Discourse and dystopia, American style

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Discourse and dystopia, American style

Article in City · April 2013 DOI: 10.1080/13604813.2013.765125

1 author: Alex Schafran San Jose State University

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Discourse and dystopia, American style

Alex Schafran

To cite this article: Alex Schafran (2013): Discourse and dystopia, American style, City: analysis of urban trends, culture, theory, policy, action, 17:2, 130-148

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Discourseanddystopia, Americanstyle

Theriseof‘slumburbia’inatimeofcrisis

AlexSchafran

Thispaperexaminestherecentgrowthinthepopularmediaofnewdiscoursesofdecline focusedontheAmericansuburb.Thisnewdiscursivetwist,whichappropriateslanguage traditionallyreservedforinnercities,isrootedinboththecity/suburbdialectic,which haslongdominatedAmericanurbanism,andtheempiricalrealitiesoftheforeclosure crisisandchanginggeographiesofpovertyintheAmericanmetropolis.Scholarsshouldbe concernedabouttheriseofthisnewdiscourse,asitreinforcesadialecticlongsinceoutdated, rootsdeclineinaparticulargeographyratherthanexaminingtherootcausesofthecrisis, andhaspotentiallydeleteriouseffectsoncommunitiesalreadyfacingsocialandeconomic struggleinthewakeofforeclosure.Linkedasthisdiscourseistoacademicresearchon thesuburbanizationofpoverty,itgivespausetothosescholarswhowouldspeakinterms of‘suburbandecline’.

Keywords: foreclosurecrisis,dystopianism,Americansuburbs,discourse,slums

Introduction

‘Underahugesummersky,thesprawling communityappearsoverexposedand abandoned.Themaindragoffersanendless loopoffailedbusinessesandvacantstrip centers,theonlyreliefcomingfromthe landscapingintheWal-Martparkinglot. Turnoffontoanyofthecookie-cutterside streetsandit’spost-ApocalypticAmerica.’ (K.Hundley,‘LehighAcres:Florida’s LessoninUnregulatedGrowth’, St PetersburgTimes,9August2009)

Morethanahalf-centuryafter Americancriticsstartedhating thesuburbswiththesamefervor previouslyreservedforthecities,the

suburbancritiquehasnowdustedoffthe age-oldlanguageofurbandecayand repurposeditforsuburbanuse.Ifprevious generationsofsuburbswereconsidered dull,conformity-inducing,environmentallyharmful,exclusionaryorjustplain ugly,therewasnoconfusingthemfor theirdialectictwin,thedark,dirty, violent,impoverishedandblightedcity. Yetinthewakeoftheongoingforeclosure crisisandcontinuousreportsthatsuburbanpovertyhasfinallysurpassedurban povertyinsheernumbers,commentators havereachedforthepejorativeurban languageuponwhichgenerationsofAmericanshavebeenweaned—slum,blight, ghetto—andbegununleashingthemon

thesuburbs.Thisistheepitomeofoldwine innewbottles,withtheaddeddimension thatthewineinquestionhasalready provedpoisonousoverthecourseofa well-documentedcenturyofurbanhistory.

Thispaperisaboutthenascentriseofthe languageof‘slumburbia’,anemergingdiscourseintheAmericanpopularmediawhich labelsbothindividualsuburbsandlarge swathsofsuburbiaandexurbiawithadystopianlanguageof‘slums’and‘blight’previouslyusedtodenigratecities.Theworkof scholarslikeBobBeauregard(1993)and GuyBaeten(2001,2002a,2002b,2004)have madeclearthepowerofgeographically rooteddystopianandderogatorydiscourse intheshapingofpoliticalreactionsto povertyandcrisis.Th efundamentalargumentofthispaperisthatthe geography of thisdiscourseintheUSAshowsearlybut profoundsignsofchanging,andthatwe shouldhavelearnedenoughfromhistoryto beconcernedwithhowtheportrayalof risingsuburbanpovertycan,likethe portrayalofitsinner-citycounterpart, potentiallyhavedetrimentaleffectsonthe peoplewholivethereandreinforceandperpetuatetroublingtrends.Labelingthese broadswathesofhumansettlementsas slumsmerelyrootsourimaginationofa probleminaspecificgeographyratherthan exposingtherootsoftheproblemitself (Beauregard1993).AndmuchlikeBaeten (2001)madeclearadecadeagowithregards toinner-citystigma,contemporaryacademicresearchonsuburbanpovertyand theforeclosurecrisisispartofthisprocess, bothdirectlyandindirectlyhelping produceandreproducethe‘stigmas,prejudices,fearsandfantasiesofmainstream society’,whetherintentionallyornot (Baeten2004,236).

Ibeginbylayingoutmycasethatthis emergingdiscourseiswidespreadenough tobeasubjectofconcern,tracingbothits spreadthrough21st-centurymedianetworksanditsoriginsinahandfulofinfluentialarticles.Ithentakeastepbackinan attempttounderstandthisemergenceina

historiccontext.IfanalystslikeBaetenand Beauregardlooktoacentury’sworthof urbanutopianismanddystopianismto understandtherootingofdeclineininnercitygeographies,thispaperfollowsNicolaides’(2006)leadinexaminingthequestion ofsuburbandystopianismthroughthelens ofthecity–suburbdialectic,whichhas dominatedmuchof20th-centuryAmerican urbanthought.Itisadialecticwhichscholarslovetohate,butIwouldarguethatthe ‘slumburb’discourseshowsthatthisdialecticisaliveandwell,andintheprocessof beingreinforcedbythisrepurposingof destructiveurbanlanguageforsuburban use.Whatseparatesthiscurrentsuburban dystopianismfromthepostwarvariant whichconcernsNicolaidesisthatithas completelyinvertedthedialectic,rendering thesuburbnotsimplyashellishlydullbut astheurbanslumreborninasuburban location.

Next,IreturntosomeofBaetenandBeauregard’sterritory,reexaminingthepowerof discourseinmetropolitansettings,apower whichextendsnotonlytohowwethink aboutpeople,placeandspacebuttothe formallegalarchitectureofurbanredevelopment(Solnit2002).Althoughsuburbanslum talkhasnotyetreachedtheapoplecticfervor ofitsurbanantecedents,weshouldbewary ofthepotentialpoweroflanguageembedded inredevelopmentlaw,andsomeofthetroublingdefinitionsofslumemergingfrom majorproponentsofthesuburbanslum discourse.

Ithenturnmyattentiontotheregional geographyofsuburbanslumtalk,centered formultiplereasonsontheexurbanfringes ofCalifornia’smajormetropolitanregions. Again,muchliketheearlyexamplesof inner-citydystopianism,certainplaces emergeasprofoundsymbolswhichanchor theemerginglanguage,inthiscasecities likeAntioch(Figure1),Lathrop(Figure2) andManteca(Figure3),California,whose strugglesinthetimeofcrisishavelanded thematthetopoftheforeclosureratelists andinthepagesofthe NewYorkTimes

(Brown2008;Moore2008;Egan2010).In exurbanCalifornia,residentsnotonlyface grindingcommutesandthetrapofnegative equity,butagrowingdininthemedia whichlabelstheircommunity,andthemby default,notasaplacewithproblemsbuta probleminandofitself.Moreover,these communitiesontheperipheryofoneofthe mostdynamiceconomicregionsinAmericanhistoryarenowhometovastcommunitiesofcolor,manyofwhommigratedto thefringefromtheverydisadvantaged neighborhoodswepreviouslybrandedas ghettosorslums.

ThisattentiontothedifficultandtroublingmaterialrealityofsomeofCalifornia’s suburbanenvironmentsisalsoanattemptto acknowledgeBaeten’ s(2004)important pointthatthe‘deprivation’inparticular placesisbothimaginedandveryreal. Thereisnodoubtthattheincreasing concerninacademicandpolicycircles

Figure1 Antioch,Californiainabetterlight (Photo:Author)

Figure2 TheCityofLathrop (Photo:Author)

withsuburbanpovertyisjustified,bothin thewakeofforeclosureandindependently. Yetasmyanalysisshows,manyofthe ‘slumburbia’and‘suburbanslum’articles directlyreferenceorevenquoteleadingacademiccontributorstothestudyofstruggles insuburbia,eventhoughonlyoneofthem everusesthewordslumprominentlyinhis orherwriting.Asthegrowthofpoverty acrossbroadanddiverseswathsofAmericansuburbiaappearstobeanythingbuta flybynightphenomenon,thisdisturbing linkagebetweendestr uctivelanguageand generallyexcellent,well-meaningand muchneededscholarshipforcesustothink moredeeplyaboutourownuseoflanguage, andaboutsomeofthepitfallsofacollected bodyofworktooeasilygroupedastheliteratureofsuburbandecline.Weareonly beginningto‘placethefactsof[suburban] povertyintheoreticalframeworks’(Baeten 2004,236),andweneedtobehyper-aware

thattheframeworkofdeclinetooeasily turnspoorpeopleintoproblems,especially ina21st-centurymediaenvironment wherethelinesbetweenresearchand rhetoricaresothin.

Welcometoslumburbia

‘NELSON:We’reseeingalotofthe phenomenonthatwe’recallingnow “slumburbia”,whichisbasically WILLIS:Whatisthat?Yeah,Isawthat. I’veneverseenthatwordbefore.What doesthatmean?

NELSON:Yeah,Idon’tknowifyou’regoing tofinditinthedictionaryjustyet,but “slumburbia”isthetermwe’reusingtorefer to,basicallytheresultofallthisoverbuilding thathappenedinalotofthesuburbsthatare fairlyfarawayfrommajormetropolitancities. So,allofthosehomeswerebuild,they’re new—newish,they’reverynice,butthey’re kindofghosttownsbecausemostofthepeople

Figure3 ThesuburbansideoftheAmericandialectic:anewsubdivisioninManteca (Photo:Author)

whoboughtthemtookshort-term,adjustable ratemortgagesatthesametime,theyallreset atthesametimeandtheyallendedupin foreclosureatthesametime.’ (Transcriptof CNN’s OpenHouse,10May2008[published onlineinprintform])

Asforeclosuresmountedinlate2007and early2008,with‘REO’1 and‘Bank-owned’ signsdottingdyinglawnsinrecord numbers,writers,researchersandadvocates rushedtochroniclewhatwasclearly shapinguptobeoneofthebiggestchallenges toAmericanneighborhoodssincethewaves ofurbanabandonmentagenerationago. Plywoodincreasinglyappearedoncommercialandresidentialwindowsalike,and storiesofgraffiti,arsonandthestrippingof housesbegantomultiply.

Thecoldturkeynatureoftheimploding realestatebubbleandsubsequentforeclosure crisiscertainlyhelped—thiswasnoslow deathbutacollapsesorapidandsointense thatitbroughttheinternationalfinancial systemtoitsknees.2 YetasLehmanBrothers, credit-defaultswapsandbailoutsfoughtfor internationalattentionalongsideahistoric election,thetrueepicenterofthiscrisiswas somewhatobscured.Althoughthefirstwave offoreclosureshithardin2006,andadvocates andresearchers—manyofwhomhadbeen callingattentiontothesingularorcombined dangersofsubprimelending,segregationand ahousingbubbleforsometime—immediately begancallingattentiontotheproblem,3 public focusandpoliticaldebateremainedgenerally focusedonthefinancialcrisisperpetratedby thesubprimedisaster.Itwasnotuntil2008 thatthewaveofreports,scholarshipandcommentarybegantocapture media attentionas tothedeeperimpactthecrisiswashavingon neighborhoodsandcommunities,thatthis wasnotjustaboutWallStreetorMain Street,butaboutElmStreet,thatquintessentialAmericanstreetfoundincitiesand townsacrossthemetropolis.Anditcertainly wasanightmare. 4

Throughadetailedanalysisofmedia conductedoversixmonthsin2010,using

GoogleTM andtwosubscriptionnewsservices,LexisNexisandAccessWorldNews, whichcollectivelycovermostmajorUS Englishlanguagepapers,magazinesand evenoccasionalTVbroadcastswhicharesubsequentlytranscribed,Isearchedforall appearancesof‘slumburbia’,‘suburban slum’,‘suburbanblight’andtheirgrammaticalvariants.Thesewerethencategorized andcodedaccordingtosourcetype,geography,tone,internallinkstootherarticlesin thecollectionandreferencestopolicyand academicliterature.Duplicateswerediscardedbutnoted,inordertounderstand howonearticleonthesubjectwaspicked upandspreadvirallythroughmodern mediadistributionsystems.Thecontent analysisledtootherterms—‘ghosttowns’, ‘gatedghettos’—31separatearticlesinall, mostlyfrommainstreamnewspapersand magazines,includingmultipleprominent nationalornationallyreadpublications (NewYorkTimes, CNN, MSNRealEstate, CBSNews.com, Newsweek, TheAtlantic Monthly, GOOD, TheLosAngelesTimes), aninfluentialarticleintheUK’s Guardian andevenamentioninAustralia,allbetween early2008andlate2010.Unsurprisingin theInternetage,thesepublicationsconstantlylinkedtoeachotherandreferenced eachother,boththroughonlineeditionsof newspapers,andblogsandaggregatorssuch asGawkerandSynthesis.net.Someadd littleoriginalcontentoftheirown,essentially reportingonreporting,seeminglymore interestedinusingtheterm‘slumburb’than inlearningmoreaboutstrugglingsuburbs andthepeopleinthem.

Althoughthereareoddreferencesto ‘slumburb’onlineinthelate1990sandan entryonurbandictionary.comin2004,itis theemergenceof‘slumburbia’inacolumn byCarolLloyd(2008)ofthe SanFrancisco Chronicle inMarch2008whichseemsto havelaunchedadozenarticles.Hercolumn, entitled‘IsSuburbiaTurningintoSlumburbia?’,waspickedupintheblogosphere, linkedtobydozensofnewsaggregators andeventuallyendedupinTimothyEgan’s

(2010)columnforthe NewYorkTimes whereithasthenbeenpickedupbyother newspapers.

YetbehindtheLloydarticleisthefactthat thecolumniswritteninresponsetothe singlemostimportantarticleinthe‘slumburbia’discourse—aMarch2008 Atlantic Monthly articlebyUniversityofMichigan PlanningProfessorandBrookingsInstitutionFellowChristopherLeinberger entitled,aptly,‘TheNextSlum?’Thesubtitleofthearticleleaveslittledoubtastothe legacyLeinbergerandthe AtlanticMonthly areconsciouslytappinginto:‘Thesubprime crisisisjustthetipoftheiceberg.FundamentalchangesinAmericanlifemayturn today’sMcMansionsintotomorrow’stenements.’Thisisnotjustaboutsubprime, Leinbergerargues,butaboutthelarger reversalofthesuburba nizationprocess,a pendulumswingingwhereaffluentAmericanswillchoosewalkable‘urban’neighborhoods,leaving‘ manylow-density suburbsandMcMansionsubdivisions, includingsomethatarelovelyandaffluent today,[to]becomewhatinnercities becameinthe1960sand’70s—slumscharacterizedbypoverty,crime,anddecay’.

Thearticlespreadlikewildfire,leadingto aslewofarticles,blogpostsandcolumnsin thespringof2008,andithasnowbeencited by25separatebooks,academicpapersand reports.5 Yetthoughhedoesnotshyaway fromthelanguageofdecline,neitherhe, norArthurNelson,aUniversityofUtah planningprofessorwhoseworkprovides thesocialscientificbackbonetoLeinberger’s claimsofsuburbandeclineandhasplayeda similarlyinfluentialroleinmediaarticles aboutthesubjectsince2008,usetheterm ‘slumburbia’.6 Thisseemstobeaninvention ofthemedia,inspiredandempoweredas theymaybebyLeinberger.Thatdoesnot stopthe Guardian frompostulatingthat theterm‘slumburbia’mustnecessarilystem fromtheexpertiseofan‘analyst’,orfor onebloggertoimplicateexpertswhen opiningthat‘thesprawlingsuburbsintheir outlyingareasarequicklyheadingforwhat

someUrbanPlanners[sic]aredeeming Slumburbia,thetypemiserablecrimeinfestedlivingconditionsusuallyassociated withinner-cities’(Taylor2008).Thelink heusestoimplicate‘urbanplanners’isthe Lloydarticle,notamissivefromtheAmericanPlanningAssociation.Eveninthis digitalagewhereideasandconceptsare evenmoreunmooredfromtheirtraditional sourcesofvalidityandincreasinglytaken uncritically,thisistroubling.

However,thelinkstoacademicandprofessionalknowledgeproductionareonly oneaspectoftheproblematicnatureofthis newdiscourse.Asonecanglimpseinthe wordsofLeinbergerandthequotesfrom mediasourcesthroughoutthispaper,the slumburbiadiscourseisrootedinthedeeper historyofthecity/suburbdialectic,adialecticconstructedinpartbyutopiananddystopianideasandsadlyreinforcedbythevery ideaofa‘slumburb’.

Duelingdialectics

‘Thefullonsetofthemortgageforeclosure crisis,coupledwithdemographicchanges, risingfuelpricesandahostofotherfactors meansthatthesuburbscouldbeontheway out.Oneanalysthaspostulatedafuturein whichthesuburbs,whichoncepromisedso muchdomestichappiness,aretransformed intothenewslums,withrampantcrime fuelledbypovertyanddecay.Theterm “slumburbia”wasnotfarbehind.’

(D.Glaister,‘ThereGoesthe Neighbourhood:MortgageCrisissees SuburbsSlump’, Guardian,28April2008)

Theroleofutopiananddystopianthoughtin urbanthinkinghasreceivedagreatdealof attentionoverthepastfewdecades,from Fishman’s(1982)accountofearlymodernist urbaniststoHarvey’s(2000)strugglesto findhopeamidsttheruinsofcapitalisturbanization,fromMerrifield’s(2000)BermanesquedalliancewithMumford,Jacobs, MarxandDostoevskytoMacLeodand Ward’s(2002,153)examinationofthe

‘intenselyunevenpatchworkofutopianand dystopianspaces’ofthecontemporary metropolis.Thereasonsbehindtheongoing wavesofinterestindys/utopianurbanism arenumerous,butmyinterestherestems fromtheongoingtruthofFaulkner’s(1951, 80)maximthat‘thepastisneverdead,it’s notevenpast’.AsGuyBaeten(2002a,103) notedinthisjournal,‘the21stcentury urbandystopia’—especiallyinregardstothe growingmetropolisesoftheglobalsouth— ‘isfuelledbytheresurrectionofthe19thcenturynotionsofthe“underclass”and “orientalist”constructionsofurbandeprivationandtheurbandeprived’.7

Evenifithasbeenmutedoverthepasthalfcenturybytheascensionofpolicyanalysisand thetentativediggingsofcontemporarysocial science,muchofthefoundationalworkin urbanthoughteitherdirectlyorindirectly engagedwiththeutopian/dystopiancity— notjustFishman’s(1982)design-oriented trifectaofHoward,LeCorbusierand WrightbutEngels,Weber,Wirth,Burnham, MumfordandJacobsaswell.Myargument isnotabouttheprevalenceorimportanceof utopianism,butratherthatthisongoing duelbetweenutopiananddystopianvisions hasbeenconstructeddiscursively,atleastin theAmericancontext,throughthedefining dialecticofthepastcenturyofAmerican metropolitanthought—thecityversusthe suburb.

FollowingNicolaides(2006),onecanperceiveametropolitanandhistoricalpatternto thespacesofutopiaanddystopiaoverthe past150years.EarlyAmericanurbanism, whetherdrawingfromthepureanti-urbanismofJefferson,EmersonandThoreauto themoreEuropean-styleambivalenceof RobertParkandLouisWirthorthemuckrakingjournalismofUptonSinclairand JacobRiis,‘hell’,touseNicolaides’ language,clearlylivedinthecity(White andWhite[1962]1977;Beauregard1993; Nicolaides2006).Indirectresponsetothis camethesuburbanutopians,Howard’s GardenCityandWright’sBroadacreCity, powerfulimaginationsofautopia

specificallydesignedtocounterandundo thecitybybuildinganew‘city’inthe suburbs(Fishman1982).

Theseduelingconceptionswithmarkedly differentlocationsheldstrongthrough WorldWarII,andhelpedtocementthe transformationofthedominantEuropean urbandialecticofcity/pastoral,under whichwriterslikeEmersonandThoreau verymuchoperated,intothecity/suburb dialecticwhichremainstoday.Butthehegemonicconceptionofurbanhellandsuburban paradisewouldnotholdinthefaceofmass suburbanizationandtheactualdestruction oftheAmericancity.Duringthefirst20 yearsofmasssuburbanizationfollowing WorldWarII,asthepostwarexpansionof thesuburbsincreasinglymadethisnew formoflifeavailabletothewhitemiddle andworkingclasses,acounter-narrativeto thesuburbanidealgrewamidstadiverse arrayofEisenhower-erasocialcritique. FromWilliamWhyte’s(1956) Organization Man toPeterBlake’s(1964) God’sOwn Junkyard,fromfeministcritiquesofthe femaledomesticityofthesingle-family housetothecombinedMumford/Jacobs indictmentofhomogeneityanddullness,the reactiontoOzzieandHarrietAmericawas swiftandfierce(Mumford1961;Jacobs 1961).8 AsBeckyNicolaides(2006)hasso keenlyobserved,Americahaddiscovereda newdystopiainadifferentlocation. YetitiscriticaltocarryNicolaides’argumentonestepforwardandonestepback. First,thecreationofnewsuburbandystopias requiredtheimagination,orreimagination, ofautopiabackintheoldhellofthecity, oftenthroughthesamethinkers.Again,functioningdialectically,JaneJacobs’(1961) visionofsuburbsasplaceslackingtolerance ordiversityissupersededinourimagination byhermorefamousvisionofanidealizedand semi-utopian‘sidewalkballet’inadiverse, energeticandeclecticcityfilledwithamix ofoldbuildingsandinterestingcharacters. Mumford’surbanidealwasmorenostalgic—ifhevilifiedthepostwarsuburbasaperversionofHoward’sideal,hehadnolovefor

themodernurbancenter.Rather, a`la Weber, heharkenedbacktoanimaginedmedieval urbanforhisalternativeurbanutopia.9 Secondly,althoughthelocationofdystopian visionsmayhavemovedfromcityto suburb,thecriticallanguagedidnot.The specterofthe‘slum’andtheomnipresent ‘blight’—orasRebeccaSolnit(2002,43) callsit,‘themagicalwordofurban renewal’—remainedbehindinthecity,reinforcingtheimaginarylinebetweencityand suburb.

Despiteallthis,theAmericanmetropolis neverstoppedchanging,andbythe1970s and1980sscholarsbegantotakenoteofa slowbutsteadyundoingofthisoperating dialectic.Emergingliteraturesongentrification(cf.Smith1982;Zukin1982;Beauregard 1985;Ley1986;SmithandWilliams1986), AfricanAmericansuburbanization(cf. Schnore,Andre,andSharp1976;Rose1976; Clay1979;Lake1981;Kain1985)anddecentralizedemploymentcenters(cf.McDonald 1984;Nelson1986;Cervero1986)merged withearlierconcernsaboutthe‘exploding metropolis’(Whyte[1993]1958)andthe needforregionalgovernancetosignala morenuancedandholisticviewoftheAmericanmetropolis.TheLASchoolofurban geographyhelpedleadaformalattemptto rethinkandrenamemetropolitangeography inthefaceofpost-Fordistproductionand rapiddemographicshifts(cf.Soja1989; Scott1993;ScottandSoja1996;Flustyand Dear1999).Revisionisthistoriansemerged enmasseoverthepastdecadetoinformus thatnotonlywerethecurrentsuburbschanging,butthatourconceptionofsuburbiawas alwayswrong—thedialecticwasneverbased onempiricalreality(Wiese1999,2004;Nicolaides2002;KruseandSugrue2006).When 1990sscholarshipchroniclingthechanging geographyofpoverty(FreyandFielding 1995;Madden1996)wasreinforcedby anotherdecadeofacontinuingtrendand evenmorescholarship(LucyandPhillips 2001;Orfield2002;BerubeandFrey2002; Frey2003),somefeltthatthecity/suburb dialecticwasdead.

Theproblemwiththislogicisthatit assumesthatpopulardiscoursefollowsacademicthought.Asisevidencedbytheslumburbdiscourse,theoldcity/suburbdialectic isstillverymuchinoperationoutsidethe hallsofacademe(andattimesinsideaswell), despitethebesteffortsofagenerationofscholarstounderminewhatapproachesthestatus ofmodernpopularurbanepisteme.The intenseprocessthatwastheproductionof the20th-centuryAmericanmetropolis—the racializedsuburbanization,urbanrenewal andredlining,theideologyofhomeownership andthecreationofaproperty-based‘AmericanDream’—wassoformativetohowwe thinkaboutspaceandplacethatthedialectic remainsingrained.Ithasbecomeanapparatus, notprimarilyfordeterminingscientific thoughtasFoucault(FoucaultandGordon 1980)woulddefineit,butratherfordeterminingmanyofthepossibilitiesofpopular thought.10 Thisdoesnotmeanthatthedialecticcontinuesjustasitwas,butfollowingElliot andMosley(2002)itismerelyflippedand reversed—thesuburbbecomestheslum,not simplyadullishhelldifferentfromthecity buttheworstofurbandystopiarebornina newgeography.Eitherway,itreinforcesan oldideawehavebeenfruitlesslyattempting toleavebehind,anideaproducedthrough thepowerofdiscourse.

Thepowerofdiscourse

‘IsSuburbiaTurningintoSlumburbia?’ (C.Lloyd,headline, SanFranciscoChronicle, 14March2008)

Attheheartoftheconstantlyreproduced city/suburbdialecticisthepowerofwords todetermineaction,andfewwordscontributeasmuchtothisparticulardialecticasthe notionsofslumandblightandghetto.This manifestsitselfintwowaysintheurban world,onetechnical/legalandoneconceptual,thecombinationofwhichshouldraise alarmbellsforanystudentofurbanhistory. Blighthasatechnicaldefinitioninredevelopmentlawinmanystates,andbothblightand

slumremainapartofthelexiconoffederal urbanpolicyundertheCommunityDevelopmentBlockGrant(CDBG)program.11 It remainsthe‘magicalword’ofurban renewal,albeitunderthekinderandgentler notionofredevelopment—inCalifornia,for example,redevelopmentistriggeredbya declarationofblightcodifiedunderPublic HealthandSafetyLaw(§33000–34160).12 It isadeclarationwhichcanincludeeverything fromhighcrimeratestopoorcommunity facilities,fromhighratesofbusiness vacanciestoovercrowding.Blightcaneven resultfrom‘depreciatedorstagnantproperty values’(§33031(b)1)—aconditionwhich describeshugeswathsofworkingclassand newlybuiltsuburbsacrossCaliforniaand theUSA.

ThisisanobservationnotlostonLeinberger.Ina2009articleinthe Washington Examiner (MyersandSherfinski2009) entitled,‘BedroomCommunityBlues:ForeclosureCrisisCreatingSuburbanSlums’, Leinbergerpositshisowndefinitionofslum whichcorrelatesstronglytoproperty values.‘Whenthemarketvalueislessthan replacement,there’snoincentivetoputthe nextdollarintoahouse.That’sthedefinition ofaslum.’Thisisamarkeddeparturefrom theoperationaldefinitionofslumusedby the2003UNHabitatreport,whichfocused almostexclusivelyonconditionsandsecurity oftenure(UNHabitat2003,12).InMarxian terms,Leinberger’sdefinitionisbasedon exchangevalue,theUnitedNations’based onusevalue—amostcriticaldifference.

Conceptionsofblightandslumdoimportantworktodeterminebothactionandinactionbeyondtheirlegalandquasi-technical definitions.Muchoftheconcernintheliteraturesurroundingdystopianlanguagerevolves aroundhowitcanoffer,spurorjustifyboth stateandmarketactionthatresultsindisplacement,devaluationanddelegitimizationof people,placesandcommunities.Beauregard, inhismasterful VoicesofDecline (1993),uses twooperationaldefinitionsofdiscourse,both ofwhichhaverelevancehere.Thefirstdraws fromGeertzandSussman,andseesdiscourse

asacatch-all,areceptacleofcontradictions andambitions,usingGeertz’s(1973,5) notionofa‘webofsignificance’.They becometermswithgreatshort-termpolitical powerandincrediblesocio-spatialimpact, andtheirpowerliesintheirabilitytogather togetherseeminglydisparategroupsand ideasintowhatIcalla discursivecoalition in ordertodeterminespecificactionsandpolicies,tobothwieldpowerandbewielded bythepowerful.Slumandblightinan earliergenerationbecamelighteningrods forurbanrenewalpolicy,mergingage-old concernsaboutinadequatehousingandthe deplorablelivingconditionswithurban boosterism,concernabouttheimpactsof suburbanizationoncentralcityrealestate, theneedforarenewedurbantaxbaseand anutterdisregardfortherightsofAfrican Americans.Theydidnotbecomemagic wordsovernight,butasBeauregardhas shown,wereslowlymadesuchbyboth popularandexpertsources,ofteninconversation,overaperiodofyears—hencemysensitivitytotheircurrentdeploymentinthe wakeofyetanothersub/urbancrisis.

Thecoalescentpowerofdiscoursehasa flipside,onewhichBeauregardsimilarly recognizesandwhichisofequalorgreater importancewhenitcomestothecurrent crisisinsuburbia.DrawingfromFoucault, Beauregardpointstotheroleofdiscourse todismantleandconstructmeaning,and fromHaydenWhitetheideathatdiscourse constitutesmodesofcomprehensionand legitimatefacts.Thisisthefrighteningand morehiddenpowerofdiscourse,lessin formingcoalitionsandmoreinsubtleand hardenedFoucauldian epistemes,or discursiveformations which‘mediateamongthe choicesmadeavailabletous,thevalueswe collectivelyespouse,andourabilitytoact’ (Beauregard1993,5).Theseformations closeusofftopossibilities,ortouseaterm perfectlysuitedtothemoment,theyforecloseuponnewwaysofthinkingabout classandraceoverspaceandplace,about howandforwhomandwherewebuilt cities.Reachingbackforoldterminologyto

describeanewconditioninanewplaceisa weakattempttoavoidwhatJudithButler wouldcalla‘crisisinontology’(1999,xi)— thatmorefundamentalreconsideration requiredbydeeperchange.

Thecombinedconceptualandlegalpower ofurbandiscoursecanbeaslipperyslope. Talkingaboutslumsandblighthavearemarkablewayofleadingtodecisionsbythestate, withthesupportofcapitalandoftencivil societyconcernedwith‘doinggood’,to demolishwhatit—oftenknowingly—failed toprevent,andevictthosewhowerevictims ofafailedsystem.Wesawthisthroughout thehistoryofurbanrenewalintheUSA,and nowseethishistoryrepeatingitselfinnew geographiesoftheglobalsouth(Gilbert 2007;Ghertner2008).

Moreover,whenusedintheurbancontext, thereisaspatialitytodiscursiveformations whichareparticularlyproblematic,inthat theynotonlyforeclosethepossibilitiesofa morefundamentalrethinking,butthatthey locatetheprobleminaparticularcommunity,implicatingthoselivingandworking thereregardlessoftheirrelationshiptothe rootcausesoftheproblem.Again,asBeauregardremindsus,

‘Thegenesisofthediscourseisnotthe entrenchmentofpoverty,thespreadingof blight,thefiscalweaknessofcitygovernments, andtheghettoizationofAfrican-Americans, butsociety’sdeepeningcontradictions.Tothis extent,thediscoursefunctionstositedeclinein thecities.Itprovidesaspatialfixformore generalizedinsecuritiesandcomplaints, therebyminimizingtheirevolutionintoa moreradicalcritiqueofAmericansociety.’ (Beauregard1993,6)

Nowhereisthis‘spatialfix’moreapparent thanCalifornia.

Californication13

‘TheCaliforniadreamisdead.Longlivethe Californiadream.’ (P.Ornstein,‘TheCoast ofDystopia’, NewYorkTimesMagazine,15 January2010)

Thenewdystopianlanguageisremarkable forhavingtwodistinctgeographies.Major localdailiesinninedifferentstates(California, NewYork,Florida,Washington,Virginia, Georgia,Ohio,PennsylvaniaandNorthCarolina)ranstoriesusingthislanguage,yetthe focusofthenationalmediawasprimarilyon California.14 ButthenCaliforniahaslong beenthecenterofournationalimagination aboutthefutureurbanworld,andnotsolely becauseitwasthecinematiccenterofthe world.Californiahasbeenanearlyandconsistentinnovatorinurbanform,financeand fencing—thelate19th-centuryinventionof zoningtoexcludetheChinese,LosAngeles’ developer-drivenstreetcarsprawlinthe earlypartofthe20thcentury,blue-collar Lakewoodandthepost-war,massproduced suburb(thesecondafterLevittown),suburban-drivenpropertytaxrevoltsin1978, gatedcommunitiesand‘fortress’urbanism, andeventhesubprimemortgagedebtwhich helpedproducetheforeclosurecrisisinthe firstplace(Loeb2001;Weiss1987;Davis 1990;BardhanandWalker2010).15

Soperhapsitshouldnotbesurprisingthat talkof‘gatedghettos’,suburban‘ghost towns’and‘slumburbia’shouldoriginate hereaswell.16 Ifthereisacenterofthenew dystopia,itisSouthernCalifornia’sInland Empire17 andtheeasternedgesofthe SanFranciscoBayArea,astretchofmarshy farmlandandexurbanresidentiallandscape stretchingfromModesto(Figure4)inthe

Figure4 AbillboardinModesto,California (Photo:Author)

southtothesouthernsuburbsofSacramento likeElkGrove.Itishere,intheoldfarm towns,industrialsuburbsandrailroadstops whichmorphedoverthreedecadesinto citiesaslargeas125,000people,thatthis renovateddystopianurbanismisbeinglaid onthickbythenationalandinternational media—Newsweek’s(2009)‘SlumsofSuburbia’takesplaceinManteca,the NewYork Times’TimothyEgan(2010)visitsLathrop, the Guardian (Glaister2008)‘travels’toElk Groveandthe LosAngelesTimes (Semuels 2010)toStocktonandTracy.

Onceagain,thereisalogichere—notonly isthecrisissevereinthisstretchofthe CentralValley,butitisnew.ElkGrove wentfrombeingthefastestgrowingcityin theUSAin2004–2005toaforeclosurerate (2.47%)threeandahalftimesthestate average(0.69%)andalmost10timesthe nationalaverage(0.28%)in2009(United StatesCensusBureau2006;CityofElk Grove,California2009).Brentwoodwent frombeingthefastestgrowingcityinCaliforniaformuchofthe1990stothe‘poster childfor[the]housingbust’by2008 (Temple2008;Heredia1998).Itwasnotsupposedtohappenhere—thiswasnotOakland orWatts,DetroitorNewOrleans,speculativeFloridaorwildLasVegas,buttheedge ofoneofthemostpowerfulregionaleconomiesinhumanhistory,hometotheSilicon Valleytechmiracleandaregionwiththe highestmedianhouseholdincomeofany regioninthecountryin2000.18 Nevertheless, bythethirdquarterof2007,theStocktonand Sacramentometropolitanstatisticalareas (MSA),whichincludeLathrop,Tracy, MantecaandElkGrove,rankedfirstand fifth,respectively,inforeclosurefilingsper household.IntheStocktonMSA,foreclosureshitoneinevery27households.

Asof2012,foreclosureratesintheareaare stillfarabovestateandnationalaverage,and justafractionofthewealthiercoreofthe regiontothewest.Everycitywhichsaw rapidgrowthhasseenitsaveragehome valuecutatleastinhalffromthe2006peak, andclosertotwo-thirdsinmostcases.19 Yet

whatistrulytroublingishowfartheyhave falleninregardstoother,wealthiercommunitiesatthecoreoftheregion.Compared tocoreareasinSanFranciscoorwealthier suburbslikeDanville,theseexurbanlocales havelostvirtuallyeverypennytheyhave gainedinvalueoverthepasttwodecades, dramaticallyincreasingthealreadywidening gapbetweenwealthycoreandstruggling periphery.

Therealestatecrashhaslefthugenumbers ofborrowersunderwater,shackledtohomes theycannotsellorwithcreditscoresso damagedbyforeclosuretheycanonlyhope torent—assumingtheirprospectivelandlorddoesnotperformacreditcheck,as manynowdo.Inthehighlyconstrained fiscalenvironmentthatispost-Proposition 13California, 20 manyofthesecitiesnow teeteronthebrinkofinsolvency,hammered byplummetingpropertytaxesandcaught betweenabudgetoverlydependenton nowdormantdevelopmentfeesandacommercialandindustrialbasethathasnot keptpacewiththewealthiercore(Schafran, 2013).Thesewerehouse-richandjob-poor citieswhichbetonagrowthmachinethat seeminglywouldnotend,butwhichultimatelyfailedspectacularly.

Thereisalsothepeskymatterofdemographics,andtheirunfortunaterelationship tothenewdiscourseofdystopia.Thedramaticgrowththatthesecitiesexperienced overthepasttwodecadesbroughtanincrediblediversitytowhathadlargelybeensmalltownAmerica,withblack,LatinoandAsian householdsjoiningtheranksofhomeowners andexurbancitizensinrecordnumbers. Someofthisgrowthwasblue-collar,some werelow-incomehouseholdsreceiving federalhousingassistancethroughthe HousingChoiceVoucherProgram,many wereimmigrantsandfirst-timehomeowners. 21 Itwasademographicshiftdriven inpartbyalongertermpatternofthesuburbanizationofthepoorandcommunitiesof color,byhomeownershipopportunitieson thefringe,jobgrowthinthesuburbs,and gentrificationandrisinghousingpricesin

thecore(LucyandPhillips2001;Hanlon, Vicino,andShort2006;Nelson2009).

TheendresultisthatcitieslikeMantecaare roughlyhalfwhite,halfnon-white;inElk GroveandAntioch,itismorelike60% non-white.22 Yetratherthanaskourselves howasasocietywehaveonceagainconsignedcommunitiesofcolortobearthe bruntofourmetropolitanrestructuring— theforeclosurecrisishasalreadyproduced ‘thegreatestlossofwealthforpeopleof colorinrecentU.S.history’(Riveraand UnitedforaFairEconomy2008,p.v)—we insteaddeploythepejorativelanguageofdystopia,labelingthesenewlocalesasghettos, blightedandslums.Manyfamiliesfrom placeswehavepreviouslylabeledasghettos boughtintothisnewsuburbandreamon thefringeinthehopeofabetterlifewith lesscrimeandfunctioningschools.Some overextendedthemselvesfinanciallytodo this,takingonbaddebtorsimplytoomuch ofit;somewereextremelyprudent,buying inearlyataleveltheycouldaffordonlyto seethemarketcollapseandtaketheirequity (andperhapsnestegg)withit.Notonlyare theynowfacingapersonalcrisisinastrugglingcommunity,societyhasnowconsigned thembacktotheveryplacewhichtheyhad workedsohardtoescape.

Acrisisofrepresentation

‘“Theywereinterestedinbuildingthecityof tomorrow”,Anglickissaidashesteeredhis SUVthroughanareahecalled“little Baghdad”foritsbombed-outappearance.

“Thenextguyswerejustinterestedincashing acheck.”’ (K.Hundley,‘LehighAcres: Florida’sLessoninUnregulatedGrowth’, StPetersburgTimes,9August2009)

Thelanguageofurbandecayisnottheonly linguisticnewcomertothesuburbanfringes; sotoohastheurbanmetaphor,theuseof certainfamedmetropolisestostandinfora particularphenomenon.WhetherBaghdad, DetroitorNewOrleans,weknowthat thesecitiesmean‘destruction’,andsowe

usethemasquickreferences,atouchof sociallyacceptablehyperboledesignedto makeapoint.IncitieslikeAntiochand Brentwood,thereisamorepernicious versionofmetaphor,theuseofnearbycities OaklandandRichmondtostandinforrace andpovertyandcrime,awayofsaying withoutspeaking,‘ifyouknowwhatImean’.

Theuseofspecificcitiesasmetaphorsfor destructionand/orracializedeuphemismsis simplyanotherexampleoftheongoing crisisinhowwespeakandwriteandthink aboutthecontemporaryproblemsofAmericanurbanism.Evenifsomeoftheproblems laidoutinthemediacoverageareperhaps overblown—forinstance,crimeratesinthe new‘slums’ofexurbanNorthernCalifornia donotappeartohaveshifteddramatically vis-a`-visstateandregionalaverages—to ignorerisingunemployment,abandonment, racialtensions,gangproblems,povertyrates andfiscaldeficitsisunacceptable.Suburban povertyrateshaverisenfromparitywith centralcitiesin2000tooutpacingcentral citiesin2008by1.5million(Kneeboneand Garr2010b).Whencombinedwithincreased racial,ethnicandnationalorigindiversity (Frey2003;Orfield2002;Singer2003),the futureofAmericansuburbswritlargeis clearlygoingtobedifferentfromitspast, bothrealandimagined.

Scholarshipwithregardstosuburban povertyhassimilarlygrownsignificantly overthepastdecade.23 Whileamajorfocus ofthemoresociologicalandpolicy-oriented literaturehasbeenonsocialserviceprovision innewlypoorsuburbanregions(Murphy 2010;KneeboneandGarr2010a;Allardand Roth2010;Allard2004),geographershave honedinonstrugglinginner-ringsuburbs, oftenthroughalensof‘decline’,examining thechallengesofincreasedpovertyanddiversityinthefaceofageinginfrastructureand fiscalconstraint(Orfield2002;Hanlon, Vicino,andShort2006;Short,Hanlon,and Vicino2007;Vicino2008a,2008b).Berube andFrey(2002)worktocontextualizethe processaspartofthelargerchangesatthe regionallevel,pointingtodecreasing

povertylevelsincoredowntownareas—and linkinggentrificationtothesuburbanization ofpoverty.24 Thereissomedebateabout whetherthefocusshouldnecessarilybeon older,inner-ringsuburbsintheMidwest andnortheast,asadvocatedbyMadden (2003)amongstothers.HollidayandDwyer (2009)counterthisrustbeltgeographywith anargumentforrecognitionofthemore variedformsofsuburbanizedpoverty, especiallyincommunitieswithlargeLatino communities.

Itisclearthatthechallengesfacingsuburbs andsuburbanresidents,bothnowandinthe future,areveryreal,andwehaveanobligationtoseethattheseissuesarepartofavigorouspublicdiscussion.Theanswerisnot someJoelKotkin-esquedefenseofsuburbia, whichmerelydeniesproblemsandeven moreproblematicallyworkstomaintainthe city/suburbdialecticbothintellectuallyand politically(Kotkin2010).Norshouldwebe sanguineabouttheeasewithwhichwecan possiblyfinda‘harmless’wayofspeaking aboutdifficultproblemsindifficulttimes. Leavingbehindthepoisonousandloaded languageofslumandblightwouldbean excellentfirststep,butalllanguagehasconsequences,andasfalliblehumansinanincreasinglysensitiveandinterconnectedera,we willmakeerrorsbeyondourcontrol.

Partofthechallengeisthattheproduction ofthecontemporarysuburbandystopiais beingcreatedthroughthecombinedbutgenerallyuncoordinatedeffortsofacademics, professionaljournalists,columnistsandbloggers,thatdiscursivemash-uppoweredbythe digitalagewhichisslowlytransformingour publicintellectualspace.Itisakininmany waystothecomplexnewrealitiesofvisuality andthepossibilitiesandresponsibilitiesof visualurbanrepresentationwhichpartially promptedatwo-partfeatureon TheWire in thesepages(AtkinsonandBeer2010),save thattheissueisheadlinesinhypertext ratherthanimagesinHD.Thisisaproduct ofwhatSimonParkercalls‘Sociology2.0’, ‘sociologybythepublic’,andisundoubtedly aproductmoreofthe‘screenworld’than‘the

Gutenberggalaxy’(Parker2010,493,citing McLuhan1967).

Whilemodernmediatechnologyhas openedthedoorstonewformsofsharing andcollaboration,itcanalsomakepeople lazy.The Guardian ‘article’seemstohave beenwrittenfromafar,basicallyaftera readingofLeinberger’swork,aswereother piecesthatstemmedfromhisessay.Afew goodquotesfromlocalsplusapictureor twoofdecayplussomestatementsfroma fewresearchersdonotequalqualityjournalism.Itdoesnothavetobethisway—both AlanaSemuels’(2010)investigationinthe LosAngelesTimes abouttheeconomic rootsofthecrisisintheSanJoaquinValley (thisisnotjustaboutforeclosuresbutdeindustrializationandeconomicrestructuring) andPaulReyes’(2008)brilliantworkin Harpers abouttheonthegroundmateriality ofthecrisisrelynotonhyperboleoroverusedmetaphorsbutonoldfashionedfieldworkandinvestigation.AsThomasMorton (2009)sowiselypointsout,thereisaparallel intheinnercity,wherelazyjournalists exploitDetroit’smiserywithcoolpictures of‘ruinporn’,rarelydiggingintothe complexrealitythatiscontemporary Detroit.Wyly’s(2010,503)argumentfor theneedforsomeserious‘epistemic honesty’withregardstophotojournalism extendstolanguageaswell,tobothcaption andphotograph.

Whenseenthroughthelensofboththe historyofAmericanurbanismandtheways inwhichthisnewdiscoursewascreated, twointerlinkedconclusionsstandout.The firstisthatasacademicsandresearcherswe mustdoanevenbetterjobengagingin publicdiscoursenowthatthespaceand paceofideashaschanged.Ourworkwillbe pickedupbythenewsmediaandtheblogosphere—ifweareeitherluckyorverygood orhaveagoodpublicist—andwebearsome responsibilityforhowitisused.Onearticle entitled‘Suburbs—OurNewSlum?’ (Villano2009)quotesnotonlyLeinberger andNelsonbutprominentscholarsGeorge Galster,EdGoetzandtheBrookings’Alan

Berube—noneofwhomtalkaboutsuburbs inthiswaybutyetaredraggedintothe mire.Wecandemandofthosethatquote us,ifnotamorenuancedandbetter researchedarticle,atleasttheomissionof certainharmfulconcepts.Evenbetteristo engageinthisnewpublicintellectualrealm ourselves,exploringnewformsofhybrid writingandvisualrepresentationtoexpose problemsinwaysthatdonotdefinewhole communitiesastheproblemandwhich forcesustodosomeofthedeeperrethinking whichhasbeenandshouldbethehallmarkof scholarlywork.AcademicslikeLeinberger (2008)andRichardFlorida(2002)have recognizedthepowerofnewmediato reshapepublicperception,butunfortunately theirworkseemsblindtotheimpactstheir slumtalkand‘creativeclass’fetishization canhaveoncommunities.25

Secondly,scholarsofsuburbanpoverty andthedeeperstructuralproblemsofthe metropolitanfringeshouldbewaryofthe conceptof‘suburbandecline’.Itisalltoo easytofallintoameansofdefiningdecline basedonwholivesthere,orevenworseon whohasmovedthere.Lineslike‘declining suburbssufferasaconsequenceofalackof capitaldisinvestmentandshiftsindemographicstructure’(HanlonandVicino2007, 269)inanacademictextmergewith‘the burbsareindeclineasmorepoormoveout fromthecitiesandmoresuburbanites struggletostayinthemiddleclass’(Villano 2009,headline)tohardenthenotionthat poorpeopleareaprobleminandofthemselves.Evenwithexhortationsfromsomeof themostardentlycriticalandprogressiveacademicsthat‘suburbandeclinecannotbe explainedsolelyintermsofthesupposed deficienciesofnewresidents’(Smith,Caris, andWyly2001,497),controversiesabout themigrationoflow-incomepeopletothe suburbscontinue,attimesfedbymediacoverage(Moore2008;Rosin2008).Iquestion whetherdescribingaplaceasdeclining, especiallyinthefaceofdemographicshifts thatcanneverbetrulyseparatedfromphysicalchangesoreconomicupheaval,isnot

justanacademiceuphemismforslumand ghetto.Itfunctionsgeographicallyinthe sameway,situatingdeclineinsuburbs ratherthancities,andonceagainallowing tooeasy‘aspatialfixformoregeneralized insecuritiesandcomplaints,therebyminimizingtheirevolutionintoamoreradical critiqueofAmericansociety’(Beauregard 1993,6).

Notes

1RealEstateOwned,aclassofpropertygenerally ownedbythelender,typicallyabankor governmentagencyorinsurer,afteranunsuccessful foreclosureauction.

2Ifsocietyasawholedidnotseethiscoming,many academicsdid.Forhauntingscholarshipwhichis theproverbialwritingonthewall,see,forexample, WylyandHammel(2004),ImmergluckandSmith (2004),NewmanandWyly(2004),Caseand Shiller(2003),SquiresandKubrin(2005)and Lanzerotti(2006).

3TheworkofscholarslikeCarr(2007)and ImmergluckandSmith(2006)(amongstmany others)andgroupsliketheCenterforResponsible Lendingsoundedthealarmearly.

4Itshouldbenotedthatforeclosureandsubprime lendinghadbeenaproblemincommunitiesofcolor fordecades.Earlyscholarshipbyscholarsincluding GreenandvonFurstenberg(1975)andsubsequent workincludingQuerciaandStegman(1992), LauriaandBaxter(1999),Squires(2002,2003) andTaylor,Silver,andBerenbaum(2004)were partofalargebodyofscholarshipclearly documentingthedepthsofthesubprimeproblem anditslinkstorace.Notonlydidthepolitical establishmentlargelyfailtoactdespiteclearand decades-longimpactsof‘predatorylending’in communitiesofcolor,nationalattentioncommenced whenforeclosuresbegantoimpactwhiteand middle-classcommunities.

5Googlescholarsearchconducted5October2010 andverifiedforduplicates.

6Nelson,despitebeingquotedinnumerousarticles about‘suburbanslums’,neverseemstousethe languagehimself,althoughanalysisofhisentire40pageCVwasnotpossible.Rather,heisgenerally quotedabouthisresearchshowingadramatic overbuildingoflarge-lot‘McMansions’and increasesinsuburbanpoverty.

7Ironically,theepitomeofBaeten’s‘hypochondriac geographies’isMikeDavis’(2004) PlanetofSlums, whichcomesoutoneyearafterBaeten’stwoarticles onthesubject.

8 OzzieandHarriet wasa1950sand1960s Americansitcomwhichdepictedanidealized Americanfamilylife.

9NostalgicutopianurbanismisapowerfulAmerican trendinitself,epitomizedbyNewUrbanism’s‘neotraditionaldesign’,whichblendssemi-urbandesign featureswithgenerallysuburbansettings.

10Foucault’sideaofepistemeevolvedfromitsoriginal conceptioninthe OrderofThings ([1965]2002)to hisbriefbutpowerfulreconsiderationin Power/ Knowledge (FoucaultandGordon1980),but throughoutheisprimarilyconcernedwithscientific knowledgeandknowledgeproductionconnected tosystemsofpower.

11CDBGiscurrentlythelargestsourceoffederal moniesforurbandevelopmentincities,andisa successortotheinfamousurbanrenewalprograms ofthepost-warera.Sections570.208and 570.480oftheUSDepartmentofHousingand UrbanDevelopmentregulationswhichgovern CDBGunderthe1974HousingandCommunity DevelopmentActexplicitlylist‘activitieswhichaid inthepreventionoreliminationofslumsorblight’as eligiblerecipientsofCDBGmonies(24CFR Ch.V.§570.208(b))Thedefinitionofblightand slumsislefttolocaljurisdictions.

12Anexcellentsummaryofimportantsectionsof redevelopmentlawastheyapplytoblightis providedbyPublicHealthLawandPolicyathttp:// www.barhii.org/programs/download/ redevelopment_law.pdf

13Thissectionisbasedinpartonextensivefieldwork conductedfrom2007to2010inEasternContra CostaCountyandtheNorthernSanJoaquinValley. 14Ofthe31articles,14concernedCalifornia, includingmostofthepiecesbythenational outlets—Newsweek, CNN (twice), CBSNews.com, NewYorkTimes (twice), MSNRealEstate 15Calabasas-basedCountrywideSavingswasthe largestmortgagelenderatthepeakofthebubble, issuing20%ofthenation’smortgages;IndyMac BankofPasadenawasoneofthefirstmajor casualtiesofthecrisiswhenitbecamethethird largestbankfailureinUShistory(itisnowfourth, followingtheWashingtonMutualfailure,afailure broughtoninpartbecauseitgorgeditselfon SouthernCaliforniasubprimeladenbanks);Golden West/WorldSavingsofOaklandwasthelargest originatorofadjustableratemortgageswhenitwas soldtoWachovia,whichthenhadtobetakenover byWellsFargo(BardhanandWalker2010).

16Theideaofa‘gatedghetto’wasattimesheardboth pejorativelyandironicallytodescribegated communitiesbeforethecrisistorefertothementality ofthosecommunitiesratherthanthematerial conditions,buttherearenosuggestionsorusein thepioneeringworkofBlakelyandSnyder(1997) orLow(2001,2003)ongatedcommunities,norin

anyotheracademicworkIamfamiliarwith,ofthe ideaof‘gatedghettos’literallymeaningpovertyin gatedcommunities.

17RiversideandSanBernadinoCounties.

18BasedonrankofCombinedMetropolitanStatistical Area(CMSA)forthe2000USCensus.Thereisa longliteratureontheregion’swealth,fromBrechin’s (2006)masterfulaccountoftheearlyoriginsof SanFrancisco’sglobalpowertoSaxenian’s(1994) seminalaccountoftheriseofSiliconValley.Buoyed bydefenseandinfrastructurespendingfrom Washingtonandthestatecapitalandbyconstant cyclesofinnovationandtheexploitationofnatural resourcesandfinancecapital,theregionhas experiencedfewmajoreconomicdownturnsover thecourseofthepastcentury.

19Basedonzillow.com’sestimatesofcurrentvalues. Estimatesofvaluesbasedonsalespricesfrom DataQuick—anotherrespectedrealestatedata source—indicateasimilarpattern.

20Proposition13isa1978ballotmeasurewhichboth severelylimitedpropertytaxesandestablisheda two-thirdsmajorityrequirementforvirtuallyalltax increasesatboththestateandlocallevels.Ithas beenmuchstudiedandmuchdebated.See Coleman(2005)foranexcellentprimeron Californiacityfinance,Barbour(2007)onstate–localfiscalconflictsincludingProposition13,and O’Sullivan,Sexton,andSheffrin(1995)and Schwartz(1997)forjustasmallportionofthe broadliteratureontheimpactsoftheproposition.

21FormerlyknownasSection8,thisfederallyfunded andlocallyadministeredprogramprovideslowincomehouseholdswithvouchersthatsubsidize marketrentsinprivateresidences,andcanunder certainconditionsbeusedforhomeownership.

22Source:2006–2008AmericanCommunitySurvey (ACS).LathropandPattersonaretoosmallforACS estimates.

23Foranexcellentreviewoftheearlysuburban povertyliteratureanditslinkstothelegacyof HerbertGansandurbansociologyasawhole,see Murphy(2007).Murphy’sanalysisofthethematic variantsinthesuburbanpovertyliteraturehasbeen veryinfluentialinmyownthinking,andthedebtis obvious.

24Thequestionofcausality,whichincludesrecent workonjobsprawlasadrivingforce(Raphaeland Stoll2010),hingesinpartonanunderstandingof whethersuburbanpovertyiscausedby outmigrationofthepoorfromtheinnercityorthe impoverishmentofpriorsuburbanresidents.Cooke (2010)arguesstronglyforthelatterexplanation, buttheissueremainslargelyunresolved.

25Leinberger’s(2008)concernwiththepoor constructionqualityofmanynewsuburbanspaces, comparedtothebricksandmortarindustrialcity, representsarealconcernintermsofitsabilityto

withstandabandonment.AdiscussionofFloridais beyondthescopeofthispaper,butsufficeittosay thatmymajorcritiqueisnottheideathatcreativity andcreativepeoplecreateinnovationand economicgrowth,butthathisnormativeconclusion istoattractthesepeoplefromtheoutsideas opposedtobuildinganurbanenvironmentwhich tapsintoandbuildslocalcreativity.

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AlexSchafran,PhD,isavisitingresearcherat theInstitutFranc¸aisdeGe ´ opolitique,Universite ´ deParis8andaninstructoratSciencesPo. Email:schafran@gmail.com