Crossroads : MAUD Student Chronicle 2018-19

MA Urban Design 2018/2019

CROSSROADS: MAUD STUDENT CHRONICLE

CARDIFF UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GEOGRAPHY AND PLANNING WELSH SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE

MA URBAN DESIGN SELECTED WORKS OF THE YEAR 2018/2019

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FOREWORD

The MA Urban Design [MAUD] programme at Cardiff University is unique for many reasons, including that it benefits from a constructive collaboration between the Welsh School of Architecture and the School of Geography and Planning. The programme is also widely known internationally, as witnessed by the hundreds of applications it receives every year from all over the world. The 2018-2019 cohort of MAUD students has been pioneering in several ways, thanks to the leadership of its student representatives: Shreya Mahajan, Fan Xu, Wenquan Gan, and Thomas Treacher. As a result of this leadership [along with a list of student volunteers acknowledged in this document], the students organized the MAUD Student Summer Exhibition and Symposium, along with the document you hold in your hand, “Crossroads: MAUD Student Chronicle.�

We are proud of our MAUD students, appreciate their hard work and initiative, and wish them much success towards a bright future!

Professor Aseem Inam Course Director, MA Urban Design Cardiff University

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CROSSROADS It was a new place, a new adventure, It came with love like just released from indenture.

The clash didn’t surprise us - it didn’t had to!

It was in our fertile minds, the wonder we found in each other.

It was a new place, a new experiment, It was all hearts and hard work in tandem.

The promise of our minds and emotions to speak in discourse, We lend a hand but not in force.

It was a new place, a new episode, We all were strangers, we met here at crossroads, We all wonder how these voices had blend , For sudden we realize it comes to an end!

--Shreya Mahajan

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SELECTED MODULE WORKS 1. URBAN DESIGN FOUNDATION Module Length: 4 weeks

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Credits: 10

Leader: Richard Bower

2. URBAN DESIGN THINKERS Module Length: 9 weeks

13 Credits: 20

Leader: Gunter Gassner

3. AUTUMN STUDIO

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Module Length: 11 weeks

Credits: 30

Leader: Aseem Inam

4. SPRING STUDIO

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Module Length: 11 weeks

Credits: 30

Leader: Juliet Davis

5. DEVELOPMENT MANAGEMENT Module Length: 9 weeks

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Credits: 20

Leader: Richard Bower

6. RESEARCH METHODS AND TECHNIQUES Module Length: 4 weeks

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Credits: 10

Leader: Nastaran Peimani

PHOTO COLLAGES 1. PORTRAIT AND CONTACT DETAILS

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2. OTHER WORKS

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3. STUDENT LIFE

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 5

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SELECTED MODULE WORKS WORKS OF THE YEAR SELECTION 2018/2019

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he world we are living in is full of problems, environmental issues, and social issues, etc. Design can be perceived as a powerful weapon not only in the process of building and physical intervention but also in the period of researching and analyzing through which it is possible for us to identify what is the key problems here. Knowing what the problem is much more important than knowing how to solve it.

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URBAN DESIGN FOUNDATION MODULE LEADER Richard Bower

TUTORS Monisha Peter Likun Yang

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INTRODUCTION This is the first module for students taking the MA in Urban Design. It is intended to provide a grounding in core issues and skills of Urban Design and offers a foundation for subsequent MA UD modules.

It introduced a range of urban design dimensions, themes and concepts that will be valuable for research, analysis and design throughout the course, drawing on the work of key theorists within the discipline. It teached students to use precedents in the evaluation and conceptualisation of urban issues and potential design strategies. Through assessed work, it developed urban analytical skills, writing and presentation techniques that will be key throughout the course.

URBAN SCAR Fan Xu, Tsun-Hsuan Chang, Guozi Xin, Yizhou Yang, Hongxu Hou There was a railway crossing the site making two parts dramatically separated from each other.

However, with the reduction of coal use and the prevalent use of sustainable fuels, this railway was dumped and lying in the middle of the site cutting the area into two parts. These two parts present a different view. The obsolete part of land fit in the whole site like a scar which give us a clear image of urbanism and the significant conflicts caused by it.

U R B A N D E S I G N F U N D AT I O

MODEL PHOTO

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AERIAL VIEW

MA Urban Design

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CRITICAL URBAN OBSERVATION Lun Li, Ziyan Lu, Xintong Dai, Miaomiao Yang Systematic social observation (SSO) is the application of rigorous, replicable, and generalizable approaches from survey methodology to field observation (ethnography). SSO provides researchers with independent, robust, and quantifiable data about the forms of social interactions most commonly obtained through the trianglation of qualitative and quantitative inquiry.

U R B A N D E S I G N F U N D AT I O

MODEL PHOTO

ROAD ANALYSIS

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MA Urban Design

CONNECTIVITY

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URBAN DESIGN THINKERS MODULE LEADER GĂźnter Gassner

TUTORS Nastaran Peimani Monisha Peter Likun Yang

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INTRODUCTION This module explored the social, cultural and political aspects of urban design. Through a detailed discussion of theoretical concepts and topical concerns, students critically reflected on what urban designers did and what they do; what they can do and what they possible should do.

We looked at each of these themes through the lens of one designer/design thinkers and one critical/social/political theorist. We developed our own critical thinking while engaging with the work of: Le Corbusier, Jane Jacobs, Gordon Cullen, Maria Kaika and Korinna Thielen, GĂźnter Gassner, Walter Benjamin, Rem Koolhaas, Henri Lefebvre, David Harvey, Bernard Tschumi, Richard Sennett, Arjun Appadurai, and Chantal Mouffe.

Aanlysis of The Death of Planning Through The Eyes of Rem Koolhaas in Cardiff Pointe Tadas Salkauskas INTRODUCTION Upon observation of the recent developments in the Bay area to the south of Grangetown, it is possible to see a clear fragmentation of spaces and a lack of a coherent urban structure. It could be observed that each development is separated by vast swathes of land and intends to be larger than the one before. From a personal viewpoint, the bay area appears anti-urban, which raises the question in the role of the planners, or lack thereof in the development of this area.

By analysing Koolhaas’ work, it is possible to make links to Neoliberalism, which hands over increasing amounts of control to the private sector. This is undoubtedly the case that has played a role in Grangetown. This is especially evident when considered as part of the overall Cardiff Bay development, which was developed during a similar period of 80s/90s.

This essay is going explore the links between Neoliberalism and the decrease in the role of planning and its policies through the eyes of Koolhaas and the death of planning concept. More specifically, the essay is going to look at the Cardiff Pointe development and analyse how Neoliberalism has shaped its stance towards commodification of housing.

In terms of empirical methodology, the research has been conducted by examining the planning application history of Cardiff Pointe development using the online planning portal. Due to the recent nature of the development, it is well documented online in terms of proposals and planning authority decisions. Additionally, this type of research has the benefit of relative ease of finding information as it is required to be open to the public. The findings can then indicate whether Cardiff Pointe has been designed to fit within the development framework to benefit the community or whether it is a legacy of Neoliberal policy in the interest of the private market.

In terms of intellectual methodology, the essay will compare the ideas between the writings of Rem Koolhaas, which explicitly express a reduced stance towards planning as an authority; the writing of Thomas Palley who contradicts the death of planning as a concept by writing from a non-biased angle; and finally look at the planning approach within the British context. By assessing the concept from different theoretical angles, we can critically assess whether death of planning is in fact a true concept within the Neoliberal system that has shaped the developments in Grangetown during the last few decades.

To summarise, this essay is going to triangulate literature to delve deeper into the concept described by Koolhaas and try to find gaps in his thinking with contradicting literature. This text will then be contextualised in a British context to allow the analysis to be applied to Grangetown.

LITERATURE ANALYSIS In order to begin to understand the concept of the death of planning, we need to delve deeper into the meaning behind it. In his article “The Generic City”, Rem Koolhaas makes a link that “the generic city presents the final death of planning. …Not because it is not planned…but…planning makes no difference whatsoever” (Koolhaas 2007, pp221). At the most basic comprehension of this sentence, he practically comments that the planning system serves no real purpose after following a process of erosion of power. It is now dead – physically existing but not operative, which also suggests that this is a consequence of a certain event.

Koolhaas further expands on his stance on the death of planning in his article “What ever happened to Urbanism” where he critiques Urbanism having little impact due to “the city [having a] defiant persistence and apparent vigour, in spite of the collective failure of all agencies that act on it or try to influence it – creatively, logistically, politically” (Koolhaas 1995, pp961).

By dissecting these quotes, it is possible to see that the death of planning through the eyes of Koolhaas means that state intervention in the development of cities has little meaning. In his language, his stance towards planning is not necessarily negative. In fact, he states that “after sabotaging urbanism, we have ridiculed it to the point where entire university departments are closed, offices bankrupted, bureaucracies fired or privatized” (Koolhaas, 1995, pp965). Here, he acknowledges the problematic consequences of the shift that he describes, however it is also clear that he perceives the profession to be outdated and that the driving force within the context in which he writes is more powerful than the state. Ultimately, the death of planning can be attributed to a single event, which was the shift from post-war Keynesian economic system into the Neoliberalism in the late 70s. This is what Koolhaas is referring to, however his writing appears overly simplistic and one-sided on the issue and the concept needs to be further contextualised.

Due to both economic theories being wide-ranging and affecting all aspects of societal structure such as planning, economics etc, the context will be narrowed down to housing. This will provide the link between discussions of the two structures mentioned previously, with Koolhaas writing from an urbanist perspective. Neoliberalism is “associated with… the efficiency of market competition; the role in individuals in determining economic outcomes” (Palley 2004, pp20).

Neoliberalism actively allows reduced social provisions and deepening inequalities at the expense of keeping the market flexible and attractive to investors (Palley, 2004). For example, this was implemented through “the privatization of council

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For example, this was implemented through “the privatization of council promoted by the Conservative Thatcher government” (Dodson 2006, pp229). On the other hand, the preceding Keynesianism took the stance of Central Government led intervention, unions and social protection. (Palley 2004). For example, “the state intervened directly to supply housing ... via large bureaucratic Institutions" (Dodson 2006, pp224). This opposing stance and one theory replacing the other in practice is what could be considered as the death of planning, in that the state was no longer responsible in basic provisions, such as housing.

URBAN DESIGN THINKERS

The concept, however should be observed as part of a larger system affecting all corners of society, particularly, the “role of government in preventing destructive competition” (Palley 2004, pp27). This refers to the legal framework affecting development control with which aspects such as contracts are used to ensure accountability for delivery and even policy in prevention of bribery in order to keep the market operating (Palley, 2004). From this angle, an argument could be made that the breadth of planning has indeed shifted to a market-orientated system, however it now has a different position in what role it occupies, specifically maintaining the position of a mediator, something that Koolhaas does not explore in his own work. This suggests the role of planning plays a key part in the delivery of development.

While Koolhaas makes a considerable point regarding the shift from state to private interest in planning, the context of his writings is vague at best, making it difficult to compare in the case of Grangetown. This is problematic as Palley establishes that there are differences in Neoliberal approach across the world, such as that of US and UK policy (Palley 2005). As a result, the concept discussed above has to be triangulated in a specific British context.

In contextualizing Neoliberalism in a British context, again the example of housing will be used. In the proceeding decades of a Neoliberal ruling “the governmental conception of housing changed at this time, from an object that was best provided by the state, to a good that was best provided by the individual” (Dodson, 2006, pp229). This privatization of housing, also supported by the previously mentioned right-to-buy scheme reflected the shift from housing being a basic need to something of value, or a commodity. In terms of housing as a commodity, house prices hit record levels in relation to incomes in the UK amongst other countries, causing many to be unable to compete for adequate housing because of their income (Rolnik 2013). Within the UK context it is clear that Neoliberal policies are discriminatory and have had a negative impact in the housing sector in the UK. However, what this also shows is that the concept of planning being dead, or the state being no longer involved is in fact not true. When considering that planning is the state, and it is the state that has implemented these policies in the UK, as opposed to it being a consequence of the free market contradicts the main concept suggested by Koolhaas.

Having considered the concept from differing angles, we can conceive that planning is not dead. The Neoliberal context in which Koolhaas has written has radically shifted the pattern in which planning operates, however it is still very much alive. Rather than providing for the needs of everyone, planning is acted out through the role of a mediator/manager to ensure that unfavourable developments become less unfavourable, even if this means that the overall benefits are watered down.

CASE STUDY ANALYSIS We can link the concept of the death of planning by looking at the role that planners had to play in the implementation of this scheme. In part, because it is a housing development, key evidence would be the commodification of housing and private developers having large negotiation powers to make viable profit. Specifically, evidence of discriminatory practice, which is not in line with the community. These are the key aspects that form Neoliberalism, which was discussed in the previous section to mean the death of planning through the eyes of Koolhaas. By looking through the planning application available online, all key decisions and documents have to legally be uploaded meaning that the application should, in theory, have the trail of correspondence to be available from which key information can be gathered.

For the period of 2007-2011 the Council issued an Affordable Housing Delivery Statement (AHDS), following guidance issued by the Assembly Government. This seeks the target of 40% on sites of 10 dwellings or more.

Firstly, the initial planning application for Cardiff Pointe has been issued in combination with three other adjacent applications to be developed by the same developer. In total Cardiff Pointe initially was to contain 569 dwellings, in combination with 256, 156 and 61 other dwellings on the adjacent sites. While, in total having 843 dwellings this joined application should have amounted to 337 affordable dwellings. However, 217 (25% of total number) were initially proposed, all of which would have been on the adjoining sites and not within Cardiff Pointe itself. From these numbers it is clear that the development is seen to be a valuable good, which is reserved for high income residents for high profits.

Also, the numbers are in direct opposition to the numbers required by policy.

Additionally, 70% of this “affordable housing” would be offered on intermediate rent and the remaining 30% on shared ownership. Again, these numbers equate to residents having to earn enough to afford this. While intermediate means below market value and above social rent value, the subsidised amount is, as a condition expected to be saved towards a deposit, which can accumulate to unaffordable levels again. With the addition of having zero social rent properties, this policy is clearly discriminatory towards social rent tenants. It is undoubtedly evidence of this development being a commodity to the developer.

The argument put forward by the developer was that the development would only yield a profit of 15%, which is the minimum any developer would require to engage with the project, thus 25% of affordable housing is considered acceptable. The message here is clear, if the Council wish for more housing, they must grant the application, which gives the developer a clear bargaining power in this instance. As Koolhaas says, “the generic city presents the final death of planning. …Not because it is not planned…but…planning makes no difference whatsoever” (Koolhaas 2007, pp221).

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However, this raises the question of, if the planning authority wanted this strategic site to contain housing for all, why wouldn’t they just reject this application and call for new proposals? This suggests that the authority has a particular vision for this site that these proposals support, which may be discriminatory to some and therefore is eager to engage with the developer.

After the initial scheme, later amendments were enacted by the developer. This included a reduction in the overall dwellings on all sites to 798, with 561 for Cardiff Pointe. Additionally, the developers were contractually required to deliver a new Ice Arena, which was the subject to one of the adjoining applications meaning that a contribution of near £8,000,000 was required, which is equivalent to 30% of the provision of affordable homes in Cardiff Pointe. This has meant that only 100 overall affordable homes were proposed across all sites minus Cardiff Pointe (equivalent to 12.5%), now with the inclusion of a new Ice Arena.

REFERENCE [1].

Cardiff Bay Development Corporation (1987). Cardiff Bay Regeneration Strategy: Map of proposals. Cardiff: Cardiff Bay Development Corporation.

[2].

Cardiff council. 2019. Planning Online - Application 12/00937/DCI. [Online]. [5 January 2019]. Available from: https://planningonline.cardiff.gov.uk/online-applications/applicationDetails.do?activeTab=documents&keyVal=_ CARDIFF_DCAPR_100406 [3].

Cardiff.gov.uk. 2012. Application Summary: 12/00937/DCI. [Online]. [16 January 2019]. Available from: https://planningonline.cardiff.gov.uk/online-applications/applicationDetails.do?keyVal=_CARDIFF_DCAPR_100406 [4].

Crockett, N. 2019. BBC News: Cardiff Bay: What has 30 years of development achieved?. [Online]. [2017].

Available from: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-40681940 [5].

Dodson, J. 2006. The ‘‘Roll’’ of the State: Government, Neoliberalism and Housing Assistance in Four Advanced Economies. Housing, Theory and Society. 23(4), pp. 224-243.

[6].

Google. 2019. Google Maps. [Online]. [17 January 2019]. Available from: https://www.google.co.uk/ maps/@51.4506065,-3.1851485,1223m/data=!3m1!1e3 [7].

Koolhaas, R. What Ever Happened to Urbanism?, in S,M,L,XL, New York, The Monicelli Press, 1995, pp. 959971 [8].

Koolhaas, R. 2007. The Generic City. In: Larice, M & Macdonald, E eds. The Urban Design Reader. : Routledge, pp. 215-226 [9].

Palley, T.I. 2004. From Keynesianism to Neoliberalism Shifting Paradigms in Economics. In: Saad-filho, A & Johnston, D eds. Neoliberalism A Critical Reader. London: Pluto Press, pp. 20-29 [10].

Rolnik, R. 2013. Late Neoliberalism: The Financialization of Homeownership and Housing Rights. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 37(3), pp. 1058-1069.

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MA Urban Design

Following these amendments, the planning committee accepted these proposals and granted the application. To put it simply, the application would not be built unless the council approved it, however the council had little bargaining power in the delivery of this scheme and therefore had to approve. This is clear evidence of the death of planning concept, where private interest overpowers the good of the community. In my personal viewpoint, an ice arena does not equal to affordable housing and it never will. The ice arena simply could not replace the waiting list of thousands of people to be housed. The planning authority has the power to reject undesirable developments and call for more appropriate ones however, as mentioned previously it is evident that the planners in this situation had other interests. And the delivery of the ice arena is key to this. By looking at the development of the entire Cardiff Bay “There was a lot of political opposition...but it has put Cardiff on the European and world map" (Crockett, BBC 2017). This reporting illustrates the council’s intention. Globalization is a product of the Neoliberal thinking and “the hosting of sports mega-events has been one of the strategies adopted to promote large-scale urban renewal... bypassing existing rules and laws that protect rights” (Rolnik 2013, pp1064). The International Sports Village is a key element to the delivery of Cardiff Bay and is intended to boost the city’s profile globally. It was envisioned in the original strategic masterplan to contain “Mixed use waterside development – housing, commerce, leisure, and parkland. Site for possible international Maritime Park” (Cardiff Bay Development Corporation, 1987). This proves that the Council’s eagerness to engage with the developers has been part of the overall strategic development of the city. Regarding the delivery of Cardiff Pointe, the Council’s role has been to mediate and manage by making this development be less undesirable to the community while achieving its bigger goal to deliver Cardiff Bay at the expense of the community. In essence, this development will become yet another commodified development, which is too expensive for locals while benefitting from the proximity to the International Sports Village.

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Examining Transprogramming as a Process for Urban Design Fan Xu "Cities today are facing the mutual threaten of becoming monotonous and homogeneous gradually if the city chooses to assimilate and adapt to conflicts everytime confronting it.

Conflicts and complexity occur everywhere in our life, would designing follow the process of transprogramming become the main methodology for making our city and social life dynamic and vibrant? It might be an option…"

INTRODUCTION Architects and urban planners these days have always been keen on pursuing pureness and simple answers in the process of designing. The manifesto architecture as a machine which was first brought out by Le Corbusier in his book ‘Towards a New Architecture’ reveals that he was trying to find the simplest way, an effective way to solve urban problems. However, since the architectural configuration always combines three features. “…… the fundamental principles of architecture are firmitas, utilitas, venustas.” (Marcus Vitruvius, 1998, P.13) which means three different criteria inevitably confronted in one building with different requirements. It indicates the contradiction and the complexity are the natural essences embedded in the core of present cities, transcending the limitation of fixed function, and makes people’s movement, as well as events, occurred inside the building really count.

URBAN DESIGN THINKERS

These different aspects conveyed by contemporary cities in different urban contexts have been defined by Tschumi that every different aspect can be treated as a program, and the notion of “Transprogramming” simply means “Combining two programs, regardless of their incompatibilities, together with their respectively spatial configurations.” (Tschumi, 1994, p.206) The different aspects were described as objects, movements, and events, each can be interpreted as a physical entity, spatial routes and people’s activities. “Only when they unite do they establish an instant of continuity.”

(Tschumi, 1981, p.10) Different programs which take place inside the building are superimposed with each other and layer up which in turn creates multiple and even infinite interpretations for each individual. “……the substrate of form here referred to as an aspect of architecture’s interiority, could be detached from such programmatic concerns.”(Eisenman, 1999, p.50) The form is not the results of function anymore, they are working in parallel separately together with human intervening. Yet, since each program is incompatible in various terms, when they are piled up as contrasting layers, the confrontation where different layers meet establishes brand-new order after experiencing the conflicts. “Only the striking relationship between the three levels makes for the architectural experience. ” (Tschumi, 1981, p.10) Conflict and complexity happened in the urban context forms the dynamic urban social life, the intersections where various programs meet are the real fascinating parts.

ESSAY EXCERPTION “ ……Never attempt to transcend contradictions between object, man, and event in order to bring them to a new synthesis; on the contrary, they aim to maintain these contradictions in a dynamic manner, in a new reciprocity and conflict.” (Tschumi, 1981, p.10) Contradictions and conflicts have always occurred between various factors which dominate the quality of architecture, the methodology of transprogramming is not about avoiding conflict but solve the contradiction and maintain the complexity of either architectural space or urban space. When different, even opposite programs confronted with each other, the conversation had by these programs can be fierce at times, for each of them have their own features and shapes. This indicates the controversy and complexity always exist inside a single building or urban areas as long as it contains various programs. Thus, how to cope with intersection made by different layers becomes the main criterion for differentiating conventional building or space with building or space formed by transprogramming, As transprogramming chooses to make contradictions juxtaposed to create diversity, it is necessary to investigate what do these programs serve as and what consequences might be produced by put them together with incompatibilities.

When we were talking about architectural spaces, there are multiple programs, usually, three different aspects serving different purposes exist in one single place at a time. “Objects” as entities primarily serve as a basic platform, a material which other programs can function with; “Events” as a decisive program which define the meaning of the space existing; “Movements” serve as different individual’s own perception of the space and varied a lot between contrasting interpretations of different people. The objects are not necessarily changing all the time, as long as the “events” and ”movements” are constantly altering their definition and interpretation, there will be infinite meaning can be interpreted from a certain place when three parameters layered up as one, which means based on the events happened and the

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people who were interpreting this space, there will be infinite meaning of the space for every individual based on their own perspectives. Very much similar to the movie-making process, same footage with a different edition in a contrasting sequence, opposed emotions it will convey. Thus, the space produced by transprogramming loses its authentic meaning.

“A segmented world in which each fragment maintains its own independence, thereby permitting a multiplicity of combinations movement.” (Tschumi, 1994, p.198)

However, transprogramming don’t simply mean add different layers of programs can make certain place flourish, it also not necessarily reveals a certain relationship between transprogramming and vibrancy. As I have observed in this area, this street seems as same as normal streets in most days of a week, however, when an event happens, it seems certain event functioned like a trigger that makes this area soon becomes vigorous and outstanding in the area. Thus the method of transprogramming defines the basic requirements that how an urban area can gradually become vibrant, which is the intersection of different layers of programs as well as producing infinite meanings, however to make either a building or an urban area flourish, events are the trigger, which means inside the process of transprogramming, the “triggering” part is an essential but missing part, thus, incentives for “triggering” should also be considered when we discuss transprogramming as a process for manipulating architectural and urban space.

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Spaces and building which are formed follow the process of transprogramming have certain attributes: Lack of centre, no hierarchy, and infinite interpretations.

2.

Due to transprogramming is about superimposition of contrasting programs in one fixed area, this area usually has conflicts which can be either in a good or bad way, but after all, the conflicts and the complexity encourage the urban to develop and grow.

3. It comprises the basic requirements of urban flourish, spaces in the same way manipulated as trasprogramming do have the potential of being prosperous.

4. Incentives are required based on observation to trigger the flourish of social life in urban space, conventionally, incentives can be certain events and particular constructions.

REFERENCE ·Tschumi, B. (1994) ‘Abstract Mediation and Strategy’, in Architecture and Disjunction. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, pp. 191206. ·Tschumi, B. (1981) ‘The Manhattan Transcripts’, St. Martin's Press, pp. 6-44. ·Eisenman, P. (1981) ‘Diagram Diaries’, Thames & Hudson, pp. 1-62 ·Venturi, R. (1966) ‘Complexity and Contradiction In Architecture’, Museum of Modern Art, pp. 9-70

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MA Urban Design

These three programs can be classified as “Hindi Temple”, ”Catholic Church” and ” Islamic Cultural Centre” and each of them represents dramatically contrasting cultural background. These three different programs distinguish with the other two in four dimensions which is the configuration of the building, people who use it, which country they come from and the events it hosts. The contrasts of configurations are obvious and this is the most recognizable aspect of tranporgramming that people can easily find in their daily life, as mentioned in the book Abstract Mediation and Strategy that” …… together with their respectively spatial configurations. Reference: planetarium + rollerocoaster” (Tschumi, 1994, p.206) Different forms have been put together is the most effective and functional way to draw a confrontation of different programs. There are lots of examples of buildings which have two forming frameworks combining old and new, and spaces have a range of different forms from different times. The Hindi temple in this road has an obtrusive masterplan embedded into the regular grids of residential housing, it has small domes on the top of the temple arranged in sequence every five meters with the colour of white and yellow; The church in this road is not big but also has a traditional look of a Catholic church, concise massing, double slope roof with white as main colour; on another side the Islamic centre has a conventional shape, pretty much similar to the church, with orange as its main colour of façade. Different forms clustered in one place normally is the first and sometimes surface layer of transprogramming.

When it comes to sociology definition of transprogramming, it is much more comprehensive, containing two aspects in this particular street: religious and nationality. Hindi temple primarily serves people whose religion is Hinduism, and normally these people are originally from India or Britain; Islamic Centre primarily serves Muslims who come from Muslim countries; while these two places have comparatively single nationalities, the church serves people from all over the world whose religion is Christianity; they are incompatible in terms of religion and nationality but piled up in the end.

To this extent, each one of these three different building constructed three different layers of transprogramming, every program of the building dramatically differs with each other, yet superimposition of each program brings this street more diversity and vitality compared to similar stat us street based on my observation.

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Border and Boundries Through Richard Sennett’s theoretical concept Niamh Brady "To delve deeper and further investigate this concept, I will look at borders and boundaries through the lens of the place. Borders and boundaries is a concept I feel is very important because if edges are understood better and utilised better in design, we can create and transform spaces both physically and socially. This is an aspect which I feel is relevant in the contemporary and modern city or any area for that matter; for example, it can be applied to Grangetown, a residential area in the city of Cardiff. We are always striving towards better urban design, now more than ever, and I feel that understanding the difference between boundaries and borders and valuing the importance of borders in creating usable spaces which promote social exchange, is an important part of this."

ESSAY EXCERPTION

URBAN DESIGN THINKERS

Sennett expressed a desire to reconsider the important spaces in a city and bring them to life, explaining that“traditionally the centres have been the most important place in the city; we might now want to think about the edges within the city - the lines and zones which separate different ethnic communities, economic classes or functional activities.” (Sennett 2011, p. 324). Sennett’s (2011) theory of borders and boundaries can be easily analogised as that of a cell; a border has the qualities of a cell membrane, being both porous and resistant, whilst a boundary reflects a cell wall. A medieval city wall, per Sennett’s theory (2011), is an example of a border; the wall shelters the city from attack, yet the gate allows social exchange, regulating people and commerce entering the city. One distinguishing factor between borders and boundaries is that dead zones are often found surrounding a boundary, whereas borders have the opposite effect. In the above example, urban development was often found on either side of the city wall, making this an active border. A motorway is an example of a boundary; access is restricted by its presence and activity is very limited in the surrounding area, establishing dead zones (Sennett 2011). Conversely, a standard road with lower levels of traffic and pedestrian crossings is more likely to be a border, as people can still cross the road and development and activity often surround them.

Kullmann (2011) also describes edges in a similar way; although he does not use the words ‘borders’ and ‘boundaries’ his definitions of edges are comparable. He explains that an edge can be a corridor for activity or a transition – Sennett’s border – or conversely could be a “linear void in the urban fabric” (Kullmann 2011, p. 70) – Sennett’s boundary. Jane Jacobs (1961) dedicated a whole chapter of her famous book to what she called ‘the curse of border vacuums’; she talks about ‘borders’ which create lifeless spaces and cut off activity, using transport corridors such as a motorways or railway lines as an example of this. Jacobs explains that borders are “apt to form dead ends” and “they represent, for most people, most of the time, barriers” (Jacobs 1961, p. 259). Jacobs is describing what Sennett would call a boundary.

Jan Gehl (2010) uses the terminology of soft and hard edges as two extremes; although he talks about edges as being the point where the building meets the street, a soft edge has an active ground floor and a hard edge has an inactive ground floor. The majority of these thinkers look at the idea of edges in a linear way. Firstly, they talk about edges being either a border or a boundary. Is it possible for certain edges to share qualities of both a boundary and a border?

Additionally, they associate boundaries with negative connotations and borders with positive connotations, to the point of Sennett (2007) stating that the “dual quality of the membrane [border] is […] an important principle for visualising more modern living urban forms” (Sennett 2007, p. 294). Does that mean, in this case, that there is no such thing as a negative or unsuccessful border? There have most likely been cases where an edge has the qualities of a border and yet is not received well by the public or creates a negative space. Or possibly not, but I do believe that creating a positive border is more complex than it appears. Sennett (2011) also relates his idea of borders and boundaries to human communities. Borders can be used to help the exchange flourish between different social, economic, religious and ethnic groups; conversely, boundaries can diminish this exchange and isolate groups. He discusses how planners, including himself, often make the mistake of focusing on the centre of an area and neglecting the edge. Naturally, when wanting to strengthen a community you would look to strengthen its centre or core, however, doing this can risk treating the edge as a lifeless boundary and thus weakening complex interactions between different social groups.

Sennett (2011) highlights a successful example of utilising an edge; “the West side of Manhattan sought to locate new community resources at the edges between communities, in order, as it were to open the gates between different racial and economic communities” (Sennett 2011, p. 331). Understanding the value of an edge as a border, in this example, has proved to greatly improve integration. Nevertheless, I am unsure that this would work in all situations; creating a new edge or rebranding an old edge may change things physically but not always socially. You cannot guarantee that all communities would respond well to this and instinctively start integrating with other groups of people. If done well and the communities are respected, understood and their needs are met then utilising edges effectively does seem the best

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way forward. In this context, the idea of borders and boundaries could be taken further, exploring the idea that invisible social boundaries can be created. For example, the stigmatisation of lower income groups can cause people of higher incomes to avoid low-income areas and vice-versa. Kullmann suggests that “the repellent effect of social hostilities are more likely to create transitional edges and uncrossable spaces” (Kullmann 2011, p.70). Furthermore, exploring the idea that a boundary or border can have a physical or social aspect to it; it seems possible that there have been cases where a physical border has been created which has in turn established a social boundary. For example, a street which has the qualities of a border but contains only extremely high-end shops, marking this area as a place for the rich. This would create a social boundary between people of different incomes as people of lower incomes may feel uncomfortable or excluded in this space. On the other hand, looking at this in a darker manner, you could argue that they have intentionally created a social border. It is porous yet resistant, encouraging only people from higher incomes to use the space and deterring others.

This essay explored the way different thinkers thought about edges and found that even Jane Jacobs in 1961 was discussing the importance of edges and the curse of the ‘border vacuums’. Each thinker talked about it in a different way but the same notion of borders and boundaries, as told by Sennett, was underlying in their thoughts. The analysis of The Marl Park and channel view estate highlighted an edge which had strong boundary conditions, physically separating the park from the estate and discouraging people from using this edge as an access to the park. However, I also explored how the edge does show elements of a border, despite this being a negative space. Furthermore, I examined how the proposed redevelopment will change this edge. Lastly, I evaluated the idea of positive Figure 2 borders and negative boundaries and how this edge challenges that. Additionally, I explored the idea that a boundary can be unintentionally created as a result of another boundary. Overall, the theoretical concept is an important one for good urban design in a contemporary city that can also be applied to regular spaces, as shown in The Marl Park and channel view estate.

However, I think this concept is more complex than it seems, and more research is needed to understand how we can avoid creating lifeless negative edges, as we’ve seen, not all borders are positive. Furthermore, it is important that the affect of edges on its surroundings are investigated; to ensure that a designer is not just focusing on the physical aspect of an edge and ignoring the social and that it does not cause the creation of a secondary boundary. If we are to create more modern urban forms and strive for better design, understanding, respecting and redefining edges is a vital step in the design of modern cities.

REFERENCE ·Gehl, J. 2010. Cities for People. Washington: Island Press ·Jacobs, J. 1961. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Modern Library. ·Kullmann, K. 2011. Thin parks / thick edges: towards a linear park typology for (post)infrastructural sites. Journal of Landscape Architecture, [online] 6(2), pp.70-81. Available at: http://www.karlkullmann.com/thin-parks--thick-edges.html [Accessed 6 Jan. 2019]. ·Mosalski, R. 2018. The latest plans for Cardiff's Channel View redevelopment revealed. Wales Online 17 July. Available at: https://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/latest-plans-cardiffs- channel-view-14917485 [Accessed: 18 January 2019]. ·Sennett, R. 2007. The Open City. In Burdett, R. and Sudjic, D. eds. The Endless City. London: Phaidon, pp. 290-297. ·Sennett, R. 2011. Boundaries and Borders. In, Burdett, R. and Sudjic, D. eds. Living in the Endless City. London: Phaidon, pp. 324-331.

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Undertaking the observations at The Marl Park revealed to be an edge and boundary that I wouldn’t have otherwise appreciated. There is a pedestrian path running through the middle which separates the north side of the park from the south side. It begins at the north west entrance to the park on Ferry Road and runs straight down through the park, past the courts and the path then forks off, one direction runs along the houses (the previous edge this essay discusses) and the other direction runs perpendicular to this cutting the park in two and connecting to the riverside cycle-path. After observing how the park was used, I noticed that 95% of people would take the route indicated in figure 2, away from the houses and onto the riverside cycle-path. This created an unintentional, invisible boundary; as it was the most inviting route to take around the park, it meant that most park users took this route and the southern end was lifeless. It seemed that people were avoiding this area of the park or found that it was an unappealing route to take. This edge felt like a stark barrier between the active side of the park and the neglected side of the park, allowing users to walk alongside but not through the neglected side. It seemed as if the physical boundary and unsafe edge created by the housing – the southern corner as discussed before – were deterring people from utilising those paths and in turn created an unintentional second boundary along the middle path, which people used to avoid the first boundary. Whether this was because of the uninviting elements of this edge, its location or the stigma attached to social housing, it is unclear. This begs the question, is it possible for physical boundaries to trigger the inadvertent, human creation of intangible, social boundaries as a response to the original boundary?

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AUTUMN STUDIO

MODULE LEADER Aseem Inam

TUTORS Patricia Aelbrecht Aisha Ali - Gizem Aydin GĂźnter Gassner Noha Nasser Nastaran Peimani Melina Guirnaldos Juan Usubillaga

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INTRODUCTION The MA Urban Design Autumn Studio introduced students to some basic aspects of the field of urban design, while simultaneously critiquing the field in order to move it forward by exploring more effective forms of practice.Students sought to address these questions through a series of site visits, graphic exercises, readings, researches, lectures and presentations.

GENTRIFICATION Today, in the early 21st century, gentrification has come to be understood as something much more comprehensive: a generalized middle-class restructuring of place, encompassing the entire transformation from low-status neighborhoods to upper-middle-class playgrounds. Gentrifiers’ residences are no longer just renovated houses but newly built townhouses and highrise apartments. Their workplaces are as likely to be new downtown or docklands office developments as warehouse studios. At its heart, gentrification is about displacement and the multiple forms of exclusion that accompany it.

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SITE CONTEXT Grangetown is a fascinating area of Cardiff for a number of reasons.

First of all, it is aquintessential urban area because it is a rich mix of urban conditions: historic and contemporary, medium density and low density, mix of land uses and segregated land uses, fine grain as well as coarse grain urban fabric, separated by roads and connected by those same roads, close to the water’s edge and close to the city center, and so forth. Our main interest in this studio was in how the relationship between urban design, housing and gentrification play out in Grangetown.

WORK ONE: GRANGETOWN LIFE: Fair Action Plan Najib Hamedi, Yan Qin, Sihan Yang, Mengni Zhang Tutuor : Aisha Ali The two topics we studied are Public Policies and Regulations and Processes of Property Development. We analysed current policies on different levels, and selected four new property development projects in Grangetown. According to our analysis, we formed a plan called Fair Action Plan, as a basic strategy that contains different types of sub-strategies.

The strategies we formed in different aspects are selected as below : Community Dialogue Multi-functional facilities meet challenges Regular consultation Housing Revolution Bring empty homes back to use Use modern construction methods build modular construction house Build functional community helps disadvantaged groups AUTUMN STUDIO

Activist Cultivation Foster the change of open space performance Plugged-in small local businesses Ensure access to education and job skills needed by people and industry Community Dialogue Multi-functional facilities meet challenges

work/business/art etc. elder people growing family single parent Create new Comprehensive Plan policies and areas for community to flexibly accommodate multiple functions that serve community members of all ages, religions, races, occupations.

Transform current facilities into different functions to meet the needs of different times, and support Grangetown Hub interacting with Grangetowners to get more information about what Grangetown could be like in the future.

Regular consultation

Figure : Apps of development projects consultation

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Develop agreements between the Cardiff Council and the community to outline protocols for consultation related to issues and decisions of future interest and concern. Use social media as a platform for collect and review the 'comments' of the public for the development in Grangetown, and each individual actions could make an impact on Grangetown.

Housing Revolution Bring empty homes back to use Local Housing Market Assessments

+

Viability Assessments

Housing Assessments

local authorities householders private market + development plans + coordinate current housing market

re-collect empty houses

Leading by the Cardiff Council, Grangetowners help community and the government to report and collect empty houses in Grangetown, the government analyses the location and empty times, prepares reuse for the households on the waiting lists.

re-evaluate households

Analysing the type of households on social housing waiting lists, such as waiting time, demands, condition of current homes, homelessness, etc. Matching the households on waiting lists with the current empty houses, reduce the pressure of waiting lists.

re-distribute funding

The government provides 25%-30% property loan to help first time buyer which on the waiting list renting or buying empty houses, through the Empty Homes Wales project using the rental income to refurbish homes and repay the loans.

Partners

Welsh Government; Cardiff Council; Grangetown Community; Housing Associations; RSLs; Independent Living Services The role of partners is to lead or support the implementation of each action, focusing on different part that related to each partner and finally to acheive fair and affordability in Grangetown.

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MA Urban Design

vacant houses & affordable housing

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Activist Cultivation Foster the change of open space performance

By providing an open space for residents of the different social group to gather together to have social activities, enhance the relationship between neighborhood.

AUTUMN STUDIO Figure : Location and types of informal green space in Grangetown.

We also pay attention to informal green space in Grangetown.

Compared with parks, informal green space are available everywhere in Victoria residential area especially street verges and waterside.

Take this part of Victoria residential area as an example. Based on the analysis of the streetscape, this area has abundant waterfront resource and street verges. While some blocks have little green spaces. We have four ways to use informal green space, educational agricultureďźŒ community landscape, new hub and natural consideration.

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Figure : A. Educational Agriculture

Figure : C. Community Landscape

A. Educational Agriculture For primary students: • Feel the nature; • Learn about local plants; • Foster a spirit of cooperation; • Do exercises.

Figure : B. New Hub

Figure : D. Natural Consideration

D. Natural Consideration • Wooden platform for feeding birds; • Cleaner waterside; • Less rat problems; • Natural conservation.

Activist Cultivation Plugged-in small local businesses & Ensure access to education and job skills By cooperating with the sellers to share their business experience, meanwhile getting to know each other and give more opportunities to local small business. Cooperating with some organizations in UK which can provide small business loans for members.

Figure : street market, the diagram of street market and street market hub

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MA Urban Design

C. Community Landscape • Designed by community; planted by pupils; • Add rest and recreation facilities; • Notice boards as exchange windows.

B. New Hub • A cafe; • A branch of Grange Bowls Pavilion; • Relax and communication; • A staging post for cyclists.

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WORK TWO: Rooted in PLACE : Designing a flexible masterplan for a resilient Grangetown.

Shreya Mahajan, Tianhao Bai, Yilin Gan, Yuhang Li Tutor : Aseem Inam

AUTUMN STUDIO

The two topics we studied are Housing Finance and Designing Structures, Spaces and Places.

One deals with finance and other the form. We develop a relation betwwen both the factors that is form and the finance. Form and finance are inter-related to each other. According to our analysis, the contemporary belief that form follows finance is very true because initially we need finance to set up our physical as well as non-physical strategies. Later, with our strategies for antigentrification we aim finance to follow the form ; where form means the system of working To study the finance and designing structures in Grangetown area, we are considering different scales from to understand the issues in detail. The strategies at different scales are as below :

REGIONAL/ CITY SCALE Designing FLEXIBLE Transportation for Grangetown For developing the transportation network by improving cycling infrastructure, we aim to ban the car park on roads.

GRANGETOWN SCALE SELF REFURBISHMENT Government owned Grangetown empty houses with very poor condition and need urgent maintenance will be sold for 1 pound.

STREET SCALE DIY FOLLIES : Pavilions for the people by the people These are small pavilions for the peop and by the people of Gramgetown.

The follies are physical elements for all the non-physical strategies SITE SPECIFIC SCALE DIY HOUSING : Cabinets of Curiosity There are four sites have been chosen for DIY Modular Housing (MPH).

Our goal is to make full use of these inactive spaces in Grangetown.

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Figure : Map showing open spaces of Grangetown

The follies are meant to be DIY i.e Grangetown residents will attend the workshops and skill sessios to learn the construction and will contribute in erecting these structures. These workshops will be held in the abundant industries of Grangetown. This will bring the industries to use and also create job opportunities for Grangetown residents.

Timber is used for construction of follies because of ease of construction techniques. Also, we do not see any timber structure in Grangetown, hence using timber as a construction material for the follies will create an identity to the structures and make them unique for the place.

Figure : Location of Follies in open spaces of Grangetown

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MA Urban Design

The strategy at Grangetown scale is DIY Follies. These are small pavilions for the peopel and by the people of Gramgetown. The follies are physical elements for all the non-physical strategies of finance, policies and community mobilization. Potential sites we found for these follies are the open spaces of Grangetown. The aim is to create a conection through these several open spaces of Grangetown.

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Figure : Night view of a Follie

AUTUMN STUDIO

Above picture shows the view of Folli. These Follies will create an identity to Grangetown. They become the most important factor; apart from its physical structure, they institute all facilities that help to avoid gentrification.

Similar elements are used in the roof of the structure. It represents the visual link in Grangetown.

All follies have similar roof as an idenity. Follies are important ascpect to all the strategies of the study as they will be managed by Grangetown residents . This will also avoid indirect gentrification. Follies create visual links though same material and similar construction style. They also create job opportunities for residents of Grangetown as it aims at bringing the unused industrial area into use again. Currently, there is a lack of communication between the community and employment opportunities.

Figure : Location of Follies in Grangetown

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Figure : Existing IKEA Building

Figure : DIY hOusing above IKEA

There are four sites have been chosen for DIY Modular Housing (MPH). The reason why we choose these areas is beacause most of the times, they in not-used or inactive conditions. our goal is to make full use of these inactive spaces. There will be different materials being used and mixed to build these blocks, such as wood, aluminiium, polymer, concrete, and so on. Residents have chances to design their own houses. Workshops will be provided in the follies which have been proposed in the laststrategy. Participants can get help and work with professionals. There will also be finished designs for residents to chose if them are not able or they do not want to design themselves. An APP will be provided to assist the design process.

MA Urban Design

18 19 Figure : Materials used for DIY Housing

Figure : View of "Cabinets of Curiosity"

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WORK THREE: SAFEGUARD THE DIVERSE AND INCLUSIVE COMMUNITY Qi Mo, Ran Lu, Zeinab Abdelrahman, Wenquan Gan, Yizhou Yang, Siqi Zhou, Tonia AI Adaime, Yuewen Zhang, Ziyan Lu, Shi Gao Tutor : Noha Nasser Grangetown is close to the city centre, the River Taff and Ely River just divide it in the geographic location, so it have some communication between them. Cardiff Bay area is also close to Grangetown, which brings the convenience of the Grangetown residents to leisure and entertainment. As one of the landmar venues in Cardiff City, the Principality Stadium not only attracts tourists from other parts of the world to watch the spectacle, it is also a perfect place for residents to live and gather. Gentrification is everywhere in Grangetown, which leads to displacement and social exclusion.

AUTUMN STUDIO

FEASIBILITY As two separate projects, Gas Work and Morrison are designed in accordance with the principles under the premise of overall planning.

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STRATEGIES - PLACE PLAN What is a place plan?

A Place Plan is a planning document, produced by a local group in the community to guide the future development of the area. It is about the use and development of land and associated social, economic, and environmental issues. The foundation of this plan as an influential planning tool is a well defined and focused evidence base and an effective community engagement.

1. Natural surveillance All area of public realm are to be overlooked by adjoining habitable room.

3. Street This area has strict hierarchy, which is the main road on both north and south sides of the site.

The building line backs down 5-10 meters to form a semiopen space between the main road and the main commercial building.

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MA Urban Design

2. Position of Entrances All main entrances to home, including ground floor flats, and communal entrance lobbies should be visible from the street or adjacent primary public realm and clearly identified.

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AUTUMN STUDIO

Starting from the four aspects of increasing connectivity, mixed use, community ownership and quality space, the overall plan was formulated, and the connectivity and affordability of Grangetown regions were increased through the development of Gas Work and Morrison, two major projects. As two separate projects, Gas Work and Morrison are designed in accordance with the principles under the premise of overall planning.

A community with characteristics of creativity, energy and innovation We would like to create a community with Characteristics of creativity, energy and innovation to provide people with higher life quality. Not only this quality would show on the physical features, but also this high quality also need to be showed on the relationship among people with various backgrounds.

Masterplan

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Big Box

Pop Up

Strategy of mixed use both shows on the aspect of the longitudinal and the transverse.

Various functions can be put in a same building in different story, at the same time, functional retail stores can be set up together without specific regulations.

Morrisons is like a BIG BOX. Its coarse fabric against the connection of site and lack of diverse. we use small units to "wrap" the Big Box, put small retail spaces in front of Morrisons. The retail can include some meeting space, Cafe, bar, restaurant.

By this way, the site can increse a lot small scale stores, it can be more walkable.

In the future, if there are more funds, the area could be replaced by more affordable housing.

New materials and forms could be used such as containers .

This kind of building is easy to move and also is low cost.

There is a priority which is given to pedestrians in the consideration of designing street, and to protect right of people by separating vehicle flow and pedestrian flow.

Compared with vehicles, pedestrians have more freedom . There are kinds of methods to cross through not be limited to the gap, people can also cross through from inside.

MA Urban Design

Walkable Street

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Through analysis of Coin street community builders, from the situations of Grangetown, we increase the proportion of affordable housing to about 100 units. The residential area takes 54% of the whole site, office takes 6%, small commercial takes 28% hotel and restaurants totally take 5%,service infrastructures take 7%.

Starting from the four aspects of increasing connectivity, mixed use, community ownership and quality space, the overall plan was formulated, and the connectivity and affordability of Grangetown regions were increased through the development of Gas Work and Morrison, two major projects. As two separate projects, Gas Work and Morrison are designed in accordance with the principles under the premise of overall planning.

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WORK FOUR: Uplifting Grangetown towards Socially cohesive Neighbourhood Luo Guo, Siddhi Chopda, Chenxi Lyu, Hongxu Hou Tutor : Gizen Aydin In autumn studio, we studied two themes, housing finance and Designing Structures, Spaces and Places. For housing finance, we analysed the basic situation of Grangetown, sums up the causes of gentrification, puts forward the strategies of prohibiting large-scale development and establishing the stabilization voucher. For Designing Structures, Spaces and Places, we analysed the housing types, residents' income and land use of Grangetown, and puts forward two strategies for setting up the flea market and missing middle housing.

Theme 1: Housing Finance

AUTUMN STUDIO

Housing finance is a very broad concept, which can be discussed at the national level or at individual level, involving personal housing loans, personal housing applications and so on.

Housing finance is what allows for the production and consumption of housing. It refers to the money we use to build and maintain the nation's housing stock. But it also refers to the money we need to pay for it, in the form of rents, mortgage loans and repayments.

How do households buy housing?

It is a way to help them get the house early, for example the bank loan, people pay the down payment, and then they have the right to use houses, and in the next many years, people pay money back to bank. If people choose the save money way, they have to spend a very long time to get the house.

Figure : Housing Finance Process

How do households rent affordable housing?

Affordable housing includes social rented, affordable rented and intermediate housing, provided to specified eligible households whose needs are not met by the market. It can be a new-build property or a private sector property that has been purchased for use as an affordable home.

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Strategy1: Stablization Voucher

Strategy2: Prohibite Large-scale Development

Control: We know that large-scale construction will lead to an increase in house price. Therefore, the government should propose policies to control the development of large buildings. For example, we can control large buildings in these three areas. Thereby, avoiding people being displaced.

Promote: The government should also give corresponding policies to use this area as a protected area.

Control over house prices and encourage the development of local shop.

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MA Urban Design

The government create a stabilization voucher, and for investors who want to start the missing middle project and the inclusionary housing project, the government will give them benefits, for example tax abatement and lower land price to reduce their spending on construction.

Therefore, although affordable housing projects are developed, developers can still make profits.

So this kind of policy can attract developers to come here.

And for low-income people, this voucher provide to people whose income is below 50% of the area median income and have over 5 years local rental history, it can help them get houses in low price, these houses are those built in these two projects. And also it supports people to start thier own business in Missing Middle Project, help them to open a shop to increase their income.

After the strategy, following outcomes could be seen: the amount of affordable housing in Grangetown is increasing, local people can still stay there rather than leave Grangetown by gentrification, besides the voucher which provide to low-income people can help them get their own house more easier, finally the voucher can help them start their own business in missing middle project and get more job opportunities.

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Theme 2: Designing Structures, Spaces and Places Green space analysis For Grangetown, there are six gardens, and from survey for analysis infrastructure and activities for each park, we observed how people use the park. The parks are divided into two parts, parks in the north and in the south. It was found that the parks in the north are poor in facilities and people use them less frequently. There are lack of park activities in the northern parks.

AUTUMN STUDIO

Figure : Green space analysis

Strategy1: Flea Market Site selection We choose three parks for flea markets, different size will hold different events.

For large park, Sevenoak park, it could constitute city exhibition and music festival. For small parks, they can be use at community level. During weekend and daily evening, there can be community events and as flea market design is for community, it can serve local people.

For design, we aim to create a model which people can easily change and move and use a simple structure to create a unique flexible model. So we use this shape through changing the size, giving functions and then combining it as per the requirement. The model fits into different arrangements and could be used for plantations, seating, second-hand market and other multiple activities.

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Strategy2: Missing Middle Housing

These are house-like, multi-unit buildings planned within walking distance of retail and amenities. This kind of housing, scaled between single-family homes and apartment buildings, can provide attainable, walkable, and neighbourhood-based housing options. Its types includeDuplex: Side- by-side and Stacked, Bungalow court, Carriage house, Fourplex, Multiplex: Small, Townhouse and Courtyard apartments.

The "middle" piece denotes scale and form rather than income bracket or class. Missing middle housing is approximately the size of a standard single-family house, but with multiple units.

However, this type can also offer greater affordability, bringing home ownership within reach for a larger segment of the community.

MA Urban Design

Site selection in Grangetown

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Introducing Live/Work unit into Grangetown

Transforming the ground floor into flexible spaces by introducing mixed- use commercial activities on the ground floor. Connecting to the strategy of Stabilization voucher, the local residents of these new Live / Work unit will have the benefit to start their own business or any income source generation activity by criteria of monetary and spatial benefits offered in the voucher strategy. Also, it provides an opportunity to enhance community-based events by utilising the flexible space as per the requirement.

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SPRING STUDIO

MODULE LEADER Juliet Davis

TUTORS Richard Bower Aisha Ali Gizem Aydin Hesam Kamalipour Noha Nasser Nastaran Peimani Melina Guirnaldos Diaz Juan Usubillaga

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INTRODUCTION This year’s Spring Studio considered the notion of ‘urban inclusion,’ focussing particularly on the potential for inclusion through the participation or meaningful involvement of local people in decisions related to transformation within their neighbourhoods and/or wider districts.

In the studio, students worked both in groups and individually to design a strategy for community involvement relating to the development of an area that forms part of the larger site developed between 2006 and 2012 for London’s Olympic Games. Since 2012, the Olympic site has been under a process of partial redevelopment focussed on converting the sports-focussed complex produced for the Games into a mixed-use urban area including residential, employment, cultural and educational uses. The larger goal of this is to regenerate an area associated with deprivation and the decline of industry in the late- twentieth century.

SITE AND PLANNING CONTEXT Historically, the site for the 2012 Games was industrial, its ownership fragmented and its location marginal – it lay at the borders of the city and, later, the intersections of several local authorities. Owing to the nature of industries that settled there from the mid- nineteenth century and the conditions of employment, the neighbourhoods developing around it became associated with high levels of poverty. Following deindustrialisation and the closure of the London Docks from the 1970s, many were shown to still be among the most deprived in England more than a century later, at the turn of the twenty-first century.

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CRITICAL CONTEXT As legacy plans have emerged and development materialised, they have been the focus of analysis. Given the promise of regeneration which underpinned London’s bid for Games now more than fifteen years ago, much attention has been devoted to questions of whether developments or development processes have been and are inclusive, whether they respond to local needs and priorities, and to who the beneficiaries of urban change appear to be.

WORK ONE: BRIDING COMMUNITY Fan Xu, Sihan Yang, Xuqing Cai, Yixin Wang, Xinping Xiong Tutor: Noha Nasser

SPRING STUDIO SPRING STUDIO

Our venue is very close to the London Olympic Park and we built a bridge to include community Our venue is very close the London Olympic Parkprocess and we built a bridge community members into the design byto include considering them in every phase. We are trying to bridge BRIDGING COMMUNITY members in the design process by considering them in every phase. We are trying to bridge them Group: F-2 in multiplein dimensions. them multiple dimensions.

Student Name: Fan Xu Sihan Yang Bridging Social capital: Use our site as a demonstration site to link different communities and Xuqingsite Cai •• Bridging Social capital: Use our site as a demonstration to link different communities and enforce the connection.

Fan Xu Sihan Yang Yixin Wang • Bridging Community assets: Create a platform for exchange and share community assets, not only Xinping Xiong enforce the connection. physical facilities but also people's skills.

Tutor: NOHA NASSER • Bridging Grassroot rights: Empower community members for having the power to influence and shape where they live, and gradually reach "citizen control".

•• Bridging Community assets: Create a platform for exchange and share community assets, not Bridging Building activities: Hold multiple activities to promote the integration and interaction amongphysical communities, and facilities reduce conflicts and misunderstandings. only but also people's skills.

Yixin Wang Xuqing Cai Xinping Xiong • Bridging Grassroot rights: Empower community members for having the power to influence and SITE shape IMAGESwhere they live, and gradually reach "citizen control".

• Bridging Building activities: Hold multiple activities to promote the integration and interaction among communities, and reduce conflicts and misunderstandings.

SITE IMAGES

OUR AIMS OUR AIMS

Venue Context Historically, the site for the 2012 Games was industrial, its ownership fragmented and its location marginal – it lay at the borders of the city and, later, the intersections of several local authorities.

OLYMPIC VILLAGE The Olympic Village was previously used as an athelets dormitory and now is a legacy for delivering affordable housing and social housing.

STRATFORD INTERNATIONAL STATION The station is the biggest station nearby combining metro, railway and local transportation which can be seen as the main transit centre.

MAIN STADIUM Previously used as the main stadium of London Olympics, now serves as the home stadium of West Ham United. The open spaces around this stadium are available to all of the residents.

STRATFORD DEPOT One of the first buildings on the Jubilee Line Extension, the brief called for a complex providing train maintenance and stabling facilities alongside extensive office and ancillary buildings.

SITE Also, know as "Ricky Robert way" which is Connecting different areas nearby and neighborhoods.

One of the main parks here where contains many facilities and open spaces, children and adults were hanging out here when we were observing.

COMMERCIAL COMPLEX This area revealed an image of mix functional district and full of commercial energy.

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Land use ·Mixed-use of development (retail, residential) ·Provide a secondary school ·Non-residential uses integrate within residential ·Provide open space

Roads

·Roads should be East-West and straight ·Minimum 1 tertiary route in 12.1 and minimum 0 tertiary route in 12.2 ·Building lines fronting streets shall be parallel ·Open Spaces can't be intersected by the

Building Heights

·A+: 16 meters -- 46 meters ·A: 16 meters -- 28 meters ·B: 16 meters -- 22 meters ·C: 12 meters -- 22 meters ·D: 7 meters -- 22 meters

road

Planning Delivery Zone 12 (PDZ12) Revised Design Codes have been prepared as part of the Legacy Communities Scheme Planning Application submitted by the Olympic Park Legacy Company for the long term future regeneration of the Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park.

The primary purposes of the Revised Design Codes for PDZ12 are to:

MA Urban Design

THREE MILL PARK

To involve and engage local people meaningfully in the design of a site in the London Legacy Development Corporation (LLDC) planning area with CURRENT POLICY the intention to enhance social development.

Our aim and approach is rooted in building trust, intimacy, and consensus 1.Lack of development of public transportation and the on the site’s future by incomplete road network of the surrounding area.

2. Inadequate consideration of community diversity only focused on physical developments. g i v i n g l o c a l p e o p le 3. Lack of connection among communities and neighborhoods. g rdevelopment e a t e ras a rfixede rather s p than o nengaging sibility 4. Treat interactive process. in the design, use and testing of new models of development.

We believe the stronger the participation system and the more people who participate, the greater the support for Citizen Control Mode democratic values.

To involve and engage local people meaningfully in the design of a site in the London Legacy Development Corporation (LLDC) planning area with the intention to enhance social development. Our aim and approach is rooted in building trust, intimacy, and consensus on the site’s future by giving local people greater responsibility in the design, use and testing of new models of development. We believe the stronger the participation system and the more people who participate, the greater the support for democratic values.

CURRENT POLICY

1. Lack of development of public transportation and the incomplete road network of the surrounding area.

2. Inadequate consideration of community diversity only focused on physical developments.

3. Lack of connection among communities and neighborhoods.

SITE CONTEXT

MA Urban Design

Planning Delivery Zone 12 (PDZ12) Revised Design Codes have been prepared. The primary purposes of the Revised Design Codes for PDZ12 are to: •Ensure high quality design and the development of sustainable communities •Define the underlying structure of blocks within the development •Define the character of the physical environment and the requirements placed on proposed buildings to support that character and ensure accessibility and inclusive design

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It is surrounded by either the tallest or the largest buildings in terms of scale which make our venue a restricted one. Elevated green ways isolated our site from the nearby neighborhood.the site is weakly connected to the surrounding land in termsof configuration.

Few people live and work here, the majority of people work in the city centre and come back at night. The flow of people around the site is relatively small, which will bring unsafe feelings to people

STAKEHOLDER ANALYSIS

TARGET GROUPS

SPRING STUDIO

These people are the ones whom we going to focus and include in the design and engaging process.

Our target groups are produced based on this.

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S E L F - B U I L D

PROJECT SCNARIOS

0-5 YEARS: DEMOSTRATION SITE

1: MODULAR CENTRE

2: OPEN SPACES

6-FUTURE: ADAPTATION

1: PUBLIC SPACES

2: CENTRAL HUBS

the training and involve local business to facilitate the building process, in essence, it’s a bottomup inclusion strategy. Benefits of Self-build Constructing with a relatively lower cost; Support local economies including small local business; Build sustainable communities by creating mutual benefits; Environment-friendly, easy to adapt and dismantle for rebuilding.

SIX MAIN PHASES

SELECTED ACTIVITY PLAN

WHOLE PROCESS TIMELINE

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MA Urban Design

We defined the main stages and the objectives related for self-building, from fundraising, approval for construction to the final building stage. In the whole collaborative process, community members would not be informed and consulted, alternatively, they can choose and select what they want to build, after which the professionals who are also the member of the community would help with.

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WORK TWO: SPRING STUDIO Tadas Salkauskas, Rebecca Treharne, Niamh Brady, Zhaofan Zhou Tutor: Dr Juliet Davies We developed an inclusive community engagement strategy, after vigourous site and community analysis. It has four stages. The first stage is about raising awareness and informing locals of development and events taking place. The second stage is about collecting information and producing initial design concepts. The third stage is where the final designs are completed and exhibited to the public based on feedback from the community engagement events in stage 2. The fourth and final stage is when the planning application for development is submitted.

This project looks at three interconnected events, that will take place in stage 2, all of which revolve around the theme of connectivity and they occur consecutively. They are: wayfinding, walkthrough and wander, respectively.

Our community engagement strategy involves the community every step of the way, in exciting ways and allowes them to truly shape their neighbourhoods future.

ANALYSIS

SPRING STUDIO

Figure 3

Figure 1

Figure 2

The first stage of the project involved analysing and critiquing the current parameter plans for the site (figure 1). We found the limitations of the site uses were: lack of connections to existing pedestrian routes; no development on eastern parts of the site; turning back towards existing neighbourhoods; and encouragement of tall buildings. We then analysed urban inclusion and the types of groups that are excluded and how they are excluded (figure 2). We looked further into socially, economically and physically vulnerable groups in the context of the borough of Newham (figure 3).

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STRATEGIES

Figure 4

The community engagement strategy we developed (figure 7) has four stages. The first stage is about raising awareness and informing the relevant stakeholders of the site and potential development. We need to ensure all local groups are identified and informed of the development on Rick Roberts Way and the future community engagement events so they can help shape the future of their neighbourhood. It is especially important that hard to reach, minority groups are included in these community engagement events and informed of the development.

We have undergone a range of research

and analysis to identify the diverse range of people that exist in the local area and have decided on the best ways to inform them. We have designed three community events, revolving around connectivity, the first of which (wayfinding) can be seen in figures 4 & 5. This event will take place in stage 2 which is about collecting information MA Urban Design

and producing initial design concepts. We discovered five themes and for the purpose of this report have focused on one: connectivity & access. We have planned three community engagment events for the theme of connectivity and these all build on one another.

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Figure 5

The agenda and surrounding diagrams on this page and the previous give an indication of what this event will look like and what will take place.This event gives different stakeholders the chance to walk around the site as it currently is and give their views and opinions on connectivity and access. Different groups will be able to shed light on how they would use the site and what elements of the site are restricting access or making it inaccessible. After walking around the site, everyone will get a chance to have their views heard, this will be conducted through the use of maps, post-it notes and specially made counters which indicate a different type of positive or negative experience.The agenda indicates the stakeholders who we would like to attend, a range of groups from disabled people, to local residents, school children and local businesses; this would provide us with a broad overview of connectivity and access on the site from different perspectives and will also shed light on other topics such as safety. This research will help us to understand the most popular way of accessing the site and whether modes of transport such as cycling and walking were an easy option to take to the site. Overall, this event will help us to understand how we can improve the connectivity and access of the site in our design.

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ANALYSIS

Figure 6

Figure 7

The next stage of the analysis explored stakeholders and the type of engagement that each stakeholder requires either dialogue, consult or inform (figure 6). The analysis will be based on how influential and how affected the stakeholders are by the new development. We developed a four stage community engagement strategy (figure 7) that involved the community every step of the way, in exciting ways and allowed them to truly shape their neighbourhoods future. For the purpose of this project, we showcased three community engagement events as part of the strategy: wayfinding; walkthrough; and wander.

SPRING STUDIO

STRATEGIES

Figure 8

The second event is the walkthrough, we came up with four different masterplan options which will be showcased in this walkthrough event .

Figure 9

Land is a finite resource that, when connected well can create cohesive and diverse communities with many benefits. This walkthough is intended to bring together the people, businesses and Local Authority that are likely to be affected by this development to share knowledge, expertise and the needs that cannot be understood in isolation.

The walkthrough will aim to get information on safety, access and necessary connections and therefore the key groups to consult will be those that will benefit from this the most.

Figure 10

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ANALYSIS The last stage of analysis looked at the demographics of the local area, covering ethnicity, age, language, religion and disability.

Figure 11

Figure 13

STRATEGIES

MA Urban Design

connectivity of the area from different user perspectives, as well as analysing crime in the area over the past decade.

A high percentage (37%) of the population are young adults, within the age group of 20-29 years. In Stratford and New Town the languages include UK, European, South Asian, East Asian, Caribbean, African and other. Newham is

Figure 12

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Figure 14

The event will take place, on a sunny day, on the Rick Roberts Way Figure 15 site, so that it is in view of even passersby to come and look around. However, a contingency plan will be made for bad weather – we have identified several larger premises, the Padel club for one, for an alternative venue in case of bad weather conditions. The area will be wide enough to accommodate wheel chair users and others who need more space to move around. The model will also be on a lowrise table to ensure wheel chair users and children can see the model too.

The idea of this kind of inclusion experience is to show stakeholders what they have created and how it has come together to form a whole. In addition, it familiarizes them with the space, so that when it is constructed it isn’t a foreign concept, but instead something they have engaged with before.

The event will be open firstly to those who were part of the immediate engagement sessions for these designs, and then will be opened to the wider public to enjoy too. There will be a coffee stall and various tables and chairs so that people can stay and chat about the site. There will also be various members of the design staff to answer any questions people may have.

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WORK THREE: SPRING STUDIO Yuewen Zhang, Ziyan Lu, Haozheng Huang, Zeinab Abedlrahman Tutor: Melina Guirnaldos Diaz London Olympic legacy involves in urban regeneration ,and there is a requirement that"Games were won with a bid promising to promote a lasting legacy of accessibility and inclusion.�

Co-design is the main method used in this project .We consider the basic condition of the site and all stakeholders that the theme of community school is confirmed as our aim .

There will show the definition of co-design ,what it includes and how it works. Additionally, the key involvements and methods of public participation will also be introduced.

A master plan will be given to help understand the whole inclusive design process with 4 clear phases. Consequently this project would be a good example to other huge events legacy surroundings.

INTRODUCTION

Co-Design: Level of Involvemrnt

SPRING STUDIO

What is Co-Design? co-operative design (now often codesign), is an approach to design attempting to actively involve all stakeholders (e.g. employees, partners, customers, citizens, end users) in the design process to help ensure the result meets their needs and is usable.

Participatory design is an approach which is focused on processes and procedures of design and is not a design style.

CO DESIGN PROCESSES IN THE SITE

MODEL PHOTO Carbon offsets It establishes the principle of carbon offsetting as a potential way in which the carbon reduction targets for new developments can be met. The policy commits the Legacy Corporation to the preparation of an SPD that sets out the approach to the carbon price that would be applied and the mechanisms for collecting and allocating any carbon offsetting monies that result.

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SITE ANALYSIS Land Ownership

Planning and Projects

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Transport Analysis

Infrastructure Analysis 18 19

COMMON VALUE

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NATURAL RESOURCES

SPRING STUDIO

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WORK FOUR: PHOENIX - BORN IN THE FIRE Jinyun Lin, Tingting Feng, Tianhao Bai, Ying Jing Tutor: Richard Bower The whole design process has four steps - Gaining understanding of issues and aspirations, Issues, masterplan principle & awareness, draft masterpln, and design development. The process includes awareness raising, imformation collecting, activities & events, later-phase follow-up, masterplan presenting, and design development.

After variaties of analysis and servel field trips to London, we set our aim at children and the elderly around the site. In order to attract our target groups, we will hold events such as voice of vitality/wisdom, primary/secondary school activities, tea parties and workshops.

We provide the most up-dated forms (technologies) to present the draft masterplan in order to make the design more understandable. VR/AR/MR technologies meet the needs mostly. With the fluid and splendid physical space design, our goal is ensuring most people could take part in the design process.

ANALYSIS SPRING STUDIO

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GENERAL ANALYSIS

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ANALYSIS

SPRING STUDIO

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M A S T E R O L A N Virtual reality (VR) is an interactive computergenerated experience taking place within a simulated environment. This immersive environment can be similar to the real world or it can be fantastical.

Augmented reality (AR) is an interactive experience of a real-world environment where the ob- jects that reside in the real-world are “augmented� by computer-generated perceptual information, The most intuitionistic way to present Through VR/AR/MR technology, the model of the project can be projected direct on the real-world site. No matter what age, education background, industry that residents belong to, can easily understand what is going to happen in this area.

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DEVELOPMENT MANAGEMENT

MODULE LEADER Richard Bower

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INTRODUCTION This module looked at design policy, guidance and development control in the UK and internationally. It considered the socio-economic, political and environment challenges that cities face nowadays and examined urban planning instruments such as zoning, development plans, design standards and codes with regard to a range of different urban development models.

Particular attention was paid to the relationship between urban planning and urban design, which was explored through an analysis of the ways in which planning instruments impact on urban form as well as an investigation of the agency of urban designers in different planning contexts.

Through its focus on concrete places and developments it was both critical and practical in its orientation.

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ROYAL ALBERT DOCK Thomas Roberts Part 1: Case Study Background Royal Albert Dock is a large-scale employment led mixed-use development covering 15.9 hectares, located within the south of the London Borough of Newham in Beckton. RAD sits in a strategically important location within Newham Arc of Opportunity, Royal Docks Enterprise Zone and Thames Gateway Opportunity Area, all of which are designated for significant investment and regeneration.

DEVELOPMENT MANAGEMENT

RAD will incorporate 256,757m2 of B1 business space, 9,839m2 of other A1/A2/A3/A4/D1/D2 commercial space and 845 C3 residential units. RAD will consist of 45 blocks once completed set around 8 public squares and three east-west streets alongside a promenade and tertiary routes in a north-south direction. RAD will incorporate two Grade II listed buildings, and one locally listed building.

Existing

C3 Housing

B1 Office

Car Parks

Small B1 Office

Buildings

Main Route

Squares

Eco Corridor

Promenade

RAD was originally part of the Royal Albert Dock, which was one of the three Royal Docks.

Following containerisation in the 1960s demand for the docks collapsed and the Royal Docks closed in 1981 which led to social and economic damage to surrounding communities.

The LDDC was formed by to transform the area by attracting private investment by putting infrastructure into place in the area to facilitate large-scale developments.

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RAD sits within the second most diverse borough in London. Newham is also London’s second most deprived borough where 35% of the population live in poverty with a majority being underpaid. All of Beckton sits within the top 50% most deprived LOSAs in the UK. The cost of property has increased by 36% in the past five years in the Beckton ward. Home ownership in Newham is just 11% and the borough has the highest temporary accommodation rate in the UK with a social housing waiting time of 9 years, 11 months.

Part 2: Analysis

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RAD was originally initiated by the LDDC by designating the site for a business park development. However, RAD did not start until the investment in 2013 by the Chinese developer ABP who had the adequate funds for such a large site and was supported by the GLA through its subsidiary London & Partners. The RAD masterplan and Phases 1A/1B (the Central Quarter) were designed by Farrells. Later phases of the development will be led by other well-known architects to help develop varied character in RAD’s design. RAD provides a useful case study example of the socioeconomic implications that can arise from urban development as a result of the demands of international investors being prioritised over the local community within Newham. The marketing of sites around the Royal Docks, including RAD, has been tailored specifically to the needs of international investors, as opposed to mentioning the needs and requirements of Newham’s local community. RAD was highlighted as sitting in Newham’s Arc of Opportunity, and was marketed by the council to investors at the Shanghai Expo in Chinese as an opportunity for international investment due to its proximity to Canary Wharf, New York and Paris but failed to highlight the existing communities of Silvertown and Beckton which actually lie within the borough. Instead of the development being designed to reflect the characteristics of the surrounds, RAD attempts to recreate a sense of Central London and acts as its own “new neighbourhood with distinct character areas” as opposed to integrating with neighbouring Beckton Park and the Cyprus housing development. in RAD, the development is instead heavily influenced by Chinese design which is shown in a recent additional application submitted at the site for the installation of a traditional Huabiao. This goes to show the prioritisation of Chinese international investment within the RAD development and the wider borough of Newham which the Council has heavily supported, by attempting to create a “dreamscape” to attract further investment whilst eradicating the previous heritage and identity that once sat on the site with no links to Beckton.

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BANKSIDE POWER STATION Siddhi Chopda

DEVELOPMENT MANAGEMENT

The heart of London witnesses an iconic and unusual landmark The Bankside Power Station (active 1952-81) designed by Ar. Sir Giles Gilbert Scott. The structure stands out as a symbol of the bygone insutrial era in London. With an evident transformation in the 20th century, Bankside Power Station is now known as the Tate Modern museum, constituting a modern adaptive reuse ( Sharma 2013, thesis -Battersea And Bankside: A Tale Of Two Power Stations). The nature of redevelopment schemes in and around this site are however termed as one of the driving forces for London’s emergence as a global city with its dominating ‘identity’ towards culture and visual aesthetical appearance i.e the London‘s skyline propaganda.

Mayor of London’s Cultural Strategy Plan in themed around above 4 priorities 60

The Culture of Image Making (Gassner 2017) - in the name of Aesthetics, Identity and Heritage

AN ‘EYE’ BEYOND THE VISUAL PERCEPTION

MA Urban Design

The changing skyline and environment at Bankside clearly suggests commodification of enshrinement as heritage rather than creating a qualitative connection with the People of the City.

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FUTURE RESEARCH 1. How is the Vishrambaug Wada addressing issues of its ongoing urban regeneration, keeping the ethics of culture and identity intact, moving way beyond the idea of ‘visual conservatism’ ?

2. Being still a human scale structure, how does Vishrambaug Wada respond to its surrounding new and old urban fabric ?

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Vishrambaug Wada, Pune, India

CONVOYS WHARF Yuying Luo Keywords: London City Mayor Policy Affects Development Process Convoys Wharf is located in Deptford, London. The Thames passes through the opposite side of Canary Wharf. Originally, Convoys Wharf was the first Royal Wharf built by Henry VIII in 1513. Later, with the development of historical and political demands, it was used as a foreign bull market to isolate and slaughter imported cattle and sheep. It was purchased by the British newspaper company named ‘News International’ in 1986. Since 2002, the real estate development process has been started. Most importantly, Hutchison Whampoa Limited (HWL), a Hong Kong company, joined and led the real estate development of this site in 2015.

Unfortunately, the project has not been completed. This article will explore the history of Convoys Wharf. From political perspectives, analyze the attitudes of different mayors during their tenure and their impact on the real estate development process of the fleet terminal.

DEVELOPMENT MANAGEMENT

Historical Map

Location

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TIMELINE OF THE DEVELOPMENT PROCESS IN CONVOYS WHARF

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RESEARCH METHOD AND TECHNIQUES MODULE LEADER Nastaran Peimani

TUTORS Monisha Peter Likun Yang

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INTRODUCTION This module aim was to provide guidance in the development of a research-based design project. The module supported the previous research training found in range of modules in this programme. It did this by teaching students to critically evaluate both published research and associated theories within the subject area.

The module introduced the skills to undertake a defined piece of research which may be based upon primary data and/or secondary data, provides an understanding of alternative approaches to research for urban design and helps develop an ability to identify the most suitable approach for a given research question.

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PROPOSAL 1 Tadas Salkauskas

What’s the deal with Permeability? : Exploring the contrasting approaches to Permeability in relation to Street Vitality to manage crime in inner-city areas.W

RESEARCH METHODS AND TECHNIQUES

Introduction Research and theory relating to crime and safety generally point towards the work of Jacobs (1992) (originally 1961), who introduced key principles of density, mixed use, permeability and surveillance as groundwork for street vitality, which promotes a feeling of safety (Jacobs, 1992).

Some key concepts such as New Urbanism, Walkability and Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design address the issue through set design principles and the general consensus points towards surveillance and human presence as being effective at promoting safety.

However, the same concepts have provided evidence that contradict each other on the issue of permeability within the fields of Urban Design and Criminology relating to crime. This presents a gap in research on the connections between permeability and street vitality and how this relates to crime.

The significance of this study is that it aims to bridge the gap in understanding permeability within existing literature, which can provide new approaches in Urban Design of how streets can be retrofitted to encourage a more efficient use of public space.

Research question, implications and scope The aim of this study is to explore why permeability has been such a contested issue within research and what evidence has been presented in terms of its effects on street safety. More importantly, the study will aim to explore the role of permeable networks towards street vitality as a means of reducing crime in public spaces.

Using mapping and observations, the aim is to establish whether there is a connection to street vitality and morphological conditions that enable street vitality, such as population density and building use and functional mix.

Literature review Through Assemblage Thinking, crime is an effect based on a series of multi-scalar relationships.

Alone, an intervention will not resolve the effect and requires a multi-disciplinary approach (Pafka & Dovey, 2017; Dovey, 2012). Thus, physical design cannot cause or solve crime but it can enable management of safety.

New urbanism has explored safety through compact, pedestrian friendly, mixed-use developments. The concept has provided empirical evidence (Foster et al, 2015) to enhance safety from crime through the generated pedestrian traffic which enables natural surveillance, which is inspired by Jacobs’ ‘eyes on the street’ (Jacobs, 1992).

Literature on interface catchment suggest the necessary role of permeability/mix/density and the total length of frontages, which contain public/private interface at enabling street vitality. This ultimately leads to public safety through increased surveillance. Also, it is argued that these key principles will promote walkability and vitality but not necessarily walking (Dovey & Pafka, 2019; Forsyth, 2015; Jacobs, 1992).

In a Melbourne study (Dovey et al,2001) connections have been made between drug taking and permeability, where subjects preferred public spaces that were away from the public 66

eye however, also, preferring spaces with overseen interface for their own safety in case of overdosing (Dovey, et al, 2001). A link can be drawn on the importance of interface catchment and not the amount of permeability, necessarily.

Alternatively, Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) is a set of design principles that have been developed and based on the works of Jacobs (1992), Jeffery (1972) and Newman’s ‘defensible space’ (1972) making the distinction that physical design and human behaviour are interrelated and hence impact crime (Cozens, 2015), thus contesting Assemblage Thinking.

CPTED notions of territoriality, surveillance, image management, legitimate activity support, access control, target hardening and geographical juxtaposition relate to private-public interface that reduce crime (Cozens, 2015; Iqbal & Ceccato, 2016). CPTED research has ignored geographical juxtaposition, hence nearby land uses had not been considered (Cozens, 2015).

Additionally, CPTED responds with a “fortress mentality” (Cozens & Love, 2015, pp397; Iqbal & Ceccato, 2016).

Existing literature indicates that there is a contradictory disconnect between safety and permeability. While Urbanist theory promotes permeability to enable street vitality and safety, CPTED discourages it due to enabling risk of criminal behaviour. However, literature agrees on the need for surveillance through interface catchment and critical mass to a certain extent

Methodology and research design The study will use crime mapping to locate the areas that are most affected by crime. A disadvantage to this type of methodology is that crime is recorded by approximation to a street and not specific location. Hence it is difficult to point out specific morphological conditions relating to it. Additionally, crime can be underreported hence crime mapping is not a true reflection of the situation.

This gap can be remediated through observations. Direct observations will be utilised to measure the street vitality of specific areas by counting street users in terms of ”liveliness” (Anderson et al, 2017) at different times of the day. This refers to temporary or fixed street use such as sitting, watching or walking through. This will provide an insight to amount of use of public space, which can be layered with crime mapping.

Lastly, morphological mapping will be utilised to draw a connection between street use and physical characteristics to see whether there is an observable connection between street vitality and access networks. Linking to the research, interface catchment mapping will provide data connecting direct/indirect surveillance and street use, which can be layered with crime mapping to form connections.

By triangulating the gathered data, we should be able to visualise the relationships between crime rates, access networks and street life.

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Case study Safety has been emphasised as an effect of street vitality and permeability within the King’s Cross Masterplan, which will be the case study for this research. The area has suffered disconnect and crime, and as a result the development has largely focussed on open public space as key to attracting pedestrians. Relating to Jacobs’ (1992) ideas of permeability, mixed use and density, the development seeks to address safety through “a full mix of uses, busy by day and into the evening, and with good management and communication...to create a safe and successful environment” (KingsCross, 2019, pp47).

The development has utilised a spread of new public open space, adding to a wide permeable network that has spilled into the existing adjacent communities however, the case study will analyse whether the development brochures present a truthful picture of the King’s Cross being successful at achieving safety through street vitality.

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PROPOSAL 2 Fan Xu

Design for future: Will driverless infrastructure mediate the tension between transportation efficiency and public life vitality in city’s main roads?

Introduction: This paper aims to understand the relationship between street life vitality and urban transportation efficiency underlying today’s cities. In almost all of the major cities in the world, they are facing serious problems as fast-growing urban high streets which cut people’s habitats into small pieces making social life segregated. With noticing the dominance of cars, people start to experiment how to limit cars and return the street spaces back to pedestrians, especially after the importance of street life was introduced to the general public at the end of the 1960s.

RESEARCH METHODS AND TECHNIQUES

The objectives of this research is to understand both mobility efficiency and social vitality and to find out through which ways can our street fulfill the outcomes of reaching the balance between these two. Especially with the rapid development of driverless technology and the autonomous vehicles, we are in an age that is similar to the days when cars were invented and being introduced to the public, and It is possible to think further into the future that how can take the initiative to design our roads, on the one hand, to accommodate the adapting from current road to driverless road but on the other hand to reallocate the spaces for different movement and reconstruct the relationship of different users on the streets.

Research questions: 1.What are main conflicts emerged among different users in today’s city roads in mix-use areas 2.Can driverless road infrastructure mediate the tension in city’s main roads?

3.What changes will driverless society bring to current road infrastructure?

Literature Review For decades, we witnessed the developing of the discourse that for whom should the street be designed. With the concept of “eyes on the street” (Jacobs et al, 1961) and the “activities between buildings” (Gehl et al, 1971) been coined and brought out, it also advocated for the diversity which can be induced by the mix and overlap of functions. After which it almost became a common sense that we all shared to agree that the intensity and vitality are the most essential parts that streets should have. Besides, by intruding the open city (Sennett et al, 2018, Building and Dwelling, pp267-291) which unraveled the significance that differences and conflicts are embraced by which everyone shared the same rights in utilizing spaces. (Harvey et al, 2003; Lefebvre et al, 1996) At the same time, it has been argued that the very spaces for citizens to interact are streets and roads (Jacobs et al, 1961) where people tend to meet outside their private spaces, this was also at that time against the notion coined by modernists (Corbusier et al, 1929, The City of To-morrow and Its Planning) that streets are merely for transporting and mobility which should be elevated and segregated from people’s living area which has been proved in many cities that is not a good way to improve the vitality of social life as it limits the possibilities and separates living spaces.

In the UK context, Home zone (Department of Transportation, 2001) derived from Woonerf, 68

Home zones (Biddulph et al, 2012; Gill et al, 2006) are normally united with traffic calming and cul-de-sacs (Ewing et al, 1999; Litman et al, 1999; Harvey et al, 1992) which are commonly related to physical implements and space configurations. However, through the research of several cases done by Biddulph (2012, Radical streets? The impact of innovative street designs on livability and activity in residential areas), it has been argued that the traffic calming and culde-sacs are not necessarily connected to the vitality and livability. It did increase the ratio of street activity but mainly for children.

Methods: By introducing street morphologies, several different standards will be set up for further research including street pattern, street scale, street width, street interfvvace connectivity, functional mix, street building heights, setbacks, and take-ups. Through these, we can conclude and discuss the morphological features of a ‘good street’ which has a vibrant street life without limiting urban transportation. The limitations of observations which is potentially having inadequate resources will be backed up by semi-structured interview and analysis of secondary data through which a subject and comprehensive perception of these questions will be produced.

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And what more, looking into the future, we can mediate the tension with the rising of AV (autonomous vehicle) (Grieco et al, 2011) it’s well acknowledged that it will bring potential benefits and the tremendous social change to the road system (Sohrweide et al, 2018) The benefits of AV can be unraveled through three scopes. First, the safety issue. Automatic driving cars can save us from car crashes and drunk driving, it is much safer mathematically, yet maybe feel unsafe psychologically. Second, it will enhance the transportation efficiency exponentially as each vehicle communicate simultaneously and it will save us time for reacting which is the main cause of traffic congestion and even accidents. The third one is induced by the second one, as the efficiency of transportation will be improved, there will be no need for multiple lanes and the space for transportation will be reduced, furthermore, as the AV can cruise and automatically find parking lots, there is no need to allocate a large amount of land for building parking infrastructure, which in turn will liberate their lands to public spaces and green spaces. (Kellerman et al, 2018)

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PROPOSAL 3 Benyu Zheng

Urbanizing villages : Informal Functional mix in Chengdu's inner city Introduction

RESEARCH METHODS AND TECHNIQUES

The world is now an urbanizing planet in which 95% of population growth will be predicted to take place in the developing counties cities (UN human settlement et al. 2006). It means that one of the biggest challenges in urban development is the urban poverty population increasing fast. In addition, one-third of the urban population lives in informal settlement and slums at least. China as a developing country, which has over 1.4 billion population. According to Davis’s (2006) opinion, the Chinese total population who live in the informal settlement could reach 193.8 million or 37.8% of the urban population. Besides, most of them live in one new kind of informal settlement which could be called urban villages. Although the tendency is to regard informal settlement as a problem should be solved, these Chinese cities will be unsustainable economically and spatially without these urban villages. (Perlman 1976), A large number of researches illustrate that the creativity and productivity of informal settlement could be regarded as a solution more than a problem (Turner 1976). A large number of researches illustrate that the creativity and productivity of informal settlement could be regarded as a solution more than a problem. The informal settlement could use sufficient creativity and productivity to evolve their own unique solution to various urban issues which are based on the local character.

Research questions: As a new kind of informal settlement, Urban villages in China is a more formal kind of informal settlement which could make us collect datum and analyze relevant data easier than analyzing an informal settlement. A number of researches pay much attention to Chinese urban villages about socio-economic and morphologic aspects, but detailed physical research, function mix, in particular, is limited. This paper explores the functional mix in urban villages, I would choose one urban village in the inner-city of Chengdu. Researching this could help us establish a systematic understanding of urban villages and informal settlement, and also give us a number of ideas which could help us deal with urban issues with local character.

Literature review Van Oostrum (2018) argues that urban villages are the special by-product of Chinese urbanization, these urban villages formally own the land, but other aspects like construction and land use of the land are totally informal (Zhang, Zhao, and Tian 2003). Thus, the urban villages have the chances to evolve its own function mix which bases on the surrounding urban context and its own demand.

Although such informal settlement seems to be chaotic and disorderly, their social and physical orders are extremely complex and efficient, its efficiency comes from years of trial and error and the poverty prevents any kinds of waste (Dovey and King 2011).

Therefore, through years of self-regulating construction and informal development, the non70

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residential buildings in the urban villages have also developed a large number of informal and formal industrial and commercial industry according to the demand of local residents with financial limitation, this makes it possible for urban villages to evolve into an informal settlement with the strong functional mix.

Urban villages are characterized by the land functional mix, but in recent research, the multifunctionality is paid less attention. Perlman (1976) argues that city economies cannot be sustainable without the help of dense functions in the informal settlement.

However, it is hard to map the functional mix in urban villages with present mapping methods, because a large number of mapping methods map a lot as a purely single function block, it is ambiguous to map the functional mix in the urban villages which are lack of formal planning.

Such ambiguity has made it impossible for researchers to study in-depth how the functional diversity of urban villages can be linked to the surrounding formal cities on a small scale.

Therefore, it is necessary to, Therefore, it is necessary to find a mapping method that can be used to map the informal functional mix in urban villages and the functional diversity informal city. Dovey (2019) proposed an informal approach to mapping the degree of the functional mix in small-scale.Methodology In the existing mapping methods, most researchers are willing to simplify the urban form into an index which can be quantified, but Jacobs believes that planners and researchers should maintain the city as a complex collection of cities. It should be inductive rather than deductive.

Dovey (2017) draws inspiration from Jacobs’s work and creates a method called assemblage approach to understand the synergies of the city. according to this thought, Dovey Created the method - live/work/visit triangle, this kind of mapping only represents a mix of primary functions.

In this way, you can avoid measuring the sticky mix of functions in the informal settlement, which also could help the researchers map the function of informal vending.

In this study, I chose Chengdu as a case study. Chengdu is the capital city with the 4th largest urban population in China. From 2000 to 2016, the urban built-up area has grown from 210 square kilometers to 600 square kilometers. During this process, a number of the original villages have not been fully urbanized, so I want to choose this city as a case study.

However, the method’s limitation is that it cannot express the specific characteristics of detailed functions. For example, high-end organic food supermarkets and street hot dog stalls are all classified into visits, the researchers could not get more details about the specific meaning behind the map.

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PHOTO COLLAGE MAUD STUDENTS 2018/2019

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e are a big family on the MAUD, coming from all over the world with different cultures and personalities. Yet, we all study here in Cardiff, spending the whole year here attaining knowledge and enjoying ourselves while helping each other and building friendships.

Congratulations! We have graduated, let's use photos to describe our wonderful and adventurous year, and remember these forever.

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Niamh Brady

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Niamh.sosanna@gmail.com

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Maleficent

gstarits7@gmail.com

AG_NOzuoNOdie

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OTHER WORKS

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Drawing - Grangetown - Fan Xu 83

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STUDENT LIFE

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 2018/2019

SPECIAL THANKS ASEEM INAM MONISHA PETER We would like to express our deep and sincere gratitude to Aseem and Monisha for giving us the opportunity to show our work outcomes and providing invaluable guidance throughout this exhibition. Their dynamism, vision, sincerity and motivation have deeply inspired us. It was a great privilege and honour to work and study under their guidance. We are extremely grateful for what they have offered us.

FUNDING WELSH SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE SCHOOL OF GEOGRAPHY AND PLANNING

MODULE LEADER Prof ASEEM INAM Dr RICHARD BOWER Dr GÃœNTER GASSNER Dr NASTARAN PEIMANI Dr JULIET DAVIS

TUTOR AISHA ALI GIZEM AYDIN Dr HESAM KAMALIPOUR Dr NOHA NASSER MELINA GUIRNALDOS JUAN USUBILLAGA MONISHA PETER LIKUN YANG

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STUDENT REPRESENTATIVES FAN XU

WENQUAN GAN

SHREYA MAHAJAN

THOMAS TREACHER

We would also like to thank the student representatives for being able to achieve such success with your persistence and hard work. And also very grateful to all the volunteers who have worked hard for this exhibition. All our honors cannot be separated from your assistance.

VOLUNTEERS TIANHAO BAI

QI TANG

YUAN ZHI

YUTING CHEN

CHENLU SUN

XIANGYU PAN

ZEINAB ABDELRAHMAN BHARGAV KACHA

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SIDDHI CHOPDA