inForma: São Paulo (v1) by Maria Arquero de Alarcon

inFORMA SÃ&#x192;O PAULO HOUSING AND ENVIRONMENTAL CONFLICTS IN INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS

”INFORMA:

Housing and Environmental Conflicts in Informal Settlements. Two study cases in São Paulo, Brazil.”

This publication showcases the work developed in the interdisciplinary collaboration between the Architecture Option Studio, ARCH 562 and the Urban Planning Capstone, UP 634, during the Winter 2017.

TAUBMAN COLLEGE

architecture+urban planning

University of Michigan

STUDENTS

LOCAL COLLABORATORS

Ashish Bhandari, MArch Michelle Bohrson, MUP Cheng Cheng, MUP Abhishek Alark Desai, MArch Laura Devine, MArch Ning Ding, MArch Grant Hong, MUP Xiyao Hu, MArch Sophie Jantz, MUP Sara Pizzo, MUP Alexandra Ramirez, MUP Nikita Sharad Rane, MArch Antonela Sallaku, MArch Yao Tang, MArch Charisma Thapa, MUP Isaac Wolf, MUP Lihang Wu, MUP Shiyu Wu, MArch Yameng Zhang, MArch Anyuan Zhou, MArch

Sol Camacho, RADDAR

INSTRUCTORS María Arquero de Alarcón Associate Professor of Architecture+Urban Planning Director, Master of Urban Design Ana Paula Pimentel Walker, PhD. Assistant Professor of Urban Planning

Escola Da Cidade, São Paulo

SPONSORS University of Michigan A. Alfred Taubman College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Travel Fund. University of Michigan International Institute, Experiential Learning Fund.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

01 PREFACE .............................................................................................................. 04 02 THE CITY OF SÃO PAULO .................................................................................... 08 The Global City: Brazilian and World contexts ......................................................... 10 Political and Administrative Structures ...................................................................... 18 Environmental Systems ............................................................................................ 30 Climate and the Environment ................................................................................... 42 Urban Development and the Real Estate Market ..................................................... 52 Economies .............................................................................................................. 64 Informality .............................................................................................................. 76 Society .................................................................................................................... 86 Culture .................................................................................................................... 94 Sources ................................................................................................................ 104 03 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................... 112 04 AUTHOR´S BIOGRAPHIES ................................................................................ 116

PREFACE

CITY CENTER

PARAISÓPOLIS

OCUPAÇÃO ANCHIETA

SÃO PAULO

PREFACE

This volume showcases the students’ semester research on the city of São Paulo. It is structured around nine different sections covering areas of interested in the semester. From economy to administrative and legal structures or social and cultural traces. The work served as a preliminary introduction to the city in preparation to the field trip.

01 (opposite) Google Earth aerial photo of São Paulo noting the two sites for the semester investigation

In Brazil, land use conflicts between environmentalists and the right-to-housing advocates reveal the challenges of conciliating two fundamental rights secured by the 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution: the right to adequate housing and the right to a clean and ecologically cohesive environment (Martins 2011; Compans 2011).

extreme heavy rain during the wet season and air dryness during the dry season, yet it has no structural standards for measuring the consequences of its climate hazards. While the City’s Climate Change Policy focuses heavily on climate change mitigation, it offers little attention to climate change adaptation within informal settlements.

São Paulo, with 11.5 million people residing in a concentrated area of 1.5km2, showcases the conflicts raising from these two fundamental rights with clarity. Although the city’s population growth rate has decreased (from 1.16% in 1990 to 0.76% in 2010), there continues to be a burgeoning population growth in the city’s periphery where most slums and informal settlements are located. (World Bank and Diagonal 2011).

During the semester, students learned about the legal and political mechanisms that ensure the protection of the environment and the unique aspects of informal settlements- precisely their precarious land tenure security, incomplete infrastructure, and location-, and their impact in the informal settlers’ coping and adaptive strategies to climate change and vulnerabilities, such as the increased intensity and frequency of flood events.

Approximately 900,000 periphery-located homes are threatened by climate change because they are located on slopes prone to landslides or in floodable areas (Baker 2012). São Paulo sustains significant climate hazards: heavy rainfall,

To understand the longterm, complex processes involved in these dynamics, students will engage with a comparative study between two areas in the municipality of São Paulo: Paraisópolis and Ocupação Anchieta.

SÃO PAULO

SÃO PAULO, GLOBAL CITY: BRAZILIAN AND THE WORLD CONTEXT

INTRODUCTION

A Global City, sometimes called Alpha City, is a city considered to be an important part of the global economic system. Global cities are centers for economy, finance and trade. Global city status is desired by many cities and can bring a level of prestige to the city. São Paulo is considered is be an Alpha City with Buenos Aires, Jakarta and Mumbai.

The concept of Global City is relatively new. In the words of sociologist Saskia Sassen, these territories are “terrain where people from many different countries are most likely to meet and a multiplicity of cultures come together (Sassen, 2000).” Regions that have achieved status as a Global City are hubs for teaching, learning, trade and exchange. The world we live in today is ever-more interdependent and global. A Global City is not only important for the economy of its country, but also for other countries. As technology has become more advanced, the time to send people, ideas and money across the world has dropped considerably. Many industries have established themselves in multiple cities worldwide and “these new geographies of centrality at the global level bind the major international financial and business centers: New York, London,

Tokyo among others. But this geography now also includes cities such as Bangkok, Taipei, São Paulo, and Mexico City (Sassen, 2005).” There are many cities in the global north (or “The West”) that are rightly not considered Global Cities, and there are cities in the global south that justly deserve this designation. Again, Sassen reminds us that it is not the physical location of a Global City that is important, but rather the “mix of firms, talents, and expertise from a broad range of specialized fields. The city of São Paulo is the capital of the most populous and wealthy São Paulo State. The designation of São Paulo as an Alpha Global City helps reinforce its position as an important driver of the Brazilian economy. Its political influence has also led it to become an economic hub for much of Latin America and the Portuguese-speaking world.

ão Paulo] [São Paulo] ,520 km²] [1,520 km²]

[Buenos Aires] [Jakarta] [Jakarta] [Buenos Aires] [203.3 km²] km²] km²] [661.5[203.3 km²] [661.5

[Mumbai] [Mumbai] [603.4 km²] [603.4 km²

ão Paulo] [São Paulo] ,520 km²] [1,520 km²] [Brazil] [Brazil]

[Buenos Aires] [Buenos Aires] [Jakarta] [Jakarta] [Argentina] [Argentina] [203.3 km²] [203.3 km²] [Indonesia] [Indonesia] km²] [661.5 km²] [661.5

[Mumbai] [Mumbai] [India] [India] km² 255,461,700 255,461,700 [603.4 km²] [603.4

43,417,000 255,461,70043,417,000 255,461,700 [Buenos Aires][Jakarta][Buenos Aires] [Jakarta] 13,076,0008,540,000 13,076,000 8,540,000 [Argentina] [Argentina] [Indonesia] 43,417,000[Indonesia] 43,417,000 255,461,700 255,461,700 [Buenos Aires] [Buenos Aires] [Jakarta] 13,076,000 [Jakarta] 13,076,000 8,540,000 8,540,000

200,000,000 [São Paulo] 12,038,175 [Brazil] 200,000,000 [São Paulo] 12,038,175

Population of Informal settlements] 4,012,684 Population of Informal settlements] 4,012,684

[Population of Informal settlements] 4,012,684 [Population of Informal settlements] 4,012,684

GDP: 0.7% of Brazil

GDP: 10.7% of Brazil

GDP: GDP: GDP: GDP: 6.7% of 6.7% of 25% of Argentina 25% of Argentina Indonesia Indonesia

GDP: 0.7% of Brazil

GDP: 10.7% of Brazil

GDP: GDP: GDP: GDP: 6.7% of 25% of Argentina 6.7% of25% of Argentina Indonesia Indonesia

[Population[Population of [Population of of [Population of Informal Informal Informal Informal settlements] settlements]settlements] settlements] 7,518,700 1,281,000 7,518,700 1,281,000 [Population of [Population of [Population of Informal[Population of Informal Informal settlements] Informal settlements] settlements] 7,518,700settlements] 7,518,700 1,281,000 1,281,000

[Mumbai] 12,442,373

[India] 255,461,700 [Mumbai] 12,442,373 [Population of Informal settlements] 1,281,000 [Population of Informal settlements] 1,281,000 GDP: 6.6% of India

GDP: 6.6% of India

[Mumbai] 12,442,373 [India] 255,461,700 [Mumbai] 12,442,373

[Population of Informal settlements] 1,281,000 [Population of Informal settlements] 1,281,000 GDP: 6.6% of India

GDP: 6.6% of India

13 S

]

An economic powerhouse, its annual economic output constitutes 36% of the production of goods and services within São Paulo State, and 10.7% of the GDP of all of Brazil. The city has the largest economic GDP in all the Southern Hemisphere. Because São Paulo is an Alpha Global City, it is also comparable to metropolises across the globe. In particular, São Paulo is comparable to capital cities Buenos Aires; Mumbai; and Jakarta. [

Buenos Aires São Paulo

]

The City of Mumbai has a population of 10,021,000, and its location along the Arabian Sea means that it is subject to a tropical wet and dry climate for seven months. Mumbai has a high proportion of its population that live in informal neighborhoods: 62% of residents, or 9 million people. Many of these residents are rentals and their living conditions have led to many health and sanitation issues. [

]

With 8,540,000 people living within the city limits, Jakarta is an important hub for commerce, transportation and trade. Only 5% of the population in Jakarta lives in slums. Moreover, many of the people living in these informal settlements work in low-wage positions, such as maids, janitors, security guards and parking attendants. [

Mumbai

Jakarta

]

Buenos Aires is geographically the closest of these three cities to Sao Paulo. Like in Sao Paulo, the informal settlements of Buenos Aires are home to immigrants from elsewhere Argentina, as well as newcomers from other countries. Between 2001 and 2006, 3 out of 5 new residents to the city lived in neighborhoods that would be classified as informal settlements, many of then on public land.

01 São Paulo in Global Context / (left page)

SÃO PAULO GLOBAL CITY: BRAZILIAN AND WORLD CONTEXTS

[

Manaus [North]

Salvador

[North East]

Brasilia

[Central-West]

Rio de Janerio [South East]

Sao Paulo

Porto Alegre

POPULATION BRAZIL BRASIL POPULAÇÃO

POPULATION POPULAÇÃO

00,000,000

200,000,000

FEDERATIVE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL

[South]

OTHER [

BLACK [

PRADO [4

The population of Brazil is roughly 200 million with 84.35% of the population living in urban areas. Most of the population is concentrated in the southeast and the Northeast. According to research done in 2008, 48.43% of the population described themselves as white, 43.80% of the population as prado and 6.84% of the population as black. Brazilian society is divided along social class lines although high income disparity have been found between racial groups. Most of the immigrants to Brazil were from Portugal, Italy, Spain, German and Ukrainian. The biggest religion in Brazil is Roman Catholicism with 64.6% of the population while Protestants come second with 22.2% of the population. The official language of the country is Portuguese. Although the culture of Brazil was heavily influenced by Portugal, many different African cultures were also infused into the mainstream by the African slaves. São Paulo is located in the south-eastern part of the country, beyond the Serra do Mar coastal range. The region of São Paulo is known as the Brazilian highlands which have an average elevation of 799 meters or 2,621 feet. São Paulo has been recognized as an Alpha Global City, which means

that it is considered an important part of the global economic system. Indeed, this ranking is given only to a select few cities. The city of São Paulo is the capital of the most populous and wealthy São Paulo State. The designation of São Paulo as an Alpha Global City helps reinforce its position as an important driver of the Brazilian economy. Its political influence has also led it to become an economic hub for much of Latin America and the Portuguese-speaking world. The greater São Paulo area has 21 million inhabitants with many small cities surrounding it and three larger centers: Guarulhos, Santos and São Bernardo do Sul. Each city has a role in the economy: Santos is the port that links to the rest of the world, Guarulhos the international airport, and São Bernardo do Sul is the manufacturing powerhouse. REGIONAL CONTEXT São Bernardo do Campo is the “B” city in the ABCD region, which comprises one of the main industrial areas in São Paulo State. The city has a population of 822,242 according to a 2016 federal estimate (IBGE, 2016) and is located 18 km southeast of the São Paulo Central Business District (Preifetura de São Bernardo do Campo, 2017). São Bernardo do Campo is known in the region as a manufacturing hub for both Brazilian and international companies. Indeed, the GDP of the city in 2014 was R$ 47.5 billion, cementing its place as an important manufacturing hub for the region as well as the state (IBGE, 2014). The amount of manufacturing in the area means contributes to the diversity of economies and of municipalities within the region. No one city is home to every industry, forcing municipalities to work together in the name of regional cooperation.

SÃO PAULO GLOBAL CITY: BRAZILIAN AND WORLD CONTEXTS

Brazil is the largest country in South America, taking up nearly half of the continent, and the world’s fifth largest country in both area and population. Brazil has roughly 7,491 km (4,655 mi) of coastline. The federation is composed of 26 states and has the world’s seventh largest economy by GDP. There are five regions: Northern, Northeast, Centralwest, Southeast and Southern. Major cities in Brazil include Manaus in the North region, Salvador in the Northeast, Rio de Janerio and São Paulo in the Southeast, Brasilia in the central-west, and Curitibia in the South.

Guarulhos [1,337,087]

SĂŁo Paulo

[12,038,175]

SĂŁo Bernardo do Campo [822,242]

Santos

[434,359]

Santos is another major city in São Paulo state. It is located 72 km southeast of the Sao Paulo Central Business District, and, unlike its northwestern neighbor, located at sea level. According to a municipal estimate, the population of Santos is 434,359 (IBGE, 2016). Many people work locally in Santos, while others commute to São Paulo. The wide variety of jobs in the city make it one of the wealthiest. The local GDP measured R$ 15.1 billion overall as of the 2010 Brazilian federal census, making Santos the 17th richest city in the country (City of Santos, 2016). Although Santos is not a large city, particularly in comparison to other cities in São Paulo State, it is nevertheless an important one for the economy of Brazil. Indeed, the City of Santos is a major catalyst of economic development for the City of São Paulo because it is the main outlet to the sea. The city is home to the Port of Santos, the busiest in Latin America, and access for much of the cargo entering Brazil from other continents. To this end, the port processed 113,815,752 metric tons of cargo in 2014. Moreover, the port is a major contributor to the municipal economy. Out of the R$ 15.1 billion in total GDP for the city, R$13.5 billion of that economy

came from services, while the rest came from direct industry (IBGE, 2016). Undoubtedly, the port, and the indirectly-connected jobs that it creates, contribute a significant portion of this amount. Although difficult to calculate its importance in fiscal terms, the economy of Brazil’s largest city is nevertheless dependent on the viability of the Port of Santos. The City of Guarulhos, is the second-largest city in São Paulo State. With a population of 1,337,087 according to a 2016 estimate from the Brazilian federal government, it is the secondlargest city in São Paulo state, as well as the largest city in Brazil that is neither a federal or state capital (IBGE, 2016). It shares a border with the City of São Paulo, its Central Business District is located 17 kilometers northeast of its larger neighbor (City of Guarulhos, 2016). It also boasts the second largest GDP in São Paulo State and the 8th largest nationwide, totalling R$ 38.4 billion in 2014 (IBGE, 2016). In addition to its large population, Guarulhos is also a very important contributor to the Brazilian economy. Guarulhos is best known internationally for Sao Paulo-Guarulhos Airport (GRU). In 2014, GRU Airport processed 255,000 metric tons of cargo bound both for domestic and international destinations.

SÃO PAULO GLOBAL CITY: BRAZILIAN AND WORLD CONTEXTS

The city is home to Ford Brazil, among many other overseas automotive companies with operations in South America. Transportation and automotive manufacturing exports total 84% of the overall GDP of the city, which, in turn, comprise 1.48% of all Brazilian exports (DataViva, 2014). In sum, the city of São Bernardo do Sul is synonymous with the Brazilian car industry. The city has gained a reputation throughout Brazil as a manufacturing powerhouse, which, in turn, increases the quality of life of its residents.

POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURES

INTRODUCTION

This chapter addresses the political and administrative structures in the City of São Paulo. Through a historical context, the chapter traces an evolution of the laws and policies that have shaped Brazil’s urban landscape. Influential actors in this process include housing movements, the Ministério Público (public prosecutors), Defensoria Pública (public defenders), and developers. The administrative structure of the city includes two main components, the Prefeitura and the Prefeituras Regionais. The section also illustrates São Paulo zoning laws and current land use regulations within the most current Plano Diretor (Master Plan), specifically Zonas Especiais de Interesse Social (Special Zones of Social Interest ZEIS). The City Statute played an instrumental role in ensuring municipalities allow for ZEIS zones in their planning efforts. Finally, this section will delve into greater detail about the components of the Plano Diretor for São Paulo.

São Paulo has undergone significant changes in its political and administrative structures in recent history. Since Brazil’s dictatorship, which lasted from 1964 to 1985, the country worked to rebuild giving special attention to equal rights and the decentralization of power. The Right to the City Movement and the National Urban Reform Agenda helped shaped the 1988 Federal Constitution. Although the Constitution included a section on urban policy, it was not until the City Statute was enacted in 2001 that enforcement of these policies became more widespread (Carvalho and Rossbach 2010). In 2014, São Paulo developed a master plan (Plano Diretor) to provide specific development strategies that fit within federal urban policy. In 2017, the Mayor of São Paulo, João Doria, changed the name of the most localized level of government from subprefeitura to Prefeitura Regionais to reinforce the decentralization of power (Portal da Prefeitura da Cidade de São Paulo n.d.) .

INFLUENTIAL ACTORS ON URBAN POLICY HOUSING MOVEMENTS Housing movements have been crucial in addressing the rights of the poor in Brazil. The Movimento Nacional de Luta por Moradia (National Struggle for Housing Movement, MNLM) and the União Nacional por Moradia Popular (National Union for Popular Housing, UNMP) both raised questions around popular housing. The Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (National Confederation of Inhabitants’ Association, Conam) is a large network of mortgage holders, associations of families living on the city’s fringe, homeless movements and other related groups. Last, the Central dos Movimentos Populares (Popular Movements Confederation, CMP) helps urban movements connect to each other (Carvalho and Rossbach 2010).

NOROESTE 01: Perus 02: Pirituba 03: Freguesia-Brasilândia NORODESTE 04: Casa Verde-Cachoeirinha 05: Santana-Tucuruvi 06: Tremembé-Jaçanã 07: Vila Maria-Vila Guilherme

06 02

SUDESTE 16: Vila Prudente-Sapopemba 17: Aricanduva 18: Mooca 19: Ipiranga

LESTE 1 08: Penha 09: Ermelino Matarazzo 10: Itaquera 11: São Mateus LESTE 2 12: São Miguel Paulista 13: Itaim Paulista 14: Guaianases 15: Cidade Tiradentes

03 09

22 20

08 18

25 30

CENTRO 20: Sé

OESTE 21: Pinheiros 22: Lapa 23: Butantã CENTRO SUL 24: Vila Mariana 25: Jabaquara 26: Santo Amaro

SUL 27: Campo Limpo 28: M’Boi Mirim 29: Capela do Socorro 30: Cidade Ademar 31: Parelheiros

01 Prefeituras of São Paulo/ Centro de Estudos de Metropole, 2016

13 14 15

24 19

21 MINISTÉRIO PÚBLICO

CITY STRUCTURE

The São Paulo Ministério Público employs around 1,700 prosecutors with a permanent presence in 250 municipalities, to address common crimes and are also given power to sue government organizations and private entities to protect vulnerable peoples and the common good. The Ministério Público plays a role in land use disputes and is especially concerned with informal parceling, environmental degradation, safety, and abuse of the City’s public space and infrastructure (Coslovsky 2013).

PREFEITURA

The São Paulo Defensoria Pública was founded in 2006 with 87 public defenders and had grown to over 700. Brazilian public defenders represent low-income citizens in a wide variety of legal proceedings and fight eviction. Due to its size and relatively short existence, many low-income citizens are still represented by private counsel that is paid by the State. For these same reasons, the Defensoria Pública does not hold the same prominent public profile as the Ministério Público (Coslovsky 2013). DEVELOPERS Despite all the work around decentralizing government and rebuilding a democratic and equitable Brazil, there are issues with implementation and enforcement. Although legalization of ownership as a way of formalizing urban land is favorable among the public, the real estate sector tends to gravitate towards building at market rates, often leaving out options for low-income people (Ribeiro et al. 2015).

PREFEITURAS REGIONAIS São Paulo has 32 prefeituras regionais created in 2002. These administrative districts within the prefeitura allow for a more decentralized power structure. With a city population of over 11 million, more localized management allows for improved services for each district. The prefeituras regionais are the first point of contact for constituents’ questions and concerns. They, in coordination with the city-wide municipality, are responsible for maintaining local roads, drainage network system, education, social services, monitoring health, urban sanitation, and cultural identification and pride (Portal da Prefeitura da Cidade de São Paulo n.d). 2017 UPDATE Formerly, the Prefeituras Regionais were called Subprefeituras. In 2017, the name changed to increase power to the districts. The City’s mayor, Prefeito João Doria, wanted to remove “sub” from from subprefeitura because it implied the districts were below the city. More power was also shifted away from the Prefeitura to the districts to increase effect change in the key areas of the urban fabric, city sanitation, and social services (Portal da Prefeitura da Cidade de São Paulo n.d.).

SÃO PAULO: POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURES

DEFENSORIA PÚBLICA

The prefeitura is the City of São Paulo’s overall governing body, with city-wide functions in the areas of health, education, finance, social services, roads and public transportation. There are also departments of military supervision, conflict resolution, and prefeituras regionais coordination (Portal da Prefeitura da Cidade de São Paulo n.d.).

LAND USE AND ZONING ZONING ORDINANCE São Paulo’s first comprehensive zoning law was passed in 1972, under Mayor Figueiredo Ferraz, as a way of controlling population growth. It included stringent building ratios and detailed land use regulations. Prior to this first zoning law, the City did not regulate the development of the built environment comprehensively. There were pieces of legislation before 1972 that addressed various aspects within the realm of zoning, but there was no single, all-encompassing law for such matters. Once the first zoning law was enacted, São Paulo’s zoning ordinance became a model for many Brazilian cities. Despite being considered modern and ambitious, this first zoning ordinance was not perfect. Investment in expressways and mass-transit did not occur the way the legislators had hoped. Additionally, the ordinance reinforced segregation by class, resulting in a city center only the wealthy could access. This meant low-income groups were pushed out to the city fringe. In fact, the vast majority of the population settled in informal settlements or irregular subdivisions located in the City’s periphery. These areas reaped little benefit from the zoning ordinance and were isolated from the main real estate market (Campos and Somekh n.d.). In the years that followed, the zoning ordinance was amended thirty different times. However, these were mostly minor changes that kept the main guiding principles intact (Campos and Somekh n.d.). It was not until 2016 that São Paulo made significant

changes to its zoning ordinance. With a new zoning ordinance enacted on March 23. The participation process took 21 months and included 16,022 participants and 13,100 contributions. The guiding principles of the 2016 zoning ordinance include the right to decent housing, encouraging growth near transit, diversifying land uses and amenities, promoting economic development, creating an environmental agenda, and preserving cultural heritage (Novo Zoneamento 2016). In addition to these significant changes, there are also minor changes that are worth noting. The new zoning ordinance maintains traditional zoning by regulating public and private land use patterns in São Paulo. However, it does so with a new goal. Rather than controlling population growth, the goal of the 2016 zoning ordinance is to further the City’s urban development in accordance with the Plano Director. Additionally, the current zoning ordinance regulates land use at the block and individual lot level, which is a different scale from previous ordinances. Furthermore, more than 70 provisions were repealed, simplifying the ordinance. This allows for a better understanding of parceling and a more streamlined application process for land use and occupation. Another difference is that types of zones are not differentiated by prefeituras regionais. Instead, all the different zones are organized into 3 major groups: territories of transformation (processing), qualification, and preservation (Novo Zoneamento 2016).

PROCESSING AREAS

QUALIFICATION AREAS

PRESERVATION AREAS

Promote population density, economic activity, public services, and diversify activity in public spaces. The densities and land uses in these areas should support public transportation and vice-versa.

Maintain existing nonresidential uses. Depending on the locale, moderate population density and diverse productive activities can characterize this zone.

Consolidate areas with low and medium density and are meant to foster sustainable economic activity as well as preserve the environment and culture.

SĂ&#x192;O PAULO: POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURES

ZEIS — SPECIAL ZONES OF SOCIAL INTEREST Zonas Especiais de Interesse Social (Special Zones of Social Interest) (ZEIS) is a land use designation that enables municipalities to recognize areas of informal settlements. It regularizes these areas with special parameters that are consistent with how the community occupies the land and can earmark central vacant areas that benefit from infrastructure, services, and urban amenities for social housing. (Carvalho and Rossbach 2010).

ZEIS 1

ZEIS 2

83%

of ZEIS total

Areas occupied by informal settlements, including favelas, irregular subdivisions, and social housing developments (Ribeiro et al. 2015).

Unbuilt or underutilized land suitable for future urbanization through Habitação de Interesse Social (Social Interest Housing Projects) (HIS) or the Habitação de Mercado (Popular Housing Market) (HMP) (Ribeiro et al. 2015).

ZEIS 3

ZEIS 4

ZEIS 5

of ZEIS total

Degraded areas with underutilized land or buildings located in the midst of infrastructure, urban services, and job opportunities or where investments are being made. The goal is to improve quality of life in these areas as well as promote and maintain HIS and HMP development (Ribeiro et al. 2015).

Unbuilt land in environmental protection areas that are suitable for social housing projects with environmental controls. ZEIS 4 zones help meet the housing needs of families relocated from risk areas and permanent environmentally protected areas. Additionally, ZEIS 4 can help reduce population densities of ZEIS 1 zones located within the same hydrographic sub-basin (Ribeiro et al. 2015).

Empty or underutilized land located in areas with infrastructure and marketed towards the Popular Housing Market, rather than Social Interest Housing Projects (Ribeiro et al. 2015).

SĂ&#x192;O PAULO: POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURES

CITY STATUTE

The City Statute is a federal law that brings together “a series of key themes related to democratic government, urban justice and environmental equilibrium in cities.” The City Statute (Law No.10.257) was passed in 2001 and is a product of Brazil’s 1988 Federal Constitution (Carvalho and Rossbach 2010).

of community-well being and justice over property rights, otherwise known as the social function of the city and property (Macedo 2008). Fair distribution of the costs and benefits of urbanization is the second guiding principle and democratic management of the city is the third (Carvalho and Rossbach 2010).

This law is the result of Brazil’s return to democracy and years of collaboration among a diverse set of interest groups. The country’s social movements have worked to make issues of urban access and equality a priority on political and developmental agendas. Four social movements in particular, MNLM, UNMP, Conam, and CMP, pushed for the right to the city and housing. They all played a major role in the National Urban Reform Forum. The National Urban Reform Movement brought together social movements, professional associations (architects, lawyers, health specialists, social workers, engineers, etc.), trade union bodies, academic research entities, Non-governmental Organizations, members of the Catholic Church from the Liberation Theology religious movement, civil servants, and progressive town mayors and parliamentarians. This Movement informed Brazil’s 1988 Constitution. After more than ten years of negotiation between social and political forces, the City Statute was passed. The City Statute builds upon the 1988 Constitution with regard to urban policy and acknowledges the right to the city and housing as universal rights (Carvalho and Rossbach 2010).

In order to carry out these three principles, the City Statute takes a holistic approach. The Statute includes a number of components relevant to urban policy such as planning and management; state, fiscal and legal regulation; tenure regularization of informal properties; and requirements for public participation in forming plans, budgets, complementary laws and public-private partnerships for example.

To be more specific, the goal of the City Statute is to work against segregation, territorial exclusion, and the prevalence of inhumane, unequal, and environmentally hazardous cities. There are three main principles that guide the City Statute. The first is the prioritization

The City Statute calls on municipalities to be regulators of urban land ownership. This responsibility includes mediating between different city stakeholders and political practitioners to minimize conflict and promote collective interests. Managing participation is also essential for carrying out the City Statute. Without participation, planning outcomes often favor the interests of the wealthy, therefore producing social and economic inequality (Carvalho and Rossbach 2010). Nonetheless, there are limitations to the City Statute. It is insufficient to rely on the Statute without municipal implementation and enforcement. A Statute cannot resolve all of the historically rooted, deeply structural problems of a society that still does not guarantee the majority of people’s right to the city and to proper housing. Therefore, much work is needed to implement the City Statute in cities across Brazil including São Paulo (Carvalho and Rossbach 2010).

27 1988 1988

2001 2014 2017 2001 2014 2017

SÃ&#x192;O PAULO: POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURES

1985 1985

DICTATORSHIP

THE RIGHT TO THE CITY MOVEMENT THE URBAN REFORM AGENDA

FEDERAL COUNSTITUTION

CITY STATUTE

PLANO DIRECTOR

SUBPREFEITURAS -> PREFEITURA REGIONALES

ZEPEC

10%

AREA F.A.R

PLANO DIRETOR

1.0

20,000

29 The city of São Paulo approved a new master plan in 2014. Law 16.050/2014 defines a set of guidelines through 2030 to: humanize and rebalance the city, create more mixed use areas, implement larger social housing policies, put vacant land to use for housing, create an environmental agenda, spur economic and social development, reorder metropolitan dynamics, enhance cultural initiatives, preserve heritage, and strengthen public participation in decisions around the future of the city (The City of São Paulo 2014). PARTICIPATORY PLANNING Public hearings, meetings and workshops were key parts of the revision of the master plan. To encourage ongoing participation, the city launched a digital platform, “Gestão Urbana” (Urban Management), to house the information related to the process. Residents can post suggestions and comments regarding the proposal on this forum (The City of São Paulo 2014). SOCIAL ACTORS Organized movements within the city, like Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (Homeless Workers’ Movement) (MTST), Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (Landless Workers’ Movement (MST), Central Única dos Trabalhadores (Unified Workers’ Central) (CUT), and UNMP protest or support plans or policies through official and unofficial means to advocate for their particular interest group (Mier 2015) HOUSING The master plan doubled the areas of ZEIS to acknowledge and alot area for the future growth of informal settlements. Strict regulations on developers were implemented including high taxes on buildings exceeding a floor to the area ratio, FAR, of 1.0 and

instituted the Solidarity Share. The Cota de Solidariedade (Solidarity Quota) requires that large developments, over 20,000 square meters, allot 10% of the built floor area to social housing (The City of São Paulo 2014). TRANSPORTATION A new and advanced network of integrated transportation emphasizes increasing public transportation with more routes. The plan dictates separate bike lanes and dedicated bus lanes along more efficient sidewalks. The need for transportation is also addressed through an integrated growth model near existing transportation systems (The City of São Paulo 2014). URBAN FABRIC The plan provides incentives for developers to create new large areas of mixed use development in neighborhoods distant from the central downtown. The strategy avoids continued vertical densification and promotes mixed use developments that decrease travel distances between home and work. The aim is to foster dispersed economic, community, and social centers throughout the whole city to relieve land and transportation pressures. The plan also calls for the development of 167 new parks to add green throughout the city (The City of São Paulo 2014). CULTURE PRESERVATION The master plan develops four different types of Special Zones of Cultural Preservation (ZEPEC): Territories of Cultural and Landscape Interest (TICP) which are culturally relevant and attractive to tourists while promoting cultural citizenship and sustainable development, Areas of Special Urbanization (AUE), Areas of Landscape Protection (APPa), and Areas of Cultural Protection (APC) (The City of São Paulo 2014).

SÃO PAULO: POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURES

PLANO DIRETOR

ENVIRONMENTAL SYSTEMS

INTRODUCTION

São Paulo is the world’s seventhlargest city by population and anchors the São Paulo metropolitan area (SPMA). Auto mobiles are the main means to get into the city. Heavy traffic and traffic Jams are common on its road. The SPMA is severely polluted because of the development of informal settlement around the streams and rivers that feed them, with a lack of basic infrastructures. The lack of affordable housing in the urban areas of São Paulo means it has been impossible to reverse this informal land occupation, and it is anticipated that this encroachment pattern will continue. The state of São Paulo has the highest GDP in Brazil and is the most populous state nationally. Only 14% of the natural vegetation still remains, mostly within parks and natural reserves (“São Paulo (Estado)”, 2010.).

The state of São Paulo is vulnerable to the risks associated with extreme climate events. It also faces a series of non-climate pressures because of high rates of urbanization and land conversion, including poor sanitation (of the existing water supply and due to lack of sewage service and treatment) and degradation of water sources.

not allowed to circulate in the extended center from 7 am to 10 am and from 5 pm to 8pm on weekdays. HIGHWAYS

TRANSPORTATION

The highway system of São Paulo is the largest statewide road transportation system (34,650 km) in Brazil. According to the National Confederation of Transports, it is the best highway grid in the country, with 59.4% classified as excellent.

The municipality of São Paulo accommodates more than 11 million people and 4.2 million cars. It boasts the second largest helicopter fleet in the world, and its main modes of transport are private vehicles, public transport and walking. Since public transport is feebly subsidized, half of the city’s households opt to commute by car. To date, traffic management has been limited to “plate restriction” (rodízio) and 20% of cars are

There are 11 major highways in the municipality of São Paulo. 10 are the highways that start from the center of the city and reach out to all the directions. The 11th major motorway is Rodoanel Mário Covas (SP-021), which is a beltway circling the city of São Paulo. It is 177 km long, with a radius of 23 km. The west, south, and east parts were complete, and the north part is supposed to be complete in 2018 (“São Paulo”, 2017).

Rodovia dos Bandeirantes

Rodovia Anhanguera Rodovia Adhemar de Barros

SĂŁo Paulo - Guarulhos International Airport

Rodovia Castelo Branco

Rodovia Carvalho Pinto

SĂŁo Paulo - Confonhas Airport (CGH)

Raposo Tavares Highway

Rodovia Anchieta Rodovia dos Imigrantes Rodovia Regis Bittencourt

01 Highway System

100 km

Passengers

Passengers 45,000,000

Munich

40,000,000

Abu Dhabi

35,000,000

Rome

30,000,000

Lisbon

25,000,000

Amsterdam

20,000,000

Dubai

15,000,000

London

10,000,000

Frankfurt

5,000,000

Paris

Madrid

AIRPORT The city of São Paulo has three major airports, GRU and CGH are public and Campo de Marte is private. São Paulo Guarulhos International Airport (GRU) is located 25 km from downtown São Paulo. Together with international flights, it is also a national hub transporting products such as fruits, manufactured medicine, and electronics devices. São Paulo - Congonhas Airport (CGH) is located only 10 km from downtown São Paulo, and serves for domestic and regional flights. In Brazil, it ranked first in terms of transported passengers, aircraft operations, and cargo handled in 2012. It operates flights mainly to Rio de Janeiro, Porto Alegre, Belo Horizonte and Brasília. Both GRU and CGH will be connected to the metropolitan rail system by the end of 2018. Campo de Marte is located in Santana district. It is a private airport handling private flights and air shuttles, including air tax firms. It is the base for the largest helicopter fleet in Brazil and the world, ahead of New York and Tokyo (“São Paulo”, 2017). PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION There are two major train stations in São Paulo. Luz Station within Santos, Jundiad line, is an underground station and historically

100,000

200,000

300,000

400,000

500,000

600,000

02 Airport Passengers Distribution

transported international immigrants from the Santos port to São Paulo. It is surrounded by important cultural institutions such as Pinacoteca do Estado, The Museu de Arte Sacra on Tiradentes Avenue and Jardim da Luz, among others. The second one is Julio Prestes Station, connecting Southwest São Paulo State and Northern Paraná State to São Paulo, and now it only operates some limited suburban services. Its acoustic and interior beauty has led part of the rebuilt station to be transformed into the São Paulo Hall (“São Paulo”, 2017). São Paulo has a rapid transport system. The underground rail system São Paulo Metro has currently 5 lines and 64 stations in operation (74.3 km of underground railway systems, among which 34.6 km are fully underground). The suburban rail system Companhia Paulista de Trens Metropolitanos (CPTM) has six lines that serve cities in the metropolitan region (260.7 km). The CPTM and the underground railway lines carry some 7 million people on an average weekday. To increase efficiency, São Paulo is implementing a bus rapid transit system called “the Expresso Tiradentes. There is also another fast-lane bus system called “Passa Rápido”, which is placed on street-level large avenues, connecting with the underground or suburban train stations (“São Paulo”, 2017).

SÃO PAULO: ENVIRONMENTAL SYSTEMS

2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

c 3 3

5 4

1 5 c

Exisiting Metro Lines 1

LINE1

LINE2

LINE3

LINE4

LINE5

LINE c

METRO SYSTEM

03 Metro system

RAILway

RAILWAY SYSTEM Rail way system 34

NATURAL RESOURCES / ENERGY

The energy mix for the State of São Paulo contains an important proportion of renewable sources, of which sugar cane products are responsible for 29% of the 19%internal supply and electricity for30% 19%. Oil and its 7%derivatives 2% 2% represent 35%. The state is responsible for 16% 39% of Brazil’s hydroelectricity generation, 55% of its sugar cane biomass electricity generation and 51% of its ethanol production, making São 1% Paulo a power in clean energy. The quality 5% 9% 12% of electricity services and the rational use 15% of 4% 2% 2% 14% energy are fundamental in the energy policy 2% 39% in the state. This way São Paulo enjoys Brazil’s best indices in terms of supply, alongside major investments in energy conservation and the introduction of efficient systems.

15%

5% 9% 12%

14%

39%

Petroleum an Sugarcane Pr Hydraulic and Natural Gas

Firewood and

Other Renew

Coal and Cok Uranium Petroleum and Oil Products Sugarcane Products Hydraulic and Electricity Natural Gas Firewood and Charcoal Other Renewables Coal and Coke

Besides having a considerable number of hydroelectric power stations and an enormous capacity to produce ethanol from sugar cane, São Paulo also boasts the Santos Basin hydrocarbon reserves, which span the whole coastal region of São Paulo and constitute Brazil’s most promising offshore exploratory region. In 2012, 54 new wells were drilled in the Santos Basin, including 23 in São Paulo. The reserves amount to 25 billion oil barrels. In São Paulo, energy is also generated by reusing methane from landfill sites. On average, 26,340 tons/day of solid waste is collected from São Paulo residences (“Energy”, 2017). The state of São Paulo currently has an installed capacity of 43 MW from landfill site biogas, and its goal is to reach equivalent energy production of up to 72 MWm (average megawatt) in 2015 and 86 MWm in 2020. The forecast is that by 2035, São Paulo will produce 391 MWm of energy from solid waste, and 157 MWm of biogas from landfill sites, or 548 MW in total. This is enough energy to meet the demands of a metropolis of 1.5 million inhabitants.

Uranium

05 Energy consumtion data, Brazil

39%

30%

19%

7% 2%

06 Energy distribution, State of São Paulo

SÃO PAULO: ENVIRONMENTAL SYSTEMS

CONSERVATION OF GREEN AREAS

WATER SYSTEM

The distribution of vegetal cover in the city of São Paulo is highly unequal: in the Municipality is basically fragments of the secondary natural vegetation of the Atlantic Forest, in more preserved regions at the extreme south (in Serra do Mar) and to the north (in Serra da Cantareira) (see the map on the next page), and also of planted areas such as parks, public squares and tree plantings alongside roads, besides private lands. While the extreme south has a lot of green areas by inhabitant, central neighborhoods hardly have any green spaces. The lack of vegetation provokes so-called heat islands, causing a temperature variation of around three or more degrees, depending on the region.

There are many rivers running through the municipality of São Paulo. The Tietê River, and its tributary, the Pinheiros River, are the most important and were once the sources of freshwater and leisure for São Paulo. However, industrial effluents and wastewater discharges in the last half of the 20th century caused the rivers to become heavily polluted.

In the attempt to reverse this situation, the System of Green Areas of the City is expanding to Urban Parks, Conservation Units, Natural Parks and Riparian Parks, besides green areas of the city grid. São Paulo has 38 urban parks spread around the city. The total area of urban municipal parks is 1,598.37 hectares, corresponding to 1.13% of the total area of the municipality. Of the 38 parks that exist, six were established in the last three years.

According to Jacobi (2004), “in fact, all municipalities in São Paulo Metropolitan Region share, either in whole or in part, the physical Alto Tietê watershed”. And “of the 39 municipalities, 17 have more than half their territory in the watershed”. (p. 201)

There are also two major reservoirs feeding the city of São Paulo – the Billings and the Guarapiranga. There are no other large natural lakes in the region, so the Billings and Guarapiranga reservoirs on the southern outskirts of the city are used for power generation, water storage, and leisure activities.

WATER MANAGEMENT The urban growth and expansion of the city of São Paulo since the 1950s resulted in settlements in the peripheral areas, illsuited to occupation (steep slopes, marshes and watershed protection areas). 36% of the city’s territory is in a protected watershed area, and the informal settlements began to occupy it in 1980s in the sub-watersheds of the Billings and the Guarapiranga reservoir. At present, these two areas concentrate on the majority of the informal occupations. They were developed with poor quality dwellings

Tietê River

iro

ive

Municipal Green Areas Distribution

Municipal conservation area MunicipaL forest area Municipal Park Implanted

2005-2007

In Deployment In Project Existing

07 Conservation of green areas

SÃO PAULO: ENVIRONMENTAL SYSTEMS

with inadequate or no urban services. And the lack of basic infrastructure in the informal settlements has led to extremely serious environmental deterioration (Jacobi, 2004). There is a huge contradiction between urban and practices of urbanization. Those who are well serviced are not necessarily aware of the problems, while those badly serviced have very little means of solving the problems generated by environmental degradation.

WATER SUPPLY The São Paulo Metropolitan Area (SPMA) is supplied by several major waterproducing systems: the Cantareira system, the Guarapiranga system, the Billings system, the Pinheiros-Pirapora system, and the Cabeceiras- Tietê system. However, since it supplies the largest city in Brazil, the metropolitan region is considered as one with low water availability. The problem of water contamination has also intensified the problem of lack of clean water resources that are usable and drinkable (Jacobi et al., 2013). Approximately 50 per cent of the water consumed in the metropolitan region is imported outside the region from the Piracicaba River watershed through the Cantareira system (Jacobi, 2004). To meet rising water needs, a new water diversion project began in 2010 to withdraw water from the rio Ribeira de Iguape microbasin in the Vale do Ribeira (approximately 80 km south of the city). This project is expected to cost US$630 million, and will ensure a water supply for SPMA until only 2020—it is not a permanent solution to the problem of clean water scarcity. 38

WATER CONTAMINATION According to the water quality information produced by the state environment agency (CETESB), the principal rivers in SPMA have reasonable water quality conditions in the upstream portion of the basin. However, in the downstream portion, from the border of São Paulo onwards, the rivers are classified as being of extremely low quality. The quality of the Guarapiranga reservoir has worsened despite the implementation of the Guarapiranga pollution control program in 1992. The water quality of the Billings reservoir has improved since the transfer of the heavily polluted water from the Pinheiros River by the electricity company was restricted. The quality of water, to much extent, depends on urban expansion process, which would have a very negative impact when uncontrolled. 95% of the water provided from the watershed of São Paulo Metropolitan Region itself (Alto Tietê watershed) is not in protected areas (Jacobi, 2004). And one of the main sources of water pollution in the MRSP is the slums around the Guarapiranga and Billings river basins. Besides, with a lack of proper sanitation facilities and with the defects in the wastewater treatment, sewage was dumped on land sites, and domestic waste was dumped directly into the water bodies or dumped with unauthorized connections to surface water (Jacobi et al., 2013). The dumping of industrial effluents and pesticides from agriculture has resulted in additional pollution and water contamination.

SÃO PAULO: ENVIRONMENTAL SYSTEMS

ALTO TIETÊ Production capacity: 10 m^3/s

CANTAREIRA RESERVOIR Production capacity:33 m^3/s 45% of entire demands

BILLINGS RESERVOIR Production capacity: 14 m^3/s

GUARAPIRANGA RESERVOIR 20% of entire demands

08 Water system

GOVERNMENTAL ACTIONS The Watershed Protection law of 1976 was created to protect São Paulo’s water resources from the urban expansion and sprawl starting from 1950s. It controlled metropolitan urban development along the north-south axis, by planning the forms of land use allowed in the watershed, defining areas of watershed protection (which is 54% of the metropolitan region), and establishing standards of land occupation and use for these areas. However, the law did not prevent disorderly urban growth that lacked provision for water, sanitation, drainage, solid waste collection and other infrastructure. The 1976 Environmental Protection Legislation has imposed great restrictions on the use of land, but the resulting drop of land prices has attracted people excluded from the formal market, seeking for informal settlements. Thus the laws turned out to contribute to, and consolidated, the degradation of water resources (Jacobi, 2004). It was not until the new watershed protection legislation was created in 1997 that the watershed protection became compatible with environmental protection. The new watershed protection legislation considered both water and land management. It involved participation of different stakeholders with a guiding principle and a dynamic manner, instead of proposing rigid zoning that simply prohibits the occupation of watershed areas. It also established the “watershed” as a planning and management unit, and began to charge for water usage (Jacobi, 2004).

The Alto Tietê watershed specifically, apart from being used for human, industrial and agricultural purposes, it also serves to dilute and break down industrial wastes and domestic sewage, and acts as a repository for a large quantity of solid waste. In December 1994, the Alto Tietê watershed committee was created by State Law and formed by representatives from different groups of interest (the state, the 36 municipalities in the state, and the civil society entities). In 1997, five sub-committees were created to run their own operations, carry out all kinds of plans and programs, apply allocate financial resources for services. Its main concerns are the quantity and quality of water, protection of surface and underground water, preservation of water sources in watersheds, rational use of water, and development of efficient systems of drainage and flood control. Despite these effects, many problems have become worse over the years. Due to the decentralized nature of the management, the problems are hard to be solved in the short term (Jacobi, 2004).

68 m3/s drinking water supply/demand

CANTAREIRA 45% Roughly 45% of São Paulo’s water supplies come from the Cantareira Reservoir system. This system experienced serious declines in capacity over last year.

10 Water cycle Diagram

The other 55% of the city’s water supplies come from a network of 5 different reservoir systems, which also experienced declines over the last year.

11 The Guarapiranga reservoir, which is exposed to pollution, supplies drinking water to nearly four million people.

WATER SUPPLY

8 water treatment plants 1112 km water-mains 373 urban reservoirs 30,000 km distribution lines WASTEWATER

12 Tiete River, Sao Paulo, Brazil

13 Volumes of five Reservoir Systems Serving Sao Paulo

SÃO PAULO: ENVIRONMENTAL SYSTEMS

OTHER 55%

CLIMATE AND ENVIRONMENT

INTRODUCTION

Climate change and environmental protection are critical issues for São Paulo. Law 14.933, the Municipal Climate Law, provides the legal framework for tackling these issues. While some progress has been made, São Paulo is at particular risk to feel the increasingly devastating effects of climate change through intensified flooding and mudslide events, increasing urban heat islands and water management issues. The urban poor particularly are at risk to these climatic changes with increased vulnerability particularly in the periphery of the city.

Climate change and environmental protection are critical issues for the city of São Paulo. As temperatures are expected to rise and storm events become more intense, residents will begin to feel the effects, potentially devastating, of these climatic changes. In order to mitigate the effects and adapt to the changes of climate change, public policy is key. Law 14.933, the Municipal Climate law does provide a climate change mitigation and adaptation plan; the framework for climate governance has yet to produce effective solutions to reduce GHG emissions. Assessing the current effect of societal sectors and industries on climate change, such as the transportation sector, will be necessary to producing effective mitigation strategies in the future. The effects of climate change specifically in São Paulo will be felt through the intensified flooding and

mudslide events, increasing urban heat islands and water resource management issues. These intensified issues pose major risks to all residents, but particularly the urban poor. Due to rapid urbanization and deficient land management, many of the urban poor live in risk areas; and their numbers are expected to increase as climate change and urbanization continue to change the dynamics of the city. Consideration of these issues when examining São Paulo is paramount. Among these issues, flood and mudslide risk are the key threats that will challenge the lives of the urban poor. While the height of the risk can be identified to the periphery of the city, the hydrology of São Paulo has made flooding a risk throughout the city. Thus implying, that while these environmental threats pose a particular risk to the urban poor, they ultimately will affect everyone.

1970 HISTORY Brazilâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s government is not known for being at the forefront of solving environmental problems and dealing with climate change. Despite this reputation, environmentalism has become a growing concern in the country, brought about by grassroots efforts believing in conservation for the sake of the environment. Overtime, environmental abuses related to deforestation and other issues have brought diverse groups together; attempting to force the government to acknowledge environmental issues as critical issues - even if it is not the main concern of the politically powerful in Brazil. (Hochstetler, 2007). As climate change and other environmental issues have been recognized by the government, noticeable changes have been made in SĂŁo Paulo, such as a measurable increase in park space (Baker, 2012). Recently, however, momentum for the environmental movement has decreased; time will tell if this decrease leads to a set back in the overall movement. 44

1973

Metropolitan Sao Paulo was already one of the most polluted in the world

A national environmental agency established

1975 Antinuclear movement

1976

Ministry of Education mandated that ecology be taught in primary schools

1977 Caucaia was a state first reserve

1978 Bill to create the Morro Grande Forest Reserve was passed - the governor vetoed it

1980

Federal and state governments announced plans to build two atomic plants in Peruibe, Sao Paulo

1981 A national environmental agency established formed to speak to the issue of rapid eoconomic development and its impact on natural areas

2005

The city has 34 city parks (15 million m^3)

2008

The city has 48 parks (24 million m^3) and 17 linear parks

2009

Sao Paulo only has 21% of its original forest coverage

2012

Plan to have 100 parks (50 million m^3) linear parks and 5 natural parks

45 CLIMATE GOVERNANCE

A GHG inventory done in 2014 by the city indicated that the main GHG reduction goal set in the Muncipal Climate Law was not reached, and suggested that the GHG emissions in São Paulo may have increased during that time period (Setzer, Valente de Macedo, & Rei, 2015). This is a dramatic reflection which may mirror the efficacy of the law overall. For the most part, the 2009 Municipal Climate Law has set up São Paulo with an institutional framework for climate governance, but fell short of achieving its mitigation and adaptation strategies.

As a city, São Paulo does not operate independently, but is connected to broader national and international climate governance communities. On the national level, Brazil’s National Policy on Climate Change sets country wide goals for GHG reductions with various sector targets (Setzer, Valente de Macedo, & Rei, 2015). While the targets of São Paulo and similar municipalities are yet to be included in the national targets, it demonstrates the context that the city is working within (Setzer, Valente de Macedo, & Rei, 2015). São Paulo’s Climate Law is a critical reflection of its connection to the transnational governance systems. São Paulo is a member of the C40 Leadership Group and the Cities for Climate Protection program by International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives (Setzer, Valente de Macedo, & Rei, 2015). Despite this critical international motivation for climate policy enactment - the pressure towards an institutional framework has seemingly not resulted in concrete reduction strategies. In the last couple of years, international and transnational involvement by the city in climate governance has been reduced (Setzer, Valente de Macedo, & Rei, 2015).

SÃO PAULO: CLIMATE AND ENVIRONMEN

São Paulo has an active history of climate governance ranging from the local to international scale. São Paulo’s major legal framework for taking action for the mitigation of and adaptation to climate change is Law 14.933, the Municipal Climate Law which was enacted in 2009. Innovative for its time, the Municipal Climate Law was really the first of its kind in Brazil and one of the few truly influential cities who had prioritized climate mitigation and adaptation in this way (Setzer, Valente de Macedo, & Rei, 2015). The most ambitious statement from Law 14.933 was that greenhouse gas emissions for São Paulo would be reduced to 30% of the 2003 level by 2012 (Setzer, Valente de Macedo, & Rei, 2015). Furthermore, the law broke down specific goals for mitigation and adaptation. There was far more emphasis in the law on mitigation then adaptation, having the mitigation strategies broken into six major categories: transportation, renewables, energy efficiency, waste management, construction and land use. The adaptation stratigies mostly related to funding future research.

Transport Use in Sao Paulo 0.6% 2% 2.4% 9%

28%

29%

CURRENT CONDITIONS In São Paulo, urban processes contribute to the threat of climate change. Understanding the mitigation target areas of the Municipal Climate Law demonstrate where São Paulo is already heavily contributing to climate change. The city could take action to reduce emissions in transportation, waste management or energy sectors. Many dwellers in informal areas of São Paulo live in poverty, lacking basic infrastructure that many people around the world take for granted (sewage, water supply, transportation) for example. Moreover, provision of these infrastructure can actually contribute to a more sustainable, climate change ready society. For example, while fifty-seven percent of the transport use 46

in São Paulo is by buses and subways, 29% of people use cars. Cars are a less efficient, and often more polluting form of transportation. Additionally, access to transportation poses an issue of equity and ability to connect to the rest of the city. Millions of vehicles pass through the city during the day, constantly pollution in the city. The density of people and cars within the city can intensify the sensation of climate change. São Paulo’s emissions contribution through idling cars and lack of sustainable culture. Furthermore, the pollution is allowing for the air humidity to continue to decrease and the temperatures to rise. Although some of the

7 million

vehicles in the city of São Paulo

2.1 million 15,000 10%

buses circulate through

1,335

routes and

stations

terminals

fossil fuel use in public transit so that all city fleets are on renewable

2017

population has admitted to walking and biking, this tends to happen in the smaller areas of the city, with tighter streets and the numbers do not compare to those of automobile use. Another example is how the city suffers from improper waste disposal. It should be noted though that in 2006 it was reported that sewage collection was 87.2%; 81% receive proper treatment (Baker, 2012). Irregular housing still does not benefit from systematic waste disposal options including proper sewage systems and trash collection. This is problematic and leads to dumping of sewage into rivers or other improper disposal options. With this comes the risk of diseases. On the

broader scale, pollution is a direct threat to the city’s environmental health and makes the city a less appealing place to live. Pollution also causes major issues for the wildlife and fauna surrounding cities. In terms of the provision of energy, while this is a basic service, it is often at the city level that sustainable changes are made. Overall, the city is supposed to meet the basic energy supply for the population (not without localized blackouts). However, many informal settlement dwellers may use unusual methods to obtain power. These inefficiencies can decrease the sustainability of the energy network. Moving towards a more renewable grid can help the city of São Paulo become more prepared for climate change.

SÃO PAULO: CLIMATE AND ENVIRONMEN

fuels by

people are transported a day through

EXPERIENCING CLIMATE CHANGE Historical trends have confirmed that the climate is already changing in São Paulo. The city is experiencing, warmer days and nights with the number of days of intense rainfall (defined as greater than 30 mm/day) per year increasing (Baker, 2012). The effect of these changes is not limited to temperature and rainfall, but will cause changes to both the natural and built environment and will dramatically impact the lives of urban residents - particularly the urban poor. One of the critical direct risks of the changing climate in São Paulo is the risk of flooding. As storms with heavy rainfall have increased, the risk of flooding and landslides has also increased due to problems with stormwater management, ground saturation and slope instability (Baker, 2012; Jacobi, Arteiro da Paz, Souza Leão, & Estancione, 2013). This hazard mirrors risk that has increased throughout Brazil, and that of the rest of the world. Floods and landslides can be problematic to communities and can severely damage the built environment causing roads to be blocked or washed out, stormwater and sewage systems to be overwhelmed thereby increasing pollution and building damage. Flooding can also cause disruption of economic activity and lifestyles leading to distress and health issues. Rapid urbanization and increasing temperature is leading to an acute heat island effect. Not only will warmer weather

cause the average temperature to rise but rapid urbanization decreases the amount of open green space. The heat island effect is a substantial hazard as it can increase the temperature of pockets of São Paulo by up to 10oC (Jacobi, Arteiro da Paz, Souza Leão, & Estancione, 2013). This causes a major risk to residents including physiological and psychological effects leading to possible hospitalizations and deaths (Sobral, 2005). Heat island effect has even been linked to the spread of dengue in São Paulo (Araujo et al., 2015). This vast array of possible side effects from urban heat island emphasize the need to be aware of their threat and take action to mitigate their effect. Water resource management will become a critical issue as climate change and urbanization continue in São Paulo. Drought coupled with poor resource management left limited drinking water for residents. Where water is available, informal settlements lacking sanitation have caused pollution and prevented the city from drawing from major water resources, such as the Billing’s Reservoir. With more intense rainfall, and increased periods of heat - pressure on water management systems will increase. Without good governance, increased consumer demand will lead to surface- and groundwaterdepletion. Moreover, rapid urbanization further intensifies this problem, bringing more people onto an already stressed water system.

RISK FOR URBAN POOR

Over 900,000 people living in the periphery houses of São Paulo are considered to be in high risk of floods and landslide zones. The slopes in which some of the houses are grounded on will most likely have problems in the upcoming years. While the steepness of the slope is the major problem, the lack of investment in the neighborhoods of the poor mean that development on this type of land is increasingly risky. The heavy rain due to climate change will continue to create flood points as it has for years now, putting people in danger. The number of flooding points registered by CGE in the city in 2011 were over 800 (Baker, 2012). More than 5% of slum areas are very high exposed to landslides and are highly prone to be affected by destructive events in the next 12 months; 20% of the slums and informal urbanized centers are located in floodplains and 13% of the allotments and informal settlements are located in floodplains (Baker, 2012).

São Paulo’s urban poor are at a high risk for landslide events (Baker, 2012). While often initiated by intense rain events, uneven topography, type of soil, and slope are warning of the risk of landslide to a community (Baker, 2012). In São Paulo, 20% of informal aras are vulnerable to these geo-technical hazards, and around 5% of these informal areas are ranked with a “high” or “very high” hazard rating (Baker, 2012). It is important to note that these areas are located around the periphery of São Paulo for the most part - so that the urban core of the city has a disproportionately low risk compared to the outer portion of the city. Some of the criteria that is used to define risk areas in São Paulo include physical characteristics, occupational characteristics, water features, vegetation features and evidence of movement. Physical characteristics includes soil type, elevation, and slope. Occupational characteristics include type of dwelling, distance from hazard and presence of landfills. Water features include quality and leaks in systems. Vegetation features include landscaping and deforested areas. Lastly, evidence of movement includes scars and cracks in infrastructure or buildings. The classifications of risk are divided into low risk where no accidents are expected, average risk where the possibility of accidents is reduced, high risk where accidents are possible and very high risk where accidents are very likely to occur.

SÃO PAULO: CLIMATE AND ENVIRONMEN

Globally, the urban poor are often the first victims of natural hazards because they are perched on the periphery of society (Baker, 2012). In the context of São Paulo, the periphery is literal, where many of the poor are migrating to the outer ring where the risk of flooding and landslides is much higher because of the uneven topography and lack of infrastructure (Jacobi, Arteiro da Paz, Souza Leão, & Estancione, 2013).

02 Flood Risk

50 16 km

Kilometers 16

Âł

SÃO PAULO: CLIMATE AND ENVIRONMEN

03 Landslide Risk 16 km

Kilometers 16

URBAN DEVELOPMENT AND REAL ESTATE MARKET

INTRODUCTION

São Paulo is South America’s leading economic engine, a global center for finance, commerce, arts and entertainment. They city has been growing fast through the industrialization of the Metropolitan Area, resulting in the unique growth pattern where new residents commute from peripheral areas to city center. In response to this situation, the government has initiated new plans and policies through multiple agents, with various funding methods including public-private partnerships. Consequently, the overall city environment has improved, while the real property market in São Paulo enjoyed an enormously booming season due to the country’s economic growth. Unfortunately, the economic downturn started from 2016 and the development of the city could be slowed down in its pace.

The national agenda to internationalization of Brazil’s economy has impacted the São Paulo Metropolitan Area more quickly than other areas. The government has made a ceaseless effort to transform São Paulo into a global city, a central hub in Latin America connected to other global regions. In this process, the city has attracted global funds to invest in urbanization projects and massive real estate investment in the City. The positive results of this policy have overall improved the quality of citizens’ lives. However, the combination of the government’s ideal for the global city, the real estate developers’ ambition for great projects, and global investors’ desire for profits caused serious inequity issues related to the vulnerable social groups in the City of São Paulo. They have suffered from the massive development projects that resulted in eviction problems.

As a result, the sociospatial segregation in the city of São Paulo becomes rampant. Accompanying with the gentrification phenomenon, gated communities separate low income households from middle and upper classes. As a response, those living in poverty are left behind, migrating to informal areas in São Paulo. In terms of governance, various municipal, state, and federal agents formulate and implement the housing policy in São Paulo, in partnership with private sector and local communities. The municipality of São Paulo has aimed to accelerate the growth of its property market. However, recently Brazil´s economy fell into deep recession and its inflation never stop rising.

DEVELOPMENT HISTORY

GLOBAL URBAN PROSPERITY

São Paulo is South America’s leading economic engine, a global center for finance, commerce, arts and entertainment. The São Paulo Metropolitan Area has responded more quickly than other areas to national agenda to the internationalization of Brazil’s economy. The city of São Paulo has grown as the concentration of specialized and technologically advanced activities, and has built up its skilled labor force. (Marcuse & Kempen 2002). Currently, the metropolitan area has nearly 20 million population, about half of whom reside in the City of São Paulo. (Pela 2016).

UN-Habitat defines “Prosperity” as a social construct that materializes in the realm of human actions. It is a notion of wellbalanced and harmonized development in fairness and justice. According to the organization, “a prosperity city” provides the following qualities (UN-Habitat 2012):

The United Nations forecasts that São Paulo will have 10 million more population than Rio de Janeiro by 2025. In the 1960s and 1970s, millions of rural population migrated to São Paolo, South America’s first megacity, finding jobs there. But the newcomers had nowhere to live in the city center, and settled down São Paolo’s peripheral areas, creating slums with the problems related to drainage, sewage, waste disposal and deforestation, as well as those related to unemployment and informal employment, violence, and urban squatter settlements. (Florida 2014).

2. Infrastructure Development: Provides adequate infrastructure – water, sanitation, roads, information and communication technology in order to improve urban living and enhance productivity, mobility and connectivity.

According to United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat), cities in emerging economies, such as Brazil or China, with high economic growth and strong infrastructure, are expected to develop faster taking the path of world’s most prosperous cities. However, UN-Habitat advises that, to achieve balanced development, they must address inequalities and environmental degradation, as well as must improve quality of life through more supply of public goods. (UN-Habitat 2012). 54

1. Productivity: Contributes to economic growth and development, generates income, provides decent jobs and equal opportunities for all by implementing effective economic policies and reforms.

3. Quality of life: Enhances the use of public spaces in order to increase community cohesion, civic identity, and guarantees the safety and security of lives and property. 4. Equity and social inclusion: Ensures the equitable distribution and redistribution of the benefits of a prosperous city, reduces poverty and the incidence of slums, protects the rights of minority and vulnerable groups, enhances gender equality, and ensures civic participation in the social, political and cultural spheres. 5. Environmental sustainability: Values the protection of the urban environment and natural assets while ensuring growth, and seeking ways to use energy more efficiently, minimize pressure on surrounding land and natural resources, minimize environmental losses by generating creative solutions to enhance the quality of the environment.

2017 1974 1949 1929

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01 São Paulo population footprint / Earthstar Geographics

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SÃO PAULO: URBAN DEVELOPMENT + REAL ESTATE DEVELOPMENT

1905

SOCIO-SPATIAL SEGREGATION

02 Segregation of rich and poor

With no doubt, the socio-spatial segregation in the city of São Paulo exists. While the city of São Paulo is considered to have the largest slum population in Latin America, its urban poverty is most highly concentrated in favelas and cortiços. In fact, resources and outcomes in diverse urban lives have not been equally shared among the citizens, and there has been the clear spatial division between higher income households and lower income ones. (UN-Habitat 2010). The migration into São Paulo from rural areas dropped significantly and natural population growth in some parts of the MSP declines. But, the population of favelados still increases, and they severely suffer from the housing shortages and problems. (UN-Habitat 2010)

URBAN GENTRIFICATION 03 Elites community

04 Brazil movement

Gentrification of São Paulo happened in three necessary dimensions: the production of space, upward social-economic change with displacement, and build-environment upgrades (Siqueira 2008).Upward socialeconomic change with displacement happened as the city identify itself as rich city with capitalism system. Low wage and large rate unemployment rate force workers to choose cheaper price land for living, while the investment in Southwest sector of the city for elites’ neighborhood and business center excluded those low wage workers. The build-environment upgrades happened, as the enterprise of building and facilities drove the development of the city and led to high intensification of land use. (Siqueira 2008).

57 URBAN POVERTY AND THE RIGHT TO THE CITY

05 Favela slum

FAVELA PLAN NUCLEUS COMMUNITY

TYPES OF INFORMALITY IN SÃO PAULO Favelas are agglomerations of dwelling with reduced dimensions, built with inadequate materials (old wood, tin, cans and even cardboard). (Moreno 75). Cortiço is defined as a unit used as a collective, multifamily dwelling; totally or partially presenting the following characteristics: a) made up of one or more buildings constructed on an urban lot; b) subdivided in several rented, sub-letted or ceded on any ground whatsoever; c) several functions performed in the same room; d) common access and use of non-constructed spaces and sanitary installations; e) in general, precarious circulation and infrastructure; f) overcrowding of persons (Moreno 75).

06 Cortiço slum

CORTIÇO PLAN COLLECTIVE BOARDING

SÃO PAULO: URBAN DEVELOPMENT + REAL ESTATE DEVELOPMENT

São Paulo gentrification provides social welfare primary to people in middle class and upper class. However, people from lower class who in poverty are left behind. They are unaffordable to the standard of living in prosperity; the rent that they pay for living may eventually beyond their income. Meanwhile, the job opportunities with considerable salary in São Paulo attracts them to stay in the city. These people then become the residences in the slums. As the residences of slums accumulating, It became a problem for government and urban planners; slums stopped the expansion of the city due to the ownership of land of slums. Slums also attract criminals and troublemakers, such places become complicate to remove or transfer.

Pub

lic Pol ic Pot

Inte

ent

Fun

ial

Pra

rve

Com

nity

tica

Prin

cipl

ner

ship

The City government can enable São Paulo to maximize its potential as the engine of local prosperity, as well as national one. Through well-managed urbanization policy, São Paulo can get the new comparative advantage, encouraging more compact, efficient and sustainable urban development. On the contrary, poor governance and weak institutions will play as major obstacles to city prosperity. Participation of civil society grow the potential to build social capital, empower communities, result in practical design of urban projects, and provide citizens with chances to incorporate their concerns into development strategies. (UN-Habitat 2012).

MAIN GOALS The new Master Plan of São Paulo (2014) states that its goal is to humanize and rebalance the city, leading housing and jobs closer together and confronting socioterritorial inequalities. To achieve these goals, the plan defines several strategies: fighting vacant land, which deviates from its social function; implementing housing policies for most vulnerable group; incorporating the environmental issues; improving urban mobility; leading growth close to public transportation; improving urban life in neighborhoods; promoting economic and social development; reordering metropolitan dynamics; preserving the heritage and encouraging cultural initiatives; and enhancing public participation in the decision-making process about the future of the city. (The City of São Paulo 2014).

HOUSING PROGRAMS AND AGENTS IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF SÃO PAULO The agents formulating and implementing municipal housing policy in São Paulo originate from various sectors such as the municipal, state, and federal government, and from its private sector and local communities. SEHAB, which governs housing policy in the city of São Paulo, has worked for the production of social interest housing, as well as the regularization of existing settlements and slum upgrading. SEHAB works through HABI, RESOLO, and COHAB. The sectoral policy adopted in 1994 by the municipality endows to HABI the responsibility for developing social interest housing policy, and the policy is executed by COHAB. (The Cities Alliance 2009). At the federal level, CAIXA has diverse programs that finance housing. Among them, the Residential Leasing Program (Programa de Arrendamento Residencial, PAR) and the Letter of Credit are most popular. The State Housing Secretariat (Secretaria Estadual de Habitação), by the CDHU, invests in the supply of residential housing, slum upgrading, and the regularization of land tenure in precarious settlements. Currently, its activities include 12 housing programs. (The Cities Alliance 2009).

SÃO PAULO: URBAN DEVELOPMENT + REAL ESTATE DEVELOPMENT

PUBLIC POLICY FOR STRATEGIC, SUSTAINABLE, PARTICIPATORY URBAN DEVELOPMENT

2006

2005

2004

2003

Public Investment in Infrastructure Private Investment in Infrastructure Investment on Transport

BRAZIL INVESTMENT IN INFRASTRUCTURE AND TRANSPORT FROM 2003 TO 2011

FUNDING IN URBAN DEVELOPMENT HOUSING FINANCE SYSTEM IN BRAZIL Brazil created its real estate credit system for residential housing (known as the Housing Finance System, SFH) in 1964. It is also known as the Brazilian Savings and Loans System, SBPE. The SFH was improved over time with the minor changes of rules. In 1997, a new parallel system (the Real Estate Financing System-SFI) was established, including rules that facilitate foreclosure in the event of default. The SFH is built on the governance of the State. On the contrary, the SFI is deemed to operate as a fully private system (UN-Habitat 2010).

SFH and SFI are different from each other in terms of funding structures. The SFH funds its operation in private savings resources in

Cadernetasde Poupanca(CP), but the SFH resources, though private, are still managed by the State. The SFI is funded by investment instruments that securitize mortgages, called Certificadosde Recebiveis Imobiliarios (CRI) (UN-Habitat 2010). Meanwhile, the Central Bank (BCB), the manager of Treasury funds, acts as the disciplinary agent and controller of the currency, and the manager of the Brazilian financial system. The Securities Commission takes the control and regulative roles on the Brazilian capital market. The Commission also has the authority to issue and circulate private securities in the capital market (UN-Habitat 2010).

200 150 100 50

1980

2005

2025

Public Private

PUBLIC AND PRIVATE MODE SHARE IN BRAZILIAN URBAN TRANSPORT

PUBLIC PRIVATE PARTNERSHIPS A Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) is “a government service or private business venture funded and operated by a partnership between government and one or more private sector companies.” (Coleman et al. 2013). Generally, PPPs are useful in infrastructure projects which is sizable and capital intensive. Brazil’s growing middle class and outdated infrastructure will require private capital and increased capacities over the next decades. PPPs provide good opportunities that the state can increase its capacity for public services, with less costs. (Leipziger & Lefevre 2007).

In Brazil, the following Federal laws set the framework for current PPPs. (Coleman et al. 2013): --

National Privatization Program Concessions Law (1995)

Cities Statute (2001)

PPP Law (2005)

and

SÃO PAULO: URBAN DEVELOPMENT + REAL ESTATE DEVELOPMENT

1960

2010

2009

2008

2007

Millions of Brazilian Dollars

61 250

07 Housing Price per m2 Urban Block/ Properati (left page)

THE REAL ESTATE MARKET REAL ESTATE DEVELOPMENT TREND

São Paulo is the home of major companies from all sectors in Brazil’s economy, such as manufacturing, technology, services, and entertainment. Still is the development of office space expanding to the south, where most highend Class A+ buildings are located, and to the west, a novel area where development picked up during recent years. Most new projects are classified as mixed-use developments that involve office, retail, hospitality and residence components. (Pela 2016). CURRENT ISSUES AND OUTLOOK The Brazilian property market’s enormous growth over the last seven years was possible due to a booming economy. Nominal housing price in São Paulo, Brazil’s biggest real estate market, increased by 223.8% from January 2008 to June 2015. (106.3% inflation-adjusted). (Rapo 2016). Housing prices in São Paulo rose 2.5% nominally in 2015, 7.3% in 2014, 13.9% in 2013, 15.8% in 2012, 27% in 2011, and 24% in 2010. However, during the year to August 2016, housing prices of the city increased by an average of 0.21% (-8%, inflation-adjusted).

This is the lowest year-on-year rise since 2008. Brazil´s economy fell into deep recession and its inflation never stop rising. The market has started to be depressed since recession. Even deeper declines in next years can hit Brazilian real estate, while sales cancellations and defaults are also rising. (Rapo 2016). This is the lowest year-on-year rise since 2008. Brazil´s economy fell into deep recession and its inflation never stop rising. The market has started to be depressed since recession. Even deeper declines in next years can hit Brazilian real estate, while sales cancellations and defaults are also rising. (Rapo 2016). Because of a surge in house prices in recent years, housing price has become seriously unaffordable, forcing many Brazilians to rent rather than own. Mortgage lending market is losing its energy, as interest rates continue to rise and home buyers pull back, and more borrowers become delinquent in their mortgage payments. The market is cooling down from the over-investment in housing with the introduction of the “My Home, My Life program.” The program provided developers funds to build housing for low to moderate income households and expanded the Brazilian market for 30 years mortgages. (Rapo 2016). In addition, Brazil’s infrastructure is in terrible shape. Because Brazil is not a poor country and the tax rates are extremely high, the situation made people frustrated and protest in the streets. As corruption Protests in the streets escalated, the country’s ailing economy gets worsened more, as well as its real estate market. (Rapo 2016).

SÃO PAULO: URBAN DEVELOPMENT + REAL ESTATE DEVELOPMENT

São Paulo released a new city master plan in 2014, aiming for the improved alignment of land use and transportation infrastructure. The plan necessitates increasing densities in areas served by public transportation, with the goals of enhancing walkability and biking access, reducing automobile use and preventing high rise development from encroaching existing lower density neighborhoods. (The City of São Paulo 2014).

FORMAL AND INFORMAL ECONOMY

INTRODUCTION

SUMMARY São Paulo, the largest city in Brazil, is a global city that serves as a finance center in the South American Continent. The city has a large formal economy based on finance, insurance, real estate, tourism, medicine, manufacturing and education. Similarly, São Paulo has a robust informal economy that employs low income workers and entrepeneurs, mainly coming from the North east of the country. In the city, the social and economic inequity render poverty and social vulnerability.

The economy of the state of São Paulo is the most diversified in Brazil. It is the home of companies that operate in a wide range of activities, from the most traditional to the most technologically sophisticated. In 2005, the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the city was US$ 156,280,780,941.00. According to data of IBGE, this GDP was equivalent to approximately 12.26% of the Brazilian GDP and 36% of all production of goods and services of the State of São Paulo.[1] Currently, Brazil’s economy is experiencing its worst recession in more than 100 years. In 2015, the country’s GDP shrank by 3.8 percent. According to estimates by the International Monetary Fund, the country’s GDP shrank an additional 3.5 percent in 2016. The Brazilian currency, the Brazilian Real (BR), lost roughly 40 percent of its value against the dollar (USD) and other major currencies between January 2014 and January 2016.[2]

Interestingly, the booming economy and industrialism in Brazilian history didn't bring a higher standard of living. The contrast between affluence and poverty is stark. As of 1999, São Paulo has the country’s highest unemployment rate, the highest in recent history for the city: 17.9 per cent. Unemployment among women is 19.8 percent and 16.2 percent among men. Of employed persons in the Metropolitan Region that live or work in the city, nearly half participate in activities considered informal.[3] In 2002, unemployment measured 11.7 percent, and hit a record low of 4.5 percent in mid-2014. The unemployment rate has since risen, reaching 7.9 percent during the first quarter of 2015. Once a primarily industrial city, there is an increasing shift towards the tertiary sector in recent years. Many of those working in São Paulo are now employed in the service and technology sectors. Currently, telecommunications, Information Technology,

“BRAZIL IS A RICH COUNTRY FULL OF POOR PEOPLE.” Eakin, M. C. (1997). Brazil: the once and future country. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

“BRAZIL IS NOT UNDERDEVELOPED. IT IS UNDERDISTRIBUTED.” Novinger, T. (2003). Communicating with Brazilians: when “yes” means “no”. Austin: University of Texas Press.

1994: Real Plan Inflation Reduced

1998: Bank

Low Interest Rates

1999: Unemployment 18%~20%

1991: Collor Plan HISTORICAL EVENT

Finance Ruined

12B 10B 8B 6B

Financial Crisis

4B 2000

2001

2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007

commerce and finance, as well as the automotive, f o o d - p r o c e s s i n g and pharmaceutical industries are the main employers in São Paulo.[4] in

Due to the changes world’s economy, the

2008

2009

Booming

Recession Unemployment

2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

economic profile of São Paulo is going through a deep transformation. The economy is gradually diverting from strongly industrialized base to service and technologyoriented activities. Some of the largest industries are being replaced by a large number

of high-technology industries and service providers. The city is experiencing a boom in many sectors, particularly shopping malls, entertainment, construction, businessoriented tourism and other service based industries.[5]

SÃO PAULO: FORMAL AND INFORMAL ECONOMY

TRADE VALUE [$USD]

14B

RAW SUGAR

ALCOHOL> 80% ABV

GOLD

7.0 %

7.2 %

23% SOYBEANS

CORN 8.3 % 17%

COFFEE 4.4 % Exports of SÃO PAULO (2016) Based on State Production. Exports: $1.99B USD

FORMAL ECONOMY ECONOMIC SECTORS

CAPITAL IN THE CITY:

The automotive industry is one of the main economic activities in Brazil. In 2012, the country was the seventh largest global manufacturer of vehicles. São Paulo is the heartland of the national automotive industry.

FINANCE,

São Paulo also boasts the largest and most developed agro-industrial system in the country and one of the most significant worldwide. The state is the world’s largest producer of sugarcane and oranges. São Paulo’s agribusiness exports reached US$ 59 billion in 2012, accounting for 49% of Brazilian agribusiness’ industrialized products.[6] 68

INSURANCE,

REAL

ESTATE

São Paulo is Brazil’s major economic and financial center. The city is where the Securities, Commodities and Futures Exchange (BM&FBOVESPA) is based, one of the five largest stock exchanges in the world, second in the Americas, and the leader in South America.[7] Brazil holds the largest insurance market in Latin America. The opening of the market to foreign insurers and the privatization program had a profound impact on the insurance market, which in the last years evolved from a mere participation of 0.8% in the GDP in 1994 to 3.24% in 2006. [8]

TELEPHONES

ORTHOPEDIC APPLIANCES

2.7 % MEDICAL

6.5 %

INSTRUMENTS

Digital Disk Drives 2.1 % GAS TURBINES 1.9 %

2.4 % REFINED PATROLEUM

6.7 %

PACKAGED MEDICAMENTS

5.5 %

High inflation, rising unemployment and falling consumer confidence is impacting on household spending levels, while a slowdown in the Chinese economy is affecting trade.[9] MEDICAL AND EDUCATION The Brazilian health care system, named SUS, was established in 1988 in order to guarantee access to health care to the entire population of Brazil. The medical system in São Paulo stands for the highest-level system in the whole nation. However, medications and doctors in public hospitals are far from being enough. Many Brazilians turn to private health care plan, but some private hospitals are in similarly poor conditions like the public ones.[10]

São Paulo state houses a large group of internationally-recognized higher education institutions., accounting for 25% of the total of higher education in Brazil. The country’s most prestigious university, Universidade de São Paulo (USP), is located in the city of São Paulo.[11] The city boasts 180 recognized higher education institutions.[12] TOURISM São Paulo’s dynamic and diverse economy makes the state an important center for business tourism in several ways: congresses, conventions, seminars, trade fairs, working trips, shopping etc. As of 2012, tourism accounted for more than an estimated 1.7 million jobs, generating revenues of about R$ 25 billion.[13]

SÃO PAULO: FORMAL AND INFORMAL ECONOMY

Imports of SãO PAULO (2016) Based on State Production. Exports: $2.15B USD

WHO? WHERE? WHY?

16.1% OF GDP

71 São Paulo, nevertheless, is losing its identity as a manufacturing metropolis and becoming a “service metropolis”. This is a transition responsible for an economic and social polarization of the city: increasing informal and domestic services on one hand, and advanced services related to the international economy on the other.[14] The informal sector, informal economy, or “grey economy,” is the part of an economy that is sometimes untaxed and unmonitored; however, the government and/or formal economy recognize some informal workers after gaining permits for their work. Unlike the formal economy, activities of the informal economy are not included in the Gross National Product (GNP) or GDP of a country. The informal sector can be described as a grey market in labor.[15] Although the informal sector is usually stigmatized as troublesome, it provides critical economic opportunities for the poor[16], which is often a great challenge for the government. WHO?

The informal economy generally operates on a small scale and is labor-intensive. According to a study, (Capp,J., 2005), 55 - 62 percent of the Brazilian population is employed in informal economical activities.[17] WHERE? Many groups of people participate in the informal economy directly or indirectly, including undocumented car drivers, poor individuals, domestic workers, as well as manufacturing companies, construction companies, middle class individuals, and even the wealthy. WORKFORCE IN BRAZIL’S INFORMAL ECONOMY

11%

Self-employed

5% 24%

Private Sector Employees Domestic Servants

11% 35%

According to a study released in 2015, the informal market in Brazil was worth R$826 billion in 2014, equivalent to 16.1 percent of the country’s GDP. The informal economy is a process that is both unregulated and untaxed.

Unpaid Employees

Agricultural Workers Public Servants Employers

(2005) 08 Fix, M., Arantes, P., & Tanaka, G. (2003). São Paulo, Brazil. UN-Habitat. Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements, 226-227.

WHY DOES THIS HAPPEN IN BRAZIL? Explosive National Economic Growth 476% Increase in GDP, 1998-2008

Income and Asset Disparity Increasing

Poverty

Informal Economy est.=40% of GDP (2006)

Increased Informal Economic Activity 55%-62% of the population employed here (2005)

Crime

Lack of Education

Average 25 y.o<4.5 years of school

09 Malawey-Ednie, N. (2010, May 05). Brazil’s Informal Economy. Retrieved February 03, 2017, from https://prezi.com/ sr6iptsoyptm/brazils-informal-economy/

SÃO PAULO: FORMAL AND INFORMAL ECONOMY

BACKGROUND

A WIDE RANGE OF ACTIVITIES

SUBSISTENCE ENTERPRISES Lack of resources (Education, Capital...) It’s all about survival SERVICE & RETAIL OPERATORS 95% of all street vendors Unregistered cabs, buses...

MANUFACTURING Informality= Flexibility & Competitiveness

44.0% 56.0%

Services

28.9% 71.1%

Construction

46.1% 53.9%

Retail

58.0% 42.0%

Transportation &Communication

62.9%

37.1%

Manufacturing Formal Informal

09 Malawey-Ednie, N. (2010, May 05). Brazil’s Informal Economy. Retrieved February 03, 2017, from https://prezi.com/sr6iptsoyptm/brazils-informal-economy/

INFORMAL ECONOMY Informal workers make up a foundation of the production sector of the economy. The productivity of the informal sector is not limited to the vendors but rather encompasses informal workers in recycling sector, service in the public sector, and in firms. However, this activity does not imply that the informal workers have acceptable returns or earnings. Informal workers have a meager income and have very limited access to social rights and are often espoused with the inadequacy of the laws that should protect them.[18] Economic Factors: inequitable distribution of wealth, limited employment opportunities, high inflation rates, high cost of debt financing. Legal factors: lack of property rights, high tax rates, weak regulation enforcement, and complex business registration procedures. Cultural factors: deteriorating

lack social

education, structures.

Political Factors: big inconsistent infrastructure,

government, corruption.[19]

The booming informal economy is a legacy of thousands of labor migrants who left Brazil’s underdeveloped northeastern region to start a new life in the nation’s capital. [20] They open their own small business, not expecting for being rich in the future, but for survival. The informal labor market consists of all types of jobs of those who have given up looking for work. Thus, in every type of job that one may do, there is an excess supply. Workers have access to less than half of the jobs offered by the economy in the metropolitan area of the city because the majority of these jobs are capitalintensive. In São Paulo, very few people control capital. Those with this power ensure that capital is perpetually limited to avoid competition.[21]

SÃO PAULO: FORMAL AND INFORMAL ECONOMY

TYPES OF INDUSTRIES / SERVICES IN

Benefits: Low Cost, No Tax, Respect Informal businesses: The informal economy can help to avoid high cost of business registration and high tax rates; Informal employees: Informal employees could gain greater respect and autonomy than they do in formal economy.

Costs: Lack of Rights, Decrease Credit Risk, Slow Down Economical Growth Informal businesses: It provides limited opportunities for economic growth. Impacts to informal employees: They lack the legal rights and benefits of workers in formal economy. Impacts to formal business: It may create unfair competition based on price. Impacts to government and national economy: It undermines the valuation of a nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s credit risk; determent of investment and productivity growth; minimizes competitiveness of the economy; decreases overall productivity of national economy; increase social inequities and poverty; loss of tax revenues.[21]

Policies

In 2009, the government launched a new program to help irregular workers and micro-entrepreneurs register and legalize their business entity with a thirty-minute visit to their website. The effort opened access to the Simples Nacional program, a taxation system for small business that merges several taxes into one payment, and lessens the tax burden overall.[22] The benefits offered by the government in return are; access to banking facilities, which entitles the legalized entity to apply for credit at market interest rates, as well as assistance in health care coverage, death and maternity for the worker/business person and their family, and even retirement assistance.[22] According to the Brazilian Institute of Economics of the FundaĂ§ĂŁo Getulio Vargas (FGV) Research Report, in order to further combat informality in the economy, there needs to be greater rationalization of the tax system, modernization of the billing system, an increase in the educational level of the population and reduction of unemployment.[22]

INFORMALITY

INTRODUCTION

According to the definition from the United Nations, informal settlement often refers to illegal or semi-legal urbanization processes, or unsanctioned subdivisions of land at the (then) urban periphery where land occupation took placeoften by squatters, who erected housing units usually without formal permission of the land owner and often with materials and building standards not in line with the criteria of the local building code. (UN-Habitat,2003, p136)

The definition of informal settlement should be distinguished from two other similar concepts-illegal and irregular. Illegal settlement is often used to describe the existing settlements are contrary to or forbidden by law. UNHabitat (2003) defines three types of illegality for slumsillegal land invasions, illegal subdivisions of land (illegality of land ownership) and illegal construction (illegality of the physical structure). (United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat, 2003, page 197) The term of Irregular Settlement, however, describes the settlements from the perspective of spatial organization. It focus on the appearance of the physical constructions. The shapes, sizes and the arrangement of the community. Irregular settlements are usually, but not necessarily contradictory to rules.

TYPES OF INFORMALITY There are three types of urban informality that could be distinguished within the periphery of São Paulo: favela, ocupação (occupation), loteamentos clandestinos (clandestine subdivisions) (Ballegooijen & Pereira, 1970). These types of informal settlements may appear as quite similar both visually and formally, but they have remarkably different legal status, history and social organization. The favela is the most widely known form of informal settlement. Generally speaking, a favela is an organically grown (unplanned) settlement, built on squatted land. In early stages of development, shacks constructed by poor materials are the typical building forms, and insufficient basic infrastructures and poor sanitation conditions are common. Overtime, some favela dwellers may able to upgrade their poor shacks to acceptable standards.

Favela: Unplanned, organically grown settlement, built on squatted land Loteamentos (Subdivisions): A strictly planned form of urban informality as a result of land invasions organized by large social movements Loteamentos clandestinos (Plot subdivisions): Lots are purchased, and not occupied, often the constructions violate the municipal zoning plans or land use plans. Urban area Rural/periphery area Flooding area Mudslide/slide area Near railline area Eletricity service Clean water service Drainage/waste manage service Illegality Legality Acquisition of land Construction Regularity Irregularity

Land in many favelas can be scare, thus favela dwellers build extra floors tp increase living space. The created spaces may be rent out or just simply to accommodate other members of the same family. In most cases, people do not have legal titles for the plots of where they dwelled though Brazil has been trying to tackle this issues. Therefore dwellers often suffering from uncertainty about their ability to keep their houses. (Gohn, 1991, Spinazzola, 2008). 78

Another type of informal settlement is the ocupação (occupation). Ocupações pertains to land occupation organized by social movements such as MST or their sister organization MTST. The former focuses on land reform as well as rural land redistribution, while the latter concentrates on urban housing and land invasions in urban territory. Sometimes the large social movements may help press local authorities to provide basic infrastructure or to give occupiers

property titles. Those social movements often use a Leftist rhetoric and were supported by progressive sections of the Roman Catholic Church. (Lavalle et al., 2007). Favelas and ocupações share the same features that people attain the land by seizure. They are considered excluded from the existing legal framework and the formal market. Based on that, they quite differ from the majority of the people in São Paulo who purchase a lot, the so-called loteamentos or

plot subdivisions. The differences may result in the misconception of people that the legal land owners may think they are better citizens than those who get the land by seizure. However, the loteamentos are open to the market and may not always be considered to be legal due to various reasons, such as constructions violated the zoning plans or land use plans. Interestingly, in some cases, landowners think they have the legal title to the land but realize much later that their title deeds are falsified by the developers.

SÃO PAULO: INFORMALITY

Legend

Favela City of São Paulo 8 miles 4

16 Miles

Fav

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Sub Base Area

City

City of São Paulo Boundary Metropolitan Municipality Boundary

DISTRIBUTION OF FAVELAS WITHIN SÃO PAULO

SUB BASE AREAS WITHIN SÃO PAULO

It is a base map to determine the distribution patterns: most favelas locate in the city periphery.

Due to the climatic variation, flooding is a serious hazard in this region. This map shows the spatial relationship between informal settlements and main rivers. Favelas in the southern São Paulo stand closely to water.

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Education City of São Paulo Boundary Metropolitan Municipality Boundary

Favela

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Bus Route

Favela

Train Line

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City of São Paulo Boundary Metropolitan Municipality Boundary

EDUCATION RESOURCE WITHIN THE SÃO PAULO METROPOLITAN AREA.

BUS ROUTE AND TRAIN LINE WITHIN SÃO PAULO

Education is one of the most important community’s infrastructures. This map determines the distribution patterns of education facilities near favelas.

Transportation is another critical element of everyday facilities. As most favelas are in the city periphery, we explore whether such spatial characteristics would contribute to residents’ difficulties due to the lack of those infrastructures.

SÃO PAULO: INFORMALITY

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URBAN GROWTH AND SPRAWL

As one the largest cities in the Southern Hemisphere, São Paulo has the largest slum population in South America. Favelas in São Paulo enjoyed a rapid growth in the 1980s and their share of the population having jumped from 5.2% to 19.8% since then. Although ruralurban migration has decreasing significantly, the housing shortage issue remains serious. (Housing in São Paulo, Geocases)

contrast, during the 1980-2000, the population density of central area felt from 181.5 to 110.3 persons per hectare, while the density of periphery increased from 132.6 to 208.8 persons per hectare. And a significant amount of the increasing population in periphery live in favela, and thus led to the rise of sulms.

A dramatic change was going on between 1980 and 2000 that the population of the central area of São Paulo decreased 30.4% while the peripheral population grew rapidly. In

More than 70% of dwelling units in São Paulo are under acceptable standard and more than 60% of the population growth in 1980s took place in favelas (GEOCASES,

THE LIVING CONDITIONS

Population Growth Across São Paulo

https://www.pinterest.com/pin/413346072027607831/

Besides, the precarious provision of healthcare, schooling and extracurricular activities has contributed to the growth of the drug gangs. With few qualifications, and fewer employment opportunities, young favela residents are often lured into the drug factions with the promise of regular pay. The average wage of favela residents is around R$400 a month. Working for the gangs amounts that in a week. (IRIN, UN-HABITAT, 2007)

THE TRANSFORMATION Over time, this country has tried various strategies to resolve the issues of slums, including displacing the residents and even razing the slums. It was not until the Constitution Reform in 1988 that the government change their approaches to focus more on upgrading the settlements. Explicitly, the Constitution, for the first time included housing as a right, alongside health, food, and education. The Constitution also put the responsibility for urban development—which means the government should responsible for housing, sanitation and transportation provisions (Zaverucha, J. 1997). Since then, many big cities including São Paulo began to implement affordable upgrades to slums in partnership with residents. They addressed the critical issue of land tenure with Certificates of Real Right to Use, which accepted the slum residents’ right to occupy the existing land. São Paulo also created new zoning codes that designated some communities as having a “special social interest” (Patricia Rodrigues Samora, 2016).

SÃO PAULO: INFORMALITY

2011). A common case may be the whole family sharing a single room, which may lack electricity and clean water. Dwellers suffer from unhygienic conditions (caused by buildup of waste), resulting in spread of infectious diseases. More over, local telephone and electricity companies frequently refuse to install phones or cables in the slums because they are considered areas of risk (IRIN, UNHABITAT, 2007). Waste collection services can be precarious. For those favelas on the hillsides, the residents have to bring their waste down to city streets, where the cities are supposed to collect them but they often do not, resulting in a build up of rubbish that allows pests to grow and spread infectious diseases.

Residents for the first time feel safe from the threat of eviction. Some of them began to invest in their homes as well as the surrounding living space, such as replacing precarious shacks with higher quality constructions (Zaverucha, J. 1997). In 2001, the local municipals were empowered with a federal mandate by the new City Statute to create concrete legal tools to address the problem of “irregular” urban property. The economy down turn in the 1980s and 1990s had pushed more people to live in slums. The problems facing these slums had also became more complex, and upgrading would require significant physical reworking. Finally, the government designated federal funds to help the slum upgrades, in the form of the Growth Acceleration Program (PAC, in its Portuguese acronym). But this program is now endangered by tight budget (Patricia Rodrigues Samora, 2016). PAC is an investment program that announced by President Lula da Silva in 2007 and then expanded by President Rousseff in 2011. The program was expected

to invest about R$1.6 trillion between two phases. As part of the PAC I four favelas in Rio received over R$600 million investments and over 20 additional favelas were predicted to receive investments to upgrade their living environment in PAC II (Mereb, J., & Zilberman, E. 2013). They are then further divided into six groups, Minha Casa, Minha Vida (My House, My Life), Cidade Melhor (Better City), Comunidade Cidadã (Citizen Community), Water e Luz para Todos (Water and Light for All), Energy, and Transport. The program Minha Casa, Minha Vida, or “My House, My Life”, which gives low income households the chance to purchase houses at zero interest rate, is designated to receive R$278.2 billion from 2011 to 2014 (Mereb, J., & Zilberman, E. 2013). Also the Cidade Melhor, or “Improved City,” program which involved investments in sanitation, risk-area housing safety, and paved roads in needy communities will receive more than R$57.1 billion.

1988 Constitution. http://otaviopinto.com/index.php/2015/07/10/the-1988-constitution-and-the-far-rights-rise-in-brazil/

85 The water system and “Light for All” program will be receiving R$30.6 billion. Investments involves improving water supply in urban areas, construction and expansion of pipelines and treatment plants and irrigation. This program aims to bring electricity to 495,000 homes (Mereb, J., & Zilberman, E. 2013). These programs may bring mixed results in upgrading those informal settlements. But undoubtedly, they represented the country’s resolution and efforts to make the change. UNCERTAIN FUTURE

Therefore, the slums are expanding. The available city land does not increase, but the population does. Buildings are growing taller, making upgrades harder. Even decades and decades of slum-upgrading movements, today, in some cities, many neighborhoods still have no basic infrastructure. And those poorest settlements located in hazardous environment such as steep hillsides or flood zones, areas unstable and impacted by climate change. If the economy of Brazil keeps declining, and they have to cut the proposed budget, there is little hope that informal settlements will resolve their difficulties in the next decades.

SÃO PAULO: INFORMALITY

Recently, Brazilian economy has declined and the country has undergone political instability and change with the impeachment. The rising unemployment rate have spurred more families to dwell in slums, and informal settlements expanded a lot in some cities compared to the previous decades. According to census data, 26.5% of Brazilian households, or 13 million citizens, are in shortage of basic infrastructure (Boyer. H. 2005).

In São Paulo, poor neighborhoods have densified. This reflect the difficulty that lowincome groups are facing in finding affordable housing. In São Paulo, the city need to construct 368,731 new homes to be able to fill the housing demand. There, some 811,377 households lack one or more basic urban service like drainage or sewage (Patricia Rodrigues Samora, 2016).

PAC Program. http://www.rioonwatch.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/1-Alem%C3%A3o1.jpg

SOCIETY

INTRODUCTION

SOCIAL STRUCTURE This section focuses on the composition, structures, organizations and ideologies of the society in Sao Paulo. The demographics examine the population, race and ethnicity, housing distribution, education, and a representation of the evolution of the census data in São Paulo over the last 50 years. Additionally, the chapter illustrates current and historic migration patterns examining the historic trends of migration patterns with a compare and contrast analysis to the current ones. Lastly, the chapter discusses city society, participation, and community activism. How did specific communities form and gain representation? What are their social structures, needs, identities, conflicts, and compromises. As these communities formed what led to the activism in São Paulo?

Within the Brazilian society, there is a heavy reliance on social classes. Social classes are primarily based upon the gross household monthly income of a family (Santos 2006). The classes are as follows (Nes, 2016): -- Class A: above BRL 15,760 -- Class B: above BRL 7,880 -- Class C: above BRL 3,152 -- Class D: above BRL 1,576 -- Class E: below BRL 1,576 As with social class, ranking is also related. There is a hierarchy that exists that leads individuals of different positions in that ranking to treat one another differently. Those in the higher status generally get treated much better than those within the lower status. This is in a way to recognize and support the hierarchy that exists. Collectivism is a very strong within the social structures. Therefore, family and maintaining personal

relationships is very important in Brazilian society (Gouveia, Clemente 2000). Family is very important and also strongly relates to a person’s identity. It is viewed that those families that are small or do not get along well lack power and class status. Family ties are very strong and children readily take care of aging parents and relatives as a form of duty. This view of family can also extend to friendships. The society celebrates personal relationships and relying on your friends as if they were your own family (Véras 2011). Family networks are viewed upon as very important and are a demonstration of power within Brazil, forming powerful “in-groups” and “out-groups” networks. In-groups are those who belong to a persons group or “the house”. The rest of society is considered “the street.” However, still very collectivist centered, a Brazilian network can extend from family to employees, coworkers, friends, and even friends of friends (Véras 2011).

SOCIETY

Collectivism

Individualism SOCIETY

Families

Relatives & Friends

Outer-Group

COLLECTIVISM & INDIVIDUALISM Brazilian society is very oriented around the collective. Collectivist’s culture focuses on group dynamics and viewing things as a group effort rather than point the blame or success to one individual. Working as a group and coming together is just as important to Brazilians as having an end result.

Society is made up of people who come from different networks that they identify with, rather than being an individual with his or her own identity. Their identity is directly associated with the community that they were raised in – the network that raised them. As a result of the collective nature, these individuals focus on maintaining relationships within their communities, supporting one another, cooperation, and working together towards common goals. These are all stark realities to the individualistic societies. This collective nature is an integral part in gaining a greater understanding of Brazilian society as a whole (Véras 2011).

Branco (white)

Pardo (Brown)

89 RACE & ETHNICITY

Distribution of intermediate income level In São Paulo (%) – 2000 / 2010

Main ethnic groups in Brazil

Amarelos (yellow)

Indigenous

Preto (Black)

In 1979 the Black Consciousness Movement was divided into two sides: militantes who focused on black political power and culturistas who centered on Afro-derived cultural forms and practices. Described as a racial democracy with goals to “whiten” the population, the hopes were to Europeanize Brazil and focus on eugenics (Hamilton 2007). This hope of miscegenation, or blending of races in a utopian vision that adds to the complicated situation that already exists in Brazil with a series of contradictions and paradoxes on race, class, and ethnicity. In Brazil there is a hierarchy amongst people in relation to skin tone and phenotypical markers such as hair, nose, lips, and skin. Race in Brazil is seen in terms of “brancos, pretos, pardos, mulatos, morenos, cabras (Black & White), cabodos (Indigenous & White), sararás (mulattoes with kinky hair), and Cabo Verde (Indigenous and Black or dark-skinned mulattoes with straight or wavy hair)” (Hamilton 2007). It is a belief amongst Brazilians that they are not given the full rights that they deserve and therefore the political system is not fully democratic. In São Paulo specifically, the democracy rate for younger Afro-Brazilians is lower. This lack of support in the political system has led to many people not trusting the system. The racism clearly undermines potential for civic participation. Afro-Brazilian women face being marginalized by both their race and gender. In São Paulo 30% of the population identifies as Black. In a 2008 survey, 59% of Afro-Brazilians experience racism and 96% agree that racism in São Paulo is a problem (Mitchell 2010).

SÃO PAULO: URBAN DEVELOPMENT + REAL ESTATE DEVELOPMENT

São Paulo is a very racially and ethnically diverse area. There is a history of immigration in the city that has an impact on the entire country even today. This history shapes how race and ethnicity is viewed in the city today.

Internal & International Migration in Brazil year1995-year2000 year1986-year1991

91 Brazil has become one of the centers in South America’s migration system. There are many different intra-regional migration patterns within the country and the demand for labor is accompanied with the large economic growth that the country has experienced in the past few years. As a result of the demand for labor as well as economic growth, São Paulo has become a very influential urban center for migrants (Izaguirre 2016). São Paulo civil society organizations play an active role – although not a positive one in the reconfiguration of the representation correlated with politics and associations. Civil society organizations counter the gap between the political parties of São Paulo and the general population. Civil society organizations play the role of connecting the general population to the political parties and government. Civil society organizations carry out legally sanctioned roles as political representatives. The democratization of democracy focuses on institutional innovations that various forms of participation in institutional structures. Political representation by civil society organizations is important because it emphasizes “citizen

participation.” The ability of civil society organizations to enter and represent the public is a close relationship to traditional political structures that exist. There is confirmation from the case study and focus that civil society organizations do play an important role in reconfiguring the representation in São Paulo. Civil society organizations can play an important role in participating in the democratization of democracy – if they are representative and accountable to the public that they serve. The ability to broaden the representation and the consequences of the democratic reform are yet to be determined. Brazil went back to democracy in the 1980s – this led to the emergence of movements focusing on the social struggle felt in communities across Brazil. The movements were focused on “elaborating proposals and demands for submission to public authorities, stimulating direct action leading to land occupation by poorer people, and encouraging resistance to eviction and repossession of land” (Carvalho, Rossbach 2010). Moving into the present, housing programs and policies are increasingly including citizen’s participation in the conversation, specifically

SÃO PAULO: URBAN DEVELOPMENT + REAL ESTATE DEVELOPMENT

MIGRATION & CIVIL SOCIETY

at the design and implementation process. Brazil is also undergoing an emergent process of urban expansion. ‘Substandard settlements’ grew on the periphery of larger cities. This has caused groups to impulsively form and focus on the poorer neighborhoods – promoting better conditions for residents. The Federal Government’s housing policy – lacked any response to the need for resources and access for the urban poor of the cities. The first National Popular Housing Seminar was organized in 1990 by the Brazilian National Bishops Council (CNBB) in São Paulo. This seminar was fundamental in the formation of the national movement. The National Social Housing Fund was created “with social control and sufficient resource allocation and clear criteria for allocation and distribution of funds to municipal and state governments” (Carvalho, Rossbach 2010). The National Struggle for Housing Movement (MLNM) and the National Union for Popular Housing (UNMP) also formed in 1990 address the needs of housing to accommodate all of the population. The National Confederation 92

of Inhabitants’ Association (CONAM), brought together large numbers of affiliated bodies to create linkages between different urban movements across communities. From 2001 thereafter, the movements worked together and participated in urban reform agendas. This group effort created the National Cities Conference held every two years beginning in 2003. This joint strategy and agenda created a cohesion amongst communities. A major roadblock towards urban reform in Brazil is the concentration of urban land and power by the private property sector. The 1988 Constitution made an attempt to create rights for all, but the issue has never truly been resolved. PARTICIPATORY URBAN PLANNING Participatory urban planning in Brazil is utilized as a model for both urban reform and democratic interventions for residents. The history of participatory planning in Brazil led to a 1988 Citizen Constitution as well as an Estatuto da Cidade in 2001. This statute required 1,600 different cities across Brazil

to create Master Plans with principles that focus on public participation to allow people from all social classes to participate. This is included in São Paulo’s Master Plan that was created in 2002 and the Zoning Law, created in 2004. They fulfil the requirement from the public participation that was mandated by the revision in 2007 (Caldeira, Holston 2014). The City Statute of 2001 is a legislation that utilizes urban policy “to realize the social functions of the city and urban property’”. This legislation has become a powerful document utilized to give rights to residents and as an example legalize land that is occupied by residents. The Statute envisions cooperation between governmental bodies and residents– no party having more power over the other. It has been a useful tool for residents to engage in participation (Caldeira, Holston 2014). Many efforts have been taken to establish and implement the City Statute to support the rights of the city and create a more fair and just society for all. The City Statute efforts have not gone unnoticed and have inspired similar legislation globally. After the

requirements of new master plans and zoning laws mandated through the City Statute, the municipal government of São Paulo played a significant role in experimenting with public participation. Although some advancements were successful there were also variables of different challenges that presented themselves throughout the process. The main challenge being the “established principles of social justice as planning objectives, their institutionalization does not sufficiently obligate the actions of the executive and legislative branches of government to ensure implementation.” Although this is true, both the City Statute and the Constitution made great impacts on progress towards participatory planning. Residents in Brazil discovered an important part of participatory planning is the mobilization of residents into organizations that participate regularly and have the resources and spaces to take on the institutional spaces of participation that are provided. If taken on, there is strength in these numbers and residents are able to engage with these organizations and one another to achieve what they want for their communities (Caldeira, Holston 2014).

SÃO PAULO: URBAN DEVELOPMENT + REAL ESTATE DEVELOPMENT

CULTURE

INTRODUCTION

Culture is formally defined as the set characteristics shared by a group, however, in many cases, it usually describes the dominant culture’s narrative. In this section, we discuss the local knowledge, beliefs, art, morals, law, and traditions embedded within the city of São Paulo. Culture is informed by the built environment but it is ultimately shaped by its people. In São Paulo, or Sampa as the locals call it, there is a rich cultural heritage that lives between spaces - both physically and figuratively - between old monuments and new skyscrapers, between traffic congested streets and streets taken over for protesting, between old customs and new habits, between the formal and informal.

São Paulo is known as the country’s economic stronghold which guides the city’s rich cultural background, and has made it the sixth largest metropolitan region in the world (Carless, 2013). São Paulo is also a city of disparity often rooted in class and race distinctions that affect access to services, health and education (J., 2013). Nevertheless, the city celebrates its diversity, with many formal and popular festivities that describe its international character like San Vito and Spirit of London, and the largest gay pride parade in the world celebrated since 1997, Parada do Orgulho. The population is not the only diverse aspect of this city, modern architecture from acclaimed professionals live among colonial buildings like the Convent of Luz (1579converted to the Museum of Sacred Art), Carmo Church (1632), and São Francisco Church (1679 - remodelled in 1791). The city also has a variety of cultural and educational

institutions like the São Paulo Museum of Art (MASP), the Latin American Memorial by Oscar Niemeyer, and public spaces like Ibirapuera Park (Geromel, 2013). Most of the city’s popular culture takes place outdoors, on walls and city plazas, through theater performers and hip hop artists. On Batman Street, art, music and people transform this place into a stage of vibrant city living, where you bear witness to the resiliency of Paulistanos, the nickname for São Paulo citizens (S., 2013). The city mixes this popular culture with protest, a trade left from the 1960s and 1970s artistic and social movements like Tropicália, the Black Consciousness Movement and what would become the National Union for Popular Housing (União Nacional por Moradia Popular). This section illustrates the two sides of the city’s story, its intersections and dichotomies, and explain more about its people and their backgrounds.

03 Copan Building by Oscar Niemeyer/ Anzola, F. (2007)

RELIGION During the colonization of Brazil, indigenous people were converted into Roman Catholics by the portuguese forces. Hence, religion became a tool of assimilation into the new dominant group and served to steer people away from their local traditions and customs. After independence in 1824, Brazilians introduced the “Freedom of Religion” law in their constitution which stated their liberty to practice the religion of their choice. However, upon incorporating this constitutional right, the government still kept Roman Catholicism as the official religion of the country. Nevertheless, a lot of the indigenous beliefs remain embedded within popular culture, and has been enriched

Although religious institutions are disassociated with government by law, a close relationship between the Church and the State still exists. Major public holidays are defined by Catholic festivals and the priest always has to be present and lead inauguration of any public building. At various times in Brazilian history, the Catholic Church has either strongly endorsed the State or vigorously challenged the status quo, as in the case of liberation theology, a late-twentieth century movement that provided religious justification for questioning the widening gap between the different socioeconomic classes in Brazil. The Liberation Theology had a worldwide impact in the field of education, especially through the work of Brazilian educator and philosopher Paulo Freire. Together with the Church, Freire developed an educational framework to teach low-income populations in Brazil to recognize the systems that oppress them and how to beneficially manage their surroundings. His work was also influential to the Black Consciousness movement in Brazil and Africa, which incorporated his ideas on how knowledge is built by the dominant culture habits (Wolf, 2014). Due to the large influx of Japanese, German, Spanish, Italian and Arab immigrants, spoken Portuguese exists as an idiom which reflects the influences from those languages spoken in the metropolitan area of São Paulo.

SÃO PAULO: CULTURE

02 São Paulo Cathedral / Souza, E. (2013)

by the diverse backgrounds of the people who were forced into the country by the slave trade in the 17th and 18th century. Nowadays, Brazil is the largest Catholic country in the world even though the percentage of Brazilians who belong to the Catholic Church has declined in recent years. In the 1950s, 95% of brazilians identified themselves as catholics compared to 73% in the most recent census. (The World Factbook, 2017)

58.2%

CATHOLIC

22.1% PROTESTANT

9.3%

NO RELIGION

9.3%

SPIRITIST

4.7%

BUDDHIST

0.6%

UBANDA

0.3%

JEWISH

99 LANGUAGES The official and most widely spoken language of the city is Portuguese, even by the large number of migrants that the city inhabits. Due to the large influx of Japanese, German, Spanish, Italian and Arab immigrants, spoken Portuguese reflects the influences from those languages spoken in the metropolitan area of São Paulo. The Italian influence in the São Paulo accent is evident in the Italian neighborhoods such as Bela Vista, Moóca, Brás and Lapa. Italian blended into Portuguese and was assimilated into spoken language a long time ago. The local accent with Italian influences became notorious through the songs of Adoniran Barbosa, a Brazilian samba singer born to Italian parents who used to sing using the local accent. Other languages spoken among the Asian community include Japanese (the Liberdade neighborhood is home to the largest population outside Japan). Although today most Japanese-Brazilians speak only Portuguese, some of them are still fluent in Japanese (Study Country, n.d.).

08 Street Art in São Paulo / Nastasijevic (n.d.)

ART IN PUBLIC SPACES

Apart from social and economic problems, street art also reflects drug and gang conflicts in the metropolis. Graffiti produced here is

SÃO PAULO: CULTURE

Graffiti in São Paulo, like the rest of the Brazil, in its purest form, serves as a symbolic act of protest and defiance against fallen regimes. Brazil’s recent economic boom is further augmenting certain inequalities and social ills which were already present in the Brazilian society. Similar to the early days of New York graffiti, São Paulo graffiti sheds light on a strong disregard and opposition toward the high-income class (Irvine, 2012). 09 Origem da pichação e do grafite / 2015

recognized to be unique for many reasons - due to various political and economical factors of the country, this art was developed in isolation, leading to style and approach that is very unique, original and distinguished. The perception of street art is also different in Latin America, and while most often it is illegal, it is viewed as the people’s art, and the public is proud of the colorful works that decorate the walls on their streets. As a matter of respect, the graffitis on walls are never painted over. São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro are presently at the center of the graffiti movement in Brazil, and for the past few years have had significant influence on graffiti styles around the globe (Widewalls, 2000). Furthermore, street art has a public communication component referred to as pixação (or pichação). a cryptic and elongated writing style that originated in São Paulo during the 1980s. This style is generally perceived as a very harsh and fierce political statement. Pixação, from the Portuguese verb “pichar” means to cover with tar, and is an art form that embodies the large division among different class structures in Sao Paulo which are divided into “A”- highest, “B”, “C”, and “D” - lowest. The artists using this script are known as pixadores use black paint in an attempt to engage in class warfare against the landscape of their city (Irvine, 2012). SOUNDS OF COUNTERCULTURE In the late 1960s, a music group by the name of Tropicália emerged from São Paulo with the familiar sound of bossa nova but incorporating political critique into their musical lyrics. Many musicians would copy this style to protest the lack of social infrastructure, especially in housing and health services 100

around the city. Many artists would become famous for their anti-government approach like Caetano Veloso, one of the leaders of this movement. Tropicália was birthed from the high levels of inequity within the city. Many of these artists had experienced the disparity of the city first-hand and had decided to voice their opinions on how the elite class in Brazil were harbouring power, a characteristic that still shapes São Paulo today (Calil & Terra, 2010). Counterculture movements have evolved since then and one of the predominant art forms today is hip hop. Within this movement, artists denounce injustice on the streets and in public spaces with graffiti art, and by performing dance and music. There is a blurry intersection between the State and civil society in the fields of popular education and citizenship. In Brazil, most performers of hip hop (rappers, DJs, graffiti artists, and street dancers) make their living as educators remunerated by state agencies and NGOs. The intersectional identity between educators and performers has helped hip hop evolve into a community activity. This has helped allow the art form to become popular among young people in poor areas who are vulnerable to violence and substance abuse (Pardue, 2007). In contrast to the hip hop scene, baile funk is the musical scaffolding of massive youth gatherings in low-income neighborhoods called pancadão. These are outdoor dance parties bring in a large population of teenagers who many times engage in under-aged drinking, substance abuse and sexual behavior. Although local government has recently banned these informal events, the music genre has become very popular throughout Brazil. There are many forms of baile funk: funk melody, ostentação, putaria,

101 proibidão; and they incorporate different messages that low-income youth relate to. Performers of this genre believe that the lack of public space in low-income neighborhoods has resulted in the need to create these gatherings, and that the lyrics convey stories of what it is like to live in these tight communities (BoilerRoom and KondZilla, 2017).

05 Baile Funk in the Streets of SP / Sexta-Feira (2013)

06 Hip Hop Dance in SP / Mandrake (2016)

These music scenes reminds us of how globalized this city has become since Tropicália emerged, and is now being influenced by art forms from the U.S. and around the world. Nevertheless, the forms of hip-hop that have emerged in São Paulo are very particular to this place. They are rooted in racial, cultural and ethnic diversity, and experienced through the appropriation of public space. It has also become an outlet for youth who are struggling to find necessary resources to survive, especially housing and employment in a competitive market. Thus, hip hop is not only an art form, but a lifestyle and a lense through which many city dwellers see and live their city.

Whether it is to raise their voices in protest or in celebration, you will find that most residents of São Paulo are comfortable exploring new ways to engage in public arenas. People who are native to the city of São Paulo call themselves paulistanos, not to be confused with the term paulista which refers to the citizens of the state of São Paulo. Although the city is known for its class duality and spatial segregation, once people take to the streets for a cause or Carnival identities become diluted. There are many causes that bring together paulistanos: education rights, police brutality, racial 07 Batman Street / Owen, B. (2010)

SÃO PAULO: CULTURE

VOICES OF SÃO PAULO

bias and discrimination, and most recently bias and discrimination, and most recently public spending and political leadership.

05 History of Protesting in SP / UNMP (2015)

06 Black Consciousness Protests / 2015

In 2014, paulistanos recognized the international platform provided by the upcoming FIFA World Cup and Olympics, and used those moments to make these issues more visible to the public eye by staging massive protests. The precarious labor conditions for construction workers who were expected to work 20 work shifts to build the new stadiums, increases in public transportation costs and water shortages throughout the city, fuelled the discontent that has plagued São Paulo for decades. In part, these events led to the impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff in August 2016, who had been tampering with the public budget to conceal the real economic struggles the country was facing after hosting the aforementioned megaevents. Notwithstanding, this shift in political power has meant the end of thirteen years of governance from the national leftist party that brought so many citizens out of poverty and into the middle class (Souza, 2017).

VIDA NA CIDADE LIFE IN THE CITY Artist Maria Auxiliadora Da Silva explores the nature of the city of São Paulo. The piece is titled “Rain Over São Paulo”. Much of what is depicted has not changed: the climate varies from sunny mornings to rainy afternoons, and people convene on streets to work, play and live the city. The question remains, how will São Paulo provide a good quality of life for all its citizens?.

102

07 Carnaval Streets in SP / Wu, N. (2013)

103

EVENT CALENDAR Carnaval

Parada do Orguhlo

Bienal Jan

Feb

Mar Apr May

Jun

Jul

Aug Sep

Oct

Nov

San Vito Fashion Week

Spirit of London

Fashion Week

Film Festival

Dec

SÃO PAULO: CULTURE

08 Chuva Sobre São Paulo / Maria Auxiliadora da Silvo (2015)

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Marcuse and Kempen. (2002). Of States and Cities: The Partitioning of Urban Space. Oxford University Press.

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Retrieved from http://theconversation.com/is-thisthe-end-of-slum-upgrading-in-brazil-67208 Zaverucha, J. (1997). The 1988 Brazilian Constitution and its authoritarian legacy: formalizing democracy while gutting its essence ; prepared for delivery at the 1997 meeting of the Latin American Studies Association, Guadalajara, Mexico, April 17 - 19, 1997. Recife: Verf. CHAPTER 08 Caldeira, T., & Holston, J. (2014). Participatory urban planning in Brazil. Urban Studies, 1-17. doi:10.1177/0042098014524461 pgs. 1, 3-4, 13-14 Celso Santos Carvalho e Anaclaudia Rossbach. The City Statute: A commentary Organizers São Paulo: Cities Alliance and Ministry of Cities - Brazil, 2010 1st Edition. Pgs. 23-25 Facts about Sao Paulo - Interesting things to know about SP. (2016, November 23). Retrieved January 20, 2017, from https://www. google.com/url?hl=en&q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.thebrazilguide.com%2Finteresting-facts-brazil%2Ffacts-about-sao-paulo%2F&source=gmail&ust=1485019732940000&usg=AFQjCNGfq1Flt5HtF4zU7AX48lW3Zk5E0w Gladys Lanier Mitchell (2010) Racism and Brazilian democracy: two sides of the same coin?, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 33:10, 1776-1796 Ibid. Gouveia , V. V., & Clemente, M. (2000). O individualismo-coletivismo no Brasil e na Espanha: correlatos sócio-demográficos1. Estudos de Psicologia. Retrieved from http:// www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_ar ttext&pid=S1413-294X2000000200003

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Hamilton, R. G. (2007). Gabriela Meets Olodum: Paradoxes of Hybridity, Racial Identity, and Black Consciousness in Contemporary Brazil. Project Muse. Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu/article/209537. Izaguirre, L. (2016, July 11). Third ISA Forum of Sociology (July 10-14, 2016). Retrieved January 20, 2017, from https://isaconf.confex.com/isaconf/forum2016/webprogram/Paper79100.html

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Escola da Cidade and Taubman College Students at PIPA, Paraisรณpolis

Faculty and students are very grateful for the generous support from Taubman College and the International Institute at the University of Michigan that made possible the experiential learning component of the semester. We owe a great part of our learning experience to the incredible generosity of our partners in São Paulo. Special thanks to Sol Camacho and her office RADDAR (Haydar was instrumental in the trip coordination) and Daniel Montadon for organizing together the workshop with Escola da Cidade; the support from Director Ciro Pirondi and faculty Cristiane Muniz made this initiative a sucess. The interaction with local academics and professionals, and the work with local students truly transformed our understanding of the challenges and design opportunities ahead. The partnership with Escola da Cidade students during the workshop generated ideas that we have continued to revisit during the semester. Thanks to each of you to share your city with us: Amanda Silver Bleich, Beatrice Perracini, Breatriz Sallowicz, Bianca Okamoto, Caio França, Débora Felippini, Fernanda Liba, Francisco Leão de Campos Andrade, Isabela Moraes, Joana Andrade, Letícia Margarido, Marina Dias, Maytê Coelho, Pedro Feris, Rafaella Luppino, Raphael Nogueira, Stephanie Lima.

The intellectual contributions and insightful feedback from reviewers in the Architecture and Urban and Regional Programs have helped us to address critical disciplinary issues in our work. Thanks to the reviewers and juries this semester: Sean Burkholder, SUNNY Buffalo Sol Camacho, RADDAR Scott Campbell, URP Taubman College McLain Clutter, ARCH Taubman College Lan Den, URP Taubman College Harley Etienne, URP Taubman College Iker Gil, MAS Context, SAIC Chicago Christina Hansen, ARCH Taubman College Lesli Hoey, URP Taubman College Larissa Larsen, URP Taubman College Ana María León, LSA University of Michigan Jen Maigret, ARCH Taubman College Kit McCullough, ARCH Taubman College Julia McMorrough, ARCH Taubman College Andrew Moddrell, PORT Arch+Urb Ana Morcillo Pallares, ARCH Taubman College Jon Rule, ARCH Taubman College Roy Strickland, ARCH Taubman College Anca Tradanfirescu, ARCH Taubman College Jose Vallejo, Ecosistema Urbano Kathy Velikov, ARCH Taubman College Claudia Wigger, ARCH Taubman College Laura Wong, ARCH Taubman College

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BIOGRAPHIES

Students in GrajaĂş

Ashish Bhandari is a first year masters of architecture student at the University of Michigan, where he also got his Bachelor of Science. Originally from Nepal, he is interested in the relationship between architecture, society and culture to bring people from different cultural backgrounds come together. Michelle Bohrson is a second year masters of urban and regional planning student. Originally from the USA, she graduated with a B.S. in Environmental Engineering and is interested in hazard mitigation and planning for disasters. Cheng Cheng is a second year masters of urban and regional planning student. Originally from China, she holds a bachelorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s degree in urban planning and is interested in transportation. Abhishek Desai is a first year masters of architecture student. Originally from India, he did his B.Arch at University of Mumbai. He is interested in designing spaces with a positive impact on physical structures and ecological systems.

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Laura Devine is a first year masters of architecture student. She got her BS in Architecture from the University of Virginia and is interested in the intersection of design and social and environmental justice. With professional background in affordable housing design, she is exploring

the benefits of green infrastructure in areas of environmental risk. Ning Ding is a first year masters of architecture student. Originally from China, he graduated from the engineering program at Michigan. He was a charity student organization president and also participated in volunteer program to promote reading in rural China as a team leader. Grant Hong is a MUP/MBA dual degree student. Originally from the Republic of Korea, after working in chemical industry for 15 years, he has been preparing to start new career in the Real Estate industry. Xiyao Hu is a first year masters of architecture student. Originally from China, she got her bachelor degree of architecture from Huazhong University of Science & Technology (HUST). Sheâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s interested in structure and informal special uses in cities. Sophie Jantz is a second year masters of urban and regional planning student. Originally from the USA, she also holds a bachelor degree in economics from the University of Michigan. She has interests in transportation and technology policy. Sara Pizzo is a second year masters of urban and regional planning student. Her undergraduate degree in Environmental Science and Community Action & Social Change drives her interest in neighborhood planning, activism, and sustainability.

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Nikita Rane is a first year masters of architecture student. Originally from India, she holds a Bachelors in Architecture degree from University of Mumbai. Her interest lies in community and institutional design and believe in smaller interventions can make a big difference. Antonela Sallaku is a first year masters of architecture student at the University of Michigan, where she already completed her undergraduate degree. Originally from Albania, she moved to the United States when she was eleven. She loves to travel and learning about other cultures; on her free time she enjoys drawing and coffee. Yao Tang is a first year masters of architecture student. Originally from China, she holds an undergraduate degree by Zhejiang University and is interested in infrastructure design + environmental issues. Charisma Thapa is a second year masters of urban and regional planning student. She holds an undergraduate planning degree at Michigan State and is interested in community development, nationally and globally.

Isaac Wolf is a second year masters of urban and regional planning student. Originally from California, he holds a bachelor Degree in History from the University of California, Berkeley. He is interested in economic development. Shiyu Wu (Chloe) is a first year masters of architecture student. She took her undergraduate education China, also majoring in Architecture. She is especially interested in the old buildingsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; regeneration and urban renewal. Lihang Wu is a second year masters of urban and regional planning student. Originally from China, he holds a bachelor degree in urban and rural planning, with an economic emphasis. Now, he is specializing on transportation policy. Yameng Zhang (Nancy) is a first year masters of architecture student. Originally from Chengdu, China, she finished her undergraduate interior design degree in Ohio State University. Anyuan Zhou is a first year masters of architecture student. He previously studied in landscape architecture in Zhejiang University, China. He is interested in integrating disciplinary formal explorations in a complex and dynamic urban context.

AUTHOR'S BIOGRAPHIES

Alex Ramirez is a second year masters of urban and regional planning student. Originally from Cholula, Mexico, she holds a bachelor degree in architecture from the Universidad de las Americas in Puebla. She is interested in the relationship between the built environment and social identity development.

TAUBMAN COLLEGE

architecture+urban planning

University of Michigan