1972c-eng
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The Erich Fromm Theory of Aggression
Erich Fromm (1972c-eng)
„The Erich Fromm Theory of Aggression” was written to introduce in Fromm’s book The Anatomy of Human Destructiveness and was first published in: The New York Times Magazine, New York (27. 2. 1972), pp. 14-15, 74, 76, 80-81, 84 and 86. – Numbers in {brackets} indicate the next page in the first English publication.
Copyright © 1972 by Erich Fromm; Copyright © 2023 by The Literary Estate of Erich Fromm; E-Mail: fromm-estate[at-symbol]fromm-online.com.
What with international and civil wars, the increasing use of torture, rising violence in the cities and the threat of nuclear war, no explanation is needed for the lively current theoretical interest in the problem of human violence and aggression. In fact, if there is a question it is why it took such along tine for aggression to be recognized as a major psychological problem.
Freud alone, in the early nineteen-twenties, became so impressed with the crucial role of human aggression (perhaps as a consequence of the first World War), that he undertook a radical revision of his whole theory. He substituted for the polarity of the two governing passions sexuality and self-preservation a new polarity: the life instinct (eros, including sexuality) and the death instinct, the drive for destruction of oneself or of others. The change failed to impress the public, and instead, Freud’s increasing popularity was largely based on his theory of sex; in the period of conspicuous consumption, sexual consumption, too, became respectable.
But forty years later, another author, Konrad Lorenz, the eminent student of animal behavior („ethology“), succeeded where Freud had failed. In his book On Aggression, first published in German in 1963 and translated into English in 1966, he postulated a hypothesis similar to Freud’s in its results that aggression is a force inherent in the human organism but different in its theoretical premises. Man, Lorenz argued, like his animal ancestors, is motivated by a phylogenetically programmed, 1 spontaneously flowing spring of aggression, situated in certain areas of his brain; this aggression, if not expressed, accumulates and eventually explodes. In this „hydraulic“ mechanism of aggression the organism
1 That is, an innate programming, based on the evolution of the species.
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seeks stimuli which release the aggressive drive; but the more aggressive energy is accumulated, the less appropriate such a stimulus has to be, even to the point where aggression „explodes“ without the presence of any adequate stimulus.
This is only a simplified version of Lorenz’s complicated and sometimes fuzzy theory; he has given a number of different explanations for human aggression. Since a fuller description is not possible here, it may help to consider an example which Lorenz himself gives. He speaks of his old Viennese aunt, who used to engage a new maid about every 8 to 10 months. Each time she did so, the aunt was full of enthusiasm about the maid, who seemed to fulfill all her expectations. Soon, the aunt’s enthusiasm cooled, and at the end of the cycle, she discovered such hateful qualities in the maid that she eventually fired her. Lorenz interprets this cycle in terms of his „hydraulic“ model: When enough aggression had been dammed up in the aunt’s nervous system, she had to „explode,“ especially under circumstances where nobody else was available as scapegoat.
Many people--laymen and professionals-.will prefer a more sophisticated interpretation: The aunt was apparently one of those narcissistic women who want their servants to love, admire and serve them because, in their narcissistic selfimages, they are such extraordinary mistresses, and such love is their due. When the servant does not behave according to this expectation, the aunt’s narcissism is wounded, and, as usual, the wounded narcissism results in intense fury; since the aunt cannot shed her narcissism, she tries with a new maid and the same cycle occurs as long as there are available servants.
This difference in the interpretation of the aunt’s behavior is the main topic of this article. Is her aggression rooted in an aggressive instinct, with its own energy source relatively independent from outside events, or is the source to be found in the aunt’s character? Both interpretations seem’ to be present in the history of the term „ethology“ itself: John Stuart Mill called it the „science of character,“ Lorenz, the „science of animal behavior.“
A few remarks on the present reception of the instinctivistic theory seem to be in order. This reception offers a somewhat bewildering picture. Most profe ssionals psychologists, neurophysiologists and anthropologists disagree with the instinctivistic-hydraulic theory; it is well received only among classic psychoanalysts, ethologists and some anthropologists. Even Nikolaas Tinbergen, one of the most eminent ethologists and a former collaborator of Lorenz’s, has rejected the hydraulic theory. (Lorenz himself modified it in 1966, although the English translation of On Aggression shows nothing that would indicate such revision.) The educated public, on the other hand, which usually follows scientific majority opinion, seems to favor Lorenz, if the great success of his book and of others that have followed its lead is any indication.
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There are good-reasons for both reactions. Perhaps because people had failed to recognize the force of aggression for such a long time, they were all the more shocked when they could ignore it no longer. What could be more soothing to their feelings of fright and powerlessness than a theory which claims that war and violence are primarily psychological problems, but that they are motivated by a spontaneous drive for aggression that can be little controlled, if at all?
If we all perish, the theory implies, we can do so at least with the satisfying conviction that our animal nature forced this tragedy in us and that we know precisely why everything had to happen as it did. In addition, Lorenz and his followers facilitate the acceptance of their theories among liberal and anti-war intellectuals by expressing, no doubt very sincerely, their own horror of nuclear war, and their desire to find the means to avoid the dreadful consequences of the aggressive instinct. Lorenz’s own suggestions in this direction are painfully banal.
As to the scientists, the reasons for their reactions to the instinctivistic theory vary depending on their respective fields of research. Perhaps {74} the most persuasive critical data are those offered by the neuroscientists. Briefly, most neuroscientists agree that man’s aggression is essentially defensive; that it arises in phylogenetically programmed brain areas, and that these areas of the brain mobilize the impulse for fight or flight when the animal (or man) is or feels threatened. In this view, aggression is normally an „idling“ impulse, which is mobilized for appropriate behavior only in the service of surrival. As Vernon H. Mark and Frank R. Ervin have shown in their brilliant rencent study, „Violence and the Brain,“ the concept of spontaneously flowing and self-propelling aggressiveness holds true only for people whose reactions have become abnormal through brain disease. It doesnot hold true for normal brain functioning. To conclude from the normal „readiness“ for aggression that man is constantly driven by aggressive impulses is no more valid than the assumption that a man will commit murder because he carries a gun for his protection.
The behaviorists, in turn, reject instinctivism because they hold that the question of the gun i. e., of the instinctive motivation for aggression is scientifically irrelevant. Their interest lies in human engineering in the means by which a person can be made into a killer or a saint by conditioning, or, in Skinner’s more sophisticated system of neobehaviordem, by „positive reinforcements.“ According to Skinner, his system does not need to be built upon a basic science of the nature of man, as, for instance, engineering is based on physics and chemistry; whether Skinner has proposed more than a sophisticated system for the art of manipulation is not under discussion here. Whatever the merits of behaviorism, it is hospitable to neither Freud’s nor Lorenz’s theories of aggression.
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Anthropology, the science from which we might expect a great deal of information about human aggression, is somewhat disappointing. Some anthropologists claim that man is by nature a „killer“; they propose that hominid ancestors of man, the Australopithecinae, living almost two million years ago in Africa, had become a predatory, carnivorous species and that man inherited his aggression from them. Sherwood L. Washburn, the eminent investigator of human evolution, dissents from this thesis; he assigns the role of a rehistorical Adam, responsible for man’s fall, to early man himself, to man the hunter. Hunting behavior, according to Washburn, is characterized by pleasure in killing and cruelty: since man for almost all his history was a hunter, Washburn concludes that destructiveness and cruelty were built into man’s basic equipment as a result of the evolutionary process of selection during roughly a million years of his existence.
However, these views supporting Lorenz’s thesis are contradicted by the work of many distinguished anthropologists. The investigations of Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead are well known to a wide audience, they have shown that cultures characterized by peacefulness, cooperation and lack of exploitation, like that of the Zuñis, are just as „natural“ as others that are hostile, treacherous, exploitative and cruel, like the Dobuans. The most interesting material has begun to be analyzed only in recent years. Colin M. Turnbull’s studies of conte mporary primitive hunters in Africa, the Mbutis, portray a society characterized by absence of war, marked aggression, private property and hierarchy, and by the presence of economic and sexual equality, cooperativeness and friendliness. The findings of several outstanding investigators of human prehistory show that hunting behavior, rather than being conducive to destructiveness and cruelty, requires generosity, cooperation and reciprocity, not to speak of a great deal of observation and thought. Marshall D. Sahlins has even called primitive hunters the first „affluent society,“ because they have what they need and have much more leisure than their „richer“ descendants. In addition, the picture presented by V. Gordon Childe, Sonya Cole and others of the earliest agricultural societies in the Neolithic age, between 9,000 and 4,000 B. C., based on recent observations, point to the fact that these societies were characterized by cooperation, a relative lack of aggression, and, furthermore, by a matriarchal social order and religion.
It is hard to escape the impression that there is a certain bias among some older anthropologists. It seems they are so impressed with the destructiveness to be found in man’s „history“ which is, after all, a very short period of less than 6,000 years that they find it hard to consider the rich evidence of peaceful and cooperative living in man’s prehistory; and this bias is of course reinforced by
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the many primitive tribes living today which do show a great deal of aggression and cruelty. Nobody has seen this bias more cleanly than Lewis Mumford, who has analyzed the existing evidence in The Myth of the Machine and other works. He and the anthropological. investigators mentioned earlier seem to have initiated a new trend in the study of man’s aggression which goes beyond the older, naive „man-is-good“ approach as well as the equally biased „man-is-bad“ stage. It is to be expected that hitherto neglected data will find a fresh appreciation and contribute to a more balanced analysis. Even now, on balance, the anthropological data do not tend themselves readily to the instinctivistic interpretation.
Let us return from our digression on the reception of the instinctivistic theory to the main topic, the alternative between instinct end character as the source of man’s aggression. The two key concepts, instinct and character, need some explanation.
About instinct I can be brief. For many years it was used as a flag, around which some scholars rallied and against which others fought. A certain fanaticism was usually observable in this discussion; when this happens in a scientific argument, the reasons usually lie in the emotional and political overtones of the respective positions. To stress the innate character of aggression corresponded to conservative or reactionary attitudes. If aggression was innate, there was little hope for lasting peace and radical democracy. On the other hand, if environment was {76} responsible, there was no fundamental obstacle to democratic, pacifist or socialist visions. A sociological study confirmed this very neatly in 1944. The socio-political views of 24 psychologists, biologists and sociologists were compared with their opinion concerning the nature-nurture problem. Among the 12 liberals or radicals, 11 were environmentalists and one a hereditarian; among the 12 „conservatives,“ 11 were hereditarians and one an environm entalist.
Fortunately, the climate of the discussion has cooled off in the last two decades. In the first place, a growing number of investigators recognized that one does not get anywhere by framing the question in terms of „yes“ or „no,“ but that it was more fruitful to look at the problem in terms of a continuum i. e., in terms of „more or less.“ As one formulation put fit: „Most of man’s behavior is learned, whereas most of a bird’s behavior is not learned.“ Furthermore one recognized that man is also endowed with powerful impulses, such as hunger and sexuality, which can not be ignored because they do not fit a narrow definition of „instincts.“
The concept of character requires a much fuller explanation. We have to start out with some fundamental considerations about man, as a species different from all animals in spite of so many physiological similarities. Man can be de-
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fined as a primate in whom two trends, both present in animal evolution from the lowest to the highest level, reached their fullest development: the decrease of instinctive determination of behavior, and the increase in size and complexity of the brain, particularly the new brain, substratum of self-awareness, symbolformation and language. Through the fusion of these two trends a unique new constellation arose; the birth of man had begun. This process of birth lasted about 2 million or 500,000 years (depending on various definitions of „man“) and was completed around 50,000 years ago, when modern man made his appearance. Man during this protracted process of birth was a rather helpless animal, lacking strong organs for attack as well as sufficient speed for defense. His reason was not an effective guide for adequate behavior, either; it did not function fast enough and its judgment was much inferior to that of the instincts.
If man was to survive, he needed to act immediately and decisively. How could he do this without the help of instincts and an adequate reasoning power? What enabled him to go beyond the stage of the prehuman primates, like the chimpanzees described by Adriaan Kortlandt as hesitant, lacking „the characteristic decisiveness of human behavior“?
O propose that man’s development depended on the formation of a „second na ture,“ human character. What is character?
In everyday life we know what character is although often only dimly; our understanding of men rests on our capacity to distinguish behavior traits from character traits. When we observe a person who is very friendly to everyone, we may be aware that his friendliness has its roots in his wish to gain favor, and that it would be naive to take it for the manifestation of a friendly „character“; our judgment is confirmed when we see all his customary friendliness lacking in his contact with persons who can be of no use to him. Or, to take another example, we do not consider a poor person as having a stingy character because he is very careful even with small expenditures. But we may discover the characterological stinginess of a rich man when we observe how his face lights up when he can make a saving.
We may not be experts in the understanding of character, but we can learn much from the great writers and dramatists who are. Balzac, for instance, portrays not just a person’s behavior but the forces that, unknown to him, are behind it and motivate it. Balzac, like other great writers, shows that man acts and feels according to his character; that his character determines his behavior and is, as Heraclitus said, „man’s fate.“ Indeed, Shakespeare, Balzac and Dostoevski are better teachers of the understanding of man’s character than most professional psychologists. (The crucial weakness of Skinner’s system is that he does not appreciate the difference between behavior and character; to him „a smile
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is a smile,“ and the smiling person is of no scientific interest.) Freud is the great exception. Although limited by his concept of sexuality, he created the found ations for the scientific understanding of character. He showed that what we b elieve to be our motives are largely fictions („rationalizations“) while the forces which do motivate us are largely unconscious.
In a more general, theoretical way we can define character as an energycharged system of strivings by which man regulates both his relations to others and his method of assimilating nature, for the satisfaction of his material needs.
Character is a system; that is to say, every character trait is interrelated with every other, and a single trait cannot be changed without changes in the whole system. That is why to change the character of a person can be compared to splitting an atom; to change only his behavior can be done by conditioning.
The character system is the mainspring of behavior, and it is the factor by which individuals differ from one another. What all men have in common are the basic physiologically rooted impulses, Paul Maclean’s famous four F’s: „feeding, fighting, fleeing and ... the performance of sexual acotivities.“ But the mode of satisfaction of these impulses is mediated by the character, and not only of these physiologically conditioned drives but also those strivings which are rooted in the specificity of the human condition, such as the need for a frame of orientation and devotion, the sense of identity, the feeling of being able to move somebody or something, „to make a dent.“ In recent years an increasing {80} number of social scientists have come to believe that while the satisfaction of the physiological needs is a necessary condition for physical survival, their satisfaction is not a sufficient condition for happiness, nor even for mental health or sanity.
Character has a biologically important function. It enables man, with his behavior no longer determined by instinct, to act decisively, spontaneously and consistently; it is a substitute for the lost instincts, a „second nature“ which is specifically human. It is an expression of the malleability of man’s nature yet not of an unlimited malleability, as the behaviorists believe.
The formation of character depends on two sets of given factors. One set comprises man’s innate physiological needs and those transphysiological needs which are specifically human; the other set constitutes the environmental conditions which are a given in any society or social class. Character is primarily „social character,“ shared by most members of a society or class. Its function is to mobilize and transform „general“ human energy into specific forms of energy that are necessary for the proper functioning of a given society, for man functions reliably only when he desires to do what he has to do. The social character
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represents social necessity transformed into psychical motivation. The social character is transmitted to the individual in the first years of his life through the parents, who are the „psychical agency“ of society; the variations among individual characters are due to the individual factors of life history, and to constit utional factors.
A simple example of the existence of social character is a tribe of warriors. Such a tribe, which lives through aggression and war, could not function unless most of its members had an aggressive and warlike character; characterological deviants will try to behave according to the social pattern, although they might develop neurotic symptoms, like getting sick when they ought to go on the warpath. With a tribe of peaceful, cooperative hunters or farmers the same holds true, vice versa. A hundred years ago the wish to save was an important trait of the social character of the middle class; today its place is taken by the wish to spend and consume. Both traits corresponded to different economic needs; saving was necessary for capital accumulation, spending for increasing production.
There is, however, often a lag between social conditions of the moment and the contemporaneous social character, because the latter has been molded by earlier social conditions which have determined ideas, values and the character of the psychic agents i. e., parents. Thus in times of rapid social change individuals often meet new situations equipped with a „dated“ character, and find it difficult to adapt themselves to new constellations. The present period is a good example of the difficulties and confusion arising from this lag.
Character is a specifically human phenomenon. Its formation required the presence of language, symbols, values, ideologies, and tradition needed for indoctrination. Hence only when man had fully emerged from the prehuman primates could he develop his „second nature“ and thus a substitute for the weakened instincts.
As I said, men are not essentially different in regard to their physiologically d etermined impulses. That holds true for aggressive impulses also; man’s brain, like that of his animal ancestors, mobilizes aggressive behavior (or flight) in response to threats to h is vital interests. Human aggression on this score is only more frequent because man can do several things which the animal cannot do: He can foresee future threats; he can be persuaded into seeing threats where in reality none exist. Eventually, his vital interests are not only life, food, access to females, etc., but also values, symbols, institutions, which are a condition for his mental equilibrium. However, man’s „extra aggression,“ that which can make him more destructive and cruel than most mammals, is rooted in his character. (The sudden outbursts of mass destructiveness and cruelty that took place, for instance, in Indonesia some years ago and recently in East Pakistan are not of an
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instinctual nature, but are expressions of a human tendency to transcend oneself in an orgy of blood or hate, and in that respect are similar to all other attempts at orgiastic self-forgetting. They are too complex a phenomenon to be dealt with here.)
There are character structures in which there is very little aggression; there are others in which various kinds {81} of aggression are the outstanding features. Such persons give the impression that their aggressiveness is a spontaneous and constantly flowing passion. They are chronically aggressive and their aggression is unleashed at the slightest provocation or even without any. This type of character was probably the model of which Lorenz thought, when he described aggression as a spontaneously flowing energy. But the study of human individual and social character shows that while people with an aggressive character seem to act according to Lorenz’s model, there are many others is whose character aggressiveness does not play a dominant role and who do not fit this model at all. In fact, a simple example from psychiatric practice illustrates this. If a man came to a psychiatrist, telling him, „Doctor, I hate my wife, I hate my children, I hate everybody and wish they would all die;” he has not given an example of the aggressive instinct, but he has made his own diagnosis, that of a deeply disturbed person. The psychiatrist will then have to decide whether he deals with a psychotic person or with what psychoanalysts call a „neurotic character,“ that is, a character who is not sick in a conventional sense, but has more difficulties in living than realistic circumstances would account for.
The three most aggression-prone, neurotic character structures are the sadistic character, the necrophilic character and the bored character.
Sadism is not primarily the wish to inflict paid nor a sexual perversion: In essence, it is the passion to have absolute control over another living being. One of the most drastic forms of control is torture and the infliction of physical pain; the less obviously drastic and more widespread forms of sadistic control are to humiliate, to dominate, to make another being part of oneself. Sadism is cond itioned by a sense of „vital impotence,“ and the wish to have power over others is a compensation for the sense of inability to have the power to create or to love. The person who suffers from emotional impotence compensates for it by forcing, hurting and controlling another person; a living being becomes his „thing“ Because he feels impotent he needs to feel omnipotent. The character of Himmler is a textbook case of sadism: an obsessional-hoarding character, of „concentrated subalternity” as Carl J. Burckhardt desribed him, filled with a deep sense of inadequacy and impotence, submissive and cowardly, compensates for this impotence, given certain circumstances, by the emergence of a passion for absolute control i .e., sadism.
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By necrophilic character I mean the character attracted to all that is dead, sick, unalive or purely mechanical. He does not want power over others as the sadist does, but he hates and wants to destroy life. Clinically, he can be recognized by fantasies or dreams of dismembering bodies; he frequently also dreams of feces, skeletons and tombs. He can be diagnosed in Rorschach protocols and in interpretive questionnaires, as Michael Maccoby has demonstrated.
He can also be recognized by the deadness of his skin, and a certain constant facial expression which looks as if he smelled a bad odor. His craving for destruction is so intense that he may eventually destroy himself. (A classic example is Hitler’s character, as Albert Speer’s description of him makes {84} particularly clear.) The necrophilic person is also characterized by his unfailing capacity to transform everything he touches into something dead. His own conversation is boring and his presence kills all aliveness in the conversations of others. His opposite is the biophilic character, the person who is characterized by his love of life and by the alive attitude with which he approaches everything he touches. Of course, there are many blendings of the two tendencies.
Biophilia and necrophilia are in many ways similar to Freud’s concepts of the life instinct and the death instinct. There is, however, an essential difference. For Freud, both tendencies are normal parts of the biological equip ment of man, while in the view presented here, this holds true only for biophilla. Necrophilia is a pathological outcome of a man’s failure to develop into a productive and alive person. In terms of Freud’s libido theory it can be identified as the malignant form of the „anal“ character.
Perhaps the most important source of aggression and destructiveness today is to be found in the „bored“ character. Boredom, in this sense, is not due to external circumstances such as the absence of any stimulation, as in the experiments in sensory deprivation or in an isolation cell in prison. It is a subjective factor within the person, the inability to respond to things and people around him with real interest.
In some respects, the bored character resembles those in chronic, neurotic depressed states. There is a lack of appetite for life, a lack of any deep interest in anything or anybody, a feeling of powerlessness and resignation; personal relations including erotic and sexual ones are thin and flat, and there is little joy or contentment. Yet, in contrast to the depressed, chronically bored persons do not tend to torture themselves by feelings of guilt or sin, they are not centered around their own unhappiness and suffering, and their facial expressions are very different from those of depressed persons. They have little incentive to do anything, to plan, and at most can experience thrill but no joy. To use another concept, they are extremely alienated. For these reasons it seems preferable to
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establish the concept of the chronically bored character as distinct from the depressed character.
Milder forms of characterological boredom are usually not conscious, as long as the boredom can be compensated for by ever-changing stimuli. This seems to be the case with a large number of people in industrial society for whom the compulsive consumption of cars, sex, travel, liquor or drugs has this compensatory function, provided that the stimuli either have a strong physiological effect, like liquor and drugs, or are constantly changing: new cars, new sexual partners, new places to travel to, etc. This consumption pattern keeps people from nervous and industry from economic breakdowns, and precisely for this reason they are addicted to consumption.
However, it seems that among the younger generation traditional consumption has lost its attraction especially among those with an affluent background and among the poor, who cannot afford it. (It is also worth considering whether the existing culture has ceased to provide the younger generation, as a whole, with credible norms for living.)
Among the younger generation one finds several ways of coping with the problem of boredom. Some join groups. which permit them to share common ideals and personal contact; they compensate in this way for their boredom (sometimes with the help of drugs) but often are able to overcome it characterologically by the development of genuine interests in politics, or nature, or art, or by the emergence of genuine love for life. There are others who remain isolated, who suffer more or less silently, do not know what to do with their lives and may develop serious psychic troubles.
However, for a large number among the affluent as well as among the poor, there is one other way of compensating for boredom; and that is aggression, to the point of violence and destructiveness. While love and interest are the outcome of the full development of a person, requiring {86} concern and effort, violence and destructiveness provide an immediately available relief from boredo m for those who have failed to develop more productively.
Boredom as serious pathology is slowly finding proper recognition. This recognition has been stimulated by the classic sensory-deprivation experiments at McGill University and was expressed by one of the main investigators, Woodburn Heron, in his 1957 paper, „The Pathology of Boredom.“ Among psychiatrists, Dr. Robert Heath at Tulane Medical School was the first to study the problem of boredom as a phenomenon of severe pathology, to be distinguished from the classic depression. Over the last five years I myself have seen a number of young patients, aged between 17 and 24, who showed the traits of the bore-
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dom syndrome in an unmistakable way, and my observations are confirmed by a number of psychoanalytic colleagues who were as impressed as I was myself by the uniformity of this syndrome.
Harold Esler has observed a number of young people in an institution for juvenile delinquents. Those adolescents seem to have acted criminally because it was the only way to overcome their boredom and to experience their existence, to „make a dent.“ Some, reporting their experience of stabbing or killing people, described a feeling they had never had before. They had felt the excitement of making somebody respond to them; the response was the victim’s anguished face, and his groan of pain. Reading the statements of some of the defendants in the Manson murder case, I have the impression that one of the main motivations for the stabbings was the sensation of making oneself feel alive in the act of killing, a feeling that was connected with sexual excitement for one of the girls. There are other examples of spontaneous killings by previously wellbehaved and seemingly normal young persons in which it seems that uncompensated and extremely painful boredom was the root of the unexpected destructive behavior.
There are good reasons to assume that the increase in boredom is one of the factors responsible for the increase in aggression. The increase of boredom is brought about by the structure and functioning of contemporary industrial society. It is by now widely recognized that most manual work is boring because of its monotony and repetitiveness; much white-collar work is boring because of its bureaucratic character, which leaves little responsibility and initiative to the individual. But leisure, meant to be the reward for boring work, has become boring too; it follows by and large the consumption pattern, and is in fact managed by industry, which sells boredom-compensating commodities. The difference is that boredom in work is usually conscious, while leisure boredom is unconscious. Among the answers to the question of how violence and drug consumption can be reduced it seems to me that perhaps one of the most important ones is to reduce boredom in work and in leisure. This requires drastic changes in our social and economic and moral structure. Man is a passionate being, in need of stimulation; he tolerates boredom and monotony badly, and if he cannot take a genuine interest in life, his boredom will force him to seek it in the perverted way of destruction and violence. I believe that the further study of what has become the illness of the age boredom could make an important contribution to the understanding of aggression.
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