White Christian Nationalism by demandside

WhiteChristianNationalismandRelative PoliticalToleranceforRacists

JoshuaT.DavisandSamuelL.Perry

UniversityofOklahoma

ABSTRACT

RecentstudiesdemonstratethatwhiteAmericanswhoadhereto“Christian nationalism”-anideologythatidealizesandadvocatesafusionofChristianityandAmerican civiclife-tendtoholdauthoritarian,exclusionary,andovertlyprejudicialattitudes,particularlyregardingethno-racialminorities.Weusedatafromthe1996and2014GeneralSocial Surveysandconsiderrelativepoliticaltolerancetowardold-fashionedracists(i.e.,persons whobelieveblackAmericansaregeneticallyinferior)comparedtootherhistoricallystigmatizedgroups,includinganti-religionists,communists,militarists,andhomosexuals.Viewing ChristianidentityasessentialtoAmericancivicbelongingisamongthestrongestpredictors ofwhites’beingpoliticallyintolerantofallstigmatizedgroups,racistsincluded.However, whenweexamine relative tolerancetowardracistscomparedtootherstigmatizedgroups, whiteChristiannationalistsshowgreatertolerancethanotherwhites.Thiseffectisdistinct frompersonalreligiositywhichisassociatedwith lower relativetolerancetowardracists. Additionally,weﬁndbothtimeandgendermoderatetheassociationbetweenwhite Christiannationalismandrelativetolerancetowardracists.Findingsultimatelydemonstrate thatwhiteAmericanswhoadheretoChristiannationalismexhibitauthoritariantendenciesexpressinglowertoleranceforallgroupsconsidered-whilemakinggreater relative allowance forold-fashionedracists,whomaybealliesinthetaskofsocialcontrolandcoercion.

KEYWORDS : whiteChristiannationalism;racism;racists;politicaltolerance;Trump.

TwoprominentideologicalcommitmentscharacterizethemajorityofwhiteAmericanswhoelected DonaldTrumpandcontinuetosupporthimtoday.1 ThefirstisantipathytowardracialandethnoreligiousminoritiessuchasblackAmericans,immigrants,andMuslims(Ekins2017; Major,Blodorn, andBlascovich2018; Schaffner,MacWilliams,andNteta2018; Stewart2018).Thesecondis Christiannationalism,anideologythatidealizesandadvocatesafusionofChristianityandAmerican civiclife(Whitehead,Perry,andBaker2018;seealso Gorski2017a; Sides2017; Stewart2018).

Theauthorscontributedequallyandarelistedalphabetically.Wegratefullyacknowledgetheeditorsandanonymousreviewersfor theirhelpfulfeedback.DirectallcorrespondencetoJoshuaT.Davis,DepartmentofSociology,UniversityofOklahoma,780Van VleetOval,KaufmanHall,Norman,OK73019;email:jdavis@ou.edu.DataforreplicatingthisstudyarefreelyavailablefromNORC orTheAssociationofReligionDataArchives www.thearda.com,andcodingspecificationsareavailablefromtheauthorsuponrequest.

1Tobesure,scholarsinthepasttwoyearshavealsoidentifiedsexist/patriarchalvalues(Schaffneretal.2018)ascontributingto Trumpsupport,aswellaseconomicdissatisfaction,thoughthelatterfactorseemslessinfluentialthanpreviouslythought (Schaffneretal.2018; Whiteheadetal.2018).

V C TheAuthor(s)2020.PublishedbyOxfordUniversityPressonbehalfoftheSocietyfortheStudyofSocialProblems. Allrightsreserved.Forpermissions,pleasee-mail:journals.permissions@oup.com.

Theconnectionisnotcoincidental.2 Numerousstudieswithinthepastdecadehavedemonstrated thatwhiteAmericanswhoadheretoChristiannationalism(measuredinvariousways)aremore likelytodrawrigidracialboundariesaroundnationalgroupmembershipandholdstronglyprejudicial attitudestowardblackAmericansandotherracialminorities(PerryandWhitehead2015a; Perry, Whitehead,andDavis2019);Muslims(EdgellandTranby2010; Merino2010; SherkatandLehman 2018; ShortleandGaddie2015);thoseofothernon-Judeo-Christianreligions(Stewart,Edgell,and Delehanty2018);andimmigrants(Davis2019; EdgellandTranby2010; McDaniel,Nooruddin,and Shortle2011; SherkatandLehman2018; StraughnandFeld2010).

ThisarticleconsidersChristiannationalism’spotentialinfluenceonamorecovertexpressionof racism-namely,greatertolerancetowardraciststhemselvesascomparedtootherhistoricallystigmatizedgroups.DespitewhatseemstobearesurgenceofovertwhiteracismandethnocentrismcorrespondingtotheascensionofTrumpandtheAlt-right,racismisstillmoreoftenexercisedcovertlyin thepoliciesthatwhitesarewillingtosupport(Bonilla-Silva2017; DiTomaso2013; HaneyLopez 2014)andthegroupstowardwhomwhitesaremoreinclinedtoshowfavor.3 Onerecentexampleof thiswasTrump’sresponsetothe2017Charlottesvilleriotsandtheendorsementitreceivedfromhis Christiannationalistsupporters.InAugustof2017agroupofwhitenationalists,includingneo-Nazis, Klansmen,andneo-confederates,helda“UnitetheRight”rallyinCharlottesville,Virginia,withthe statedgoalofprotestingtheremovalofastatueofRobertE.Leefromalocalpark.OnAugust12, riotsensuedascounter-protestorsconfrontedthewhitenationalists,culminatinginthemurderof onewomanwhenaneo-Nazidroveacarthroughacrowd.Immediatelyfollowingtheriots,President Trumpmadeapublicstatementsuggestinganequivalencybetweenthecounter-protestersandhate groups,condemning“thisegregiousdisplayofhatred,bigotryandviolenceonmanysides,onmany sides.”Andwhilehelatercondemnedracismandhategroupsfollowingthebacklashtohiscomments,Trumpsubsequentlydoubleddownonhisearlierstatementssayingtherewas“blameonboth sides”andthattherewere“veryfinepeopleonbothsides.”Amongthemostvocalsupportersof Trump’scommentswereprominentwhiteevangelicalleaderssuchasJerryFalwell,Jr.,Franklin Graham,RobertJeffress,andTonyPerkins.EacheitherexplicitlyendorsedTrump’s“bothsides” commentsorblamedtheCharlottesvillevictimsfortheriots;nonecondemnedtheracistsoutright (Balmer2017; Boston2017).WhatTrump’slukewarmcondemnationofracistsimplied,andhis Christiannationalistsupportersmademoreexplicit,wasaprivilegingofthecivillibertiesofracist hate-groups,ascomparedtootherless-favoredgroups,suchaskneelingNFLplayers,Muslims,protestorsatTrump’srallies,orcriticaljournalists(Johnson2017).

WhiletheconnectionbetweenwhiteChristiannationalismandovertethno-racialprejudiceis well-established,thecurrentstudychangesthefocustoconsideritsassociationwithwhite Americans’tolerancetoward“racists”themselves.Wedrawondatafromthe1996and2014General SocialSurveysandfocusonwhites’relativepoliticaltolerancetowardthosewhobelieveblack Americansaregeneticallyinferior-whatistraditionallycalled“old-fashionedracism”(see Hughes 1997)—whomwewillsimplycall“racists,”comparedwithanti-religionists,communists,militarists, andhomosexuals.OuranalysesshowthatwhiteAmericanswhoviewbeingaChristianasanessential partofbeinganAmericantendtoshowlowerlevelsofpoliticaltoleranceforallgroupsconsidered, racistsincluded.ThisisconsistentwithresearchsuggestingChristiannationalismisassociatedwith authoritariantendencies(Davis2018; Gorski2017b; Stewartetal.2018),inthiscase,suppressing

2WedonotmeantogivetheimpressionthatwhiteChristiannationalismplayedaroleinonlythe2016election.As Hugheyand Parks (2014)haveshown,whiteChristiannationalismcharacterizingmuchoftheTeaPartyMovementmobilizedoppositionto BarackObama’sreelectionin2012andthroughouthispresidency.

3EvenwhiteChristiannationalistsattimesseemreticenttoespouseovertlysupremacistracialviews.TheGeneralSocialSurvey, forexample,asksrespondentswhethertheythinkblackAmericansareworseoffthanwhiteAmericansbecauseblacks“haveless in-bornabilitytolearn.”Only13percentofwhiteChristiannationalistsaffirmthisexplanation.Butnearlytwo-thirdsofwhite Christiannationalists(64percent)attributeracialinequalitytoblackAmericanslackingthemotivationtobetterthemselves-a morecolorblindracistassumption(Bonilla-Silva2017). 2 DavisandPerry

thecivillibertiesofthesegroups.However,whenwelookat relative politicaltoleranceforracists comparedtootherhistoricallystigmatizedgroups,whiteChristiannationalistsaremoretolerantthan otherwhiteAmericans.Notably,Christiannationalismworksintheoppositedirectionofpersonalreligiouscommitment,whichisassociatedwithlowerrelativetolerancetowardracistsamongwhite Americans.Examiningmoderators,wealsofindthatrelativetolerancetowardracistsshowslessdeclineovertimeamongChristiannationalistscomparedtootherwhites.Additionally,Christiannationalismhasastrongerassociationwithrelativetolerancetowardracistsamongwhitemen,butthe associationshowslessdeclineovertimeamongwhitewomen.

OurfindingsthusmakeavitalcontributiontoourunderstandingofhowthecontemporaryresurgenceofwhiteChristiannationalismnotonlyfomentsexplicitlybigotedandexclusionaryattitudes towardminorities(McDanieletal.2011; PerryandWhitehead2015a; Perryetal.2019; Shortleand Gaddie2015; Stewartetal.2018),butalsoleadsitsadherentstobemorefavorabletowardoldfashionedracistslikemanyofthoseinCharlottesville,whoseemtobepoliticalandculturalalliesin promotingPresidentTrump’sagenda.

EMPIRICALBACKGROUNDANDTHEORETICALFRAMEWORK

ChristianNationalism,Ethno-RacialExclusion,andAuthoritarianism Gorski (2017a)explainsthat,withintheAmericancontext,Christiannationalismhasseveralessential features.ChristiannationalismidealizesAmerica’smythicpast,includingitsfoundingfathers,documents,andidealsandpinesforAmerica’s“return”toherChristianfoundations.Unlike“American civilreligion,”whichtraditionallyprioritizednationalresponsibilityandstewardship,ChristiannationalismismoreconcernedwithadefenseofChristianidentityreflectediniconography,rituals,andpolicies.Alsounlikecivilreligion,whichhasoftenbeeninterpretedtostressunityandinclusionascore ideals,Christiannationalismhastraditionallybeenlinkedwiththeexpectationanddefenseofethnoreligiousandracialexclusion(Bellah1967; WhiteheadandPerry2020).

NumerousstudiesoverthepastdecadehaveaffirmedthatwhiteAmericanswhosubscribeto Christiannationalistbeliefstendtodrawrigidboundariesaroundnationalidentity,oftenshowinga willingnesstolimitthecivillibertiesofperceivedout-groups. EdgellandTranby (2010),forexample, foundthatover98percentofthoseAmericanstheycategorizedas“culturalpreservationists”tended tobelievethat“TheUnitedStatesisaChristiannationandthatisagoodthing,”andovertwo-thirds affirmed“TheUnitedStatesisawhitenationandthatisagoodthing,”resemblingtheideological stanceofthosewhocouldbeclassifiedasa“hategroup”(SouthernPovertyLawCenter2017). Predictably,theseAmericanswerealsomorelikelytoviewMuslims,newimmigrants,andhomosexualsasthreatstothepublicgood,andtoopposetheirchildmarryingsomeoneofadifferentracial, ethnic,orreligiousbackground(seealso BonikowskiandDiMaggio2016; Ekins2017; Perryand Whitehead2015a).

OtherstudiesmoreexplicitlyfocusonthebeliefthatAmericahasbeenandshouldalwaysbedistinctivelyChristianasapredictorofwhites’xenophobic,Islamophobic,orracistattitudes.Forexample,studieshavefoundthatthosewhoadheretovariousChristiannationalistbeliefsaremorelikely toexcludeMuslimsfromnationalmembership(Merino2010; SherkatandLehman2018; Shortle andGaddie2015).And Stewartetal. (2018)recentlyshowedthatAmericanswhoadvocatefor “publicreligiousexpression”(aconstructquitesimilartoChristiannationalism;see McDanieletal. 2011; Whiteheadetal.2018)aremorelikelytobeintolerantofreligiousgroupsoutsideofthe Judeo-Christiancore.AlsousingvariousmeasuresofChristiannationalism,studieshaveshownthat whiteAmericanswhomorestronglyaffirmedChristiannationalistbeliefsweremorelikelytohold antipathytowardimmigrants(McDanieletal.2011)ortobelieveU.S.immigrationshouldbereduced(Davis2019; SherkatandLehman2018; StraughnandFeld2010).Focusingonracialboundariesmoreexplicitly, PerryandWhitehead (2015a, 2015b)haveshownthatChristiannationalismis associatedwithwhiteoppositiontoracialboundary-crossingthroughinterracialmarriagewith

Latinos,Asians,and,especially,blacksorthroughtransracialadoption.Mostrecently, Perryetal. (2019)reportedthatChristiannationalismwasamongthestrongestpredictorsthatAmericanswould beunwillingtoacknowledgeracialinjusticeinpolicingandwouldevenblameblacksthemselvesfor policeviolence.

Perhapsunsurprisingly,givenitsassociationwithethno-religiousandracialprejudice,ChristiannationalismwasalsoamongthestrongestpredictorsofwhetherAmericansvotedforDonaldTrumpin the2016Presidentialelection(Whiteheadetal.2018;seealso Stewart2018).Thissuggestsaconnectionbetweenthetendencyofthisideologytopromoteprejudicialandexclusionaryattitudesand fosteringsupportforTrump’sauthoritarianpersonaandpolicies(Braunstein2017; Gorski2017b). Previousresearchhasshownthatreligioussubculturesthatadvocateasymbioticrelationshipbetween churchandstate(e.g.,CalvinisticPuritanism;Islaminsomecontexts)tendtoalsosupportauthoritarianhierarchies,structures,andmeansofensuringconformity(Gorski1995; Riesebrodt1993). Consistentwiththisidea,Christiannationalistbeliefshavebeenshowntostronglypredict Americans’supportformoreauthoritarianmeansofsocialcontrol. Davis (2018)foundthat AmericanswhoholdmorestronglytoChristiannationalistbeliefsaremorelikelytosupportthe deathpenalty,advocatestricterpunishmentsforfederalcrime,andwantthegovernmentto“crack downontroublemakers.”Thelanguageoftheseoutcomesalsosuggeststhatrespondentsmayenvisionnon-whiteperpetratorswhenaskedaboutauthoritariantactics.Thus,notonlydoesChristiannationalismincline(white)Americanstodrawboundariesaroundnationalmembership,oftenexplicitly excludingethno-religiousandracialminorities,buttheyaremorelikelytofavorcoercive,evenviolent,tacticstomaintainsocialcontrol(ofnon-whites).Thisleadsustoaconsiderationofhow Christiannationalismmightbeassociatedwithsomewhites’greaterrelativesupportforthecivillibertiesofpotentialallies,namely,old-fashionedracists.

TheorizingWhiteChristianNationalismandRelativePoliticalToleranceforRacists

“Politicaltolerance”isthetermoftenusedtodescribeone’swillingnesstoextendcivillibertiesto stigmatizedgroups.InresearchfocusingontheUnitedStates,thisoftenincludesethno-racialminorities(e.g.,blacks,Jews,immigrants)aswellasthoseontheideologicalleft(communists,homosexuals, atheists,oranti-religionists)orright(old-fashionedracists,fascists,ormilitarists)(Edgelletal.2016; SchwadelandGarneau2014, 2017, 2018).Beginningwith Stouffer’s (1955)researchinthisarea,an enormousbodyofliteratureconsidersthecorrelatesanddeterminantsofpoliticaltolerance,often highlightingsimilarthemes.Amongthemostconsistentfindingsarethattoleranceforhistorically stigmatizedgroupshasincreasedovertime,buttolerancetowardsomegroups(e.g.,gaysandlesbians,anti-religionists)hasincreasedmorethanothers(e.g.,racists)(e.g., MondakandSanders 2003; ReimerandPark2001; SchaferandShaw2009; SchwadelandGarneau2014, 2017, 2018); havinghighersocioeconomicstatusandbeingyoungerareamongthestrongestpredictorsoftolerancetowardothers(BoboandLicari1989; EllisonandMusick1993; Karpov1999; Schwadeland Garneau2014, 2017);andsecondarily,peoplewhoarepoliticallyconservative,fundamentalist Christian(measuredwithBiblebeliefs,affiliation,oridentity),fromtheSouth,ruralareas,andmore religious,tendtobelesspoliticallytolerantofculturallystigmatizedgroups,includingold-fashioned racists,homosexuals,atheists,militarists,andcommunists(BoboandLicari1989; EllisonandMusick 1993; Filsinger1976; Froese,Bader,andSmith2008; GayandEllison1993; Karpov2002; Reimer andPark2001; Rhodes2012; SchwadelandGarneau2014; 2017, 2018; SchaferandShaw2009; SullivanandTransue1999; Tuntiya2005).

Importantly,whilevariousreligiouscharacteristicshaveconsistentlybeenassociatedwithpolitical intolerance, Eisenstein (2006, 2009)findsthatbothreligiouscommitmentanddoctrinalorthodoxy areunassociatedwithintoleranceoncepoliticalandpsychologicaldeterminantssuchashavinga “securepersonality”(measuredviadogmatismandself-esteem),perceptionsofthreat,andpolitical conservatismareconsidered.Thissuggeststhattheperceivedlinkbetweenreligiosityorfundamentalismandpoliticalintolerancemaybeduelesstoreligionperseandmoreaboutperceivedcultural

andpoliticalthreats.Indeed,theoriesconnectingtheempiricalfindingscitedabovemostoftenexplainintoleranceintermsofperceptionsaboutthreatorinsecurity(BoboandLicari1989; Golebiowska1999; HutchisonandGibler2007; SchwadelandGarneau2017; Stouffer1955; Sullivan etal.1981; Sullivan,Piereson,andMarcus1982).Thiswouldhelpusunderstandwhy(white) Christiannationalismissoconsistentlyassociatedwithintolerancetowardethno-religiousandracial minorities,namely,theperceptionthatwhiteChristiansarelosingtheirperceivedculturalandpoliticalpower(Gorski2017b; Jones2016; Stewart2018).

Theconverseofthistheoryisobviouslythatrespondentsare more toleranttowardthosetheybelievetobelessthreateningormoresimilartothemselves.Christiannationalism’sassociationwith bothinmanifestationsofethno-religiousandracialprejudiceandsupportforcolorblindracism (Davis2019)wouldindicatethatwhiteChristiannationalistsmaybemorepoliticallytolerantof“old school”racistsduetosharednegativeperceptionsofout-groups.”

However,weproposethatChristiannationalism’sconnectionwithauthoritarianismcomplicates thisconnectionsomewhat.Authoritarianattitudesgenerallydefaulttothesuppressionofcivillibertiesfor allperceivedoutsiders infavorofgreatersocialcontrol(DuckittandFarre1994; Karpov1999; Sullivanetal.1981).Thus,itwouldbelikelythatAmericanswhowanttoadvocateforastronger connectionbetweenChristianityandAmericancivilsocietywouldbemorelikelytofavorlimiting thecivillibertiesofold-fashionedracists,justastheywouldmilitarists,homosexuals,communists,or atheists.Thisideaissupportedbythefindingsof Stewartetal. (2018)thatgreaterpreferencefor “publicreligiousexpression”predictsa generalized politicalintolerancetowardstigmatizedgroups. Followingfromthis,ourfirstformalexpectationstates:

H1: WhiteAmericanswhomoststronglyconnectChristianidentitywithAmericancivicbelonging willbelesspoliticallytolerantofallstigmatizedgroups.

However,whiletheauthoritariantendenciesinherentwithinChristiannationalismwouldincline whiteAmericanstolimitthecivillibertiesofallhistoricallystigmatizedgroups,includingoldfashionedracists,weproposethatthetendencyforChristiannationalismtoreinforceethno-racial boundariesandprejudice-andthusviewracistsasallies,oratleastnon-threateningwithinanostensibly“forcedchoice”politicalsystem-wouldlikelyleadtowhiteChristiannationalistsshowinggreater relative politicaltoleranceforracistscomparedtootherstigmatizedgroups.Specifically,because Americansoftenfindtheymustchooseoneoftwoimperfectpoliticaloptions,theymaybemorewillingtoalignthemselveswithonestigmatizedgroupoverothersforpoliticalorideologicalreasons.In otherwords,aChristiannationalistmaysay,“I’drathernotallowanyofthesepeopletoputtheir booksinmylibrary,butifIhavetochoose,Iammorecomfortablewithracistspeechthanwithantireligionistspeech.”ThisparadoxisillustratedbyPresidentTrump’sinconsistentresponsetothe 2017Charlottesvilleriots,andthesubsequentendorsementsofhisChristiannationalistsupporters. Ontheonehand,Trumpdideventuallycondemnwhitesupremacistsandracismtwodaysafterthe riots(“Racismisevilandthosewhocauseviolenceinitsnamearecriminalsandthugs,includingthe KKK,neo-Nazis,whitesupremacists,andotherhategroups.”)Andyethiscondemnationwasflanked bytwostatementssuggestingamoralequivalencybetweenthewhitesupremacistsandthecounterprotestors.Trump’sChristiannationalistsupporterswereevenlesswillingtodenouncethehate groups,preferringtodeflecttheblametothepoliticianswhoallowedtheremovalofRobertE.Lee’s statueoraffirmwithTrumpthat“racismcomesinallshapes,allsizes,andyes,allcolors”(Balmer 2017).Thoughperhapsbeingwillingtorestrictthecivillibertiesofracistsastheywouldotherhistoricallystigmatizedgroups,weneverthelessexpect:

H2: WhiteAmericanswhomoststronglyconnectChristianidentitywithAmericancivicbelonging willshowgreaterrelativepoliticaltolerancetowardold-fashionedraciststhanforotherstigmatized groups.

WealsoconsidertwoimportantmoderatorsinestimatingChristiannationalism’sassociationwith whites’relativepoliticaltolerancetowardracists:genderandtime.Racialprejudiceandauthoritarianismaremorecommonlyfoundinmen(HughesandTuch2003; NapierandJost2008)andwhite Christiannationalismismoreprominentamongwomen(WhiteheadandPerry2015; Whiteheadand Scheitle2017).Previousexaminationsofgenderandpoliticaltolerancehavebeensomewhatinconsistent.Somestudiesfindgenderunrelatedtothemeasuresofpoliticaltolerancethatweincludein thisstudy(EllisonandMusick1993; Froeseetal.2008; Rhodes2012),whileothershavefound womentobeslightlylesstolerantthanmen(BoboandLicari1989; SchwadelandGarneau2014, 2017),thoughnotforallstigmatizedgroups.Severalstudies,forexample,havefoundmentobe moretolerantthanwomenregardingracistsorracisthate-groups(Golebiowska1995, 1999; Tuntiya 2005).Totheextentmenalreadytendtobemoreinclinedtowardprejudice,authoritarianism,and greatertolerancetowardracists,weexpect:

H3: TheassociationbetweenChristiannationalismandrelativepoliticaltolerancetowardoldfashionedracistswillbestrongeramongwhitemencomparedtowhitewomen.

Finally,numerousstudieshaveshownthatpoliticaltolerancetowardallstigmatizedgroupshasincreasedovertime,thoughtolerancetowardold-fashionedracistshasincreasedmoreslowlythanfor groupssuchashomosexualsortheirreligious(MondakandSanders2003; ReimerandPark2001; SchaferandShaw2009; SchwadelandGarneau2014, 2017, 2018).Consequently,wewouldexpect thatpoliticaltolerancetowardracistsrelativetotoleranceofotherstigmatizedgroupswoulddecline amongwhiteAmericansfrom1996to2014.However,inaccordancewithpreviousresearchonthe linksbetweenChristiannationalismandracialintolerance(PerryandWhitehead2015a; Perryetal. 2019),weexpectthatwhiteChristiannationalistswouldbelesssusceptibletothisbroadertrend.In otherwords,whileweexpectrelativepoliticaltolerancetowardraciststodeclineovertimeamong whiteAmericansgenerally,thisdeclinewillbelesspronouncedamongwhiteChristiannationalists comparedtootherwhiteAmericans.Wealsoexpectthistobethecaseacrossbothmenandwomen asforthefullsample.

H4: TheassociationbetweenChristiannationalismandrelativepoliticaltolerancetowardoldfashionedracistsamongwhitemenandwomenwillremainmoreconstantovertimecomparedto otherwhiteAmericans.

METHODS

Data

Weusedatafromthe1996and2014GeneralSocialSurvey(GSS).TheGSSisanationallyrepresentative,face-to-facesurveyofthenon-institutionalized,English-SpanishspeakingAmericanadultpopulationintheUnitedStates.TheGSSisfundedbytheNationalScienceFoundationandhasbeen conductedsince1972.WhileearlierwavesoftheGSSwereadministeredroughlyeveryyear,since 1994theGSSsurveyedroughly3,000Americansinevennumberedyears.Weusethe1996and 2014GSSasthesearetheonlytwosurveyscontainingallthevariablesneededforouranalysis.After accountingformissingdatawithlistwisedeletion,wehaveananalyticsampleof1,010American adults.

Measures

Dependentvariables. OurprimarydependentvariableiswhiteAmericans’relativepoliticaltolerance towardold-fashionedracistscomparedtootherstigmatizedgroups.InrepeatedwavesoftheGSS, respondentsareaskedto“considerapersonwhobelievesthatBlacksaregeneticallyinferior... ”

alongwithfourotherhistoricallystigmatizedhypotheticalpersons(ananti-religionist,communist,militarist,orhomosexual).Theyarethenaskedwhethertheywould(1)allowsuchapersontogivea publicspeechintheircommunity;(2)allowthemtoteachinacollegeoruniversity;or(3)promote theremovalofabookauthoredbysuchapersonfromthepubliclibrary.Respondentsarethengiven binaryoptionstoeitherprotecttheperson’scivilliberties(i.e.,lettingthemspeak,lettingthemteach, andkeepingtheirbookinthelibrary)orcurbthem.4

Wefirstcreatedfivepoliticaltolerancescalesusingresponsesforeachstigmatizedgroup,withvalues rangingfrom0 ¼ restrictedcivillibertiesinallthreeareasto3 ¼ permittedcivillibertiesinallthree areas.Wethencreatearatioforeachrespondent’srelativepoliticaltoleranceforracistsbyfirstgeneratingameantolerancescorefortheotherstigmatizedgroupsforeachrespondentrangingfrom1–4.5 We thendividerespondents’tolerancetowardracists(ranging1–4)bythismeantocreatearatiovariableindicatingrespondents’relativetolerancetowardracists,followingtheexamplesof PampelandHunter (2012)aswellas SchwadelandJohnson (2017).Becausewewishtoidentifyindividualswhoare more tolerantofracistsandthedistributionofthisratiovariablewasnon-normal,wedichotomizeourrelative tolerancemeasuresuchthatvaluesgreaterthan1(i.e.,morepoliticallytoleranttowardracists)arecoded as1,andvaluesof1orless(i.e.,equalorlowerrelativetolerancetowardracists)arecoded0.6

Independentvariable. WhiletherehavebeenseveralindexesandmeasuresofChristiannationalism,forthisstudyweoperationalizeadherencetoChristiannationalismbywhiteAmericans’useof ChristianidentityasanessentialmarkerofwhatitmeanstobeatrueAmerican.In1996,2004,and 2014,theGSSasked,“SomepeoplesaythefollowingthingsareimportantforbeingtrulyAmerican. Otherssaytheyarenotimportant.Howimportantdoyouthinkeachofthefollowingis...Tobea Christian.”Responsesincluded(1)Veryimportant,(2)Fairlyimportant,(3)Notveryimportant,or (4)Notimportantatall.Whileamulti-itemmeasureofChristiannationalismwouldbeideal(e.g., Davis2018, 2019; McDanieletal.2011; PerryandWhitehead2015a, 2015b; WhiteheadandPerry 2020),thisGSSmeasureisverysimilartomeasurescomprisingotherindexesofChristiannationalism(e.g., Delehanty,Edgell,andStewart2018; Stewartetal.2018);ithasbeenusedinnumerous studiesgaugingAmericans’beliefsaboutChristianity’sconnectionwithAmericanidentity(e.g., BonikowskiandDiMaggio2016; Byrne2011; PerryandWhitehead2019; Shelton2010; Sherkatand Lehman2018; StraughnandFeld2010; WhiteheadandScheitle2017);anditprovidestheonlyinstanceofsuchameasurebeingusedoverthislongaduration.7

BecauseweareinterestedinwhiteAmericanswhomoststronglyviewbeingaChristianasessentialtobeing“trulyAmerican,”whomwehereconsiderwhiteChristiannationalists,wedichotomize respondentsintothosewhobelievebeingaChristianis“veryimportant”tobeingtrulyAmerican (coded1;representing28.5percentofthesample)comparedtoeveryoneelse(¼ 0).8 Acomparison

4Whilescholarsandlaypersonsalikeprogressedintheirunderstandinganddefinitionofracisminthetimebetween1996and 2014andsince(Bonilla-Silva1997, 2017; HaneyLopez2014; Ray2019)whichmightleadtoa“movingtarget”phenomenonin ouranalyses,thespecificityoftheGSSquestionregardingblacksbeing“geneticallyinferior”holdstwoimportantimplicationsfor ourresults.First,inprovidingacleardefinitionforrespondentsthereislittleambiguityinrespondentconceptualizationofracism.Second,inmeasuringpoliticaltoleranceforthosewhoespouseold-fashionedracistideologywearepresentingpoliticaltoleranceofanextremelyconservativeformofracism.

5Readersmaynoticevaluesrangefrom0to3foreachoriginalcompositemeasureofpoliticaltolerance.Avalueof1wasaddedto boththemeantoleranceandracisttolerancemeasurestoconstructameasureofrelativesupportforracisminordertoavoid problemsintroducedbyhavingavalueof0inthedenominator.

6Additionalanalyses(seeAppendix TableA1)wereconductedusingthecontinuousmeasureofrelativeracismwithordinaryleast squaresregression.Resultsfortheseanalysesdidnotsubstantivelychange.

7In Stewartetal.’s (2018)multi-itemmeasureof“publicreligiousexpression”theauthorsincludeaquestionaskingrespondents’ agreementwiththestatement“beingChristianisimportantforbeingagoodAmerican,”whichisquitesimilartotheGSS measure.

8Toensurethatourfindingswerenotdependentonourbinarycodingdecision,asanadditionalsensitivitycheck,weranallof ourmodelsdescribedbelowusingthefull4-valuemeasure(reverse-coded)rangingfrom1 ¼ Notatallimportantto4 ¼ Very important,andfindthattheresultsarerobustevenwhenutilizingalternatecodingstrategies(seeAppendix TablesA2 and A3).

ofdescriptivestatisticsforourChristiannationalistgroupandtherestofthesample(see Table1) supportsthevalidityofthiscodingdecision.EntirelyconsistentwithpreviousstudiesofChristiannationalistbeliefsusingmulti-itemindexes(e.g., Delehantyetal.2018; EdgellandTranby2010; WhiteheadandPerry2020),weseewhiteAmericansinourChristiannationalistgrouparemore likelytobeevangelicalProtestants,biblicalliteralists,frequentchurchgoers,politicallyconservative, lesseducated,lowerincome,older,Southern,andfemale.9

Controlvariables. Weincludeavarietyofideologicalandsociodemographiccontrolsfollowing previousresearchonthe“politicaltolerance”construct(e.g., EllisonandMusick1993; Froeseetal. 2008; GayandEllison1993; Karpov2002; ReimerandPark2001; SchwadelandGarneau2014; 2017, 2018; SchaferandShaw2009; Tuntiya2005).Wefirstuseanumberofreligiouscontrolvariables.Weaccountforreligioustraditionusingtheclassificationschemeof Steenslandetal. (2000)usingevangelicalProtestants(excludingblackProtestants)asthecontrastcategory.Becausebiblical literalismisconsistentlyassociatedwithpoliticalintolerancetowardout-groups(Froeseetal.2008; SchwadelandGarneau2018),weincludedabinarymeasureofwhetherAmericansbelievethatthe BibleistheliteralwordofGod(¼ 1)andthosewhoholdsomeotherviewoftheBible(¼ 0). Finally,asanindicatorofpersonalreligiosity,wecontrolforhowfrequentlyrespondentsattendreligiousserviceswithvaluesrangingfrom0 ¼ “never”to8 ¼ “morethanonceaweek.”

Wealsoincludetwocontrolvariablesrelateddirectlytopolitics.Thefirstmeasureasksrespondentstodescribetheirpoliticalbeliefswithresponsesrangingfrom(1)“extremelyliberal”to(7) “extremelyconservative.”Wealsocontrolforpoliticalpartisanshipusingaseriesofdummyvariables. Adultswhosaidthattheywereeithera“strongdemocrat,”or“notastrongdemocrat”werecodedas “democrat”(¼ 1),andthoserespondentswhoindicatedthattheywere“independentneardemocrat,”“independent,”“independentnearrepublican,”or“otherparty”werecodedas“independent” (¼ 1)incontrasttorespondentsclaimingtobe“notastrongrepublican,”ora“strongrepublican” codedasrepublican(¼ reference).10

Last,wecontrolforanumberofkeysociodemographiccharacteristics.Ageismeasuredinyears from18–89þ.Numberofchildrenrangedfrom0 ¼ “nochildren”to8 ¼ “eightormorechildren.” Dummyvariablesareincludedforeducation(1 ¼ bachelor’sdegreeormore,0 ¼ other),household income(1 ¼ lessthan$25,000annually,0 ¼ morethan$25,00011),region(Southernresidence ¼ 1, other ¼ 0),gender(male ¼ 1,female ¼ 0),andsurveyyear(1 ¼ 2014,0 ¼ 1996).Wealsoinclude seriesofdummyvariablesformaritalstatuswiththosewhoarecurrentlymarried(¼ reference)comparedtothosewhoareeitherseparated,divorced,orwidowed(¼ 1)andthosehaveneverbeenmarried(¼ 1).

Infact,whenweanalyzethefullmeasureofChristiannationalismfoundintheGSS,fullystandardizedresultsindicatestronger associationswithouroutcomevariableofinterest.Thus,wearepresentingthemoreconservativefindings.

9Asanadditionalpointofcomparison,inSupplemental TableS1,wecompareourwhiteChristiannationalistgroupfromthe GSSwiththosewhoscoreintheupperquartile(1standarddeviationabovethemean)onthemulti-itemChristiannationalism scaleusedby Perryetal. (2019).Thetwogroupscomparequitefavorablyonreligiousattendance,politicalideology,educationalattainment,maritalstatus,age,andsouthernresidence.Thesamplefor Perryetal. (2019),however,appearsslightly moreconservativetheologically(higherpercentageofbiblicalliteralistsandevangelicals),morelikelytobeRepublican,and haveahigherpercentageofmales(50/50gendersplit).

10Adjustingthespecificcodingofthesepoliticalcategoriesdoesnotchangeourfindingseitherinsubstanceorstatistical significance.

11WhilepreviousinvestigationsofAmericans’politicaltolerancehaveutilizedaloggedformoffamilyincomeasacontrolvariable (SchwadelandGarneau2014, 2017, 2018),wecontendthatthereareimportantdifferencesbetweenwhiteswithlowerlevelsof income(inourcasethebottomthirdofthesample),andthosewithhigherlevelsofincomethatareoverlookedasafunction ofsubstantivechangesinresponsecategoriesforthisvariableovertime.Whileweacknowledgethattherearedifferencesbetweenfamilieswhoearnlessthan$1,000andthosewhoearn$24,999annually,wearguethatallrespondentswhofallbelow $25,000annuallywouldexperiencetheeconomicinsecurityassociatedwithracialprejudice(Hogan,ChiricosandGertz2005; Wilson2001).WeconductedsupplementalanalysesusingboththeGSS’sunalteredordinalmeasureofincomeaswellasa loggedmeasureofrespondents’familyincome.TheseresultsdidnotsubstantivelyaltertherelationshipbetweenChristiannationalismandrelativetoleranceforracismandareavailableuponrequest.

Table1. DescriptiveStatisticsbyChristianNationalism

Source: GSS1996&2014,n¼1,010 Evangelical,Republican,lessthanbachelor’sdegree,$25,000ormorefamilyincome,non-southern,andfemaleascontrastcategories. aWhiterespondentswhoafﬁrmthatbeingaChristianis“veryimportant”tobeingtrulyAmerican. AsterisksindicatethatWhiteChristianNationalistsaresigniﬁcantlydifferentfromOtherWhiteAmericansatthefollowinglevels:*p < .05; **p < .01;***p < .001(two-tailedtests).

PlanofAnalysis

InordertoexaminetheassociationbetweenChristiannationalismandwhiteAmericans’politicaltoleranceofeachstigmatizedgroupindividually(H1), Table2 presentsorderedlogisticregressionmodelspredictingrespondents’levelsofpoliticaltoleranceforracists(Model1),militarists(Model2), anti-religionists(Model3),communists(Model4),andhomosexuals(Model5)whichincludethe

Table2. OrderedLogisticRegressionPredictingWhites’PoliticalTolerancetowardStigmatized Groups

RacistSpeechMilitaristSpeechAtheistSpeechCommunistSpeechHomosexualSpeech

Mainline0.030(.18)0.015(.19)0.046(.20)0.045(.20)0.078† (.24)

Catholic0.033(.16)0.003(.18) 0.021(.18) 0.040(.18)0.017(.21)

Jewish 0.020(.50) 0.019(.55)0.018(.68) 0.024(.58) 0.057(.66)

OtherFaith0.044(.30)0.013(.32)0.085*(.38)0.044(.32)0.071(.46)

Religiously Unafﬁliated 0.064(.21)0.109*(.24)0.112*(.26)0.119**(.24)0.073(.31)

BiblicalLiteralist

0.085*(.17) 0.046(.18) 0.092**(.18) 0.099**(.18) 0.116**(.20)

Service Attendance 0.042(.03)0.015(.03) 0.051(.03)0.005(.03) 0.046(.03)

PoliticalViews 0.019(.05) 0.063† (.05) 0.056(.06) 0.056(.06) 0.065(.07)

Independent0.005(.15)0.014(.17) 0.020(.17)0.030(.16) 0.047(.20) Democrat 0.091*(.18) 0.083*(.19) 0.086*(.20) 0.012(.19)0.027(.24) NoLonger

0.006(.15)0.006(.16)0.048(.17) 0.003(.17)0.005(.20)

NeverMarried 0.048(.18) 0.001(.20)0.010(.21)0.030(.21)0.074(.27) Children 0.064† (.05) 0.018(.05) 0.038(.05) 0.004(.05) 0.034(.06) Bachelor’sDegree orMore 0.098**(.14)0.168***(.15)0.206***(.17)0.238***(.16)0.232***(.22)

LowIncome 0.034(.15) 0.076*(.16) 0.076*(.17) 0.088**(.16) 0.130***(.20) Southern 0.002(.13)0.012(.14) 0.039(.15) 0.003(.15) 0.059† (.17)

Source: GSS1996&2014,n¼1,010 Evangelical,Republican,lessthanbachelor’sdegree,25,000ormorefamilyincome,non-southern,andfemaleascontrastcategories. †p<.10;*p<.05;**p<.01;***p<.001

fullbatteryofcontrolvariablesdescribedabove. Table3 thenpresentsbinarylogisticregressionmodelspredictingrespondents’relativetolerancetowardracists(H2).Model1focusesonChristian nationalism’sbivariateassociationwithrelativetolerance.Models2and3introducereligiousand sociodemographiccontrolsrespectivelytoseewhetherChristiannationalism’sassociationwithrelativetolerancetowardracistsispotentiallymediatedorrenderedspurious.Models4and5introduce interactiontermsforChristiannationalismwithrespondents’gender(H3)andsurveyyear(H4)respectively.Finally,in Table4 wesplitoursamplebygendertoinvestigatewhethertherelationship betweenChristiannationalismandrespondents’relativepoliticaltolerancetowardracistshassignificantlychangedacrosssurveywavesforbothmenandwomen.

Inordertoensurethatcross-modelchangesoccurringwithindependentvariablesaresubstantive andnotduetolossofcases,werestrictsamplesforallanalysestoonlythoserespondentswhoare presentinthestrictestmodelspecification.Thus,eachanalyticalmodelincludingbothmenand womenusesafinalsampleof1,010respondents,ofwhich510arewomenand500aremen.

Table3. LogisticRegressionResultsofWhites’RelativeTolerancetowardRacists Model1Model2Model3Model4Model5

LowIncome0.0981.540*0.0961.527*0.0951.532*

Constant0.188***0.370***0.279*0.332*0.305* Cragg& Uhler’sR2 0.040.080.100.110.11

Source: GSS1996&2014,n¼1,010 Evangelical,Republican,lessthanbachelor’sdegree,25,000ormorefamilyincome,non-southern,andfemaleascontrastcategories. †p<.10;*p<.05;**p<.01;***p<.001

Numeroussensitivitymodelswerealsoanalyzedtoensureresultspresentedinthispaperarerobust beyondourcodingdecisions(seeAppendixes).

RESULTS

Table2 presentsfully-standardizedorderedlogisticregressioncoefficientspredictingeachofthefive politicaltolerancemeasuresusingthefullbatteryofreligiousandsociodemographiccontrols.Inthe firstmodel,weseethatanincreaseofonestandarddeviationinChristiannationalismisassociated withadecreaseof0.173standarddeviationintolerancetowardracists.Notably,wefindthatour Christiannationalismmeasureisthestrongestindividualpredictorofpoliticalintoleranceforeach

Table4. LogisticRegressionofWhites’RelativeTolerancetowardRacistsbyGender

N510510500500 Cragg&Uhler’sR20.110.140.170.17

Source: GSS1996&2014

Evangelical,Republican,lessthanbachelor’sdegree,25,000ormorefamilyincome,non-southern,andfemaleascontrastcategories. †p<.10;*p<.05;**p<.01;***p<.001

groupexcepthomosexualsforwhichitisthirdbehindhavingatleastabachelor’sdegreeandsurvey year.Thissupportsourfirsthypothesis(H1).

InlinewithpriorresearchonAmericans’politicaltolerance, Table2 alsorevealsthatbelieving thattheBibleistheliteralwordofGodisnegativelyassociatedwithpoliticaltoleranceofatheists, communists,andhomosexuals.Wealsofindthatthoserespondentswithatleastabachelor’sdegree aresignificantlymoretolerantofallstigmatizedgroupsthanarethosewithlowerlevelsofeducation. Table2 alsorevealsthatrespondentswhomorecloselyidentifywiththeDemocraticPartyaresignificantlylesstolerantofracists,militarists,andanti-religioniststhanarerespondentswhoidentifywith theRepublicanParty.Finally, Table2 demonstratesthatwhiterespondentswithlowerincomelevels aresignificantlylesstolerantofallstigmatizedgroupsexceptracists.Inseparateanalyses(not shown),wefindthatwhenChristiannationalismisexcludedfromthemodels,respondents’income, age,andsurveyyeararealsostatisticallysignificantpredictorsofintolerancetowardsracists,andbiblicalliteralismpredictsintolerancetowardmilitarists.

WhileChristiannationalismseemshighlypredictiveofwhites’intolerancetowardallstigmatized groups,includingold-fashionedracists,toinvestigateourremaininghypotheseswenowexamine whiteAmericans’politicaltolerancetowardracists relative totheirtoleranceofotherstigmatized

groups. Table3 presentsfullystandardizedregressioncoefficientsandoddsratiosfrombinarylogistic regressionanalyses.Model1introducesthefocalrelationshipbetweenwhiteChristiannationalism andrelativetolerancetowardracistsanddemonstratesapositiveassociation(b ¼ 0.212,p < .001).

InModel2weintroducecontrolsforrespondents’religiousaffiliation,theologicalbelief,andpractice,aswellassurveyyear.Afterparsingouttheinfluenceofthesemeasures,wefindthattheassociationbetweenChristiannationalismandrelativepoliticaltolerancetowardracistsisreducedonly slightly(b ¼ 0.207,p < .001).Interestingly,whiletherearefewothervariablesthataresignificantly associatedwiththeoutcomeinModel2,weseethatreligiousserviceattendanceis negatively associatedwithwhites’relativepoliticaltolerancetowardracists(b ¼ -0.124,p < .01).Thisrelationship staysthesamethroughouttheremainingmodels,andsuggeststhatitisnotpersonalreligiouscommitment(atleastintermsofworshipattendance)thatinclineswhiteAmericanstobemorepoliticallytolerantofracistsrelativetootherstigmatizedgroups,norisittheirviewoftheBibleor religiousaffiliation,eachofwhicharenon-significantinfullmodels.Rather,itisquiteexplicitlythose whiteswhoviewbeingaChristianasessentialtobeinganAmericanwhoshowgreaterrelativetolerancetowardracists.

Model3introducestheentirebatteryofpoliticalandsociodemographiccontrolmeasuresdescribedabove.Afterincludingthesecontrols,wefindthattheassociationbetweenChristiannationalismandrelativetolerancetowardracistswanesslightly(b ¼ 0.175,p < .001),butremainsthe strongestsinglepredictorinthemodel,andretainsitshighstatisticalsignificance.Indeed,thismodel revealsthatthelogoddsforbeingrelativelymoretoleranttowardracistsforwhiteChristiannationalistswereovertwicethatofotherwhiteAmericans.Thus,wefindstrongsupportforoursecondhypothesis(H2)thatwhiteAmericanswhomorecloselyconnectChristianidentitywithAmericancivic belongingwillberelativelymoretolerantofraciststhanotherstigmatizedgroupsinsociety.

InModels4and5of Table3 weinteractourChristiannationalismmeasurewithgenderandyear respectivelytoformallytestourfinaltwohypotheses.TheinteractionterminModel4ispositive andstatisticallysignificantindicatingthatChristiannationalismismorestronglyassociatedwith men’srelativetolerancetowardraciststhanitisforwomen,supportingourthirdhypothesis(H3).

Similarly,theinteractionterminModel5isalsostatisticallysignificantandpositive,indicating thattheassociationbetweenChristiannationalismandrelativetolerancetowardracistswasmoresalientforrespondentsin2014thanitwasforrespondentsin1996.Thisshouldnotbetakentomean thatrelativetolerancetowardracistsincreasedamongwhiteChristiannationalistsbetween1996and 2014.Onthecontrary,thenegativecoefficientforyearthroughoutModels2–5indicatesthatrelative tolerancetowardracistshasgenerallydeclinedacrosswhiteAmericansovertime.However,thepositiveinteractiontermrevealsthatthisdeclinehasbeensloweramongwhiteChristiannationalists. Thus,notonlyarewhiteChristiannationalistsmorelikelytoshowrelativetolerancetowardracists comparedtoothers,buttheirtolerancehasbeenmoreresistanttobroaderculturaltrendsofbecomingrelativelylessfavorabletowardracists.Thesefindingssupportourfourthhypothesis(H4).

TofurtherunpacktheassociationbetweenChristiannationalismandrelativetoleranceofracism, Table4 presentsresultsfromsplitsamplelogisticregressionanalysestestingtheinteractionof Christiannationalismandsurveyyearbygender.Thefirstmodelpresentsbaseresultsforwhite womenandrevealsthatwhilereligiousserviceattendance,havingnevermarried,andincomeareall associatedwiththeirrelativetolerancetowardracistsatap < .05level,Christiannationalistidentity isonlyamarginallysignificantpredictor(b ¼ 0.129,p < .10).However,theinteractiontermfor Christiannationalismandsurveyyearintroducedinmodel2ispositiveandsignificant(b ¼ 0.314,p < .001)indicatingasimilarpatterntowhatweobservedin Table3.Thethirdmodelpresentedin Table4 replicatesthefirstbutforwhitemen.Christiannationalismisnotonlythestrongestsocial predictorofrelativetoleranceforracistsamongwhitemen(b ¼ 0.201,p < .01),butapartfromsurveyyear(b ¼ -0.224,p < .01)itistheonlysignificantpredictor.Thefourthandfinalmodelin Table4 revealsthat,unlikeforwhitewomen,therelationshipbetweenChristiannationalismandrelativetoleranceforracistsdoesnotsignificantlychangebetweenwhitemensurveyedin1996and

2014.Thisindicatesthat,whilewhiteChristiannationalistwomenbecamemoredivergentfrom otherwhitewomenovertimeintheirrelativetolerancetowardracists,whiteChristiannationalist mengenerallyfollowedthedeclineinrelativetolerancetowardracistsseenamongotherwhitemen.

DISCUSSIONANDCONCLUSIONS

NumerousstudieshaveshownthatwhiteAmericanswhocloselyconnectChristianitywithAmerican civiclifetendtoholdexclusionary,authoritarian,andovertlyprejudicialattitudes,particularlytoward ethno-religiousandracialminoritygroupssuchasMuslims,blacks,andimmigrants(Merino2010; PerryandWhitehead2015a; Perryetal.2019; SherkatandLehman2018; Stewartetal.2018; StraughnandFeld2010).OuranalysisshiftedthefocusfromprejudicialattitudestowardatargetminoritygrouptoconsiderhowChristiannationalistviewsmightinclinewhitestoview“racists”themselves.ConsistentwithworkconnectingChristiannationalismwithanauthoritariantendencyto restrictcivillibertiesforculturallystigmatizedgroups(Davis2018; Gorski2017b; Stewartetal. 2018),whiteswhoviewedbeingaChristianas“veryimportant”tobeing“trulyAmerican”showed lesspoliticaltolerancetowardallstigmatizedgroupsaskedaboutintheGSS,racistsincluded.Indeed, thisideologicalcommitmentwasamongthestrongestpredictorsofpoliticalintoleranceforevery group.However,whenweexaminedrelativetolerancetowardracistscomparedtoanti-religionists, militarists,communists,andhomosexuals,whiteChristiannationalistsshowedgreaterrelativetolerancethanotherwhiteAmericans.Importantly,thiseffectwasdistinctfrompersonalreligiosity(measuredbychurchattendance)whichseemedtoinclinewhitestoward lower relativetolerancetoward racists.Consideringpotentialmoderators,wefoundthatwhilerelativetolerancetowardracistsdeclinedbetween1996and2014acrosstheboard,thedeclinewaslesspronouncedamongwhite Christiannationalists.Lookingatgenderdifferences,theassociationbetweenChristiannationalism andrelativetolerancetowardracistswashigheramongmen,butChristiannationalistwomendeclinedlessnoticeablyintheirrelativetolerancetowardracistsovertime.

ThesefindingscontributetoourunderstandingoftheintersectionofAmericanreligion,politics, andracerelationsinfourimportantways.Whilenottheprimarytheoreticalargumentofourstudy, ourfindingsunderscorethecentralityofChristiannationalismforunderstandingthepoliticalintoleranceofwhitesfor all stigmatizedgroups.PreviousstudiesofpoliticalintoleranceusingtheGSShave highlightedtheimportanceofeducation,age,region,andreligiousfactorslikeaffiliationsorbiblical literalisminpredictingAmericans’willingnesstoextendcivillibertiestocertaingroups(Ellisonand Musick1993; GayandEllison1993; Karpov2002; ReimerandPark2001; SchwadelandGarneau 2014, 2017, 2018).Wehaveshownthat,forwhiteAmericans,equatingAmericanculturalmembershipwithbeingaChristianwas thestrongest predictorofintolerancetowardanti-religionists,militarists,communists,andracists.Importantly,connectingChristianidentitywithAmericancivic belongingwasastrongerpredictorofpoliticalintolerancethanfactorsthatwerepreviouslystressed suchasage,lower-educationalattainment,andbiblicalliteralism.Inaddition,ouranalysiswasableto specifythegroupstowhichthisintoleranceextended. Stewartetal. (2018)recentlyshowedthat Americanswhofavoredgreater“publicreligiousexpression”-usingmeasuresquitesimilartothose foundinChristiannationalismindexeselsewhere(e.g., McDanieletal.2011; Merino2010; Perry etal.2019; ShortleandGaddie2015; Whiteheadetal.2018)-evidencedhigher“generalizedintolerance”towardunspecifiedout-groups.BecausetheGSSallowsustospecifywhichgroupsinparticular aretheout-groupinquestion(homosexuals,racists,communists,etc.),weareabletodiscernwhich groupsrespondentshadinmindspecifically.

Second,andwhatwecontendrepresentsthecentralcontributionofthestudy,whileChristiannationalismseemedtoinclinewhitestobeintoleranttowardallstigmatizedgroups,includingoldfashionedracists,viewingbeingaChristianas“veryimportant”tobeingtrulyAmericanpredicted greater relative tolerancetowardracistsoverotherstigmatizedgroups.Howdoweexplainthisassociation?Previousstudiesofpoliticaltolerancehavestressedthatpersonstendtobelesstoleranttoward

thosetheyperceiveasthreatstotheirpowerorwayoflife.ForwhiteAmericans,espousingChristian nationalistviewsispowerfullyassociatedwithfeelingone’snationorwayoflifeisthreatenedbyreligious,racial,orculturaloutsiders(see Jones2016; PRRI2017),andthus,isoftentheleadingpredictorofholdingnegativeviewstowardethno-religiousandracialminoritygroupsincludingMuslim andblackAmericans(McDanieletal.2011; PerryandWhitehead2015a, 2015b; Perryetal.2019;) aswellashomosexuals(WhiteheadandPerry2015).Consequently,whiteChristiannationalists likelyviewold-fashionedracistsastheleastthreateningcategoryofstigmatizedgroups,evenasthey areuncomfortableextendingcivillibertiestosuchracistsasindividuals.Thesefindingsessentially bridgeold-fashionedracistideologyandmorecovert,colorblindideologiesbyshowinghowpersons whoespousethegeneticinferiorityofblackAmericanscanbegrantedpoliticalpreferencebythose whowouldnormallybemorecomfortablewith“symbolic”or“strategic”formsofracism.Herethe lattercansupporttheformerindirectlyforpoliticalgain(HaneyLopez2014; RosinoandHughey 2016).Furthermore,thesefindingssuggestthat,inasmuchasChristiannationalismremainsasalient politicalforcewithintheUnitedStates,divisiveracialdiscoursewillremainpoliticallyadvantageous (see WhiteheadandPerry2020).

Relatedly,ourfindingthattheassociationbetweenChristiannationalismandrelativetolerancetowardracistsseemedtopersistovertimeisalsoimportantinlightofthecurrentcultural-politicallandscape.Relativetolerancetowardracistscomparedtootherstigmatizedgroupshasbeendecliningfor allAmericansasracismbecomesawidelydemonizedcharacteristic.Yetbetween1996and2014 whiteAmericanswhocloselyconnectChristianityandAmericanidentityweremorelikelytomaintaintheirrelativetolerancetowardracistscomparedtoothers,indicatingthatthelinkbetween ChristiannationalismandwillingnesstocountenanceracistsinAmericanciviclifepersists,andaredivergingfromotherwhiteAmericansinthisregard.

Third,ourfindingthatpersonalreligiouscommitment(measuredinchurchattendance)inclines whitestoberelatively less toleranttowardracists,andthusseemedtoworkintheoppositedirection ofChristiannationalism,confirmsthefindingsofrecentresearchconnectingChristiannationalism withracism,xenophobia,andIslamophobia.Forexample, McDanieletal. (2011;seealso Sherkat andLehman2018)foundthatonceChristiannationalismwasaccountedfor,churchattendancewas negativelyassociatedwithanimustowardimmigrants.Similarly,Perryandcolleagues(Perryand Whitehead2015a, 2015b; Perryetal.2019)havereportedthat,inmodelscontrollingforChristian nationalism,religiosity(measuredwithattendance,prayerfrequency,andscripturereading)isnegativelyassociatedwithanti-blackracismandoppositiontointerracialfamilies.Andmostrecently, Stewartetal. (2018)foundthatwhilegreaterpreferencefor“publicreligiousexpression”waspositivelyassociatedwithintolerancetowardreligiousothersandgeneralizedintolerance,“privatereligiosity”(measuredwithattendancealongwithreligioussalienceandorthodoxbeliefs)predicted lowerlevelsofintolerance.Thus,ourfindingssupportthedistinctionthat Stewartetal. (2018)identifybetweencontendingthat(Christian)religionshouldbeinstitutedinthepublicsquare,which seemstoinclineAmericanstowardauthoritarianism,prejudice,andrelativesupportforracists,and privatereligiouscommitment,whichmayactuallyhavealiberalizingeffect,onceformsof“publicreligiousexpression”aretakenintoaccount.

Fourth,whilethemoderatinginfluenceofgenderonthelinkbetweenChristiannationalismand relativetolerancetowardracistswaspartlyasexpected,itturnedupasurprise.Ashypothesized (H3),theassociationbetweenChristiannationalismandrelativetolerancetowardracistswasstrongerformencomparedtowomen.Thiswasunsurprisingsincepreviousresearchshowsthatmenare alreadymorepronetoauthoritarianism,prejudice,andgreatertolerancetowardracistsandracists hate-groups(Golebiowska1995, 1999; Tuntiya2005).Itisalsoexpectedbecausemediaportrayalsof whiteChristiannationalists,especiallyastheyrelatetoracism,havecenteredonmenprimarily (Perryetal.2019).Yetwhenwesplitthesamplebygender,weweresurprisedthatwhiteChristian nationalistmenseemtobedecliningintheirrelativetolerancetowardracistssimilarlytootherwhite men.RatheritwaswhiteChristiannationalistwomenwhoserelativetolerancetowardracistsshowed

lessdeclineovertime.WhilewedidnotexpecttoidentifythistrendamonganationallyrepresentativesampleofAmericansfoundwithintheGSS,thesefindingssupportpreviousanalysesbyresearcherssuchasKathleen Blee (2002, 2005)whodocumentgrowthinwhitewomen’sparticipationwithin hategroupsintheUnitedStates.Thoughouranalysesdonotcontrolforinvolvementinorganized racistmovements,ourresultsmaysuggestthateffortsbyorganizationssuchastheKuKluxKlan, BloodandHonor,andotherwhitesupremacygroupstopackagetheirmessageinawaythatismore appealingtowomenisbearingsomefruit.Furthermore,thisfindingunderscorestheneedforgreater attentionoftheintersectionofracism,gender,andChristiannationalismamongsocialresearchers.

Severaldatalimitationsareworthaddressing.Whilethedirectionoftheassociationsassumedhere (i.e.,connectingChristianidentitywithAmericancivicbelonginginfluenceswhites’relativetolerance forracists)ismoreplausiblethanthereverse,obviouslythedataarecross-sectionalandthuscausal directioncannotbedefinitivelydetermined.Moreover,weareunabletounpacktheprecisemechanismsconnectingthesetwofactors.Qualitativeinterviewswouldhelptofleshoutpreciselywhy whiteAmericanswhocloselyconnectAmericanandChristianidentitiesaremorewillingtoextend civillibertiestoracistscomparedtoothergroups.Anotherlimitationisthesingle-itemmeasureof Christiannationalism.Aspreviouslyacknowledged,amulti-itemindexofChristiannationalism(e.g., Davis2018, 2019; McDanieletal.2011; Whiteheadetal.2018)wouldbeideatomeasurethisconstructmorecomprehensively.Evenso,oursampleof“whiteChristiannationalists”comparesfavorablyindemographictermstothoseusingmulti-itemmeasures(seeSupplemental TableS1),andour measurehasbeenfruitfullyemployedinnumerousstudiesofhowAmericansconnecttheirChristian andAmericanidentities(BonikowskiandDiMaggio2016; Byrne2011; Shelton2010; Straughnand Feld2010; WhiteheadandScheitle2017).ThusitservesasausefulindicatorofChristiannationalismhere.

Finally,ouranalysisofrelativepoliticaltoleranceislimitedtowhatwewouldargueisanantiquatedandpervasivelyunpalatableformofbiologisticracism.OverthepastthreedecadesracescholarshavearguedthatracialstratificationintheUScannotbeexplainedsolelybyindividualprejudices, butrathermustbediscussedintermsofthestructuresofsocietywhichoperateunderashroudof colorblindness(Bonilla-Silva1997, 2017; DiTomaso2013),andmorerecentlyorganizationalpracticesofexclusion(Ray2019).Thoughweareunabletodirectlyobservetheembeddedstructuralor systemicconsequenceofChristiannationalismforthecivillibertiesofracists,giventheovertprejudicesthathavebeenobservedamong(white)Christiannationaliststowardethno-racialminorities (McDanieletal.2011; PerryandWhitehead2015a; Perryetal.2019; SherkatandLehman2018),it islikelythatourfindings underestimateratherthanoverestimatetheconnectionbetweenwhite Christiannationalismandtoleranceforthosewhoholdovertlyracistideologies.

Ourstudy’sfindingshelpshedcruciallightonTrump’sparadoxicallyauthoritarianstanceonfreedomofspeechandsuppressingdissentingviewsandhislukewarmresponsetowhiteracists-aparadoxdulyreflectedinhisoutspokenlyChristian-nationalistsupporters.AcenterpieceofTrump’s campaignandpresidencyhavebeencallsto“restore”America’sChristianheritageandwasamong thechiefreasonswhywhiteAmericansvotedforhim(Whiteheadetal.2018;seealso PRRI2017; Sides2017).Thisideologicalcommitmentisshowntobeamongthestrongestpredictorsofwhites’ racist,xenophobic,andIslamophobicattitudes.Wehaveshownthat,whilewhiteChristiannationalistsareeagertorestrictthecivillibertiesofallstigmatizedgroups,theylikelyviewracistsaslessofa culturalandpoliticalthreatthananti-religionists,communists,militarists,orhomosexuals,andthus grantthemrelativelygreatertolerance.Inotherwords,whiteChristiannationalists(Trumpand manyofhissupportersincluded)arekeentorestrictthecivillibertiesofallout-groups—butithelps ifyouarearacist.

TableA1. OLSRegressionofWhites’RelativeTolerancetowardRacists

ChristianNationalism0.0920.029*(.01)0.0010.000(.02)0.0620.019(.02) Mainline

Catholic0.0200.018(.03)0.0220.019(.03)0.0190.016(.03)

LowIncome0.0760.066*(.03)0.0780.068*(.03)0.0760.066*(.03)

Southern0.0000.000(.03)0.0000.000(.03) 0.001 0.001(.03)

Age0.1360.003***(.00)0.1340.003***(.00)0.1360.003***(.00)

Male0.0910.069**(.02)

Male*ChristianNationalist0.2280.063**(.02)

Year*ChristianNationalist0.0700.020(.02) Constant0.746***(.08)0.821***(.08)0.768***(.08) R2 0.080.090.08

Source: GSS1996&2014,n¼1,010 Evangelical,Republican,lessthanbachelor’sdegree,25,000ormorefamilyincome,non-southern,andfemaleascontrastcategories. †p<.10;*p<.05;**p<.01;***p<.001

TableA2. LogisticRegressionofWhites’RelativeTolerancetowardRacistswithFour-Value MeasureofChristianNationalism

Source: GSS1996&2014,n¼1,010 Evangelical,Republican,lessthanbachelor’sdegree,25,000ormorefamilyincome,non-southern,andfemaleascontrastcategories. †p<.10;*p<.05;**p<.01;***p<.001

TableA3. LogisticRegressionResultsofWhites’RelativeTolerancetowardRacistsbyGender withFour-ValueMeasureofChristianNationalism FemaleMale

Source: GSS1996&2014

Evangelical,Republican,lessthanbachelor’sdegree,25,000ormorefamilyincome,non-southern,andfemaleascontrastcategories. †p<.10;*p<.05;**p<.01;***p<.001

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