsterPress,1985).ForaselectionofSorJuana'spoetry,see A SorJuana Anthology (trans. A. S.Trueblood;Cambridge,Mass.: Harvard University Press,1988);onherlifeandwork,seeO.Paz, SorJuana 1m'sde laCruz:HerLifeand World (transM.S.Peden;London:FaberandFaber,1988).

12 Rees comments : "It ishere that feminist liberation theologiansofferachallengeto theirmale counterparts. They argue that theverymethodologyofliberation theologyreflectiononthepraxisof liberation withinafaith perspective--demands that thesituation ofwomenbea constitutive element, notjustonemoretheme,withinliberation theology. They maintain that tomakethe situation ofpoorwomena central concern isindispensableto liberation theologyifitistobelifegivingtoallthe continent's marginated people";"Feminist Theologians Challenge Churches," inHennelly, Liberation Theology, p. 387.

irruption."!' TamezandtheKoreanwoman theologian Sun AiParkorganised themainworshipsessionwithreadingsfrom Gen . 21.8-20 (Abraham driving out Hagar)andLk. 1.46-55 (Mary's Magnificat) ." Tamez'sreflectiononHagar drew together thedifferentdimensionsof oppression that others were reluctant torecognise:

Hagarisawomanwhosuffersathreefoldoppression,likemanywomenin the Third World.Hagaris thrice oppressed:becauseofherclass(sheisa slave);becauseofherrace(sheisanEgyptian,animpurerace according to theHebrews);andbecauseofhersex(sheisa woman). 15

Tamez noted that whenHagarandIshmaelwere driven into thedesertand fearedforthelifeofherson,shecalledontheGodofIsraelfordeliverance.God appeared toher,savedherandhersonanddelivered them from slavery.Thisepisode,Tamezsaid,wastheonlybiblically recorded epiphany to awoman.IftheBibleshowedGodinsuch dramatic solidaritywithaslavewomanfromadespisedraceinbiblicaltimes, then Tamezargued,Godremained insolidaritywithdespisedraces, ethnic minorities, andoppressedwomenin the Third World. 16

Tamez's contribution atNewDelhi confirmed her status asoneofthemost promisingwomenliberation theologiansinLatin America." When theWomen's Commission of EATWOT created aregional department ofLatin American women theologians in1983,theyaskedTameztoactasa coordinator One of themostsignificantachievementsofthisnewbodywastoorganisea Continental Consultation inBuenosAiresin 1985. More than twentyyearsafterthefirst significant meeting ofmaleliber ation theologians atPetr6polis,this continentwide meeting ofLatin American womendid much toraisetheprofileofgenderissuesintheology.A number of influential papers-from figuressuchas An aMariaBidegain (Uruguayan workingin Colombia), IvoneGebara,Alida Verhoeven (Dutch workingin Argentina) ,MarfaClaraBingemer(Colombia), NellyRitchie (Argentinean), Aracelyde Rocchietti (Uruguay),Tereza Cavalcanti (Brazil), Consuelo delPrado(Peru),andTamez herself-outlined theagenda forwomen'stheologyinLatin America." Tamez's introductory contribution to thevolume "The Powerofthe Naked" isan evocative synthesisoffeminist

13 Seep. 223 above.

14 E. Tame z,S. A. Park,andothers, "Worship Service :ThisHourof History" in Fabella and Torre s, Irruption of the Third World, pp. 181-187.

15 E.Tamez, "Reflections by Elsa Tame z"in Fabella andTorres, Irruption of the Third World, pp. 183-185(184).

16 Tamez , "Reflections by Elsa Tamez," p. 184.

17 Herpreviousworkincluded Bible of the Oppressed (trans.M.O'Connell; Maryknoll, N.Y.:OrbisBooks, 1982 [Spanish orig. 1979]). HerProtestant background is particularly clearinherlaterwork The Amnesty of Grace : Justification by Faith from a Latin American Perspecnce (trans.Sharon Ringe; Nashville : Abingdon Press , 1993 [Spanish orig. 1991]).

18 Manyofthe papers havebeen published inE. Tamez (ed.), Through Her Eyes ; Women's Theology from Latin America (Maryknoll, N.Y.:Orbis Books, 1989).

Facing the Feminist Challenge 261

thought, liberation theology,and indigenous mythology that represents Latin American women'stheologyatitsmost courageous and innovative .'?

The followingyear EATWOT's International Women's Conference tookplace at Oaxtepec (Mexico, December 1986).Latin American womenjoinedwith representatives fromAfricaandAsiainexploringtheirsimilaritiesanddifferencesasThirdWorldwomenliberationtheologianspriortothe EATWOT meetingthefollowing week .i? Latin American womenatthe conference included : IvoneGebara,LuizBeatriz Arellano (Nicaragua), NellyRitchie,MariaPilar Aquino(originallyfromMexicoandworkinginCalifornia),AnaMariaTepedino (Brazil),andElsaTarnez."Partlybecauseofthismeeting,womenwere much better represented andorganisedatthe Oaxtepec meeting andtheir contributiontothefinal publication was much stronger than previousconferences."

The conferences inBuenosAiresand Oaxtepec markedtheformalemergenceofLatin American women's liberation theologyasanorganisedmovement acrossthe continent. Sincethese conferences, the publications bywomen Latin American theologianshavemultipliedandinmanycasesbecomemore radicalinthelate1980sand1990s.23 Sincethemid-1980s, much ofthemost creativeandchallengingworkinliberationtheologyhasbeenbyLatin American feminist theologians." They haveoftenofferedmore sophisticated and nuanced

19 E.Tamez, "The PoweroftheNaked"inidem(ed.), Through Her Eyes, pp. 1-14

20 V. FabellaandM. A. Oduyoye (eds.), With Passion and Compassion ; Third World WomenDoing Theology (Reflections fromtheWomen's Commission of EATWOT, 1985-1986 :Maryknoll,N .Y. ;OrbisBooks,1988).Agoodcollectionof Third World women'stheologyisoffered U. King (ed.),Feminist Theology fromthe Third World; A Reader (London;SPCK,1994).

21 Their paperswerepublishedinFabellaandOduyoye (eds.), With Passion and Compassion, pp. 125-180

12 SeeM. C. Bingemer, "ThirdWorldTheologies;ConversiontoOthers,"andE.Tamez "ALatin American Perspective"in Abraham (ed.), Third World Theologies, pp.vii-xiii and 134-138 .

lJ Forexample, Janet Reedyargues that women'stheological production inBrazil wentthroughthreestages;first,theearlypioneerssuchasMariaClaraBingemerand othersassociatedwiththePontificalUniversityinRiodeJaneiro (1980-1985); second, morenationalnetworksofwomenandpublications (1987-1990); third,themoremature andthematicallydiversewritingsofthe1990slinkedwithamoreradicalgrouplocated primarilyinSaoPaulo.SeeJ.Reedy,"PacifistPioneersand Second-Generation Rebels; TheStateofWomenTheologiansinBrazilToday,"paperpresentedintheReligionin LatinAmericaand Caribbean Groupatthe American AcademyofReligion Annual Meeting, Orlando, Florida,1998.

24 Intheearlieryears,Latin American women tended toavoididentifyingthemselves asfeminist. The termwasseenastoocloselyidentifiedwiththewomen's movement in North AmericaorEuropeandfocussedondifferent concerns tothoseofLatin Americanwomen. Others avoideditsimplytoavoidproblemswith misinterpretation . Although thisisstillthecaseformanywomeninthebasecommunities,morerecently thetermfeministtheologyhasfoundgrowing acceptance inwrittenworksduringthe 1990s.See,forexample,M.PilarAquino, OurCryforLife; Feminist Theology fromLatin Am erica (trans. D. Livingstone:Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1993[Spanishorig.1992]): "Latin AmericanFeminist Theology," Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 14.1, pp, 89-107.

interpretations oftheoppression than malecolleagueswhorelyprimarilyon classanalysis. Their successin incorporating genderissuesintoa liberationist framework pointed apossiblewayforwardfor liberation theologyasa wholeregrettablyfewoftheirmalecolleaguesfollowedtheirlead.

Duringthe1980s,maletheologiansbecamemoreassiduousinpayinglipservicetotheoppressionof women.P However,theyleftittotheirfemalecolleaguestodevelopserioustheologicalreflectiononthis. Their writings often referredtoitasanissue,butdid not takeitasa starting point fortheirwork. Atonelevel,thiswas understandable. It wasrightforwomentotakethelead inarticulatingwomen'stheologyandreflectingonwomen'sexperience.However, maletheologians tended tousethisasanexcusetoevadetherealchallenges posedbytheir patriarchal context. Rather than seeinggenderas something that affected them asmenjustasitaffectedwomenaswomen,theysawgenderasexclusivelyawomen'sissue. The fact that manymaletheologianswere celibateclergydoubtless encouraged this mistaken belief."

Asaresult,effortsbymale liberation theologianstogobeyondsimplymentioningtheoppressionofwomenwereprettyrareandamongstthose that tried, theresultswereusuallydisappointing. When malewritersaddressedthedistinctive contribution ofwomen,theyinvariably presented women'sperspective intermsofsensitivity, tenderness, andclosenesstothecosmos.Women'sroles continued tobeasmothersandprovidersforthefamily;masculineandfemininewere not viewedassocially constructed northe traditional divisionsas partofthe patriarchal process.

Forexample,Leonardo Boff-who went much further than othersinextolling thetheological contribution of women-nonetheless seemedtoassumeanessentialist understanding ofwomen's nature androles."Likewise,duringthe1980s, Gutierrezwroteanextensive chapter onMaryin Godof Life . 28 It offeredaradical interpretation ofMaryinthestruggleagainstpoverty,butdidnotadequately recognisethedeeperissuesinthediscussionofgenderandpatriarchy.

25 Forexample,Gutierrez'sworkinthe1980sstressedthemuchmoreinclusivesense ofthepoorthanwas apparent inthe1970s.Forexample,henoted: "When Ispeakof conflictinhistoryIalwaysmentiondifferentaspectsofit. That iswhyIcontinual1y refertoracesdiscriminatedagainst,despisedcultures,exploitedclasses,andtheconditionofwomen, especial1y inthosesectorsofsocietywherewomenare'doublyoppressed andmarginalized'(Puebla,no.1134,note)" (TheTruth Shall Set You Free, p.70).Even in1971,GutierrezintroducedA Theology of Liberation as"basedontheGospelandthe experiencesofmen and wom en committedtotheprocessofliberation"(A Theology of Liberation, p. ix, emphasisadded).However,Gutierrez'sworkshowslittlesignoftaking patriarchyascentralaspovertyinhisanalysisofPeruviansociety.

26 Thesensitivitiessurroundinggenderissueswithinthe church andtheextreme pressuresthatmanyofthemalreadyfacedfromsuspiciouschurchauthoritiesshould alsoberecognisedasatleastpartlyresponsible.

27 L. Boff,The Maternal Face ofGod:The Feminine and its Religious Expressions (trans. R.R.Barr & J. W. Diercksmeier;SanFrancisco:HarperandRow;London: Col1ins, 1987[Spanishorig.1979]).

28 Gutierrez, GodofLife, pp.164-186.

Thisfailureofmale theologians toaddress gender issueswasespecially significantbecauseprofessionalwomentheologianswerenotonlyquiterare, butalsooftenstronglydisadvantagedingettingtheirworkpublished,especially iftheyofferedastronggenderperspective.Asaresult,liberationtheologyas a movement remainedverylimitedinitsgenderanalysis.

MARY

Whatever thelimitationsofGutierrez'srereadingofMaryitdidatleastreflect anawarenessofhersignificanceinthelivesofwomen.Anumberofwomen LatinAmericanliberationtheologianshavefoundrereadingsofMarytobeparticularly important inthe quest formore liberative rolemodelsforLatin American womentoday.Whileitwouldbecompletelymistakento think that women'sliberationtheologyinLatinAmerica is onlyabout Mary, therearegood reasonswhyMaryhasassumedparticular prominence inmanyworks.

DevotiontoMaryisakeyfeatureinthepopularreligiousritualsonthecontinent andthe traditional viewofMaryasvirginand mother providedavery influentialgenderstereotypeforwomen's behaviour inLatin American society. Often, the Marian stereotype supported avery conservative ideology. The CaiporaWomen'sGroupfromBrazilsummarisetheimpactofMarianimages onBraziliansocietyas follows : "The EuropeanimageofMarywasexportedto BrazilalongwiththeRoman Catholic church:theholy, entranced ,blue-eyed, obedient, asexualMary.For centuries the church usedthisimageofideal womanhoodtofosterthe subordinate roleof women .V? Women's subordination isalsoseenintherestrictedsocialrolestowhichwomenareexpectedtoconform.AnaMariaBidegainobserves that inthemachistaframework,"theonly twovocationsavailabletowomansincethe nineteenth century havebeen motherhood and consecrated virginity,"andthesearethetworoles that are represented in traditional Christian imagesof Mary.'? Atthemeetingofwomen theologiansatTepeyac,Mexico (October 1979)theCostaRicanfeministtheologianCorraFerromadethesamepointwithsomeforce: [awoman's]roleistoaccompanyman.Assuch,shemustbemarriedto God(virgin)ortoaman(wife).Ifnotsheisconsideredtobemarriedto thedevil. The church offersusthemodelofMaryasvirginand mother. Sanctity,wearetold,isfoundnotinanythingwedo,butinthe acceptance ofoneor other stateinlife.3 I

The identityofwomenasprimarilyvirginsormothershasbeentermed"marianismo/' " Asafemalefoiltomachismo,marianismo perpetuates a patriarchal

29 CaiporaWomen'sGroup, Women in Brazil, p.68.

30 A.M.Bidegain,"WomenandtheTheologyofLiberation"inM.H.Ellisand O.Maduro(eds.), The Future of Liberation Theology :Essays in Honour of Gustavo Gutierrez (Maryknoll,N.Y. :OrbisBooks,1989),pp.105-120(108-109).

31 CitedinM. J. Ress,"FeministTheologiansChallengeChurches," Latinamerica Press, (31May1984);reprintedinHennelly, Liberation Theology, pp. 385-392 (386).

32 SeeE. P. Stevens,"MachismoandMarianismo," Society 10.6(1973),pp.57-63,and

interpretation ofMaryandexaltsitasthemodelforLatin American women to follow. This contributes tothe exploitation ofwomen that remainswidespreadinLatin American society.Becausemachismoisbasedonmalepower over women-and marianismo exaltsfemalesubmissionto this-machista/ marianistaideologyprovidesaframeworkinwhichdomesticviolencecanbe sparkedbythemosttrivialofincidents. The legalsystemisusuallyheavily biasedtowardleniencyforanaggrievedmanandoften offers little protection to battered women." Furthermore, incommonwiththerestoftheworld,duringtimesofwarandcivilprotesttheviolenceagainstwomencanbeparticularlyhorrific.

The church's teachingsonsexualitylongsupportedthishistoryofoppression andhelpedlegitimate machista/marianista ideologies.Despitethishistory,the womentheologianswhometatTepeyacfeltthelegacyofMarycouldalsobe liberating.CoraFerroacknowledgedtheimplicationsofthe traditional imageas offering onlythelimitedrolesofvirginandmother,butthenwentontoobserve:

This attitude overlooksMary'sdefiantsongofliberationintheMagnificat andherstanceatthefootofthecross,whichwasadefiantpolitical act." Ferro'sworksignalledthebeginningofmoreextensivestudiesinthe next decade. The mostextensiveofthesewas Mary,MotherofGod, Mother ofthe Poor byIvoneGebara(awomanreligious)andMarfaClaraBingemer(alaywoman)whobothworkedin Brazil." Their experiencewiththepopular church andbasecommunitiesconvincedthemthat"one cannot speakaboutthe church

idem "Marianismo : The Other Faceof Machismo inLatin America," in A. Pescatello (ed.), Female and Male in Latin America (London andPittsburgh:Universityof Pittsburgh Press, 1973), pp. 91-101. According to Stevens, marianismo isthefemalefoil to male machismo Marianismo reinforcesthe machistasystemby exalting a traditional understanding of Mary-as submissive,asexual, and domestic-as theideal qualities forall women. The marianista woman isthelong-suffering partner ofthe machista man The man isto dominate and thewomanis to submit ;the man isto demand and the woman istogive;the man istobelustfulandthewomanistobe chaste . Marianismo co-opts women into machista societybygiving pseudo-value tothe patient endurance ofoppressionaswomen'sdivinely ordained imitation ofMary.

J3 For example, machista values influence legislat ion on rape;in fourteen Latin American countries a man maylegallyrapehisfianceeorwifeandinsome countriesincluding Chileand Argentina-a rapist need onlyproposemarriagetohisvictimto escape prosecution; seeS.Boyd,"RapeLawsOfferWomen Scant Protection," Latinamerica Press, 29.28 (1997), p. 2.

34 Cited inM.].Rees, "Feminist Theologians Challenge Churches" in Hennelly, Liberation Theology, p. 386.

35 1. GebaraandM. C. Bingemer, Mary , Mother of God, Mother of the Poor (trans. P. Berryman ;Maryknoll,N .Y. :OrbisBooks;TunbridgeWells,Kent:Burns & Oates, 1989 [Portugueseorig. 1987)). Asummarizedversionofthebookisofferedby their chapter "Mary" in I. Ellacuriaand[. Sobrino (eds.), Mysterium Liberationis, pp. 482-495. Bingemer develops further thoughts on Marian devotion inM. C. Bingemer, "Woman:TimeandEternity: The EternalWomanandtheFeminineFaceofGod," Concilium 6 (1991), pp. 98--107

ofthepoororof pastoral workamongthe popular classes without dealingwith thefigureofthis woman.?"

Gebara and Bingemer examined Marywith reference tothesocial context ofLatin America's troubled historyandshowed that imagesofMaryreflected the interests ofthedifferentgroups that claim them." Inthefirstyearsofthe conquest, Mary belonged tothe Spanish conquistadors whoclaimed that their successwasduetoMary'sassistanceagainstthe infidels." Yet within a short timeofthe conquest the indigenous peopleabsorbedMary into their ownreligiouspractices.In1531onthehillofTepeyac near MexicoCity,the Indian peasant Juan Diegohadan apparition ofMaryinwhichshe addressed himin hisownlanguage." The legendoftheVirginof Guadalupe that grew out of thisstoryelev ated MarytoaspecialplaceinLatin American culture, which she continues tohold,especiallyforLatin American women.'?Formillionsof women,Maryisan intimate friendandfellow-workerwhostruggledwiththe challenges of day-to-day lifeand understands itsdifficulties.FromMexicoto the Southern Cone womenshare their worriesandjoywithMary:over their food, shelter,birth,and bereavement. Inparticular,asamother,Maryisseen asthefriend and protector of other women whoprovidefor their families.In Brazil,Maryis often referredtoasthe mae do povo-"mother ofthepeople."

Basedon their reviewofthis popular devotion, Gebara andBingemerargue that "When itcomesto experiencing faithinMary,thepeopleareway ahead ofany theological endeavours. Their experience isprimary,anditis what generates subsequent reflection andthenew formulations emerging from that

36 GebaraandBingemer, Mary, Mother of God, p. 159. AsGebaraandBingemernote, theprevalenceofwomeninbasecommunitiesgivesparticularsignificancetotheirwork onMary;Gebaraand Bingemer, Mary, Mother of God, pp. 160-164. TheCaiporaWomen's Groupalsoindicatethe important roleofbasecommunitiesinpromotingamoreliberatingviewofMary:"Asthebase Christian communitiesspreadandraiseawareness amongthepoor,thisimageofMaryisgaininginimportance;awomanfromthe pooo, alwayspresentinthedailylivesofBrazilianwomen" (Women in Brazil, p. 69).

37 TheambivalenceofMary'simageisemphasizedbyGebaraandBingemer (Mary , Mother of God, p.128): "Conquerors and conquered, ownersandworkers,religiousand laypeoplehaveexperiencedtheirrelationshipwithMaryoverthe centuries-long history ofChristianfaithinLatinAmerica.Impelledbyitsowninterests,eachgrouphasclaimed Maryforitsown,andsoshehastakenpartintheconflictsoflifeanddeath,andvictoryanddefeatofdifferentgroupswithinthecomplexLatin American socialfabric."

38 SeeGebaraandBingemer, Mary, Mother of God, pp. 129-131.

39 See Chapter 1; forGebaraandBingemer'sreadingofthis tradition, see Mary, Mother of God, pp. 144-154. Braziliantraditionalsotellsofthe Parafba RiverwhereMary showedsolidaritywiththepoorandraciallyoppressedofBrazilas Our LadyAparecida (Mary, Mother of God, pp. 154-158).

40 See V. Elizondoand V. P. Elizondo, Guadalupe : Mother oftheNew Creation (Maryknoll, N.Y.: OrbisBooks, 1997) ForMary'sinfluenceonMexican-Americanwomen,see J. Rodriguezand V. P. Elizondo, Our Lady of Guadalupe : Faith and Empowerment Among Mexican·American Women (Austin:UniversityofTexasPress, 1994).

CHAPTER TWELVE

retlection .?" They refertothe popular traditions that havegrownup around Maryinthis devotion as "the people's dogmatics .?" in which Maryisthe "Mother ofthe Oppressed," "Our Ladyof Latin America," and "Mother ofthe Forgotten ."43

Inthe Magnificat (Lk. 1.46-55), Mary'ssongof liberation celebrates the events in which sheisanactive participant. Godis worshipped asonewho hasraisedthelowlyand brought downthepowerfulfrom their thrones (Lk. 1.55). They seethe revolutionary thrust ofthesongas diametrically opposed tothepassiveandsubmissive marianista ideology.Asa woman ofthepeople whowasactiveinGod'sworkfor liberation in first-century Palestine,Marycan empower Christians inLatin America to continue thestruggleforthe kingdom ofGodtoday.

EvenMary's traditional imageastheVirgin can be understood inaradically newway. Rather than rejecting human sexuality,it can beseenasawitness toawoman's control overherownsexuality. The Caipora groupwrite:

NordoesMary'svirginityanylongermerelysymboliseherasexualityandtherefore her distance fromtherealityof other women'slives.Forwomenwho alltoo often experience sexualityas violence, asrape,Mary'svirginitysymbolisesthe dream ofphysical autonomy,"

Latin American women theologians draw attention toMary'spositive decision for action in accepting God'staskforhertocarryandgive birth to Christ (Lk. 1.38).45 The Spiritmakesher pregnant only because shehasgivenherpositive assent as co-worker in salvation history."

While many women have welcomed thistypeof rereading, more radical feminists have remained sceptical." The Argentinean theologian Marcella Althaus-Reid criticisestheworkof Gebara andBingemerasfailingtodevelop afeminist materialist approach ." Asaresult,sheargues that their reading of Maryis not reallyonthe historical plane, but onlyintermsofareligioussymbol.She concludes :

41 Gebaraand Bingemer, Mary Mother ofGod, p.127.

42 Onthe relationship betweenpopular dogmatics andtheinstitutionalchurch,see Gebaraand Bingemer, Mary, Mother of God ,pp. 125-127.

43 Gebaraand Bingemer, Mary Mother of God, p. 163.

44 CaiporaWomen'sGroup, Women in Brazil , p.68.

45 For example , Bidegain, "Women andthe Theology of Liberation," p. 116; Gebara and Bingemer, Mary, Mother of God, p.69.

46 Bycontrast,manyLatinAmericanwomen complain thattheycannotlimittheir family size throughsexual abstinence sincetheirhusbandsinsistonsexualrelationsand beatthemifthey refuse toooften.

47 Partofthe difference in perspective isaresultof different socialcontext.Gebara and Bingemer 'swork reflects theirworkwithchurchorientatedwomeninruralcommunities. Moreradical feminists ,suchas Althaus-Reid, oftenarticulatetheattitudesof educatedurbanwomenwhoaremuchmorecriticalofthechurch.

48 M. Althaus-Reid, Indecent Theology : Theological Perversions in Sex, Gender and Politics (LondonandNew York: Routledge, 2000),pp.40-44.

Facing the Feminist Challenge 267

Re-readings oftheBible, important astheymaybe, cannot unmask thefact that womenhave concrete livesruledby Marian performances .IfMaryisa symbolfortheLatin American women's liberation movement, howisit that in500yearswehaveseenexactlytheopposite? Where does Marianismo come from then, if not fromMariologyand popular Mariology ?49

WOMEN AND THE BASE COMMUNITIES

Justas women wereinthe overwhelming majority asactive partictpants in church congregations throughout Latin America, likewisetheywereusuallythe backbone ofbase community membership. Inthe1980s,Julio Santa Ana estimated that 80-85% ofmembersofbase communities inBrazilwerewomen.50 Furthermore, womeninreligiousorderswere often vitalin initiating andsustaining the communities. As teachers, counsellors, andfacilitatorsthecritical rolesofwomeninreligiousorderswas often an unacknowledged aspectofthe liberation theology movement . Madeleine Adriance suggests that inBrazil womenreligiousarethelargestgroupof pastoral agentswhoworkwiththe CEBs,and that they outnumber thepriestsby three-to-one ." Women embraced thebase communities asa chance foramore authentic participation inthe church.

Basedonherstudyofbase communities inruralareasinAmazonia, Adriance argued that thewomenshe interviewed felt that their participation inthecommunity changed their relationships inthefamilyinapositive way. 52 The participationinthecommunitiesandtheopportunitiesthisprovidedfortraveloutside the community to regionalandeven national meetingsdevelopwomen'sleadershipconfidenceandexpectationsofchangeintheirownhouseholds.Furthermore, Adriance noted that thepositive identification placedon motherhood bythe church isonewithwhichthewomenshe studied positively identified with;it was not justa burden placedon them bythe church. P

However,a number ofcriticshave noted that despitethepromiseofthebase communitiesandthenumericalpresenceofwomen in them,thebasecommunities

49 Althaus-Reid, Indecent Theology, p. 44. See further, C. R. Boxer, Maryand Misogyny : Women in Iberian Expansion Overseas, 14I 4- 18I5: Some Facts, Fancies and Personalities (London : Duckworth, 1975), pp. 103-106.

50 Seehis comments inE. Tamez, Against Machismo, p. 18; seealsothe comments of Leonardo Boff in Tamez, Against Machismo , p.97.

51 M. Adriance, "Agents ofChange: Priests, Sisters, and Lay Workers inthe Grassroots CatholicChurchin Brazil," Journal for Scientific Studyof Religion 30(1991) pp. 292-305. Theroleofwomen religious in promoting and sustaining the CEBs has received relatively littleattention,butmayprove particularly importantto understanding thesuccessofthemovement.

52 M. Adriance, Promised Land: Base Christian Communities andthe Struggle forthe Amazon (Albany:State University ofNew York Press, 1995), pp. 145-149.

53 Adriance, Promised Land, pp. 142-143. Adrianceclaimedthatthisistrueevenfor womeninSaoPauloandin support, shecitedthestudyinSaoPauloby C. Drogus, "Reconstructing the Feminine : Women inSao Paulo's CEBs," Extrait des archives de sciences soicales des religions 17(1990), pp. 63-74 .

oftenstillreflectedthegenderinequalitythatcharacterisesothersocialandecclesial structures .r' It isunusualforwomen'sexperiencesandproblems to beconsciously promoted as central totheCEBs'agenda.55

TheambivalenceoftheCEBsonthestatusofwomenwasnotedatthemeetingofLatinAmericawomenatTepeyacin 1979 . On theonehand,mostparticipantswelcomedtheparticipatorymodelofthecommunitiesandwomen's presenceinthem. One ofthe consequences oftheparticipatoryethoswasto reducetheinfluenceof hierarchical authority structures includingpatriarchy. However,theydeploredthefrequentabsenceofwomenin charting thecourse fortheCEB movement . The womenatthemeetingnoted:

Forthemostpart,womenarestillsecond-classcitizensintheCEBs,where male -centred traditions continue topersist.Forinstance,CEBleadershipis usuallymaleasarethosewho represent thecommunitytothelarger church. Itismostoftenamanwholeadstheliturgyintheabsenceofapriestor pastor.Maleopinionstendtobegivenmoreweightincommunityreflection, andwomenaremoreoften than notassignedthetasks that havetodowith childcare,thepreparationoffood,settingupthechapelfor worship, andcleanupafterwards/"

Ata methodolo gicallevel,themore spontaneous andexperientialapproaches totheology that foundexpressionintheCEBswereseenasreflectingfeminist challengestomore traditional, male-oriented, andsystematicmodels.However, thesemethodologicalprincipleswerenotalwaysproperlyobservedinpractice, andthis prevented women'sexperiencesfrombecoming central and constitutivetotheCEBs.

SoniaAlvarezhasargued that theCEBsfailedinrelationtowomen'sexperiences.Alvarez'sstudyoftwoworking-classareasoftheBraziliancapitalSao Pauloarguedthat:

...womenhavebeendifferentially incorporated intothegrassrootsorganizationsofthePeople's Church inSaoPaulo. That is,althoughlaywomenhave been granted moreactivepublicroleswithin church-linked organizations, theserolesaretoooftenmereextensionsofwomen'srolesinthe family. The incorporationofwomenintothenewPeople's Church, then,maybereinforcing rather than challengingunequalgenderpowerrelationsatthecommunitylevel."

54 Seethedetailedstudyonwomenandthepopularchurchby C. A.Drogus, Women , Religion and Social Change in Brazil's Popular Church (NotreDame,Ind.:Universityof NotreDamePress,1997),esp.151-171.

55 Thesamepointcouldbemadeforothercountries.Justbecausethemajorityof active church membersarewomen,doesnotmeanthatwomen'sexperienceshavebeen normativeforthechurch.

56 SeeRess,"Feminist Theologian sChallenge Churche s"inHennelly, Liberation Theology, p.387.

57 S.E.Alvarez,"Women'sparticipationintheBrazilian'People'sChurch':ACritical Appraisal," Feminist Studies 16,2(1990),pp. 381-408 (382).

Alvarezalso criticised theBrazilian church forfailingto extend itsprogressive social commitments toareasof gender andsexuality. The church gave support towomen'srightsinpolitics and economics, but it remained traditional inits viewsofpersonalmorality.Itsteachingsonsexualbehaviour, contraception, and divorcewere not influenced byfeminist critiques of Catholic teaching. Even wherethe church stands in support ofsocialcauses that are important to women-such asoppositionto violence-it doesnotnecessarilyaddresswomen's distinctive concerns and experiences in relation to them/" Alvarezargued that itwas when womeninthebase communities sought formore autonomy for womenonsexualityand reproduction issues that tension developed withpriests who otherwise supported the communities

InBrazil,aselsewhere,a particularly sensitive areainthe church's position on reproduction rights and theissueof abortion .Alvarezobserved that Brazil's anti -abortion lawsarewidelyfloutedby women ofallsocialclasses. There are asmanyasthreemillionillegalabortionsayear,oftenatgreatrisktothewomen concerned." Shesuggested that the church's position in support ofthelawswas madeveryclearinits"prelife,profamily"campaigntoinfluencethe Constituent Assemblyin 1987-1988 Alvarezsawthisas symptomatic ofthe church's failure to respond towomen's concerns onsexualityand reproduction /"

john Burdick'sstudyinSaojorge(asmall settlement inBaixadaFluminese about 20 miles north ofRiode janeiro) addeda further perspective tothe debate." Burdick's experiences oflifeinSao jorge suggestedsomeseriouslimitations intheways that CEBshave addressed gender issues.Burdicksuggested that theCEBs adopted toonarrowa position onpoliticswhichlimiteditto thepublic sphere outside thehome.Asaresult,itofferedlittletowomen memberswhofaceproblemsin their familylivesathome.Hesuggested that both the Afro-Brazilian spiritreligionof Umbanda andthelocal Pentecost al church often offeredmoreeffective support forwomenwhoweredealingwith domestic conflict, adulterous orabusive husbands andthestressesofsustainingafamily.62

58 Alvarez notedthatin 1983, althoughDamPaulo Evaristo Arns proclaimed ayearlong pastoral campaign against violence, the issue ofsexual violence againstwomen was not adequately addressed; Alvarez, "Women's participationinthe Brazilian 'People's Church. !" p. 389.

59 Adriance suggested thatabortionismore likely tobean issue forurbanwomen sinceruralwomenputahighvalueon fertility (Promised Land , p. 154)

60 Someofthe differences betweenAdrianceand Alvarez were probably duetothe different socialcontextinwhichthey worked :rural Amazonia versus urbanSao Paulo Adriance criticised Alvarez foradoptingatoo narrow-and middle-class based-positionon women's rightsintermsofcontraceptionandabortion.Adriancearguedthat ruralpoorwomenaremuchclosertothechurch'straditionalteachingonthese issues, andthat Alvarez was unfairtotheimpactofwomeninthebase communities by suggesting thatthechurchhasnotshiftedonsuchissues.

61 J. Burdick, Looking for God in Brazil : The Progressive Catlwlic Church in Urban Brazil's Religious Arena (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1993).

62 On Brazil's African religions. seeR.Bastide, The African Religions of Brazil (Baltimore,

CHAPTER TWELVE

Burdick's account agreedwithAlavarez that the conception ofpoliticsinthe CEBsfailstoaddresswomen'sdistinctiveconcerns,butwhereasAlvarezpresented thesemoreintermsof reproduction andsexuality,Burdicklooksmore athowwomentrytocopewithdomesticconflict.Ineithercase,thepotentialoftheCEBstoofferaless patriarchal agenda than the institutional church failedtomaterialise. The CEBsmayhavebeengoodnewsforpoorwomen, buttheyhavebeen better newsforthemas"poor" than as"women."Likethe theological literature ofmaletheologians,theyhaveyettofullyrespondtothe challengesposedbyLatin American women.

CONCLUSION

The dialogueswith other Third Worldtheologiansintheearly1980sexposed andhelped start to correct someofthelimitations that markedthewritingsof the1970s. Despite thedifficulties that many Latin American theologians hadinacceptingthesecriticisms,duringthe1980s,therewasanoticeableshift toatleastacknowledgethemmoreopenly.Likewise,the other newhorizon that liberation theology needed to address-women's liberation frompatriarchy-was alsoincreasinglyacknowledgedduringthe1980s,buttheresponse wasquitelimited.

On theonehand,asmallnumberofLatin American womentheologians creatively integrated Latin American liberationtheologywithconcernsforgenderandsexualequalitytogeneratenewtheologicalinsightsand broaden the scopeofliberationtheology.However,suchwomenwererelativelyrareandfew male liberation theologiansrespondedtothefeministchallengeatanything more than atokenlevel.

Although both womenandmenwerealwaysincludedinthe option forthe poor-despite theexclusivistlanguage that characterised manyoftheearlier works-many maletheologiansseemedindifferenttotheinfluencesofgender on economic oppressionandunawareofsexismandpatriarchyasoppressive realitiesintheirownright. The worksofLatin American womenshowed that therewasnoneed to choose between a concern forpovertyanda concern for gender. The twoshouldbelongtogether,andwhenanalysedtogether,they enriched eachother.Thus,feministperspectivescould deepen theliberationist concern forpovertyandvice-versa.Whilemostmale liberation theologians graduallycametoacknowledgethis,it nonetheless seemedtomakeminimal difference to theirwork.Overall,liberationtheologyasa movement therefore remainedweakongenderissuesandtheCEBs continued toreflectlargelymale concerns.

Md.:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1978).Foraverypositive evaluation ofevangelicalchurchesonwomens'lives,seeE.Brusco, The Reformation of Machismo : Evangelical Conversion and Genderin Colombia (Austin:UniversityofTexasPress,1995).

Part5

Crisis of Hope

The 1990s

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

itwaspublishedin1990,itrantoover1,300pagesand presented themature workofmanyof liberation theology'sleadingadvocates.Takentogether,the twoprojectsmarkedaremarkableoverviewofthescopeandchallengeofliberation theologyasithaddevelopedduringthe1980s.

However,inretrospecttheyalsoindicatedsomeoftheproblemsthatlayahead. The firstelevenvolumesofthe Theology and Liberation Series volumeswerepublished between 1986and1988,butsaleswerepoor,"Commercial concernscoupledwithpressurefromthe Vatican-led tothesuspensionoftheproject withonlytwelvevolumescomplete.'Liberationtheologyhadbeenverymuch inthespotlightinthe1970sandearly1980s,andbytheendofthe1980sits literature wasmoreextensive than ever.However,supportand interest seemed tobefading.Inthe1990s,seriousquestionswereaskedaboutthefutureof the movement. f

Criticsclaimed that the movement hadrunitscourseandcouldonlyplay averymarginalroleinthepost-Marxistera that wouldfollowthefallofthe BerlinWall.7 Advocatesof liberation theologyrejectedsucheasydismissalsand pointed tothemanyareasinwhichtheirworkremained important . There was somefurther important workin extending liberationtheology's brief-by incorporating amoreexplicitecological dimension-but there wasa much less confident feeltoworkof liberation theologians than inpreviousdecades. It washardtofindnewwaystotheologically confront thepoliticalandeconomic

4 The other volumeswere:E.Dussel, Ethics and Community (trans.R.R.Barr; TLS 3; Maryknol1, N.Y.: OrbisBooks;Tunbridge Wel1s, Kent:BumsandOates,1988[Spanish orig.1986]); J. Comblin, The Holy Spirit and Liberation (trans. P. Bums;TLS4; Maryknol1, N .Y. :OrbisBooks;TunbridgeWel1s, Kent:BurnsandOates,1989[Portugueseorig. 1986]); J. PixleyandC. Boff, The Bible ,the Church and the Poor (trans. P. Burns;TLS, 6; Maryknol1 ,N .Y. :OrbisBooks;Tunbridge Wel1s :BurnsandOates,1989[Spanishand Portugueseorigs.1987]); I. GebaraandM.C.Bingemer, Mary, Mother ofGod, Mother ofthe Poor (trans. P. Berryman;TLS7; Maryknol1 ,N.Y.:OrbisBooks;Tunbridge Wel1s : Burnsand Oate s,1989[Portugueseorig.1987]); J. Comblin, Being Human: A Christian Anthropology (trans.R.R.Barr;TLS8; Maryknol1, N.Y.:OrbisBooks;Tunbridge Wel1s , Kent:Bumsand Oates ,1990[Portugueseorig.1987]); A. MoserandB.Leers, Moral Theology : Dead Ends andWays Forward (trans. P. Burns;TLS9; Maryknol1, N.Y.:Orbis Books;Tunbridge Wel1s, Kent:Burnsand Oates ,1990[Portugueseorig.1987]); P. Trigo, Creation and History (trans.R.R.Barr;TLS10; Maryknol1, N.Y.:OrbisBooks;Tunbridge Wel1s ,Kent:BurnsandOates,1992);R.Munoz, The Godof Christians (trans. P. Burns; TLS11; Maryknol1, N .Y. :OrbisBooks;Tunbridge Wel1s, Kent:BumsandOates,1991 [Spanishorig.1988]).

S Thetwelfthvolume(publishedfiveyearsaftertheeleventh)was P. Casaldaligaand J. M.Vigil, Political Holiness : Spirituality of Liberation (trans. P. BurnsandEMcDonagh; TLS12; Maryknol1, N.Y.:OrbisBooks;TunbridgeWells,Kent:Bumsand Oates ,1994 [Portugueseorig.1993]).

6 Forabriefresponsetosomeofthese,see D. H.Levine,"OnPrematureReportsof the Death ofLiberationTheology," The Review of Politics 57,1(1995),p.105.

7 Cubaremainedanexceptiontothegeneraltrend,butitwasnolongeraninspiringexample. Without thesupportoftheSovietUnion,thehardshipscreatedbythe unforgivingeconomicblockadeimposedbythe United Stateswereevenmoreglaring.

forcesof the 1990s,andtheoldwaysnow seemed dated. Meanwhile, the progressive church wasin retreat. Atan institutional level, the Vatican continued itspolicyof appointing conservative bishopsto important positions.Atagrassrootslevel,the energetic spread of Pentecostal churches contrasted withan apparent decline in the CEBs. The 1990s marked the end of liberation theologyasa vibrant and organised theological movement. Individual theologians continued toengagewith the challenges posedbytheNewWorldOrder, but had much less impact than in the past.

THENEWWORLDORDER

The dramatic political transformation of 1989-1990 waswidely heralded asthe end ofMarxism and the triumph of capitalism.' The falloftheBerlinWall, thecollapseofthe Eastern Block,and the electoral defeat of the Nicaraguan SandinistasinFebruary1990 prompted critics of liberationtheologyto pronounce the movement dead

Such superficialdismissalsof liberation theologywereveryunfairandreflected a distorted understanding of liberation theology asa Marxist movement of political revolutions. In response, Leonardo Boff noted : "Marx was neither the father northe godfather of liberation theology.Thistheology never opted for Marxismorforsocialism;its option wasforthepoor. It sawsocialismasameans of improving thelivesofand achieving greater justice fortheoppressed."?As notedabove,manyofpioneersofliberationtheologyhadbeen attracted byMarxist analysisinthelate1960sandearly1970s, but liberation theology changed a great dealsince then. The basic insight that poverty wastheresultof exploitativesocial relations remained a central conviction in their work, but to think of them as Marxist because ofthiswouldbevery misleading.' ?

Nonetheless, the political shiftsat the end oftheColdWarfocussed attentiononthe apparent triumph of the free markets inLatin America Since the 1980s,thesilent revolutions had transformed Latin American societieswithneoliberalpoliciesandnow the same thing seemed tobe happening onaglobal scale.In the 1970s, the sides of thestruggleinLatin America remained basically clear-cut-s-on the oneside,thepoor majority strugglingtosurvive;on the

8 Fora brief, butveryhelpful overview ofthe collapse andits historical background, see R. Pearson, The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire (London: Macmillan Press, 1998).

9 Boff Ecology and Liberation, p. 120.

10 Infact,Alistair Kee hasarguedatsomelengththatliberation theology's greatest failure wasinnot embracing Marxism sufficiently Kee argues thatMarx's metaphysical critiqueof religion as reversal hasbeen completely ignoredbyliberation theologians; see Marx and the Failure of Liberation Theology (London:SCM Press , 1990) .Intheir defence,liberation theologians mightpointtothemoreimmediateconcernsinthe 1970sand1980sthatmadetheirchoiceofprioritiesunderstandable. However, the issues Kee raises cannotbe dismissed asanirrelevantdiversionorFirst World luxury. Nomatterhow politically progressive a religious movementmightbe,itcanonlybe trulyliberatingifitistruetorealityatthedeepest level.

other side,thehighlyprivilegedeconomicelitesbecomingeverricherwiththe support ofrepressivemilitary governments . The silent revolutions andthe restorationofdemocraciesdeepenedinequalitiesandeconomicpolarisationcontinued,butthesidesofthestrugglebecamelessclear.

One resultofthiswas that the central terminologyof liberation became muchmoreproblematicinthe1980s.Tosome extent, thishadbeenoffsetby newemphasisontermslikethe"Godoflife"and"crucifiedpeople,"butfor liberation theologyasa movement, thedifficultieswiththelanguageofliberationwerepotentiallyveryserious.Atthesametime,theywerediversifying their analysis ofoppressionbeyond politics andeconomicsintoother issues, includingrace,culture,andgender.However,sincethelate1970s,theprimary thrust had been to approach thistaskin conversation withthepoor rather than through a theoretical analysis.Thisallowed liberation theologianstodeepen theirsenseofwhatpoverty meant inthelivesofthepoorandto encounter Godinnewwaysinthelivesofthepoor.However,theyhaddonelittleto developa theoretical analysisoftheneweconomic situation orconsideralternatives.Duringthe1980s,theseweaknesseswerenotyetacrisis.However,in the1990s,aftereventsinEasternEuropepromptedtalkofthetriumphofcapitalism(andeventheendofhistory)thelanguageofliberationsuddenlyseemed verydated. It wasinevitable that questionswouldbeaskedabouttheongoing relevanceofliberationtheology.

JoseComblinoutlinedhowliberationtheologymightrespondtothenewcontextinhisbook Called to Freedom. II Lookingbackonthelastthirtyyears,he noted theironythat:

Weareinanewphaseofsocialhistoryin Latin America. What seemedobvious thirtyyearsagohasbecome incomprehensible today,andwhatwasrejected then isnowesteemed.At that timeyoucouldnotspeakofreform;youhad tobepursuingarevolution.Todaynoonespeaksof revolution anymore,not eventheZapatistaarmyinMexico;everyoneisseekingreform. Thirty years ago'reformism'wasabadword;todayitisthevoguewordamongstthemost progressive.' ?

Comblin'semphasisonpoliticalfreedomwastimely.Duringthe1990s,peace negotiations brought thelongstandingconflictsinEISalvador (1980-1992) and Guatemala (1960-1996) toan end." Herightlyobserved:

Today, itmakesnosensetorejectthefreedomsofthe democratic system. Theyoffermanymorepossibilitiesforthestruggleofthepoor than thealternatives that LatinAmericahaswitnessed.... There isnopointinstanding

II J. Comblin, Called for Freedom : The Changing Context of Liberation Theology (trans. P. Berryman;Maryknoll,N .Y. :OrbisBooks,1998[Portugueseorig.1996)).

12 Comblin, Called for Freedom, p.64.

13 SeetheexcellentcollectionbyCynthiaArnson(ed.), Comparative Peace Processes in Latin America (WashingtonD.C.:WoodrowWilsonCentrePress;Stanford,Calif.: StanfordUniversityPress,1999).

outsidethe contemporary world,byrejectingthewholelanguageoffreedom. Itiswithinthis modern language that wemust situate the Christian messageofthecalltofreedom ."

However,asComblinrecognised,theeconomicissueswere intractable . 15 Inthe 1990s,therewasmorefreedom than everbeforeto operate withinaglobal market,buttherewaslittlehopeoffreedomfromthemarket.Evenwhenthe problemswithin nee-liberalism started tosurfaceafter1995(withaserious monetary crisisinMexico), dependency onthe capitalist globalsystemwasso entrenched that talkof liberation seemedunrealistically utopian ." In1994, whenthefirstseriouseconomicshocks started tohitMexico,LatinAmerica's total external debthadclimbedover$525billion(upfrom$450in 1990).1 7 Asinthe1980s,the burden ofservicingthisdebtfellprimarilyonthepoor. In1998,the United Nations estimated that overonebillionpeople,afifthof theworld's population, hadtosurviveon about 60pence($1U.S.)aday."

LeonardoBoff commented :

WiththecollapseoftheEast-West confrontation, whichwaslargelyideological (liberalism-socialism), theprevailingoppositiontodayisbetween North andSouth,whichiseconomicandpoliticalincharacter.The contrast isone betweentherich North whereonly17 percent ofhumanitylive,andthepoor South,where83 percent of humankind suffer. Who listenstotheir cries!"

Inpreviousdecades,serious alternatives tothe market stillexisted.Inthe 1990s,evenwhenfree-marketsystemsshowedserious flaws-as they always had inLatinAmerica,especiallywhenviewedfromtheperspectiveofthe pooritwouldbehardtoseewhat alternatives mightbe better,"

Many prominent liberation theologians metatEscorial(Spain)in1992 (twenty-yearsaftertheirinfluentialfirstmeeting there in 1972).n It wasclear that there werenoeasy answers." The needforliberationtheologywasas

14 Comblin, Called for Freedom, p. 60.

15 Onapossiblewayforwardoneconomicissues,seeComblin, Called for Freedom, p.98

16 On someofthetheologicalchallengesraisedbythefree-marketeconomies,see E.Dussel,"TheMarketfromanEthicalViewpointofLiberationTheology," Concilium 1997/2 (1997), pp. 85-100.

17 DatafromUNEconomicCommissionforLatinAmericaandCaribbean,citedin Green, Silent Revolutions, p. 68.

18 UnitedNations, United Nations Development Report (New York :UnitedNations, 1998).

19 L. Boff, Ecology and Liberation : A New Paradigm (trans. J. Cumming;Maryknoll, N.Y.:OrbisBooks, 1995 [Portugueseorig. 1993)), pp. 68-69.

20 Compare,forexample,EJ.Hinkelammert, The Ideological Weapons of Death : A Theological Critique of Capitalism (Maryknoll, N.Y. :OrbisBooks, 1986 [Spanishorig. 1977]) and Hinkelammert, "LiberationTheologyintheEconomicandSocial Context ofLatin America"inD.Batstoneeral.(eds.), Liberation Theologies, Postmodemity, andthe Americas (NewYorkandLondon:Routledge, 1997)

21 See J. Comblin, J. IgnacioGonzalez-Fans,andJonSobrino(eds.), Cambio social y pensamiento cristiano en America Latina (Madrid:Trotta, 1993)

22 Comblin'sbooksuggests that itmaybefartooearlytoevenlookforanswers.He

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

pressingasever, but the language of liberation no longer seemed appropriate Gutierrez warned :

Aseriesof economic ,political,andecclesial events around theworld,inLatin America, andin individual countries ,lead one to think that the period when recent Latin American theological reflection was born isnow coming toan end . Given the emerging new situation. ..many earlier discussionsdo not respond to current challenges .All indications are that a different period is beginning It is ever more necessary that allbe involved in dealing with the enormous questions with which therealityof Latin America confronts us.B

Responding to the challenge was not easy.In earlier years, liberation theologians kept inclose touch with each other and often responded tonew challengesasa cohesive group. However,in the 1990s-with many oftheearly members quite advanced in years-their meetings declined. Individual theologians continued toengage with the issues, but the movement no longer had theprofileor confidence of previous decades.i" JoseVigil summed up the sense that the eraof liberation theologywas coming to an end :

Theologians arewritingvery little, meeting verylittle and with fewerpeople. When theydo meet theysay nothing inpublic.All that is heard is their silence Neoliberalism and 'globalisation,' which are enemies of the poorand areinfullupswing,are not beingdiscussedtodayinthesamewaytheydiscussedthe enemie sof the poorin the past (military dictatorship, andcapitalismat that time)."

Atonelevel,theissuesraisedbypostmodernism made any theological attempt tooffera clear response to the present andavisionofthefuturea much more fraught activirv," There werenowmanymore questions and much moresuspicion of anything claimingtobeananswer than when liberation theology began in the late 1960s. The intellectual climate wasno longer favourable to the meta-narrative of liber ation Recognising the challenges posedbythenew situation-and the specialdifficultiesin continuing to proclaim liberationPablo Richard argued that in the new situation the simplerecoveryandpreser-

concludes Called to Freedom withthe observation :"Thesocialmovementsthatledto socialreformand to thewelfarestatestartedaround 1870. Vatican II cameninety years later. A newsocialmovementtorespondtothenewwaveofeconomicrevolutionhas barelybegun.Nowisthetimetobegin to workoutnew responses tothenewchallenges" (p. 217).

23 Gutierrez inComblin,J. Ignacio Gonzalez-Fans , andJon Sobrino (eds.), Cambio social y pensamientocristianoen America Latina, citedinJ.Comblin, Called for Freedom , p.xiii.

24 Foragood overview, seeJ. L. Kater, "WhateverHappenedtoLiberationThe ology ?" Anglican Theologi calReview 83.4 (Fall 2001), pp. 735-773.

25 J. M. Vigil ,"IsthereaChangeofParadigminLiberationTh eology?" SEDOS 29.12 (1997), pp. 315-321 (315).

26 Foragoodcollectiononthepostmodernchallengetoliberationtheology,see D. Batstoneetal.(eds.). Liberation Theologies, Postmod emityandtheAm ericas (New York andLondon: Routledge , 1997).

vationofhopewasoneofliberationtheology'smostimportant tasks.F Surveying the apparent globaltriumphofcapitalismRichardnoted:"Forthepoor,this so-callednew international orderrepresentsasituationofdeathandthedestructionofall hope.l'" Hewenton to declare:

Weareliving through adeepcrisisofhope.Todayhopeis presented as somethingbelongingtothepast. Reconstructing hope,withasolidbasein economicandpolitical alternatives tothe current systemofthefreemarket economy,isseenasanirrational,andevensubversive, act."

ForRichardthenewphaseof uncertainty andchaossuggestedashiftfrom prophetic theologytoapocalyptic theology.'? He contrasted thetimeofprophecy(anorganizedworld,wherepoliticalandcivil institutions-such asthe monarchy,the law, andthe temple-regulate lifeinlong-established ways) with thetimeofapocalypse(atimeofchaosandconfusionwhennormalinstitutionshavebrokendown).Heargued that forthisreason,inthe ancient kingdomsofIsraelandJudah,itwastheprophetswho denounced injusticeand pronounced themessageofGod.However,afterthefallofJerusalemandthe exilein586 B.C.E., theapocalyptic literature started toappear.Accordingto Richard:"Inthisnew situation ofchaos,oppressionandpersecution,theapocalypticdoesnotfunctionasaprophetwhodenouncesandacts,but rather takes onnew task-reconstructing consciousnessandspiritualityinthemidstofchaos and confusion.'?'

ElsaTamezechoedRichard'sviewsontheneedto maintain hope.In When theHorizonsClose Tamezargued:

The Bookof Qoheleth orEcclesiasteshasbecometimelyagaintoday,when horizonsareclosinginandthepresentbecomesahardmaster,demanding sacrificesandsuppressingdreams. Today, atthebeginningofthemillennium,weareexperiencingatthegloballevelalackofhope that therewill begoodtimesforallinthenear future."

27 P. Richard,"LiberationTheology:TheologyoftheSouth," Envio 12(june1993), pp.28-40 .

28 Richard,"LiberationTheology:TheologyoftheSouth,"p.28.

29 Richard,"LiberationTheology:TheologyoftheSouth,"p.30.

30 Richard,"LiberationTheology:TheologyoftheSouth,"esp.pp. 39-40 .

31 Richard,"LiberationTheology:TheologyoftheSouth,"p.40.Inhisbook Apocalypse : A People's Commentary on the Book of Revelation (Maryknoll,N .Y.: OrbisBooks,1995 [Spanishorig.1994]),Richarddevelopsthisargumentatgreaterlengthanddrawson itinhisreadingofRevelation.AsimilarturntoapocalypticcanbeseeninRichard's colleaguesatthe Department ofEcumenicalInvestigationsinSanJose,HugoAssmann andFranz Hinkelammert , See,forexample,EHinkelammert,"LiberationTheologyin theEconomicandSocialContextofLatinAmerica"in D. Batstoneetal.(eds), Liberation Theologies, Posrmodemity, andthe Americas

32 E. Tamez, Whenthe Horizons Close: Rereading Ecclesiastes (Maryknoll,N .Y. :Orbis Books,2000[Spanishorig.1998]),p.v.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

Shedrawsfromthebookthemessage that whentherearefewsigns that social conditionswillimproveinthefuture,onemust abandon falsehopesbutnot despaircompletely.In turning fromthefuturetothe present andrecognising that thereisaseasonforeverything,theeverydayjoysoflifecanbeembraced andthedignityof human lifeuphelddespitetheclosedhorizonsforliberation.

PedroTrigo(aSpanishJesuitworkinginVenezuela)suggested that liberationtheology'spolitically orientated writingsofthe1960sand1970sweresomethingofafalsestart.Hesuggested that itwasonlywithGutierrez's We Drink fromOur Own Wells (1986) that theeverydaylivesofordinarypeoplewere madethestartingpointfortheologicalreflection."ForTrigo,itwasmoreimportant than ever that liberationtheologiansexplorethespiritualresourcesforresistanceandhopeinthelivesofthepoor.

Gutierrezhimselfprovidedfurtherresourcesforthistaskwithamagisterial workonhisheroandforerunnerBartolomedeLasCasas.Hisbook LasCasas; In Searchofthe Poor of Jesus Christ waspublishedin1992,tomarktheFive Hundred yearanniversaryof Christianity inLatin America." The work,which runstonearlyseven hundred pagesinEnglish translation, isafittingtribute onegreattheologiantoanother.Attheendofthedecade,Gutierrez again indicated the importance ofLasCasasandthe other earlyDominicans byseekingentrytothe Dominican order.

InEISalvador,JonSobrinorespondedtocriticswhoproclaimedtheendof liberation theology.Sobrino pointed tothefact that inthe1990stherewere manymorepeoplelivinginpovertyinLatinAmerica than therehadbeenwhen liberationtheologyfirstbegan,andthoseinpovertyweremoreimpoverished than ever.Therefore,farfrombeingirrelevant,theneedforatheology that will strengthen the poor-regardless ofwhatitis called-is greaterasever," Against this background, Sobrino continued todevelophischristological understanding of contemporary historyinthenew context ofcivilpeaceafter 1992.Histwobooks Jesus the Liberator (1991)and Christthe Liberator (1999) offeredamagisterial statement ofhismaturereflection ." Much ofhisworkin the1990sdevelopedaroundthethemeofmartyrdomandtheneedtotake thecrucifiedpeopledownfromthe cross.F Inhisbook The Principle of Mercy,

33 See P. Berryman, Religion in the Megacity, p.118.

14 Gutierrez, Las Casas : In Search of the Poor of Jesus Christ (trans.R.R.Barr; Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1993[Spanishorig.1992]).

35 Forexample,EllacuriaandSobrino(eds.), Mysterium liberationis, pp, ix-xiv.

36 Jesus the Liberator : A Historical.Theological View (trans. P. BurnsandEMcDonagh; Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks;TunbridgeWells,Kent:Burnsand Oates ;1994[Spanish orig.1991]); Christ the Liberator : A View from the Victims (trans. P. Burns;Maryknoll, N.Y.:OrbisBooks,2001[Spanishorig.1999]).

37 Sobrino, The Principle of Mercy, p.viii.An important stimulusforthesetopicswas themassacreofIgnacioEllacuria,fiveotherJesuits,theircook,andherdaughteron 16November1989. On thetragedy,itsbackground,andtheslowinvestigation that followed,seeesp. T. Whitfield, Paying the Price : Ignacio Ellacuria and the Murdered Jesuits ofEl Salvador (Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1994).

hearguedforanewethicofradical Christian actionasthebasisforanew solidaritybetweentheFirstWorldandthe Third World.Developinghispreviousreflectionsonthecrucifiedpeoplehepresentedthetakingofthecrucified peoplefromthecrossasthe central demand of contemporary faith."Ashe struggledtocometotermswiththemurderbythemilitaryofhisentirecommunityinElSalvador,JonSobrinoreflected:

Ihope that whenpeaceandjusticecomestothecountry,succeedinggenerationsremember that theJesuitswereamongthosewhomadeitpossible. Ihope that future Christian generations aregratefulfortheirwitnessto thefact that faithandlifeinElSalvadorarenot contradictory butempower each other . .. that theyrecognise that inthiswaythesemartyrs guaranteed that faithinJesuswas handed oninElSalvador.

The pricetobepaidforallthishasbeenveryhigh,butinevitable.Today whenwehearsomuchaboutevangelisingcultures,weshouldremembera deeperformofevangelisation,so that societyitselfbecomesgoodnews.And forthisto happen itisnecessarytobecome incarnate in that reality,as ArchbishopRomerosaidinwords that makeusshivertothisday:'Iamglad, brothersandsisters, that theyhavemurderedpriestsinthiscountry,because itwouldbeverysadifinacountrywheretheyaremurderingthepeopleso horrifically therewerenopriestsamongthevictims.It is asignthattheChurch hasbecometruly incarnate intheproblemsofthe people .t"?

ResponsestoSobrino'schallenge that the church incarnates itselfintheproblemsofpeopleandstrivestotakethecrucifieddownfromthecross,might takedifferentforms.Oneinitiativelaunchedin1996wasthecampaignondebtreliefknownastheJubilee2000.InspiredbythebiblicalidealsinLeviticusof releasefromdebt-slavery,the movement lobbiedWesternleaderstomarkthe millenniumbygrantingsubstantialdebtreliefontheunpayabledebtsofthe poorestandmostindebtedcountries.Manyofthoseattheforefrontofthemovement intheWestern churches andaidagencieswereinspiredbyliberation theologyanditsideas."

GlobaleconomicinitiativeslikeJubilee2000weremore important than ever astheconsequencesofeconomicandtechnologicalglobalisationbecameclearer inthe1990s. On 1January1994oneofthemost dramatic expressionsof theneo-Iiberaleconomicordercameintoeffect. The free-tradeprovisions that previouslyexistedbetweentheU.S.and Canada were extended toMexicoas the North American FreeTrade Agreement (NAFTA). NAFTA providedfor

38 Theinclusionofthisphraseinthetitleofthebook (The Principle of Mercy: Taking the Crucified People from the Cross) reflectstheimportancethatthishasforhim.

39 Sobrino, Companions of Jesus :The Murder and Martyrdom of the Salvadoran Jesuits (London:CatholicInstitutefor International Relations,1990),pp.56,57.

40 See Christian Aid, Proclaim Liberty : Reflections on Theology andDebt (London: ChristianAid,1998);S.Taylor, "Forgiveness, theJubileeandWorldDebt"inS.E. Porter,M. A. Hayes,and D. Tombs(eds.), Faith in the Millennium (RILP7;Sheffield: SheffieldAcademicPress,2001),pp.153-173.

thefreeflowofcommoditiesacrossthevast North American region. Under NAFTA,itwaseasier than everbeforefor u.s. andCanadian firms togetaccess toMexicanmarkets.

Yetonthesameday that NAFTA wasredefiningthefree-tradeframework for North America,theNewYearcelebrationsinSanCristobaldeLasCasas (Chiapas,Mexico)were interrupted bymaskedmenoftheZapatistaArmyof National Liberation (EZLN).41 The Zapatista leader-who quicklybecomeinternationallyknownas Subcomandante Marcos-announced that "Tous,thefree tradetreatyisthe death certificateforthe ethnic peoplesofMexico."4 2 The ZapatistauprisinginMexico's predominantly MayanhighlandstateofChipas ensuredthatconcernoverindigenous issues receivedmore attention inthe1990s than everbefore.

BetweenFebruary1995andFebruary1998,SamuelRuiz(whohadbeen bishopofSanCristobalsince1960)playeda prominent roleas mediator in Chiapas." InAugust1993,heraisedtheproblemsfacingtheindigenouspeoplesinChiapasina letter presented tothePopeduringthethirdpapalvisit to Mexico." Hiseffortsto negotiate between theZapatistasandthegovernment metwithearlysuccess, but were undermined bythe government andthe highly conservative apostolic nuncio JeronimoPrigione. When theMexican armybrokepreviousagreementsandoccupiedthewholeareain1998,Ruiz resignedas mediator leavingtheconflictunresolved.

The five-hundred-year anniversariesofthefirstvoyagesofColumbus(1992) andPortuguesearrivalinBrazil(2000)alsohelpedtofocus attention onthe pastfailuresofthe church andaddresstheinjusticesagainstindigenouspeoplesand Afro-Americans asapriorityforthe1990s.In1991,the General AssemblyoftheLatin American Relgious Conference addressedaspecialmessage"TotheNativeand Afro-American SistersandBrothersofLatinAmerica andthe Caribbean "45 It recognisedthemixedrecordofthechurch'sfivehundredyearsinLatinAmericaandexpressedthewish:

Tomakecommoncausewithyourlegitimaterighttoalandwhereyoucan live fittingly, afterhavingsufferedplunder,beingasnativesthe natural owners,orhavingenduredcenturiesofslaverywithallits inhuman consequences. Aboveallwewishtomakecommoncausewithyourrighttoyourownway

41 On thehistoryandpoliticalconcernsofthe movement, see J. Ross, Rebellion from the Roots: Indian Uprising in Chiapas (Monroe,Maine: Common CouragePress, 1995).

42 Ross, Rebellion from the Roots, p. 21.

43 Ruizwasaninfluentialfigureintheprogressive church and advocate ofliberation theology.HehadbeenoneofthebishopsexpelledfromEcuadorin 1976 (see p. 162 above).

44 SeeKlaiber, The Church , Dictatorship sand Democracy inLatin America, p.256.

45 "Messageofthe XI GeneralAssemblyoftheLatinAmericanReligiousConference," pp. 16-17.

Endofan Era?

oflifeand organization, to be respected inthe culture andlanguage inheritedfromyour elders."

During the1990s,various initiatives triedtomakethis commitment areality. The Indigenous Missionary Council inBrazilwas active in defence ofthe Yanomamiand other indigenous peoplesinthe Amazon area. The Yanomami ofthe Orinoco riverbasin(inthestateofRoraimaontheborderwithVenezuela) suffereda15%declinein population between 1987and1990,becauseofincursions into theareaby miners and prospectors. The Indigenous Missionary Council helped topressurethe government tosetupa homeland area(36,000 squaremiles)in1991topreservetheYanomamiwayof life."

The exploitation of the Amazon exemplified in the destruction of the Yanomamipeoplealso prompted anewecological interest amongst someliberation theologians, ledespeciallybytheBrazilian Leonardo Boffanda number offeminist writers."

Duringthe1980s,the Amazon becamea centre ofworldwideecologicalconcern ." In Ecology and Liberation, Boff outlined a number of environmental problems that liberation theologymust start to address .l? Forexample,he noted that Latin America makesupjust12%ofthe earth's surface,butpossessesroughly two-thirds oftheworld's plant species.However,thescaleof deforestation at theendofthe twentieth century was remarkable .Upto1970,fivemillion hectares ofthe Amazon were deforested After 1970,this accelerated rapidly so that from1970 to 1988itroseto twenty million.

Although deforestation was taking placeinBraziland other southern hemisphere countries, themain threat totheglobal environment camefromthe rich countries .InEurope and North America, theproblemsofacidrain,ozone depletion, and atmospheric pollution all contribute toglobalwarming.Global warmingin turn contributes tofloods, desertification, and other natural disasters around theworld.Asworld population continued toclimb(fromtwoand half billionin1950,tofourbillionin1975,tooverfivebillionin1990,and

46 "Message oftheXlGeneral Assembly oftheLatin American Religious Conference," p.16.

47 Onthe background tothis initiative, seeE. Krautler, Indians and Ecology in Brazil (London :CatholicInstituteofInternational Relations, 1990).

48 Inthe 1980s, Enrique Dussel already raised someofthese issues inhischapteron the ethics of culture and ecology in Dussel, Ethics and Community, pp. 194-204.In addition, manyofthe feminist pioneers ofthe 1980s werealso leaders in addressing bothecological and indigenous concerns .For example , Tamez combined liberation theology witha feminist outlook, a sensitivity to environmental issues, andan openness to native AmerindiantraditionsinE. Tamez, "The Power oftheNaked"inidem, Through her Eyes, pp. 1-14.ForagoodcollectionoflaterLatinAmerican feminist writing on ecology, see R.R.Ruether(ed.), Women Healing Earth : Third World Women on Ecology , Feminism, and Religion (Maryknoll, N.Y.:Orbis Books; London:SCM Press, 1996), pp.13-60.

49 It was appropriate thattheUNEarthSummitof 1992 tookplaceinRiode Janeiro.

50 Boff, Ecology and Liberation, pp.15-19.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

oversixbillionin 2000} itplacedanenormousstrainontheworld'secological system.Intypicalstyle,heprovidedatellingimageto encapsulate theissues.

Astronauts whohavetravelledintospaceandrecordedtheirimpressionsof the earth describeditasashiponavoyage.Infact,inthisshipwhichis the earth afifthofthe population aretravellinginfirstclassandinluxury class:theyenjoyallthebenefits.Theyconsume80 percent oftheresources availableforthevoyage. The remaining80 percent ofthepassengersaretravellingsteerage.Theysuffercold,hunger,andallkindsofprivations.Many askwhytheyaretravellingsteerage.Needforcesotherstorebel. It isnot difficulttoseewhatisatstake.Eithereveryonecanbesavedinasystemof communal solidarityand participation ontheship-and in that casefundamental changesarenecessary---orasaresultofoutrageandrevolt,theship willexplodeandthroweveryoneintothesea."

In1964,thenew(andmorecautious)leadershipoftheCNBB created thirteenregionaldivisionsto enhanceEpiscopalcollaboration atamorelocallevel. ThishadaparticularimpactontheAmazonbishops,andtheAmazonsoon becameoneofthemostsociallyactive church regionsinthecountry.52 The creation ofthe Amazonian regionofbishopscoincidedwiththedecisionofthe military government to start theeconomic exploitation oftheareaafter1965, apolicy that becameknownas Oper ation Amazon.P

SUDAM (Superintendency forthe Development oftheAmazon)wascreated in October 1966tooverseethisprocess.54 Central toitsoperationwereoffers oftaxreliefonapprovedprojectsofupto50%oftheirtaxesfrom operations anywhereinBrazilprovided that theyinvestintheAmazonarea." The majorityofprojectsapprovedforthispurposewere cattle ranches.56

The economic exploitation ofthe Amazon prompted increasing friction between themilitary government ofthetimeandthe Amazonian bishops. Large-scaleagribusinessexpelledIndiansandpeasantsfromtheland,usually replacingsubsistencefarmingwith cattle-ranching andfrequentlyleadingto violent confrontationsfromthelate1960sonward.

51 Boff, Ecology and Liberation ,p.18.

52 Theyachievedareputationforsocialconcern that wassecondonlytothebishopsofthe Northeast. However,whereasthebishopsofthe Northe asthadthisreputationsincethe1950s,theAmazonianbishopshadpreviouslybeenseenasmuchmore traditional.

53 On the development ofsocial teachingofAmazonianbishops(1964-1973),see Mainwaring, The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, pp. 84-94 .

54 Foranoverviewofgovernmentpoliciesafter1964,seeM.Adriance, Promised Land: Base Christian Communities andthe Struggl e for theAmazon (Albany:StateUniversity ofNewYorkPress,1995)pp.13-24.

55 Alegalarea,"LegalAmazonia"toincludetheareaoftropicalrainforestandsurroundingstates.

56 Inpractice,SUDAMwasflawedbyveryhighlevelsofcorruption andofferednegligiblesupervisionoftheprojectsitauthorised.Inparticular,itignoreden vironmentalistadviceonthe potential damageoflarge-scaleforestburningandthepovertyofthe Amazonsoilwheretheforesthadoncebeen.Asaresult,fewerthan one-third ofthe ranchesitauthorisedeverproducedanything.See,Adriance, Promised Land, p.16.

The bishops'criticismofthispolicy started inaseriesof statements dating from1970.In1971,DomPedroCasaldaligawas appointed bishopofSaoFelix doAraguaia(inMatoGrosso)wheresocialconflictsoverlandwereparticularly intense. Once inpost,Casaldaligathrewhimselfintotheenergeticcriticismof howthepoorwerebeingtreated. When hewasharassedby intimidation and death threats,many other bishops-includingthoseofamuchmoreconservative inclination-felt compelledtodefendtherightofthe church tospeak onsocialissues.57

Alongwith other prominent Amazonianbishops,Casaldaligapublishedstatements that wereharshlycriticalofthecapitalist development oftheregionand itseffectsonthepeoplealreadylivingthere.However,theirmain concern in the1970swastheeffectstheysawonthepeasantworkersandIndiancommunities, rather than theecological environment itself Although theissueof landwashighlighted,thefocuswasoneconomic (re)distribution rather than ecological conservation .

The abertura (thepoliticalopeningwhichledtothe restoration ofdemocracy)ensuredan improvement incivilrightsinthecities,buttheAmazon remained highly contlictual throughout the1980sandintothe1990s. 58 In responseto development policies,greatareasoftheAmazonwereclearedwith chainsawsorfiresinthehope that thelush vegetation mightbereplacedwith profitablepasture.Infact,theAmazon'ssoil structure hasprovedverydelicate. It hasbeenabletosupportarichplantlifewhen undisturbed ,butassoonas thefragilebalanceisbroken,itssoilhasquicklydegradedandprovedtoopoor toproduceanythingworthwhile.Thetopsoilhaslittledepthandwhenthetrees arecutdowntherainsquicklycarryit away, leavingbarrenlandinitsplace. Atthesametimeasithasbeen devastating the natural environment, this deforest ation has also spelled misery and de ath for indigenou s people living in theAmazon.Miningoperationshavedrivenindigenouspeoplesfromtheirtraditionallands andpollutedtheirriverswithmercuryand other contaminants .59

InviewofthisrelentlessassaultontheAmazon,Boffargued that ecologicalfactorsareanecessaryadditiontoclassanalysis,butthereisnosuggestion that theyshouldeverreplaceit.6c In1995,Boffasserted that : "The Amazon istheplacewhereGaiadisplaysthelushrichesofherbody;itisalsowhere

57 In January 1972, CasaldaligaflewtoBrasiliawiththeCNBBgeneral secretaryDom Aloiso Lorscheider tobe interrogated bytheministerofjustice.InJune,policese arched hishouseandconfiscated hispapers,andinJulyhewasplacedunderhousearrest.See Mainwaring, The Catholi c Church and Politic s in Brazil, pp. 88-90.

58 Forexample,Adriancereports that "More than 300 people,mostly peasant farmers, diedinlandconflictsin that region between 1980 and 1994" (Promi sed Land, p. 23).

59 Boff, Cryofthe Earth, Cryofthe Poor, p. 99.

60" •• • theclasscategoryisessenti alfor understanding social structure andconflicts of interest .Toabandonitwouldmean impoverishing our understanding tothe detriment ofthe interestsoftheweakest. Theclassstruggle, therefore,by becoming sensitivetoecologicalandholistic interests ,acquiresanewstyle.Now,notonlythe intere sts ofaclass,orevenofsocietyasawholewere taken into account,butalsothewelfare of nature."Boff Ecology and Liberation , p. 117.

shesuffersthegreatestviolence.Ifwewanttoseethe brutal faceofthecapitalistandindustrialsystem,weneedonlyvisittheBrazilian Amazon ."?'

Boffargued that ecologywasnotan alternative to liberationtheology'sconcernforthepoor,but rather anecessaryfeaturein concern forthepoor. The degradation ofthe earth calledforanewecologicaloutlook ." He noted that the arrogant urgetoconquer,subdue,and dominate that drovetheconquistadorsinthe sixteenth century continued todrive humanity's attitude tothe environment." Liberationtheologyandecologycouldworkaspartnersina responsetothecryofthepoorforlifeandthecryofthe earth groaningunder oppression." The sonsanddaughtersof Earth peoplehadtotakethemystery of creation seriouslyandrecognise human responsibilitywithinit. 65 Recovering thedignityof mother earth includedrecoveringthedignityofthemanypoor, whoseverylivesare threatened bythewaythe earth ispillaged.Atatheologicallevel,Boffsuggested that thisrequiredanew"pantheism,"inwhichGod isrecognisedinallandallisseentoexistinGod.66

Inretrospect,Boff'sworkonecologyandthe other theologicalinitiativesof liberation theologiansinthe1990s outlined abovecanbeseenaspositive attempts to extend theworkofliberationtheologyindifferentdirections.This wasanecessarytaskifliberationtheologywastocontinueits efforts tostrengthen and deepen its understanding ofglobaloppression.However,liberationtheologywasalreadyseverelyweakenedasatheologicalandecclesial movement in the1980sanditstheologicalimpactweakenedasitstruggledtotakeonnew issues. The newdirections that individualtheologianstookinthe1990sexacerbated thisproblemevenfurther.Worksofliberationtheologyinthe1990s lackedthecohesivefocusandcommonagendaofearlydecades.Norcouldit relyonanythinglikethesamesupportfromprogressivebishopsorthebase communitymovement.

61 Boff, Cryofthe Earth ,Cryofthe Poor , p.86.

62 Hediscussesthisintermsofecotechnology(technologiesandproceduresdesigned to preservethe environment), ecopolitics(strategiesforsustainabledevelopment),social ecology(humanrelationswiththe environment to regulateproductionandreproduction),mentalecology(human understanding ofthe environment andhumanity'splace init),andcosmicmysticism. Boff, Ecology and Liberation, pp. 19-43; compare L. Boff, Cryofthe Earth, Cryofthe Poor, pp. 5-7.

63 Boff, Cryofthe Earth, Cryofthe Poor, pp. 69-71.

64 See Cryofthe Earth, Cryofthe Poor, pp. 104-114

65 Heacknowledgesthatoftentheso-callednewpopular religious traditionshavebeen moresuccessful than Christianityonthisandsuggests that thisaccountsforsomeof theirrecentpopularityinBrazil (Boff, Ecology andLiberation , p.66).

66 BoffiscarefultodistinguishthisfromapantheismwhichseesGod as everything andeverything as God.Henotes:"AllisnotGod.ButGodisinallandallisinGod byreasonofthecreation" (Boff, Cryofthe Earth ,Cryofthe Poor, p. 153).

PROBLEMSFACINGTHEPROGRESSIVE CHURCH

When theBrazialianbishopsmadetheir adlimina visitstoRomein1990,they were reminded tostay out ofpolitics.InMayofthesameyear,thePopetold thecrowdat Chalco ontheoutskirtsofMexicoCity, "The option forthepoor continues tobeinthe heart ofthe Church.l"? Hisencyclical Redemptoris Missio praisedtheroleofbasecommunitiesinevangelization,buttheVaticanwasdeterminedtomakesure that theywereunder institutional control.

In northeast Brazil, Helder Camara'ssuccessoras archbishop of Olinda and Recife,JoseCardoso, continued hishigh-profilesanctionsagainstliberationtheology. InMarch1990,hesenta letter toallclergystressingtheneedforobedience. The following month, hedisciplinedtwopriestswhoworkedwiththe poorinparishesontheoutskirtsofRecifebyrelievingthemoftheir posts/"

InElSalvador, Fernando SaenzLacalle,a conservative opponent ofliberationtheologyandfriendof Opus Deiwas appointed as archbishop ofSan Salvadorin1995.Hereversedthesupport that thebase community movement hadenjoyed under RiverayDamas (1980-1995) andinsistedonaconservative curriculum atthe National Seminary.

The policyofacting through localbishopshelpedtheVaticanreducethe high-profileconflicts that had attracted unwanted media attention inthe1980s. However,itremainedreadyto intervene directlyagainstindividualtheologians whenitfelttheneed.Despitethehopesraised in 1986,relationswiththeVatican continued tobedifficultfor both BoffandGutierrez.Eventually,Bofflefthis religiousorder,theFranciscans,andresignedhispriesthoodinJune1992.69 In 1995,theVaticanimposedatwo-yearperiodofsilenceontheBrazilianfeministtheologianIvoneGebara. Not onlywasthislonger than Boff'speriodin the1980s,butits conditions werealsomorehumiliating. Gebara-who wasa professoroftheologyand philosophy-was calledtoEuropetostudy traditional theology,"Regrettably,whereasBoffhadreceivedhigh-profilepublicsolidarity

67 SeeM.Walsh, John Paul II:A Biography (London:HarperCollins, 1994), p. 224. Duringthisvisit,thePopebeatifiedJuanDiego(theIndianpeasant to whomtheVirgin appearedinthe sixteenth century).

68 Nagle,Claiming the Virgin, p. 168.

69 Boffs letter explaininghisdecisionwasprintedin The Tablet (11July 1992), pp. 882-883

70 Inreportingthenews, The Tablet (249[1 July 1995), p. 851) notes: "It is thought that thepointsoftheologicaldisputemayincludetheimageofGodandpatriarchyin the Church.InaninterviewwiththeBrazilianmagazine Veja, shemadecontroversial commentson abortion ,speakingoutofherexperienceoflivinginoneofRecife'spoorestslums.Ina letter to cancelengagementsasaresultofhersilencing,IvoneGebara wrote:'Thishoneybee,yourfriend,istobesentfarawayfromherhiveandhercountry,accusedofproducinghoney that hasadifferentflavourfrom that of other bees.'" SeealsotheinterviewwithMevPuleoinM.Puleo, The Struggle isOne(Albany:State UniversityofNewYorkPress, 1994), pp. 205-216, andGebara,"The Abortion Debate inBrazil:AReportfromanEco-FeministPhilosopherandTheologianunderSiege," Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 11.2(1995), pp. 129-136.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

inhisrelationswiththeVatican,Gebarareceivedmuchlesssupportfromher maleliberationistcolleagues.

CELAMIVin Santo Domingo-on thetheme"NewEvangelization, Human DevelopmentandChristian Culture"-marked anotherstage in conservativeoppositiontoliberation theology." The meetingtookplacein1992intheDominican Republictomarkthefive hundredth anniversaryof Christian presenceinthe Caribbean andLatinAmerica ." Preparationstoexcludethe involvement ofliberation theologianswereevenmorecareful than atPuebla. It wasmadeclear that onlyofficialadviserswerewelcome,andthereshouldnotbeanunofficial campoutsidetheconference walls." A consultative document wasissuedin February1990 that wasso conservative that itwaseven criticised bythe Argentineans, themosttraditionallyconservativeofLatin American national episcopates.AsatPuebla,theBrazilianbishops,andespeciallytheCELAMsecretary,BishopRaymundoDamasceno Assis, managedtoinfluenceamoreacceptable revision-the Second Report or Secunda Relatio (February 1992)-which becamethebasisoftheformalworking document (April1992) .74

An important changetothemethodologyusedatMedellinandPueblacan beseeninthewaytheconclusionsbeganwith doctrine rather than thecontemporarysocialsituation.This return toamore traditional methodologyset thetoneforwhatwasto come." The frameworkfortheearlytopicswas Christology, buttherewasnomentionofhowthismightberelatedtoexperiences ofcontemporarymartyrdom in Latin America." Thedocument emphasised Christ's workasreconcilinghumanitytoGodand presented Christas entrusting this ministrytothe church." There waslittlereferencetoliberation,apartfrom thePope's endorsement ofthegenuinepraxisof liberation setoutin Libertati s

71 Thefinal document is translated andpublishedwithaccompanyinganalysisin A. T. Hennelly(ed.), Santo Domingo and Beyond (Maryknoll,N.Y. :OrbisBooks,1993).

n As withmoresecularcelebrationsofthe anniversary, therewascontroversyonwhether itwasanappropriatetocelebrateorlamentthelastfivecenturies.Five-hundred-year anniversariesscheduledforBrazilintheyear 2000 weresimilarlycontested.

73 Eventhoughtheycouldnotbeinthecountry,advancesintechnologyallowed someliberationtheologianstocontributenonetheless.AtPuebla, progressive bishopscarriedconferencedocumentstotheminperson.AtSantoDomingo, communication over muchlongerdistanceswaspossible bye-mail.

74 SeeE.Cleary,"TheJourneytoSantoDomingo"inHennelly(ed.), Santo Domingo and Beyond , pp. 2-23.

75 See A. T. Hennelly,"AReportfromthe Conference" inHennelly(ed.), Santo Domingo and Beyond, pp. 24-36. Hennellyobserves(p. 34) that thebishopsfindamore propheticvoicewhentheyspeakforthemselvesintheir"MessageoftheFourthGeneral ConferencetothePeoplesofLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean" than intheformalconclusions that wereeditedinRome.

76 Hennellydraws attention tothisas"perhapsthemostgapinglacuna"andnotes thattheSecondReporthadincludedamovingtributetoallthosewhohadshedtheir bloodinLatinAmerica(Hennelly,"AReportfromtheConference,"p. 34).

77 CELAM, Santo Domingo, § 6.

Nuntius (1984)and LibertatisConscientia (1986),whichhewarned"mustbe keptinmindwhenthetopicof liberation theologiescomesupfor discussion."?"

The conference did not decisivelyrejecttheprevious commitment tothe poor, but itgaveitfarlessemphasis than inthepreviousmeetings. The prophetic thrust was clearest whenthebishopssaid:"Wemakeoursthecryof the poor. IncontinuitywithMedellinandPuebla,weassumewithrenewedardour thegospel preferential option forthepoor."? However,suchpassages went againstthegenerally cautious toneofthetexts.

One area that mightbeseenassmallstepforwardfromPueblawasinthe treatment ofwomen,butthebishops remained highly conservative ongender issues.Inherresponseto Santo Domingo,MariaPilar Aquino noted that a preparatory meeting on"WomenintheLatin American Church and Culture" inBogota(April1992)wasonlypartiallyeffectiveininfluencingtheuseof sexistlanguage.She pointed out that English translations mightremovethis difficultyin their wishtobeinclusive, but that thisdidnotresolvetheproblemforLatin American women. so Alittlelater,she noted that thesamewas truefortheworksofmale liberation theologians publishedinEnglishtranslationand questioned thelong-termvalueofthispolicy: "While the translation makesthese authors more attractive to North American readers,itdoes nothingtohelpLatin American women,becauseitdoesnot change thepatriarchal mentality ofthese authors .Iwould rather seetheworks translated asthey appearintheoriginallanguage,soas not toinflatefalse balloons.l'"

The bishopsfocussedsomeof their strongest criticismonthe Protestant sects." Inhisopeningaddress,thePopelikenedthebishopsofthe Catholic church tothegood shepherd andthesectstorapaciouswolves."Duringthe conference, thebishopsusedmore moderate language,buthad nothing positivetosayintheir treatment of them or their appeal.

The concern ofthebishopswas understandable The declaration inthe New YorkTimes byaBrazilian Presbyterian that "The Catholic church optedfor thepoor, but thepoor opted fortheevangelicals"summarisedawidely shared perception that Pentecostal churches hadtheupper hand in their competition

78 "OpeningAddressoftheHolyFather"inHennelly(ed.), Santo Domingo and Beyond, pp. 41-60 (50-51).

79 CELAM, Santo Domingo, §296.Seealso§§ 178-181.

80 M. P. Aquino,"SantoDomingothroughtheEyesofaWoman"inHennelly(ed.), Santo Domingo and Beyond, pp. 212-225 (21-22).

81 Aquino,"SantoDomingothroughtheEyesofaWoman,"p.225n.15.

81 SeeCELAM, Santo Domingo, §§ 139-152. The termsectsishighlypejorativein church circles. The Protest ant theologianGuillermoCookmakessomebriefbuttelling observationsonthe church's attitudes tothesectsinG.Cook,"SantoDomingothrough Protestant Eyes"inHennelly(ed.), Santo Domingo and Beyond, pp.184-201 (195-197).

83 "OpeningAddressoftheHolyFather"inHennelly(ed.), Santo Domingo and Beyond, p.47 .

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

withthe CEBs.84 Duringthe1990s, there weremany attempts to confront the growth of Pentecostalism asan urgent issueof concem/ " PhilipBerryman's investigations inBrazilandVenezuelapublishedas Religion in the Megacity suggestedhow much groundthe Catholic church hadalreadylosttothePenteocstal churches. f Manuel Vasquez'sstudy The Brazilian Churchand the Crisis of Modernity (1998)settheseproblemsintheframeworkofawidercrisisofmodernityand humanistic discoursesinBrazil." Although Vasquez concentrates almost exclusivelyonBrazil,his argument is relevant fortheproblemsfacingliberationtheologyacrossthe continent

Earlyresponsesto Pentecostal churches often criticised them as cultural imperialismby North Americangroups,whosewellfundedmissionventuresoffered thepoor material benefits but weredisruptiveof long-standing traditions and cultural tiesinlocal communities. Thiswastrueinsomeareas, but there was farmoretothesuccessof Pentecostalism than this one-dimensional conspiracy theorysuggested.Reasonsfor conversion could not be reduced tothesimple hopeof material gains.Most Pentecostal converts financially supported their church fromtheirownlimited resources-rather than benefited fromforeign largesse. The criticsof Pentecostalism generallyignoredthis challenging reality andavoidedprobingmoredeeplyintowhy Pentecostalism foundfavour. Neither the traditionalist northe liberationist Catholic church engagedin searching self-criticismto understand what Pentecostalism offeredits converts andwhy they turned theirbackson Carholicism ."

Amorepositiveassessmentof Pentecostal Protestantism-advanced bythe BritishsociologistDavid Martin-was that the Protestant worldview helped believers to adapt to the new economic and social environment of Latin America . Martin argued that Protestantism's emphasisonpersonal participationinworshipwaswell suited to Latin America's newly individualist and urban culture. Furthermore, Martin believed that thespreadof Protestantism encouraged modernisation and democratisation inthewidersociety."

84 SeeJ.Brooke,"Pragmatic Protestants Win Catholic Converts inBrazil," The New York Times, (4 July 1993), citedin P. Berryman, Religion inthe Megacity : Catholic and ProtestantPortraits from LatinAmerica(Maryknoll,N.¥.:OrbisBooks, 1996), p. 3.

85 TwoparticularlyinfluentialstudiesinEnglishhavebeen D. Stoll,IsLatinAmerica TurningProtestant? The Politics of Evangelical Growth (Berkeley:UniversityofCalifornia Press, 1990), and Tongues of Fire : The Explos ion of Protestantism inLatin America (Oxford: BasilBlackwell, 1990) . Seealsothe edited collection, Virginia Garrard-Burnett and DavidStoll(eds.),RethinkingProtestantisminLatin America (Philadelphia: Temple UniversityPress, 1993) .

86 Berryman, Religion in the Megacity, pp. 147-167.

87 Manuel A. Vasquez, The Brazilian Popular Church and the Crisis of Modernity (CambridgeStudiesinIdeologyandReligion;Cambridge:UniversityofCambridgePress, 1998). Seeesp.pp. 74-98 forhis treatment ofthedebateoncompetitionfromPentecostal churches

88 SeebelowonthediscussionatCELAM IV.

89 Martin, Tongues of Fire, pp. 271-295. Foranearlier argument toabroadlysimi-

Endofan Era?

At a more pragmatic level, Martin observed that the networks of mutual support in Protestant churches offered economic advantages toa variety of different social groups." Cecilia Mariz also stressed the mutual support that characterised how Pentecostal communities coped with poverty ata microsocial level and suggested that the poor might be attracted to Pentecostalism forvery different reasons to those that were important for middle classes." For example, the middle classes might like the emotionalism of its services and the supernatural element of healing miracles .By contrast, the poor-who were more familiar with the popular religious culture of Afro-Brazilian spirit religions such as Umbanda or Candomble-s-might be attracted by Pentecostalism's relative rationalization."

Most importantly, however, the rise of the Pentecostal churches raised questions on how adequately liberation theology satisfied the religious demands of the poor. The promise of sure salvation that Pentecostals preached in simple terms had an obvious appeal in times of heightened uncertainty. Pentecostalism seemed to put the believer infirm charge of hisor her own individual destiny. No matter what difficulties one might encounter in one's work-life orfamilylife, there could bea comforting security in one's spiritual life.For many people people, thiswasa much more attractive vision than the stress on social involvement and struggle for the kingdom of God offered by the base communities.

lar conclusion seeB.Roberts, "Protestant GroupsandCopingwithUrbanLifein Guatemala"in American Journal of Sociology 73(1968), pp. 753-767. It mightalsobe noted that inareasofextremeconflictsuchasGautemalaandEISalvador,membership ofaPentecostalchurchaffordedatleastsome protection againstthewidespreadpersecutionofthosesuspectedofsympathisingwiththeprogressivechurch.

90 Martinwrites: "Protestantism mayinone context gain attention and adherence amongthosewhoareatthemarginsofsubsistenceandare threatened bytheadvance ofamarketeconomyandthedepredationsoflocalcaciques[leaders).In another context, Protestantism mayacquireabaseamongsmall independent producerswhoneed tobandtogetherandwhoaredeterminedtoassertthemselves,inparticularbyby-passingtheLadinomiddle-man.Everywhereitoffersanetworkofmutualsupportwhich mayincludeavarietyofservices...."Martin, Tongues of Fire, p. 283.

91 C. L. Mariz, Coping with Poverty: Pentecostals and Christian Base Communities in Brazil (Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1994).

92 Mariz, Coping with Poverty, p.8.AGalluppollin1990foundonly0.4%of Brazilians werewillingtoadmittheirinvolvement,butthe strength ofAfro-Brazilianreligionsin Brazilisgenerallyacknowledged to bemuchgreater than theverylownumberofpeople that declaretheirpersonalaffiliation.Thisisdue to thegreaterrespectabilityusuallyassociatedwithCatholicismasopposed to Afro-Brazilianreligions(whichwere officially discriminatedagainstuntil1945).Inaddition,personalloyaltiesmaybeless clear-cut thanpollssuggest.Forexample,initiatesintoAfro-Brazilianreligionsmust havebeenbaptisedinto Catholicism andmay revert to Catholicism whenpolled. Furthermore,popularCatholicisminBraziloftenshowsafusionofCatholicandAfrican traditionswhichmightalsobe hidden instatisticalsurveys(seeMariz, Coping with Poverty, p. 18).

CONCLUSION

Duringthe1990s, liberation theologylostits momentum asanorganisedtheologicalmovementandfacedacrisisofrelevanceintheterminologyofliberation. However,its commitment tothepoorandoppressedanditsmethodological approachtotheologyremainedhighlyrelevant,andthisisverylikelytocontinue.

The collapseofsocialismandfalloftheBerlinWallhadverylittledirect impacton liberation theology,butit nonetheless exposedthechangingpoliticalandeconomicdynamics that transformedLatinAmericainthe1980sand raisedquestionsontherelevanceofliberation.Inthelate1960sandearly1970s, liberationtheologyhadsoughttooffera relevant economicanalysisofoppressionbyengagingwithpoliticaltheorists,socialscientists,andMarxists.After themid-1970s,manyoftheleading liberation theologiansmovedawayfrom thisworktofocusmoredirectlyonthelivesofthepoor.Duringthe1980s, liberationtheologiansmadelittle attempt toaddressthemacroeconomicchanges andsilentrevolutionsatananalyticleveloridentify alternatives tothem;they wereconcernedmorewithhowtheseimpactedthelivesofthepoor.Theythereforedidnotdirectlyaddresstheproblemsof continuing tospeakofliberation inarapidly changing economic context When liberation theologianswere forcedto confront thisinthe1990s,theirresponseswerecautiousandvaried.

Theterminology that drovethe movement sopowerfullyinthelate1960s and1970snolongerprovidedatopicalmessageoraclear direction fortheologicalreflection. The urgencyofthetheologicaltaskand importance oftheologicalwritingswasaspressingasbefore,butaclearresponsewasmoredifficult.

The Vatican's continuing opposition to liberation theologydid not help. Conservativeswereintheascendancyinthe national episcopatesandliberationtheologianshadtobecarefulwithwhattheysaidandwrote.Meanwhile, theCEBswereindeclineasasocial movement andfacingstrong competition fromPentecostalchurches. There wasmuchless international interest orsupportfor liberation theology than therewasinpreviousdecades,andmeetings between theologiansbecamemuchlesscommon.

Inthiscontext,mostliberationtheologiansidentifiedtheproblem,butnobody claimed to havetheanswers.Inthefuture,thiscouldbea strength. Agreater pluralisminterminologyandoutlookcouldmaketheideasof liberation theologymoreresistantto sudden setbacks.Sometheologians,suchasLeonardo Boff, pioneerednewworkontheologyandthe environment, andthe church tookastrongerstandonindigenousissuesthaneverbefore.However,asacohesive movement liberationtheologyseemedtobereachingtheendofitsera. Atthe tum ofthemillennium,withmanyofthemost prominent liberation theologiansvery advanced inyears,itwashardtoseehowitmightbereenergised. The death ofHelderCamarainAugust1999seemedtosymbolisethe fact that itbelongedtothelastthirdofthe twentieth century,butnottothe twenty-first. Nonetheless, whenitsoverallrecordsince1968is evaluated, there iseveryreasonto think that itshouldleavea permanent and potent legacyin manyareasoftheology.

ofthesocialconflictimplicitinLatin American life. Theological language of liberation wasanewwaytospeakofintegralsalvation that wasperfectly suitedtothe currents ofthetimeandespeciallythecritiquesof dependency that were prominent inintellectualcircles.

Duringtheseearlyyears, liberation theologywasatitsmost confident ,but alsoitsmostcontroversial. The revolutionarylanguage,theadoptionofMarxist analysisandadvocacyofsocialismprovokedstrongreactionsandallowedthe movement tobemisleadinglystereotyped.Thesefeaturesofearlyworkswere notthemostimportantfeaturesofliberationtheology,butitwashardlysurprising that theyprovedthemostprovocativeandgotthemost attention. Despitethe dramatic changes that liberation theology underwent inthe1970s,thismisleadingstereotypestuckfasttoitandremainedthetargetoflatercriticism.

As theprogressive church putintopracticeitspoliticaloptiontobea church ofthepoor,thegrass-rootsbasecommunitiesbeganto reorientate liberation theology.This transformation in liberation theologycameasan unexpected gift.Inthefaceof bitter persecution acrossthe continent, liberationtheologianssoughttoengagethepeopleinagenuinetheologicaldialogueonthepresenceofGodintheirsuffering.Thisgaveliberationtheologiansnewrespectfor theinsightsofthepeopleand deepened their understanding ofsolidarityand servicetothepeopleofGod.Aboveall,they started toseethehopes,struggles,andexperiencesofthepoorasofferingaspecial revelation ofGod'spresenceintheworld.Thisepistemological option forthe poor-which recognised theexperiencesofthepoorasaprivileged locus ofrevelationand insightstarted to becomeexplicitasaclearsetoffurtherprinciplesafterthemid-1970s.

The 1980sinvolvedlessdramatic,butstillsignificant furthermethodological developments.Thenewfocusonthedailylivesofthepoorencouragedreflection onspirituality. The contemplative sideoftheologyreceivedgreater attention andtherewasstressonsilenceaswellasactionasthe preconditions fortheologicalreflection.Manyofthemostmovingandinspirationalworksofliberationtheologywere written duringthisdecade,includinganumberbywomen theologianswhofirstcametoprominenceduringthe1980sand integrated concernforpovertywiththeirawarenessofgender.

However,thecrisisofthe1990swas created inthe1980s. The changing economicfoundationsresultingfromthesilentrevolutionsreceivedlittle attentionata structural level.Atthetime,theincreasingirrelevanceofliberationist economicanalysisdidnotseemfatal.First,liberationtheology's concern for oppression broadened beyondeconomicstoincluderace,ethnicity,and other cultural factors,aswellaspatriarchyandsexism.Second,thetriumphofcapitalismwasnotyetclearatagloballevel. Third ,becauseofthemethodologicalshiftsofthe1970s, there was much lessemphasison macroeconomic analysisandtheunderlyingeconomic structures .Asaresult,thecrisisdidnot breakuntilthe1990s.

The falloftheBerlinWallin1989andthedefeatoftheSandinistasinthe 1990swerewidelyseenasthedefinitive triumph ofthemarketoverMarxism,

andcriticswerequickto pronounce the death ofliberationtheology.Manyof theobituariesweremisguided,becausetheybasedtheirviewona distortion ofwhatliberationtheologyhadbeen,andablindnesstowhatithadbecome. Nonetheless, theyhelpedexposetheproblems that liberationwasfacing.Inthe 1990s,therewasnoescaping that liberationtheologynowfacedaseriouscrisisasatheologicalmovement.

First,Latin American liberation theologiansembraced important newissues, butmetwithlesssuccess than intheir engagement withpoverty.Whileliberationtheologycertainlyneededtoextenditsawarenessofoppressionbeyond economicpoverty,fewtheologianswereequippedtoexplorethenewareaswith thesameinsightandcreativity,andmaletheologianswereparticularlyweak whenaddressinggenderissues.Second,evenliberationtheology's traditional strength inaddressingpovertyandeconomicissueswasnowincrisis.Atthe heart ofthiswasaproblemwithwhathadoncebeenitsgreatest strengththeterminologyofliberation.Inthe1990s,thelanguageofliberationseemed tohavelittlerelevancetothepoliticalandeconomicrealitiesoftheglobalfree market,butitwasunclearwhatmightreplaceit.Third,withthepassingof time,thecumulativeeffectofsteadyoppositionfromtheVaticanandlocalchurch hierarchiestookaheavytoll.Whereasoppositionandwidespread persecution bymilitarygovernmentsinthe1970sinitially tended toinspirethemovement, theongoingconflictwiththeVaticansteadilysappeditsenergyandgradually discouragedcreativity.Eventually,thepapacyof John PaulII succeeded in blunting theimpactofliberationtheologyinparishesacrossthe continent . It isimpossibletotellthefuture,butitseems that liberationtheologyhas haditstimeasatheologicalmovement. John Paul'ssuccessormaybemore sympathetic,butthe generation oftheologianswhobroughtsomuchtothe movement initsearlydayshavegrownoldandnotbeenreplaced.

Despitethis, liberation theologyleavesa potent legacywithintheology. It highlightedthepoliticalsignificanceofalltheologicalwork, questioned the valueof intellectual studydivorcedfromaction,stressedthevalueofdialogue withthosebeyondtheacademy,andidentifiedthestrugglesofthepoorand oppressedasaprivilegedepistemological locus foranengagedtheology.Totake thelegacyofliberationtheologyseriouslywillmean continuing toworkwith theseprinciplestoreflectmoredeeplyontheGodoflifeandthelivesofthe peopleofGod. The languageofliberationmayceasetoberelevant,atleast forawhile; but liberation theology's methodological insights,especiallythe politicalandepistemologicaloptionsforthepoor,arelikelytobe enduring legaciesforanyfuturetheological engagement between church andsocietyor theologyandsocialissues.

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Index

abortion269,287n.70

Adriance,Madeleine267,269 nn.59,60,285n.58 agriculture,reform75 aid;andcolonialism75 andUnitedStates51,67-8,70,88, 90,92,164

Alencar,Tirode172n.59

AlexanderVI,Pope6

Alfaro,Juan,SJ236

Alfonsfn,Raul203n.2

Allende,Salvador145,146n.37,150, 161n.12,164

AllianceforNationalLiberation (Brazil) 172n.59

Alliancefor Progress: anddebt71 andmilitarystrategy68,87 andreformanddevelopment68,70, 72,77,85, 91-2

Almeida,LuciaoMendesde252

Althaus-Reid,Marcella266-7

Althusser, L. 246

Alvarado,Gen.Juan Velasco 159-60n.4

Alvarado,Pedrode9,10

Alvarez,Sonia 268-70

Alves,Rubem84-5n.68,112,142n.21

Angelelli,Enrique102n.38,162-3

anti-clericalism:LatinAmerican38, 42-3, 55,73

Spanish30

Antonio theCounsellor43n.49

Appiah-Kubi, Kofi 218n.61

Aquino,MarfaPilar261,289

Arbenz,Jacobo 52-3, 69n.6

Arce,Sergio217n.55,219n.69

Arellano,LuizBeatriz261

Arevalo,JuanJose53

Argentina:and Church andState42 n.43,162-3 and"dirtywar"162 andeconomy39,48,50n .1 andimmigrationfromEurope39 and Independence 29-30 andindustrialization49

andmilitarycoupof197652,159,162 andpopulism51n.4,52 andrepressionofthechurch162-3 andSpanishcolonialism12n.25 andtrade49 andtransitiontodemocracy203n.2 andUnitedStates114n.96

Argentinean Anti-Communist Alliance 162n.17

Arguedas,JoseMaria120n.4

Ams,Card.PauloEvaristo160-1n.9, 269n.58 andBotf240,245 andhumanrightsagency160 andpersecutionofthechurch99n.25 andSynodofBishops1983237-8 andVatican229,240,245,248

Arroyo,Gonzalo146,148,150n.53

Arrupe,Pedro,SJ104,195 andMarxism229-30,234-5,243, 244-5n.76

Assis,RaymundoDamasceno288 Assman,Hugo113,150n.53,188 n.37,214n.46

Opresion.Liberaci6n 144

Practical Theology of Liberation 123n.18 Atahuallpa(Incaleader)11,13 audencias, andnationstates11n.24 Augustinians,andevangelization17 authoritarianism:andthechurch81 andcommunism70 andeconomicliberalism38 andmilitaryregimes71 andpopulism52 andstateviolence114 autonomy,regional81,141-2

Aztecs,Spanishconquest9-11,12,13

Baggio, Sebastiano193n.59,230 n.14,249n.97

Balauger, [oachfnVidela89

Barbe,Dominique131n.54,172n.60

Barda deLoaisa,Bishop19 Barth,Karl112-13n.91,222n.85

basecommunities 97,102,109,165-73, 199,287,291 andtheBible 168,171,173,177, 178-82,184-5,198 and church hierarchy 173-4 decline 275,292 distinctivefeatures 166-9 andecclesiology 220,254 emergence 169,170-1 and Evangelii Nuntiandi 165 n. 29,167 andliberationtheology 158-9, 165-6,169,173,174-7,178,286,294 inNicaragua 232 and persecution 160,163 andpolitics 168-9,170,172-3,174, 269-70

precendents for 170 radicalization 171-3 significance 173-6 andVatican 174,250,252 andwomen 267-70

BaseEducation Movement (MEB) 94-6,170

Batista,Fulgencio 53-4,70

Batista,Mauro 220-1

BayofPigs incident 69

Belize,andBritain 34-5 n. 24

Berryman,Philipxiii-xiv, 196 n. 76,290

Bettancourt, Estevo 237

Bible:andbasecommunities 168,171, 173,177,178-82,184-5,198 andCELAM62 andGutierrez 128-9,133-5,151, 206 andhistoricalcriticism 152,154-6, 185 andliberationtheology 179-87 andMarxism 137,138-40 andscholarship 152,182-7

see also hermeneutics

biblical institutes 62

Bidegain,AnaMaria 260,263

Bigo,Pierre 106-7 n. 59

Bingemer,MariaClara 224,260,264-6

bishoprics,Latin American 41,42 bishops,conservative 97-8 appointments 250-2,254,275,292 bishops,progressive 81,96,97-100, 141-2,143,168 andCELAMII 102 n. 38,103,107-11 andCELAMIII 179 andVaticanII 82

see also Camara,Helder

Bo/f, Clodovis 72 n. 13,123 n. 19,179, 182,241

silencingof 236 n. 39

Theology and Praxis 179-80

Bo/f, Leonardo xii, 179,182

Church : Charism and Power 236,239 Cry ofthe Earth, Cry ofthe Poor 285-6 Ecclesiogenesis 158 andecclesiology 245,254 Ecology and Liberation 277,283-4, 285,292

Jesus Christ Liberator 138,151-4,157 andMarxism 275

Theology of Captivity and Liberation 187

Theology and Liberation Series 273-4

Trinity and Society 273 andtheVatican 236-7,239-41,244, 245-7,248-9,250,252,253,273,287 andwomen 262

Boff,Leonardoand Boff, Clodovis, Introducing Liberation Theology xiv, 123 nn. 16,17,153 n. 64,175,178,180 nn. 4,7,181-2,183-4,273

Bolivar,Simon 28-9,30,35 n. 25,38-9 n, 33,151

Bolivia:BanzerPlan 161 andeconomy 48 and Independence 29-30 andliberationstruggles 92,93 andmilitarycoup (1971-8)159 andrepressionofthe church 161 andSpanishcolonialism11 andtrade 49

Bonaparte,Joseph 28

Bonhoetfer, Dietrich 112-13 n. 91, 130,191

Boniface vm, Pope 17 n. 42

Bosch,Juan 88-9

Boves,JoseTomas 29

Boyl,Bernal 16

Branco, Humberto Castello 72,89

Brazil:andbasecommunities 165-73 and Church andState 18,72,97-8 coupof 196471-2,85,87,96,97-8, 171

andeconomy 39,48, 49-51,89,100 EmergencyPlan (1962)170-1 Esrado NOvo 50,51 andimmigrationfromEurope 39 and Independence 32-3,39 andindigenouspeoples 283,285 and industrialization 14,49-50,71

Institutional ActV 89,100,114

and institutional changesinthe church 60-1 and institutional violence 98-100 andmilitary 51,52,63,71-2,85,87, 89,97-100,114 n. 96,159-60 as National SecurityState 89,100, 159-60,172

Operation Amazon 284-6 andpopulism 50-2,72 Portuguesecolonialism 14,27-8 Portuguesediscovery 6 andtepression 89,98-100,160-1, 171-2 andtrade 14,49 and transition todemocracy 174, 203 n. 2 and United States 53 n. 8,63,85, 87,89,114 n. 96

see also Boff Leonardo; National ConferenceofBrazilianBishops Britain:andneo-colonialism 26-7, 33-6,38-9 andtrade 26,33,35,38,47

British Honduras see Belize Brown,RobertMcAfee 81-2 n. 55

Bultmann,Rudolf 112-13 n. 91,239

Burdick,John 269-70

Burnier,[oaoBoscoPenido 160 n. 5

Cabral,PedroAlvares6

CaiporaWomen'sGroup 256,263,265 n. 36,266

Calles, Plutarcho 42

Camara,Helder 81,82,96,161 n. 12, 252,287,292 asArchbishopofOlindaandRecife 98 andBraziliancoupof 196497 n. 20 andCatholicAction 60,98 andCELAM 61,101 n. 37,102, 103,110 andCNBB 60-1,97-8 andPaulVI 60,98,101 andviolence 98-9,172 n, 59

Camara,JaimedeBarros 98

Campos,Julia 217 n. 55,219 n. 69

Canudosuprising 43 n. 49 capitalism:andthe church 45,98,108, 143,227-8 andglobalization 275-6,277-9,294

Cardenal,Ernesto 232 n. 24,233

Cardenal,Fernando 232 n. 24,234

Cardijn,Joseph 58

Cardoso,FernandoHenrique 91

Cardoso,Jose 287

Caribbean:andBritishcolonialism 34 andSpanishcolonialism 7-8,10,32 andU.S.neo-colonialism 37 andvoyagesofColumbus5,7 Carter,Jimmy 164

Cartignymeeting 112,120 n. 6,142 n. 21,215

Carvalho,Emilio 223 n. 86

Casaldaliga, Pedro 161 n. 12,252-3,285

Casaroli,Cardinal 248 n. 94

Castro,Fidel 54,62,68,69-70,73,85

catechism,popular 170 Catholic Action 48,55,58-60,63 inBrazil 60-1 andCamara 60,98 inPeru 60 radicalization 172 n. 60 and see, judge, act principle 59,75, 80,179,198

Catholic Left (Brazil) 172 n. 63

CatholicYouthUniversity Students (JUC) 59,60

Catholicism:and church ofthepoor 158-77 and church renewal 73-81 andconservatism 38,41-3,47,62, 97-8,103 and education 19 and encomienda system8, 19 European 43 and Independence struggle 40-2 andindigenousreligions 18,19 and institutional reforms 49,60-3,103 andliberalism 41-3,55,56 andmedicine 19 andmissions 15-24 andmoderates 103 in nineteenth century 40-6 andoppositiontoliberationtheology 193-8,228-9,231,241-4,252-5 andprivileges 49 andradicals 87-8,103-4,112-14 andslavetrade 8,22 n. 57,23 andsocialteaching 43-6,48,54-5, 56-8,73-81,100-1,142,258 andSpanishcolonialism 5,6,7,15,25 andtheology 54-5 see also Christendom, socialism; VaticanI;VaticanII caudillos 38,50

Cavada,CarlosOvieda 146 Cavalcanti,Tereza 260

CEBs see basecommun ities

CELAM 61-2,82, 101 andoppositiontoliberationtheology 192-3,198

CELAMI(RiodeJaneiro) 61-2 ,82

CELAMII(Medellin) 61,82,107-11, 112 andbasec ommunities 165 "DocumentonEducation" 169 n. 45 "DocumentonJustice" 108--9,110 "Docum ent onPeace" 109-10 "DocumentonthePovertyofthe Church" 87,110-11 andGutierrez 106-7,111,133,159 andliberation 87,103,109-10, 136,194 andMarxism 108 "MessagetothePeoplesofLatin America" 108,258 andoptionforthepoor 86,88, 96- 7,102-4,107-11,115,197,243 preparationsfor 96,101-7 andwomen 258

CELAMIII(Puebla) 61,127 n. 37, 220,229,238 andbasecommunities 165 n. 29 andMarxism 196,234 andoppositiontoliberationtheology 179,193-8 ,236,250 andoptionforthepoor 144,194, 196- 7,243 andwomen 197, 258--9

CELAMIV(SantoDomingo) 288--9 1 CentralAmerica:andBritishcolonialism 34-5 andeconomy 48 andindependence 31-2,40 andrepressionofthechurch 163-4 andSpanishcolonialism9 and UnitedStates 37,52,114 n. 96,227

seealso Guatemala;H ondur as;Mexico; Nicaragua;Panama

CEPAL(EconomicCommissionforLatin America) 90 n.4 change,social 83-4 ,93-4 ,96,108-9, 131,192 andbasecommuniti es 158--9,173-4 charity,andthechurch 19,45,254

CharlesIIIofSpain 24

CharlesIVofSpain 28

Charles V. HolyRomanEmperor 10, 18--1 9, 21

Chile:andChristiansforSocialism 81 n. 51,137,145-51 andIndependencestruggles 29-30 militarycoupof 1973137,145,150, 159,161,251

asNationalSecurityState 150 PopularUnityCoalition 145 andrepressionofthechurch 151, 161-2 andsocialism 145-6 andSpanishcolonialism 11 andtrade 49 andUnitedStates 114 n. 96

Chimbote(Peru)meeting 97,104-6, 115,120 n. 6

Christendom:colonial 15-24,41

European 43,46,47 ne o-Christend om 47,48,54-64,97 n, 20,103,120,129-30

Christianity:andcivilization 16,24 seealso Catholicism;missionaries ChristiansforSocialismmov ement 81 n. 51,137,144-51,156,161 n. 12, 193 n. 58,235

Christo,Carlos 172 n, 59

Christology:andCELAMIV 288 andliberationtheology 138,151-6, 157,194,196 n. 76,211-12,280- 1 church,popular 158--77,196,232-4, 237 nn. 42,45,252,254

ChurchandState:inBrazil 18,72,97-8 incolonialperiodix,IS, 16- 20,22 inCuba 73 inPortugal 18,23-4 inpost-independenceperiod 41- 2 andRerum Novarum46 inSpain 16-18,25,40,41-2 intwentieth century 48

CIA:andChile 150 andCuba 68,69 andGuatemala 53

Cisneros,Card.Jimenezde 18 class:andC atholicAction 58 classstruggle 45,57 ,141,148,150 n. 55,235,243 andgender 262 andpopulistpolitics 50,51-2 andrace 221,225

Cleary,Edward 59 n. 34,165-6 n. 32, 196 n. 76

ClementVII,Pope 17 n, 44 clergy:andC atholicAction 59 expulsion 42,73

foreign42,73,82,100n. 27, 161 and independence 40-1 persecution98,99,160-3 progressive102-3,146-7,156,160, 232-4

revolutionary 93-4, 131,151

CNBB see National Conferenceof BrazilianBishops coffee:production14,38 trade39,49,51

ColdWar 52-3, 70,74,76,85,87,89, 275

Cologne Declaration 250- 1n.102

Colombia:and Church and State 42 n .43

Independence struggles28-9 andliberationstruggles93 andSpanishcolonialism9,11 colonialism:andthe church 15-24,25, 143

andIndiansas human beings20-3 internal 98-9

ninete enth- century26-47 Spanish8, 9-14

Columbus, Christopher 3-7 ,19 andthe church 15,16

Comblin,Jose 81-2 n.55,100n.27, 276-7

CommissionofPeaceandJustice (Brazil) 160

Committee for Cooperation forPeacein Chile161

Communio 230,237,244 n. 74 communism:andthe church 57,59, 62,75,93 inCuba 68-70 andexportofrevolution 68-9 andMiranda 138-40 and United States87 see also Marxism;socialism

Condor Plan162

Condorcanqui, Jose Gabrielli n.23

Cone,James214n.46,216n.53,217, 218n.61

ConferenceoftheLatinAmerican Episcopate see CELAM Congar,Yves79

CongregationfortheDoctrineofthe Faith227,230,231n.21, 238-40

conquistadores ix, 50,257,265 andindigenouspeoples7-8, 10-14 andlanddistribution14 andmissionaries 15-16

conservatism:and appointment of bishops250-2,254,275,292 and Catholic Action59 andthe church 41-3, 47,55,62, 97-8 social37

Consilium 230,240

Contrera s,Rodrigode22

Cook,Guillermo289n.82

Corbett,Cecil218n.61

C6rdoba,FranciscoHernandezde10,16

C6rdoba,Pedrode20,21

Cortes, Hernan 9-11, 12,17,31

Corufia,Agustinde,BishopofPopavan 23

CostaeSilva,Arturda89,100,160

Couch,BeatrizMelano216,219n.69, 220,259n.11

CounciloftheIndies19

CouncilforJusticeandPeace142

CouncilofRegency(Spain)28,29

Cox,Harvey245n.79,247n.90,248 n.94

Cristero movement 42-3

Cristianismo y Sociedad 84-5 n. 68

Croatto, JoseSeverino128n.40

Cuauhtemoc (Aztexemperor)10,31

Cuba:blockade68,70,274n.7 andthe church 73 and Independence 32 missilecrisis 69-70 ,76 Revolution49, 53-4, 62,63,67, 68-70, 73,85 Spanishconquest21 andsugartrade32,37

Cuba,CaptaincyGeneral31,35

Cuitlahu ac(Aztecemperor)12n.27 culture:Christianization55 andliberationtheology215-16, 218-19, 222,224-5,252,276,294

DeLubac,Henri130n.50

DeSchrijver,Georgesxv-xvi debt,foreign51,71,90,109,204,225, 277

andJubilee2000281

"DeclarationoftheBishopsofChile" 146-7

DelPrado,Consuelo260

Delgado,Fr40

Delgado,Jose170 democracy:andbasecommunities174, 254 andthe church 81

transitionto174,203,225,232, 276,285 andUnitedStates88 dependence,economic26-7,109, 131,294

dependencytheory 90--2 ,124,126,143, 157

development:andCatholicsocial teaching 77, 100,143,254 anddependencytheory 90--2, 126 disillusionwithix,88-96,98,102,114 andliberation96,106,125-6,131,143 theologyof112,113

Dezza, Paolo,SJ229-30

Diaz,Bartholomew4 Diego,Juan17,265,287n.67 disappearances150,161,162 discipleship ,andChristology155-6 disease,Europeanix,7,8,12,21

DominicanRepublic:andrevolution68 andUnitedStates53n.8,69n.5, 71 n. 8,87, 88-9

Dominicans:andevangelisation16,17, 18,280 andIndiansashumanbeings20-3 persecution99n.25,172n.59

Duarte,Bishop327

Duarteas,Luciano234n.30

Dulles,AllenWelsh53n.7

Dulles,JohnFoster53n.7

Durand,Ricardo251n.107

Dussel,Enrique: TheChurch in Latin America xiv-xv,73n.16,113n.93 andcolonialChristendom18 anddiscipleshipofthepoor176n.74 and EATWOT 216,217 n.55,218, 219 n. 69 andecology283n.48

A History oftheChurch in Latin America23 andrepression187 andVaticanII81-2n.55

Dutra,Gen.EuricoGaspar51

EATWOT see EcumenicalAssociationof ThirdWorldTheologians ecclesiology, andbasecommunities220, 254

ecology,andliberationtheology274, 283-6,292

EconomicCommissionforLatinAmerica (CEPAL) 90n.4 economy:anddependencytheory 90--2

anddepression39,40,47,48,49 free-market45,57,203-4,225-6, 232,275-7,279,294 andliberalism 38-40 modernization48,49-54 andneo-colonialism26-7,33-9,47 andreforms67-8,71-2,87,89 see also development;GreatDepression; industrialization;neo-liberalism:trade Ecuador:Independence struggles 28-9,30 andrepressionofthechurch161-2 andSpanishcolonialism11 EcumenicalAssociationofThirdWorld Theologians214n.49,215,226 Accrameeting217 Dar-es-Salaammeeting190,213, 216-17

NewDelhimeeting222-3,259-60 Oaxtepecmeeting223-5,261 SaoPaulomeeting206-7,219-22,259 Tepeyacmeeting220,259,263-4,268 Wennappuwameeting218-19 Women'sCommission 260--1 ecumenism161n.10,213-14 education:andthechurch19,24 andconscientization94-6,126,168, 170,175

Eisenhower,Dwight D. 53,68-9

EI Dorado 13

ElEscorial(Spain)conferences138, 277-8

ElSalvador:civilwar73n.17,132, 164,204,211,276 andIndependence31-2 andrepression132,163-4,220,281 andSpanishcolonialism10 andUnitedStates71n.8,164,204

see also Sobrino,Jon elites:andIndependenceix,26-8, 31-2,33-4,47 andliberationtheology179,206 andneo-colonialism34-5 andneo-liberalism276 andpoliticalreform 70--1

Ellacurfa, Ignacio211-12,239,273-4 encomienda system7-8,14n.33 andthechurch8,19, 20--1, 22n.57

Escoto,Migueld'232n.24,252

Evangelii Nuntiandi 165n.29,167,192, 194,253 n. 112

evangelization:andbasecommunities220 andCELAMI61 andcolonization16,17,19,20-4

and Gutierrez159 andpopularc atech ismmovem ent 170

Exodustheme108,180,183n.18 in Gutierrez128-9 ,151 inMiranda139

Fabella,Virginia223 n. 86

Falcao,JoseFreire231n.21,251

Fanon,Franz106,124

FarabundoMartiNationalLiberation Front (ElSalvador)204

favela (sh antyt own) 95-6, 166

FederalRepublicof Centr alAmerica 31-2

feminism:andecology283 feministtheology213,214-15, 223--4 n .88 and liberation theology 256-70 ' FerdinandVIIofSpain28-31,40-1

FerdinandofSpain 4-5 ,7-8 n. 15,16, 18-19 ,21

Ferro,Corra263,264

Fierro,Alfredo121n.10

Figueiredo, Gen . [oao Baptista203n.2 [oco warfare69,92 folkreligion19,222

Fonseca,JuanRodriguezde18-19 ,21

Fragoso,Antonio170 Frainer,Cl6vis251

Franciscans16,17,42 n. 42

Frank, Andre Gund er91 freedomofworship41,42

Frei,Eduardo145,193n.58

Freire,Paulo88, 94-6, 108-9 ,126, 168,175,214 n. 46

FrenchRevolution,effectsof43

Fresno,JuanFrancisco251

Furtado,Celso91

Galeano,Eduardo13

Gama,Vascode4 n, 4

G annn, Bernardin 249,252-3

Garces,Juan17

Gaudium et Spes 67,78,171 andCELAMII107 andGutierrez105,130n.590,133 andsee,judge,act meth odology 79-80 ,107 andsocialjustice101,103,142

Gebara,Ivone259-6 0,261, 264-6 , 287-8

Geisel,Gen.Ernesto160,203n.2

Gelin,A.134n.68

gender,andliberationtheologyxiii,223, 224,256-70 ,276,289,29 4-5 genocide,ofIndianpopulation 7-8, 21, 204

Gibellmi, Rosino120- 1n.7

Girardi,Giulio149,150n.53 globalization275,277-9, 281-2 ,294 gold:andthechurch16 andfinancingofcrusades15 Spanishquestfor6,7,11, 12-13 ,26

Goncalves,Jose97 GoodNeighbourPolicy(U.S.)37,52 Gortari,CarlosSalinasde43 Goulart, [oao BelchiorMarques 71-2, 97 n. 20 Grande, Rutilio163 Grant,Jacquelyn217 GreatDepression39,40,47,48,49 GregoryXVI,Pope42 growth,economic48,50,51 Guadaloupe,Virginof17-18,40-1,265 GuadalupeHidalgotreaty(1848)36 GuaraniIndians23,42n.42 Guatemala:andcivilwar276 andindependence40 andrepression220 andSpanishcolonialism10 and state violence 204 andUnitedStates52-3, 54 n. 11,69 n.6,71n.8 Guatemala,CaptaincyGeneral31 guerrillas:andclergy93--4,131,132 rural54,69,92-3 urban89,92n.8 Guevara,Ernesto"Che"54,68-9,92 Gutierrez,Gustavoxii,60n.35,63,81, 179,182,293 andCartignymeeting112,120 n. 6, 142n.21 andCELAMII106-7, 111,133,159 andCELAM III 195 and Christi ansforSocialism150n.53 and EATWOT 190,216,217,219 n.69 TheGodofLife 128n.41,181, 205-6 ,210,262 "TheIrruptionofthePoorinLatin America"159 La Pa storaldela Ig lesia en America Latina120nn.6,7 Las Casas280 methodologyxi,120, 121-3, 199,209 andNeto99n.24,120n.4 "Notesona TheologyofLiberation"112

On Job 182n.17,203,209-10 andpastoraloptionofpolitical commitment 120,129-35,199,293 andPetropolismeeting 83-4,105, 120 nn. 6,7 andpost-Marxistera 278

ThePowerofthePoor in History xi, 121,1 28 n. 41,139 n. 12,175,176 n. 74,191,211 n. 38,238,241-2 n .64 andsocialism 130-2,137,246 andspirituality 205-10 andt ermin ologicalinnovation 120, 123-9,199

A Th eologyofLiberation 111 n. 85, 112 n. 88,119-36,137,138,144, 151,189 n. 46,205,207,210,213, 225,238

"The ologyandtheSocial Sciences" 239,246 n. 84,247

"Towardsa TheologyofLiberation" 97,104-6,115

"Two Th eologicalPerspectives" 190 andVaticanII 63,81-2 n. 55, 123-4,133,159 Vaticaninvestigation 205,238-9 , 244,245-6,247,250,287 andviolence 132

WeDrinkfrom Our Gum Wells128 n. 41,205 n. 9,207-10, 280 andwomen 262 n. 25

Guyana,andBritishcolonialism 34-5

hacie nda system 7-8 n. 15,14,38,257

Haiti:indep endenc e 27,32 andU.S.int ervent ion 37

H ennely,Alfred T. xiv hermeneutics: hermeneuticalcircle 179-82,198 and interpretation 180-1 of liberation 127-9,134-5,151-6,178 and practical action 181-2 andscholarship 152,182-7 andsocialanalysis 180

H ewitt , W. E. 165-6 n. 32

Hidalgo,Miguel 40-1

Hipolito,Adriano 160 Hispaniola:andChristianmissions 20-1 evangelisation 16 andSpanishgenocide8 andvoyagesofC olumbu s6,7 see a lso S aint-Domingue history,andsalvation 123-8 ,130

Hoffner,Card.Josef 230,240

H onduras:andIndependence 31-2 andU.S.neo-colonialism 37 hum anrights:abuses 100,160-1,172 inC atholicsocialteaching 76,81, 85,110,142 HumanaeVitae 141 n. 14

idolatry,inGutierrez 206 IgualaPlan 31 Illich,Ivan 81 n. 51,82-3,120 n. 7 immigration,European 39 imperialism,Spanish5 Imp ort Sub stitutionInitiative 49-50, 71,90 Incas:andsilvermining 13 Spanish conque st 10-11,12 independenc e 27-40 andthechurch 24,40-2 economiceffectsix, 33-4 andneo-colonialism 26--7 socialeffects 33-4 andsocialimbalance 27 strugglesfor 28-33 Indians, see indigenouspeoples indigeno uspeoples 204,252,282-3, 285,292 and conquistadores 7-8, 10-14 andeconomicliberalism 38 and enco mienda system 7-8 andEuropeandiseases8, 12, 21 andevangelization 19, 20-4 andinculturation 215-16,217,222 andreligions 18,19,171,225, 269,291 andslavery 23 andSpanishmissions 16,19, 20-4 violence against 7-8,16,232 individu alism,andsocialism 57 industrialization 14,48,57,63 ,170 and C atholic Acti on 59 and imp ort sub stitution 49-50, 71, 90 and populist politics 50-1 industry,ninete enth- century 39 inflation:increasein 51,71-2 measuresagainst 89 Inquisition5n.7, 41 In stituteforReligionandDemocracy 227-8

Instructi on on CertainAspects ofLiberation Theology 227,241-4,245-6 ,248,253 InstructiononChristian Freedomand Liberation 249-50,253

International CongressofTheology (1980)206-7,220-2

International MonetaryFund(IMF) 204

International TheologicalCommission (ITC)156,230 n. 15,237 n. 42

IsabellaofSpain 4-5,6 n. 10,7,16,17 lturbide,Agustinde 31

Janssens, [ohan Baptist 104 n. 47

Jefferson,Thomas 36

Jesuits:inBrazil 18,23-4 andliberationtheology 229-30 inMexico 42 persecutionof 163,212,281 Provincials'meeting 97,104,115

JesusChrist:asliberator 109,129,138, 151-4,212,240,280-1 andsufferingofthepoor 211-12

J030VIofPortugal 32-3

JohnIIofPortugal4

JohnXXIII,Pope 62-3,73,171

HumanaeSalutis 79 n. 43 andsocialencyclicals 73-7,85, 133,258

see alsoMater et Magister; Pacem in Terris; VaticanII

JohnPaulI,Pope 193,228 n. 6

JohnPaulII,Pope:andbase communities 287 andBrazilian church 248-9,250, 253,254 andCELAMIII 193-5,205,229,236 andCELAMIV 288-9 andepiscopal appointments 250-2, 254,275,292 andliberationtheology 228,234, 247-8,295 and Nicaraguan church 233-4 andregionalautonomy 142 n. 19 and restoration policy 228-30 socialteaching 253-4,287

Johnson,LyndonB. 88

Jubilee 2000281

JuliusII,Pope, Patronato Real18 justice,economic 100 justice,racial 213,221 justice,social:andGutierrez 129-35, 137,139-40,293 andJohnXXIII 75 n. 21, 77, 85 andJohnPaulII 229,253 andLatinAmericanclergy 82,102, 114 n. 96,293 andLeoXIII 43-5

andMiranda 139-40 andpeace 109-10 andPiusXI 57 andSynodofBishops 137,142-4,192 andVaticanII 80,81,85,107 Justice in the World 137

Kant,Immanuel 188 Kee,Alistair 275 n. 10 Kennedy,JohnE:andAlliancefor Progress 68,70-2,77,85,87 andCuba 67,69-70

Khruschev,Nikita 68 kingdomofGod:andbasecommunities 173,291 inBoff 152-3 inGutierrez 208 Klaiber, Jeffrey xiv Kloppenburg, Bonaventura 237,244 n. 74,251

Kolvenbach,Peter-Hans 230 Kubitschek,[uscelino 51,71 Kung,Hans 230 n. 17,239 n. 56,250 n, 102

LaPlata,Viceroyalty 11 n. 24,12 n. 25,29-30 labourorganization 39,45 labourpractices:andthe church 19, 20-1, 44 Spanish 7-8,13,24 see also encomienda system; repartimiento system;slavery Lacalle,FernandoSaenz 287 laity:andbasecommunities 168,170, 171,174 andCatholicAction 48,58-60 andpolitical involvement 55 andpopularcatechism movement 170 andsocialengagement 55,59,130 andVaticanII 79 landdistribution:and church as landowner 19,40 andconservatism 37-8 andIndianpopulation 38,285 andpracticalaction 181 reforms 68,70, 72, 91,97 n. 20, 142,145, 174,232 underSpanishrule 14

LandazuriRicketts,Card.Juan 102 n. 38,106-7 n. 59,238,246

Larrafn,Manuel 61,81,82,101-2

Las Casas, Bartolome de 20-2,25,211,280

LateranTreaty(1929)46,47,48,54

latifundios (largeholdings)14

LawsoftheBurgos(1512)7-8 n.15, 20,21-2

LeoXII,Pope40

LeoXIII,Pope seeRerumNovarum Leon,MarianoParra162n.14

Lernoux,Pennyxiv,162n.16

"LettertothePeoplesoftheThird World"102, 131 n, 57

Levine,Danielx liberalism:andthechurch 41-3,55,56 economic38-40 social37-8

liberation:andCELAMII87,103, 109-10,194,234 anddependencytheory92,143 anddevelopment96,106,125-6, 131,143 economicandpolitical125-7,129, 151-2,203-4,218- 19,224 existential125,126-7,129,152 andGutierrez105-6 andJesuits104 andreductionism140,192,242-3 , 253,254

assalvation106,123-9,249,254,294 fromsin109,125,126-7,129,242 strugglesfor92-4 andtheology105-7,112-14 ,115, 119- 20,123-9,136,187,242-3 , 249,253-4 ,294 liberationtheology:andbasecommunities 158-9,165-6 ,169,173,174-7,178, 286,294 black189,213-14 ,21 5,217,257 andCatholicsocialtradition 45-6 andChristology138,151-6 ,194,196 n. 76 ascontextualix-x ,xii,81,121-3,215 earlystages88,96-100 asecclesialandtheologicalmovement 85 andecology 274,283-6,292 andeconomicissues275-7 andEuropeantheology138-40,179, 187-90,238 feminist213,214- 15,257-63,294 firstdrafts112-14,115 literaturex,119-36,151-7,205,273-4 andmethodologyx,20,105,121-3, 136,138,179,198-9,226,235, 254,292-5

andNewWorldOrder275-86 andthenonperson191-2 oppositionto179,192-8 ,227,231, 234,236-55,287-92,295 andotherreligions213,215-16, 218-19,222,224 inpost-Marxisterax,29,274-92, 294-5 andpraxis121-2,136 Protestant see MiguezBonino,Jose; Protestantism andrevolution130- 2 andscholarship152,182-6,198 andsocialdynamics213-14 andspirituality205,207-13,224, 226,294 andsuffering210,294 ThirdWorld213-25 threelevelsof175-6 andU.S.opposition227-8 andviolence93-4,98-9,1l0,132,192 seealso culture;gender;Marxism;poor, optionfor;race liberator,Jesusas109,138,151-6,212, 240, 280- 1

Liberrat is Conscien tia 249-50,289 Liberratis Nunrius 241-4, 288-9 Lima,FirstProvincialCouncil(1551-2) 18

literacy, andpolitics94-6 Llukembein,Rodolfo160n.5 Lombardi,Armando60 LOpezTrujillo,Alfonso:andArrupe230 andCELAM192-3,195,198,233 n. 25,234 n. 30 andCongregationfortheDoctrineof theFaith231n.21 andliberation253n.112 andoppositiontoliberationtheology 192-3,195,237-8,244 n. 74 Lors cheider,Aloisio:andCasaldaliga 285 n. 57 andCELAMIII193,198 andCNBB100,160 andSynodofBishops1983237-8 andVatican240,245,248 Lorscheiter,JoseIvo160-1n.9,237 n, 45,240,245n.80,251-2 LumenGentium 78,79,80,103,133, 171,197,245n.79

McGrath,Marcos102n.38,196,198 Magnificat250,264,266

Mainwaring, Scott 166 n. 33,172 nn. 61,62

Manso,Alonso 16

Marcuse, Herbert 106,124 marianismo 263-4,266-7

Mariategui,Jose 144 n. 30,246

Marighella,Carlos 172 n. 59

Maritain, Jacques 55

Mariz,Cecilia 291

Marti,Jose 32,54

Martin, David 290-1

Marx,Karl 188,222 n. 85

Marxismx, 144,146 n. 36,147,151, 156-7,156 n. 83,189-90,192,230,232 analysisandphilosophy 131,234-5, 243,244-5 n. 76,246,254-5,275, 294-5

andbase communities 180 andtheBible 137,138-40 andCELAMII 108 andCELAMIII 196,234 andclassstruggle 141,148,235,243 andGutierrez 131-2,137,246 and Miranda 137,138-40 movefromxv, 254-5 and post-Marxist era 274-92,294-5 andpraxis 122 Vatican opposition to 228,238-9, 241-4,254-5

Mary:infeministthought 256,262,263-7 andMagnificat 250,264,266

VirginofGuadaloupe 17-18,40-1,265

Materet Magister (john XXII) 74-5, 77, 80,142 n. 22

Mattos,PauloAyres 220

Mbiti,John217n. 56

Medellin conference see CELAMII Medici,Gen.EmilioGarrastazu 89,160 medicine,andthe church 19 Medina,Jorge 251 n. 105

MendezArceo,Sergio 102 n, 38,150 n .53

Mercedarian order 17

Mesters,Carlos 179,184-6

Metz, Johannes 188 n. 37,210,238 n. 49,250 n. 102 andpoliticaltheology 106,190

Mexican-American War (1846-8)36

Mexico:andthe church 42-3,138 andeconomy277 and independence 31,40-1 and industrialization 49 andmassacreof students 114

and North American FreeTrade Agreement 281-2

Queretaro Constitution 42 and Spanish colonialism 9-11

Zapatista Armyof National Liberation 276,282 seealso Aztecs

Mier, Servando Teresade 40 n. 39 migration, internal 48,50-2,90,170

MiguezBonino,Jose:and American Protestantism 84-5 n. 68,112-13 n.91

Doing Theology in a Revolutionary Situation 121 n. 10,122 n, 14,123 and EATWOT 217,224 andGutierrez 123,246 and Moltmann 188-9 andVaticanII 81-2 n. 55 military:andthe church 97,132 n. 60 andpolitics 51-2,71-2,85,87,150 andrepression 151,160-2 andsocial unrest 71-2,100

Minjungtheology 218 n. 60,219 n. 65 Miranda,Franciscode 28 n.7

Miranda,JosePorfirio: TheBibleand Communism138 andfolkreligion 222 n. 85

Man: against the Man:ists 140 n, 13, 244 Man: andtheBible 137,138-40,244 mission,inLatin America 82 MissionoftheWestIndies 16 missionaries:inearlycolonialperiod 15-16,19 post -independence 42 n. 42,82 andstatusofIndians 20-4 modernism, Catholic oppositionto 54-5 n. 12,74 modernization, andsocial change 48, 49-54

Molina,Gen. Arturo Armando 163 n. 20

Moltmann, ]iirgen 112-13 n. 91,152 n .61 andpoliticaltheology 106,188-90

Monroe Doctrine 32,34,37,52

Montesinos, Antonio de 20,22,25

Montezuma (Aztecemperor) 9-10

Montini, Giovanni Battista see PaulVI, Pope

Moors, Spanish conquest 5,15

MoralesBermudez,Gen.Francisco 159-60 n. 4

Morelos,JoseMaria 41 Movement fora Better World 170

Movimento de de Base (MEB) 94-6

Mugica,Carlos 162 n, 17 multinationals,role 90-1

Munoz,Ronaldo 244 n. 74

Mushete,Ngindu 218 n. 61

Mveng,Englebert 223

NapoleonBonaparte 27,28-9 ,3 1,32-3

Narvaez,Panfilode 21

NationalC onferenceofBrazilianBishops (CNBB) 75,160-1,237-8 n, 45

Amazonianregion 284-5 andbasec ommunitie s 167 n. 39, 168,171-3 andBoff 240,247-8,249

andCamara 60-1, 97-8 andCELAMIV 288 andconservativeapp ointments 250-2,254

JointPastoralPlans 82,171,247 "PastoralMessagetothePeopleof God" 161 andpoliticalrepression 98,100, In andtheVatican 248-9,251

NationalLiberationArmy(Colombia) 93

NationalOfficeforSocialInformation (Peru) 102

NationalSecurityStates 72,89,100, 150,157,159-62, 172,187

nationalism:inCuba 54,67,68,69 andindustrialization 49,51 inNicaragua 231-2

Navarro,Alfonso 163

neo-Christend om 47,48, 54-64 ,97 n. 20,103 inChile 146-7 anddistinctionofplanesmodel 55, 129-30 andGutierrez 120,129-30

neo-colonialism 26-7,32, 33-40 ,47, 69,99,109

ne e-liber alism 203 , 275-8,281-2

Nero, Antonio Henrique Pereia 99,120

n. 4

Neves,LucasMoreira 251

Neves,Tancredo 203 n. 2

NewGranada 11,13,35 n. 25

andIndep endenc estruggles 28-9

NewLawsoftheIndies (1542)7-8

n. 15,22

NewSpain,Viceroyalty 11,31

NewWorld Order 275-8 6

Nicaragua:andbasecommunities 232 ChurchandStatein 22,231-4, 248 andcontras 204,233 andeconomy 232 andIndependence 31-2

NationalGuard 52,164 andrepressionofthechurch 164-5 andrevolution 68 andSpanishcolonialism 10 andUnitedStates 37,52, 12 n.8, 204,232

seealso SandinistaRevolution

Niles, Preman 223 n. 86

Nixon,RichardM. 68,69,88,114 n. 96

N orth AmericanFreeTradeA greement 281-2

Nunez deBilbao,Vasco9, 10 n. 22

ObandoyBravo,Miguel 232,251

O'Brien ,DavidJ. 74 n. 19

Octogesima Adveniens 140-1,148,192 andMarxismandsocialism 137,141, 144,148-9 n. 5,196,235

Odu yoye,MercyAmba 223,259-60

O'Higgins,Bernardo 30

Oliveros,Roberto 84 n. 67,85 n. 69

Olmed o,Bartolomede 17 oppressionx, 104 inGutierrez 125-6 andliberationtheology 179,189, 2 13,22 5-6 andpedagogyoftheoppressed 94-5 ofwomen 197,256,260,262,263-4

OpusDei 229,230 n, 14,231 n. 21, 251,287

Organizationof AmericanStates 89 orthopraxis,andorthodoxy 122-3,136, 152,293

Ovied o, AntofagastaCarlos 251

Pacem in T erri s (john XXIII) 76-7,100, 142 n. 22,148-9 n. 50,258

Padin,C andino 217 n. 55,219 n. 69

Panam a:secessionfromColombia 37 andSpanishcolonialism 17

PanamaCanal,andU.S.neo-colonialism 37

Paraguay:andthe church 42 n. 42 andIndependence 29 andmilitarydictatorship 159 n. 4

ParkSunAi 260 Parrales,Edgar232n.24 patern alism,andmissions24

patriarchy 256,257-8,262,263-4,268, 270,289,294

PaulIII,Pope 21

PaulVI,Pope:andCamara 60,98,101 andCELAMII 61 n. 38,107 n. 60 andCELAM III193 andMarxism 141,148-9 n. 50 andrevolutionarymovements 101,132 andsocialteaching 73-4,78-81,96, 100-1,106,107,110 n. 80,196

see also Evangelii Nuntiandi; Humanae Vitae; Octogesima Adoeniens ; Populorum Progressio Paz, Nestor 93 peace,andjustice 109-10 peasants,under neo-colonialism 27 pedagogyoftheoppressed 94-5

Pedraza,Crist6balde,Bishopof Honduras 23

PedroIofBrazil 33

Pentecostal churches 269,275,289-91, 292

Peron, Juan 51 n.4

Peronism 51 n. 4

persecution ofthe church 42, 75-6 n. 26,98-9,159-65,294,295

Peru:and Catholic Action 60 andeconomy 48 and independence 30,40 andmilitaryregime 159-60 n, 4 as National SecurityState 159-60 n. 4

ShiningPathguerrilla movement 204,205 andSpanishcolonialism 10-11

see also Gutierrez,Gustavo:Incas Peru,Viceroyalty 11,29-30

Petr6polismeeting 83-4, 102,105,120 nn. 6,7,260,273

Philippines: Independence 32 and liberation theology 218 Spanish conquest 13n. 29

Pieris,Aloysius 219,222

Pierobon, A.160 n. 5

Pinochet, Gen.Augusto 145 n, 34,146 n. 37,150,161-2,251

Pironio,Eduardo 102 n. 38,103,195

PiusVII,Pope 40

PiusIX,Pope 43,46,54-5 n. 12,55

PiusXI,Pope 54-5

Quadragesimo Anno 48,56-8,59,74,79

PiusXII,Pope 54-5 ,62

Pizzaro,Francisco 10-11,12-13,18

plantation economy:andelites 32,99 andlandlessIndians 38 andslavelabour 14 politics:andbasecommunities 168-9, 170,172-3,174,269-70 andthe church 48,55,63-4,103-4, 146-7,152,250 andGutierrez 120,123-8,129-36,207 andliteracy 95-6 andthemilitary 51-2, 72 andpoliticalrights 91 andpoliticaltheology 106,179,188-90 andpracticalaction 181-2 andreform 70 andrepression 89,158,159-65 andtheology x, 106,152,254,295 andurbanworkforce 50-1, 63,71 see also Church andState;populism PontificalCommissionforLatinAmerica 193 n. 59,230 n. 14 poor, option for:andCamara 98 andCELAMII 88, 96-7, 102-4, 107-11,115,197,243 andCELAMIII 144,194,196-7,243 andCELAMIV 289 epistemologicalx, 46,56,97 n, 19, 159,179,186,189-92,198-9,220, 293, 294-5 andGutierrez 120,129-35 andJohnXXIII 76-8 andJohnPaulII 250,254,287 andliberationtheology 86,136,143-4, 158-9,175,178-9,180,226, 293-4 political x, 46,56,179,186,196-7, 198,293,295 and Quadragesimo Anno56 and Rerum Novarum 45-6,56,79 andSynodonJustice 143 andVaticanII 79,80

Popular Action 172-3 n. 63

PopularUnity Coalition (Chile) 145 populism:andclassdivisions 51-2 andthemilitary 72 andurbanization 50-1

Populorum Progressio (PaulVI) 100-1, 102,133 n. 64,142 n. 22 andCELAMII 103,107 anddevelopmentandliberation 106,124 impact 96,101 and revolution 101,110 n. 80

Portugal:and Church andState 18,23-4 andcolonialism 14

andNewWorlddiscoveries 6

RegencyCouncil 33 andtraderoutestoIndia4, 6 seealso Brazil postmodernismx,278 poverty:andCELAMII Ill, 133 andthe church 41,47,49,56,79 andGutierrez 133-5,175 and independence 27,47 andindustrialization 71,91 andlanddistribution 38 material 111,133-4,211,295 spiritual Ill, 133-5, 211 volunt ary 111,135 andwomen 256,257 power,inthe church ix, 49,174,236 praxis,andtheology 121-2, 136,152

Prebisch,Raul 90 n.4

Priestsforthe Third World(Argentina) 102,150,162 n. 17

Prigione,Jeronimo 282

Proario,Lionidas 102 n. 38 property,private 45,56-7,101 protest,social 71-2,87,92,100,114

Protestantism:andCELAMIV 289-91 andChristiansforSocialism 150 post-independence 42 and"theologyofrevolution" 84 n. 68 andThirdWorldtheologies 220 twentieth -century 61 n. 39 see also Alves,Rubem; Miguez Bonino, jose

Pueblaconference see CELAMIII PuertoRico,and Independ encestruggles 32,53 n. 9

Quadragesimo Anno(PiusXl) 48, 56-8, 59,74,79

Quadros, janio daSilva 71,94

Quarricin o, Antonio 234 n. 30

race,andliberationtheology 213-14, 215,220-1,224-5,226,276,294

Rad,Gerhardvon 139 nn, 7,8 radicalism,emergence 60,82,87-8, 103-4,112-14,130

Rahner,Karl 78,130 n. 50,238 Ratzinger,Card. joseph 230-1,248 andBoff 236-7,239-4 0,244,245, 246- 7 andCasaldaliga 252 andGutierrez 238--9,244,245-6

and Instruction onCertain Aspects of Liberation Theology 241-4 ,245-6 andSobrino 236,239

Reagan,Ronald 164 n. 23,227,228 n. 5,232

Redemptoris Missio(johnPaulII) 287 reducci6ne s 23-4,42 n. 42 reductionism:andliberation 181-2, 192,205,253,254

Marxist 140,242-3,255

Reedy,janet 261 n, 23

religion,indigenous 18,19,171,225 , 269,291

repartimientosystem 7-8 n. 15,19 reproductionrights 269

RerumNovarum (LeoXIII) 26,44-6, 74,175 n. 67,197 n. 77, 258 andoptionforthepoor 45-6,56,79

Ress,Mary judith 259 revolution:andthechurch 101,110 n. 80 exportof 68--9, 92 andliberationtheology 130-2

Richard,Pablo 225, 278--9 and ChristiansforSocialism 148 Deathof Christendom ,Birth of the Church 106 n. 58,120 n, 7

Ritchie,Nelly 260,261

RiverayDamas, Arturo 251,287

Rocchietti ,Aracelyde 260

Rockefeller,Nelson 114 n. 96,227

Romer,Karljoseph 236

Romero,Gen.Carlos Humberto 163

Romero,Oscar:assassination 164,220 n. 72, 251,252 andrepressionofthe church 163-4, 281 andsufferingofthepoor 197-8 n. 82,211

Roosevelt,FranklinD. 37,52, 68--9 n. 4

Roosevelt, Theodore 37

Rossi,Agnelo 97,99 n. 25,160-1 n. 9, 170,236-7 n. 41

Ruether,RosemaryRadford 257

Ruiz, Samuel 282

Saint-Domingue,slaverevolt (1791)27, 32

Sales,EugeniodeAraujo 160 n. 8,170, 236,237,248 salvation,andliberation 106,123-9, 249,254,294

SanMartin,josede 30,151

SanSalvador,andColumbus 5,15

SandinistaRevolution 68-9 n.4, 164-5,220,231-3,234 defeat 275,294 andradicalclergy 132,232-4

Sandino,AugustoCesar 52 n.6, 231-2

SandinoNationalLiberationFront (FSNL) 52 n.6

SantaAna,Julio 84-5 n. 68,267

SantaFeDocument 227

SantanadeVelez,Eunice 218 n. 61

Sarney,Jose 203 n. 2

Schillebeeckx,Edward 239 n. 56,250 n.102

Schleiermacher,EE.D. 191

SecondWorldWar,economiceffects 49-50 ,90

secularization 55,56,61,130,190-1 see, judge, actprinciple 59,75,79-80, 105,107,179-80,198

Segundo,JuanLuis 8 1,8 5 n. 69,176

The Liberation ofTheology 122 n. 14, 176 n. 72, 180 n. 5,182 n. 13,186 nn. 29,30,241-2 n.64 andPetr6polis meeting 83

The Roleof the Church83

Theologyfor the A rtisans ofaNew Humanity 113 andVaticanInstruction 243 n. 68

Seper,Card.Franjo 230,236

Sepulveda,JuanGinesde 22

sexism 214,22 3,256-8,28 9,294

Shaull,Richard 84-5 n. 68

ShiningPath guerrillamovem ent 204

Sigmund,Paulxv

Siker,Jeffrey 128 n. 41

Silva Henrique z,Card.Raul 150 n. 53, 251

and ChristiansforSocialism 146, 148-9 ,161 n. 12 andrepressionofthe church 161 silvertrade 13,26

sin:liberationfrom 109,125,126-7, 242,253

social 237-8,252

slavery:inBrazil 220-1 andBritain 33 andthe church8, 16 n. 40,22 n. 57,23

insugar plantations 14

Smith, Christianxiv, 84 n. 67

Sobrinho,JoseCardoso 252

Sobrino,Jonxii, 182

ChristtheLiberator 280

Christology atthe Crossroads 138, 154-6,157,212,236

CompanionsofJesus281 andEuropeantheology 188 andfolkreligion 222 n, 85

Jesus theLiberator 280 Mysterium liberationis273-4 The Prin cipleofMercy 212-13,280- 1 Spiritualityof Liberation 210-11,212 n.4 2

The TrueChurchand thePoor 175 Vatican investigation 236,239

SocialandReligiousResearch,Centres 62 socialism:andthechurch 59,98,102, 228-9,294 andexportofrevolution 68-9 ,92 and Gutierrez 130-2,137,246 andJ ohn XXIII 75 andJohn PaulII 228 inNicaragua 232 and Octogesi maAdveniens 137,141, 144,148-9 n. 5,196,235 andPiusXI 57 and Quadragesimo Anno 57 and RerumNovarum 44-5 andUnitedSrates 52 n.6, 87 seealso ChristiansforSocialism; Marxism society:andC atholicAction 58-60,63 andCatholicsocialteaching 43-6, 48,54-5,56-8,73-7,142,258 andCELAM 61-2 ninete enth- century 26-7,33-4, 37-8 ,47 andsocialchange 83-4 ,93-4, 96 andsocialunrest 71-2,87, 92 andtwentieth- centurychange 48, 49-54

Society,Development andPeace, Committee on(SODEPAX) 112,142 n. 21,215

SoUic itudoRei Socialis 253-4

SomozaDebavle,Anastasio 52 n.6, 164,220,232

SomozaDebayle,Luis 52 n.6, 68-9 n.4

SomozaGarcia,Anastasio 52,68,68-9 n. 4,132

SovietUnion,andCuba 68,70,85

Spain:and Church andState 16-18, 25,40,41-2 andcolonialism 8,9-14,26-8

andconquestoftheMoors5,15 andexpulsionofJews15 andNapoleonicWars27-9 andNewWorlddiscoveries5-6 nineteenth-century economy26 Spanish-AmericanWar(1895-8)32,53 spirituality, andliberationtheology205, 207-13,224,226,294 state,NationalSecurity72,89,100, 150,157,159-62,172,187

Stroessner,Gen.Alfredo159n.4 studentmovements114,176,230 subsidiarityprinciple57,75 suffering,andtheology79,197,209-13, 294

sugar:andeconomy37,39,49 andplantationelites32 andslavelabour14,32 Synodof Bishops, Justice in theWorld 137,142-4,163,192

Tamez,Elsa225,258n.8,259-61, 279-80,283 n. 48

TeilharddeChardin,Pierre125n.25

Tepedino,AnaMaria261 terrer,state72,159-60,187

Tr.•as,secession36 t'"eo!ogy:asaccountable183-4 African189,213,215,217 Asian213,215,219 andbasecommunities159,175-6 black 189,213-14 ,215 ,217,257 andcommitment lOS ,155-6 contextualix-x,xii,121-3,215 ascriticalreflection105,120,121-3 , 129,199,209,280,292 ofdevelopment112,113 feminist213,214-15,223-4n.88, 256-70,294 andliberation105-7,112-14,115, 119-20,123-9,139,187,242-3, 249,253-4,294 andmethodology120,121-3,136 andneo-Christendom54-63 political106,179,188-90 andpoliticsx,126,152,254,295 ofrevolution131 andsocialreality84 systematic182 ThirdWorldxv-xvi,199,213-25 inuniversities62 TheologyintheAmericasconference (1975)213,214-15,257

Theology andLiberation Series 273-4 Tierra Nueva (journal)192-3 Tordesillastreaty(1494)6,221n.77 Torres,Camilo81,93-4 ,131,253 Torres,Pablode3 Torres,Sergio:andChristiansfor Socialism146,148 andEATWOT216n.54,217 nn 55,57,218,219 n. 69,220,223 n. 86,224 torture98,99,100,150,159,161 trade:andBritain26,33,35,38,47 incoffee 38,39,49 anddevelopment91-2,99,100-1 embargoes68,70 freetrade100,281-2 nineteenth-century 26-7,33,35, 38-9,47 andPortugal4,6 insilver13,26 andSpain26,27 twentieth-century 39-40,49 seealso slavery Trafalgar,battie(1805)27 Trigo,Pedro,SJ208n.25,280 Trujillo,Rafael68,88 TupacAmaru(Incaleader)11n.23

UnitedFrontoftheColombianPeople93 UnitedFruitcompany37,53 UnitedNations67 UnitedStates:andBrazil53n.8,63, 85,87,89,114 n. 96 andCuba32,53-4,67,68-70,76, 274 n. 7 andDominicanRepublic53n.8,69 n. 5,71 n. 8,87,88-9 andEISalvador71n.8,164,204 expansion35-6,42n.42 andindustrialization49-50,51,90 andmilitaryintervention52-3,63, 68,88-9 andneo-colonialism27,32,34, 36-7, 39-40 ,47,63,69 andNicaragua37,52,72n.8,204,232 andoppositiontoliberationtheology 227-8

see also AllianceforProgress;CIA universities,andtheologicalschools62 urbanization48, 50-2,63,83,90 andCatholicAction59 Uruguay:andIndependence29 andmilitarycoupof1973159

Valdivieso, Antonio de22

Valle,[ualdel23

Valverde,Vicentede18

Vargas, GetulioDorneles50-1,71,97

n. 20

Vasquez,ManuelA.290

Vatican:andbasecommunities174,250 andconsolidationofcontrol250-4,287 andcritiqueofliberationtheology 228-9,241-4,252-5,274,292,295 curia 78,174,193,230,245 andindividualtheologians205,228, 236-41,245-7,248-9,252-3,287

see also Instruction on Certain Aspects of Liberation Theology ; Instruction on Christian Freedom and Liberation

VaticanI43 VaticanII46,60,61n.38,62-3,76 andCELAMII86,107-8 andLatinAmericanbishops 81-2, 86,101,103 andnatureandgrace78-9,123-4 andrenewalofthechurch74 andsocialteaching77-81,85,100, 107,133

see alsoGaudium et Spes; LumenGentium Vekemans,Roger81n.51,192,253

n. 112

Velazquez, Diego 9-10 n.19,19,21

Venezuela:andLasCasas21 andSpanishcolonialism9,11 andstrugglesforIndependence28-9 Verhoeven,Alida260 Vespucci, Amerigo5n.6

VicariateofSolidarity(Chile)161 Vigil, JoseM.278 violence:againstindigenouspeoples 7-8,16 domestic264,267 andliberationtheology 93-4, 98-9, 110,132,192,243 state114,161-4,204,210-12 VirginofGuadaloupe17-18, 40-1, 265 Viscardo,JuanPablo40n.39

wagelevels45,57,71,72,174 Walker, William37n.31 WallStreetcrash(1929)39,40,48,54, 56

wealthofthechurchix,19,42 Wilmore,Gayraud217 women:andbasecommunities 267-70 andCELAMIII197,258-9 andCELAMIV289 and EATWOT 223,224 marginalization197,256,257-8 andrereadingofMary263-7 Wright,Jaime160n.8

Yanomamipeople283 Young Catholic Students OUC) 172n .63

Young Church movement145n.33,146

Zapatistas276,282 Zilles,Urbano236-7 Zoe-Obianga, Rose218n.61 Zumaragga,Juande17