The McGill Daily Vol. 108 Issue 7 by McGill Daily

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contents

Table of Contents 3 EDITORIAL Legalization: Not Everyone Gets to Celebrate

4 NEWS Outside the Bubble GSVP Passed, Fee Debated “Why is Abortion Self Care?” The Future of Abortion Rights

8 FEATURES Photo Essay: “Bell Montreal”

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CULTURE 15 The Nature of Recovery “Hip-Hop is Rebel Music”

17 SCI-TECH Sexism in Science Zero Point Five

BUTTER 19 COCOA Del Enfado al Amor

20COMPENDIUM! J-School Calendar Comic by Gaby Dupuis

EDITORIAL

Volume 108 Issue 7

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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The McGill Daily is located on unceded Kanien’kehá:ka territory. coordinating editor

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contributors Nabeela Jivraj, Nelly Wat, Michael Kurt, Sofia Misenheimer, Danielle Czarnecki, Meyra Çoban, Krause A. S., Mila Ghorayeb, Phoebe Fisher, Mahaut Engérant, Arno Pedram, Kate Ellis, Margaret Bruna, Justine Ronis-Le Moal, Kathleen Charles, Gaby Dupuis, Sherwin Sullivan Tija

Legalization: Not Everyone Gets to Celebrate

n October 17, recreational marijuana was legalized in Canada under the Cannabis Act. The Act makes it illegal to possess more than 30 grams of cannabis in public, meaning that possession of the drug will still be policed. Legalization comes after almost a decade of Harper’s conservative “tough-oncrime” policies, which aimed to increase public safety via mandatory minimum sentencing, even for minor offences. Under these policies, a large number of people, most of whom were Black and Indigenous, have been charged with, or incarcerated for, the possession of cannabis. A recent overview of certain provincial statistics regarding the racial dimension of cannabisrelated arrests has shown clear racial disparities. Under the new policy, it is likely that racialized communities will still be targeted disproportionately by police for drug offences. Legalization alone will not end or rectify unjust criminalization. The Canadian government recently promised to provide pardons for those charged with cannabisrelated offences. Although the government has waived the $631 fee to apply for a pardon and the standard three-year waiting period, there has been no timeline released as to when the pardons will be put into effect. In addition, the government will not be expunging these charges from people’s records as they did with Bill C-66*, meaning the records of these charges will not be destroyed. Public Safety Minister Ralph Goodale stated that “the laws with respect to cannabis that have existed historically [...] are out of step with current mores and

views in Canada, but are not of the same nature as the historic social injustice that was imposed in relation to the LGBTQ2 community.” Even after receiving a pardon, a person once arrested for cannabis possession would still have to check the box “convicted of a criminal offence” on housing and employment applications. This contributes to unfair economic discrimination against people of colour, further barring them from accessing housing and employment. People of colour have had, and will continue to have, a higher chance of being punished under the law for the possession of cannabis. Canada needs to critically address and dismantle the pervading racial bias found in policing. Even if cannabis-related charges are pardoned, this does not make up for the lives negatively affected either by racial profiling or imprisonment. We have a responsibility to push our elected officials to not only pardon, but also expunge, previous convictions. Although many are celebrating the Cannabis Act, there is more that needs to be done. We encourage you to copy this editorial and email it to your elected officials. You will find the contact information of members of Parliament and members of the National Assembly on this website: www.ourcommons.ca/parliamentarians/ en/constituencies/FindMP. *Bill C-66 expunged the criminal records of those arrested for consensual sexual activity between samesex partners.

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Published by the Daily Publications Society, a student society of McGill University. The views and opinions expressed in the Daily are those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of McGill University. The McGill Daily is not affiliated with McGill University.

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Julian Bonello-Stauch, Nouedyn Baspin, Leandre Barome, Tony Feng, Boris Shedov, Lara Benattar, Lydia Bhattacharya, Phoebe Pannier All contents © 2018 Daily Publications Society. All rights reserved. The content of this newspaper is the responsibility of The McGill Daily and does not necessarily represent the views of McGill University. Products or companies advertised in this newspaper are not necessarily endorsed by Daily staff. Printed by Imprimerie Transcontinental Transmag. Anjou, Quebec. ISSN 1192-4608.

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NEWS

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Outside the Bubble Tunisia Criminalizes Racism Nabeela Jivraj The McGill Daily

n October 9, Tunisia approved legislation criminalizing racist speech, incitement to hatred, and discrimination. The law passed almost unanimously, with 125 votes for, one against, and five abstaining. “This is a very important turning point in the history of Tunisia, equivalent to the abolition of slavery,” said Messaoud Romdhani, head of the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights. Though activist groups have pressured the government to put anti-racist legislation in place for years, political support for this increased exponentially in 2016. On Christmas Day that year, three Congolese students were stabbed on a train. The crime was likely motivated by racism, and sparked outrage across the country. Afterwards, Prime Minister Youssef Chahed expressed his support for anti-racism legislation. The law is being considered a historic step in protecting minority rights for Black Tunisians and sub-saharan Africans, who collectively make up 10-15 per cent of the

population. Recent survey data indicated that Black Tunisians are socio-economically disadvantaged compared to other Tunisians as a result of systemic discrimination and racial biases. Legislators have indicated that putting the legislation into practice to enact a culture shift is an important step to eliminate this gap. Under the newly passed legislation, use of racist language can result in a 1,000 dinar fine (approximately $462 CAD), or offenders being jailed for up to a month. Incitement to hatred, making racist threats, spreading or advocating racism, and belonging to a group which supports discrimination, are each punishable by one to three years in prison and fines of up to 3,000 dinars. To fulfill its own mandate and educate the public, a National Commission Against Racial Discrimination will be tasked with conducting awareness and training campaigns.

Abortion Legalized in Queensland, Australia Nabeela Jivraj The McGill Daily

he state parliament of Queensland, Australia voted to legalize abortion on October 17. The historic legislation comes as follow-through on promises made by Palaszczuk, leader of the Labor Party. She has been Premier of Queensland since 2015. She is also the first Australian premier to hold a majority female ministry. The new legislation would erase a section of the criminal code which deemed “termination of pregnancy” an “offence against morality.” Under this law, people seeking abortions faced the possibility of criminal prosecution. The current premier, Annastacia Palaszczuk, said the code was written before women had the right to vote. Grace Grace, ALP Education and Industrial Relations Minister, added that the criminal code was written before Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples had votes in the house.

The new legislation took two days in the house to be passed. The emotional debate saw tears from many MPs, and centred around the need for equity in reproductive health rights and full autonomy for people with uteruses over their own bodies. The anti-choice opposition was equally passionate, citing murder and the possibility of eugenics as claims against the legislation. The debate resulted in a final vote of 50 for and 41 against, with one abstaining vote. The majority of those voting against the bill were male. Abortion will now be legal until 22 weeks of gestation, and after that point will be legal with approval from two doctors. Clinics will be required to establish safe zones, in order to restrict protesters and people seeking to harass staff and patients from coming within 150 metres of clinics. While doctors will still be allowed to individually refuse to treat an abortion patient on moral grounds, they will be legally required to refer her to another medical practitioner.

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October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

GSVP Passes, Fee Debated

Report from the eventful Oct 11 SSMU Legislative Council

Michael Kurt News Writer

n October 11, SSMU held its third Legislative Council meeting of the year. During the meeting, many important topics were debated among councillors. After many guest presentations, the first issue addressed concerns over former VP External Marina Cupido’s controversial election post. In their October 2 statement on the official SSMU VP External Affairs Facebook page, Cupido wrote that the newly elected CAQ is a “xenophobic, racist, far-right government with ties to white supremacists.” They also highlighted that the CAQ “campaigned on the discrimination against racialized people, immigrants and refugees.” People criticized Cupido for using extreme terms like “far-right” to represent the newly elected provincial government. This post caused controversy because there was trouble differentiating Cupido’s personal position and SSMU’s, notably because the post had to have been accepted by someone else at SSMU before being published.

The need to implement measures to prevent acts of violence and support victims using an approach that prevents retraumatization is emphasized in the new [Gendered and Sexual Violence Policy] policy.

Bee Khaleeli pictured at Legislative Council

the exploitation of fossil fuels without addressing the impending climate crisis, cut immigration, and discriminate against alreadymarginalized communities based on their religious expression.” According to the mock poll conducted by Elections SSMU, the student body is expressively aware of these issues, with only 6.3% voting in favor of the CAQ, sitting in fourth place behind the Green Party, Quebec Solidaire, and the Liberal Party. This second post, in direct response to the controversy caused by the former, presents SSMU’s first official stance on the negative impacts this new majority government will have on a large portion of the student population of McGill University. This delicate dynamic only raised more questions as to the possible link between the controversial post and Cupido’s In the hours preceding the sudden resignation on October 9, a Legislative Council meeting, a decision SSMU claims was due to new statement was published as a “mental health concerns.” follow-up on the aforementioned Facebook account indicating that Cupido’s post had been recently deleted because “phrased as it was, [it] did not accurately reflect the views of our current team.” SSMU stated that the CAQ’s new policies “will limit the financial accessibility of education, pursue

Discussions on the topic concluded and moved on to the motions up for approval, the most critical of which regarding the adoption of a new Gendered and Sexual Violence Policy (GSVP), which was unanimously supported by everyone present at the meeting. This new policy aims to fill the gap in the original implementation guide that leaves out many essential technicalities. These gaps have resulted in recent failures with regards to dealing with sexual violence cases within the Union. In 2016-2017 two SSMU executives committed acts of sexual violence against twelve undergraduate students. The victims of these actions had no possible recourse for seeking help within SSMU, as the original GSVP didn’t account for cases in which executives are the perpetrators of these violent acts. The new policy considers these shortcomings by providing “an intersectional and survivor-

Michael Kurt | Photographer centric approach to sexual harassment, gendered violence and sexual violence within the SSMU community and applied to the SSMU context.” The motion was drafted in large part by Bee Khaleeli, a U3 Arts student dedicated to helping victims of abuse. In the policy, Khaleeli emphasizes the need to implement measures to prevent acts of violence and support victims using an approach that prevents re-traumatization. Even though councillors were on board with these proposed measures, the biggest talking point of the motion revolved around providing the resolution with the appropriate funding. SSMU VP Finance Jun Wang stressed that the operating budget for the 20182019 academic has already been approved, and funds to implement the GSVP would have to be sourced elsewhere. It was agreed upon that a fee levy is the best solution for the

According to the mock poll conducted by Elections SSMU, the student body is expressively aware of the issues [the CAQ poses], with only 6.3% voting in favor of the CAQ, sitting in fourth place behind the Green Party, Quebec Solidaire, and the Liberal Party.

short-term until a place can be made for the new policy in the budget. On Oct 18, council voted to reexamine the fee levy. The amended motion was consequently approved unanimously.

Cupido’s post [was] deleted because “phrased as it was, [it] did not accurately reflect the views of [the] current [SSMU] team.” The meeting drew to a close with talks about renaming the McGill men’s varsity team. The proposed motion aims to rename the team since the current “R*dmen” is an offensive and oppressive slur against Indigenous peoples. The opposition to this motion lies in both current and alumni varsity athletes claiming that the “R*dmen” name is an integral part of their identity. After much debate, the motion was eventually passed and the question will be up to McGill students to vote on at the next General Assembly.

NEWS

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

“Why is abortion self-care?”

Abortion Beyond Bounds on Access to Dignified Abortion Care Danielle Czarnecki and Sofia Misenheimer News Writers

ver two hundred students, alumni, and faculty attended the Abortion Beyond Bounds conference on October 11 and 12. Attendees heard both local and international speakers offer diverse perspectives on the impact of Canada’s recent legalization of the “abortion pill” (mifepristone) and the disparities of abortion access worldwide. The speakers spanned many fields from providers, activists, and artists, to emerging and established researchers and scholars. Presentations contextualized the repeal of Ireland’s 35-year abortion ban in May, the wave of protests to decriminalize abortion in Argentina last month, and the anticipated further erosion of reproductive rights in the United States following Brett Kavanaugh’s Supreme Court confirmation earlier this month. The conference provided a timely assessment of contemporary questions surrounding autonomy, technology, and access related to reproductive care, the evolving role of institutions and law, and activist strategies for moving forward. Organized by McGill’s Institute for Gender, Sexuality, and Feminist Studies (IGSF) and Centre for Research on Gender, Health, and Medicine (CRGHM), the conference emerged from research by co-organizers Rebekah Lewis (Faculty of Medicine) and Jennifer Fishman (Social Studies of Medicine, CRGHM), which coincided with the 30th anniversary of the Morgentaler decision that overturned criminal abortion law in Canada. The conference opened with a workshop by artist Laia Abril, who introduced a central theme of the event: how to make the invisible visible. Abril’s work is comprised of stark photography and interactive installations. In her talk she described how her artistic practice not only gives a voice to the largely unheard stories of those affected by abortion restrictions around the world, but also brings viewers less familiar with the dangers of restrictive contexts into the conversation. “The goal for me is to show viewers that

everything is connected [...] Art can bring people who may not be aware into the discussion,” she said. Donna Cherniak, author of The Birth Control Handbook (1968) and opening keynote speaker, described her own efforts to educate herself on the subject decades earlier as a 19-year-old undergraduate student at McGill. Full of vital contraception and abortion information that was illegal to disseminate at the time, the handbook eventually sold millions of copies in Canada and abroad, many of which were printed from Cherniak’s Montreal apartment. With the proceeds, she hired an artist to render vibrant images of real bodies that would accompany the text and illustrate the link between pleasure, sexuality, and abortion. “Not only is it amazing to think of [Cherniak] working here at McGill to make this information accessible to students, but I am also surprised at how relevant many of her insights continue to be today,” said Kelly Gordon, a Political Science assistant professor at McGill and conference co-organizer. As part of the keynote presentation, Anne Lardeux from the University of Montreal read excerpts of the handbook out loud while projecting 16mm archival prints of its illustrations. “Learning about The Birth Control Handbook and its history was an inspiring reminder of how young people have [long] mobilized to educate, empower, and demand greater reproductive rights and access,” said Daniela Spagnuolo, a graduate student presenter from the University of Toronto. Student presentations throughout the first day revealed an emerging generation of scholars exploring key impediments to abortion access and care. Srishti Hukku, a doctoral student at the University of Ottawa shared her extensive research on mifepristone, a safe and effective abortion pill that has been legally available in many countries since the 1980s, but only became legal in Canada three years ago. Krina Patel, Daniela Spagnuolo, and Parisa Sharifi, graduate students from the University of Toronto, discussed Health Canada’s regulatory criteria for providing the pill, which not only departs from overwhelming scientific evidence and global standards

“Learning about The Birth Control Handbook and its history was an inspiring reminder of how young people have [long] mobilized to educate, empower, and demand greater reproductive rights and access.” — Daniela Spagnuolo, University of Toronto

Sofia Misenheimer | Photographer of practice, but creates barriers to access through strict regulations, like mandatory ultrasounds and invasive check-ups. The co-authors warned against conflating “choice with equitable access,” since legal barriers too often render the right to abortion meaningless, especially for those who are already most vulnerable. Katelyn Mitchell (University of Lethbridge) and Sarah McLeod (Acadia University) asserted that widespread misinformation proves a further barrier to access. The presentations highlighted the need to trust, rather than police, those seeking reproductive care and allow them to interpret the needs of their own bodies. “Unless personal choice is actively and robustly supported by social means—geographical and economic access, education, an expanded sense of what constitutes care—legal ‘access’ is just a paper promise,” said Alanna Thain, a conference co-organizer and Director of the Institute for Gender, Sexuality, and Feminist Studies at McGill. The second day of the conference featured expert panelists focused on ways of circulating abortion knowledge, technologies, and care to those without access. Angel Foster, professor of Health Sciences at the University of Ottawa, described how organizations like Women Help Women use telemedicine to deliver abortion pills to women in need across the world. Law professor Joanna Erdman (Dalhousie University) urged attendees to shift the focus from “unsafe” abortion to unjust laws that so often harm vulnerable individuals and communities. She ended her talk with a powerful call to action: “If a law is unjust, we are not only right to disobey it, but compelled to do so.” Farah Diaz-Tello, senior counsel for the Self-Induced Abortion (SIA) Legal Team based in California, also pushed attendees to think beyond institutional boundaries. She drew

attention to the historical exclusion by the medical establishment of traditional sources of knowledge, like midwives, which resulted in early abortion laws and criminalization. “Abortion has always had racial implications and class implications,” said Zakiya Luna, a professor of Sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Luna reminded attendees that abortion criminalization is central to global histories of inequality. She suggested that allies, to help undermine these inequities, make donations to support organizations led by people of colour. “Money is not evil. Organizations need money,” she said. Wearing a t-shirt emblazoned with the message, “Everyone Loves Someone Who Had An Abortion,” produced by the US National Network of Abortion Funds, Luna went on to establish the compatibility of love and abortion. She encouraged attendees to reframe the discussion around abortion by elevating the role of emotion and imagination in response to antichoice movements. Words can serve to build more expansive and inclusive movements, she explained, even between groups in seemingly intractable opposition. Language as a political and rhetorical tool for both expanding and restricting abortion access emerged as a common theme across panels. Colleen MacQuarrie, a psychology professor at the University of Prince Edward Island, credits the imaginative power of visual expressions in social movements for reinstating abortion access in PEI after three decades. “We need accessible ways to tell our stories,” she said. “If we try to embrace the ways in which we enjoy being together, or give ourselves permission to laugh, it serves to build our strengths and our energy. I had not expected to learn so much about the impact that language can

have within contexts of reproductive health. It alters our understandings and can have the potential to create hostile or welcoming spaces. It reminded me to be conscious of the words that I use and question their effect,” said Alice d’Aboville, a U4 International Development student and intern for the conference. A.J. Lowik, a graduate student at the University of British Columbia and author of the Trans-Inclusive Abortion Services Handbook, explained how the common language of women-centered services excludes and erases the abortion needs of transgender people. They encouraged reconsideration of the history of care dynamics, which are “laden with power.” Earlier, recent McGill graduate Rihan Lewis discussed how volunteer drivers in Texas, where 96% of counties have no clinics that provide abortion, address the state’s “care deficit.” She urged attendees to rethink what abortion care looks like, beginning a larger conversation at the conference. Mainstream conceptions of “self-care” often centre on consumerism, such as manicures and spa trips, which are far from the original meaning of the phrase. Black feminist theorist, Audre Lorde, originated the term in the context of “self-preservation” and survival for Black women. Marsha Jones, executive director of The Afiya Center, echoed Lorde when she spoke about the politics of care. The Afiya Center recently erected a billboard in Texas that read, “Black women take care of their families by taking care of themselves. Abortion is self-care.” Jones, holding up a copy of Radical Reproductive Justice to the audience, explained the urgency of the billboard and her social justice work: “Why is abortion self-care? Because it is life-saving. It means that one gets to live to see tomorrow. Because our lives matter.”

news

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

The Future of Abortion Rights An Interview on Sexual Health with Sandeep Prasad

Meyra Çoban The McGill Daily

andeep Prasad is the Executive Director of Action Canada for Sexual Health and Rights (Action Canada). After speaking at the October 11-12 Abortion Beyond Bounds Conference, hosted by the McGill Institute for Gender, Sexuality and Feminist Studies (IGSFS) and the Centre for Research on Gender, Health, and Medicine (CRGHM), Prasad sat down with the Daily to talk about the state of abortion care in Canada, and his work in the sexual health and rights field. The Daily: Now that 30 years have passed since the decriminalization of abortion in Canada, how easy or difficult is it today to access abortion care in Canada? Sandeep Prasad: Practical access to abortion care in Canada, despite thirty years of decriminalization, is still difficult. There are numerous barriers that still [...] hamper the abilities of those seeking abortion services to actually access them. Things like uneven distribution of services, the concentration of services in urban centres, creates large distances that people still have to travel to access these services; these are of course compounded by other factors of oppression such as poverty or young age, making it even more difficult to access care. Fortunately, there have been steps in the right direction of expanding abortion access primarily through the role of mifegymiso [the Canadian trade name for the abortion pill mifepristone] within Canada, which is the [World Health Organization] gold standard of medical abortion. But at this point, there is a lot more work to do in terms of achieving an effective rollout of mifegymiso that would transform access to this drug. So there is promise in that, but at the same time, we also have to confront the realities of anti-choice actors who create barriers to access through misleading information, biased counselling practices, and through activities that stigmatize abortion. These make it far more difficult for those seeking abortion care to actually find the information they need to terminate an unwanted pregnancy. MD: What is the role of Action Canada in this situation? SP: Action Canada is Canada’s national sexual and reproductive health rights organization. As such, we have a number of issues that we focus on in the sexual and

reproductive health and rights field, and abortion care is one of the key areas of this focus. Abortion work relates to both helping to ensure that accurate information related to abortion is out there for the public, and that through our access line, members of the public seeking to terminate pregnancy are supported with accurate, unbiased information about abortion procedures as well as referrals to the appropriate care nearest to them. We’re helping to connect people seeking to terminate pregnancy to services that they want. Furthermore, our organization is also engaged in policy work on abortion. We see that advocacy is critical to changing the landscape of abortion and have been prioritizing within that advocacy the universal cost coverage of mifegymiso, [and] ensuring that restrictions relating to mifegymiso are removed. MD: Action Canada in its current form has evolved out of prior organizations like the “Canadian Federation of Societies for Federation Planning” or “Planned Parenthood Federation of Canada” that carried a different language in their names. Why should we be talking about sexual health and rights rather than reproductive health and rights? SP: When we come down to it, it’s all the same issue. Whether we’re talking about abortion, or sexual orientation, same-sex sexuality, trans rights, issues around contraception, we’re all talking about, on the one level, the right to bodily autonomy; the right of each person to do with their body as they want and to have the information and education services to support their decisionmaking around their body. [...] In a very practical way, abortion rights are sexual rights. Abortion stigma is also stigma related to sexuality. So all of these issues are fundamentally connected and we use “sexual rights” as a shorthand to describe all of these issues because we see that, traditionally, when we look at definitions of reproductive health and reproductive rights, the sexual is defined through the reproductive. We intentionally want to change that paradigm. Reproduction is an aspect of sexuality. There are numerous aspects of sexuality, but our broader frame is sexual rights which is inclusive of reproductive rights. MD: The Abortion Beyond Bounds conference focused on self-managed abortion. How is self-managed abortion widening access to abortion care and which barriers remain? SP: It is important that we work towards expanding options for how individuals interact with their

Logo from ABB2018 Conference body, how they manage the care of their body, whether that’s about methods of contraception, methods of terminating pregnancy, we want to expand the frontiers of possibilities for them to do that and to support them in doing that, and to have the control over the level of support they want in doing that. The autonomy needs to rest with that individual who is making the decision on their own in relation to their bodies. In terms of self-management of abortion care, we need to be looking into options that remove abortion care from the medical system. There is ample evidence that self-managed abortion is safe and effective. And there are a lot of examples in many other countries that we can point to that have been using medications through community access for abortion, which we need to look at in Canada. MD: In health care systems that are not accessible to all, how does self-managed abortion widen access to underserved communities? SP: The geographic circumstances of the country are such that it is very difficult for individuals who live in rural or geographically remote areas to access care. [...] Expanding the scope of practice for different types of providers is one important step [...] but what is also important is more self-managed models of

abortion care as well. So we need something that is inclusive of these parts, because we need to get to a place where access to abortion is community-based and is accessible to communities which are remote. MD: You were instrumental in starting the Sexual Rights Initiative, an intersectional Global South-North coalition of organizations that work towards advancing sexual rights in the United Nations. What is the place of a Global North organization in global sexual health activism? SP: That is a great question, thank you for asking that. There are a few places for a Global North organization. First of all, as a merged organization, we also have in our organizational history the work of Action Canada for Population and Development (ACPD), which did a lot of formative work initially within the intergovernmental human rights system on sexual and reproductive rights. Quickly, we saw the need for a Global South-Global North coalition and for that coalition to actually be of national and regional organizations doing work on these issues. Where ACDP was different though, was that it didn’t actually do domestic advocacy. So one of the appeals for ACPD for entering into this merger is that we need to be more like our partners in the Global South that are

We have to confront the realities of anti-choice actors who create barriers to access through misleading information, biased counselling practices, and through activities that stigmatize abortion. — Sandeep Prasad

doing effective national work and that come together with us to do that kind of work as well. We wanted to model that. So our engagement with partners in the Global South fundamentally changed the structure of our organization. As Action Canada, we have lent our ability to act as coordinators. Our job has been to ensure that resources are pooled together for this work, but also to ensure that each partner is bringing its analysis from its national and regional context to that work at the global level, so now we are able to participate on that more fully, doing national work like our other partners within the coalition. MD: Where do you see your place in a sexual health organization? SP: I’m very fortunate because I went to law school to do human rights work globally with my law degree. And while there were a lot of individuals like me in my law school, there aren’t that many jobs within the human rights field [after graduate school]. I’m one of the lucky ones who actually gets to do human rights work in Canada and globally as a professional. My own interest in wanting to go to law school to do that [comes from when] as a young queer guy I did a lot of organizing on campus at Queen’s University, which is quite conservative and quite white as well, that was particularly focused on LGBTQ issues. When you start looking at some issues, often times you can see the relationship to other issues of social justice. That compelled me to have a broader perspective on how sexuality and gender are fundamentally interrelated, but also to go to law school to work on these broader issues professionally. This interview has been edited for clarity and accuracy.

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

features

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Bell Montreal photos and text by Krause A.S. “Bell Montreal” is a photo-series and film that explores how Montreal envisioned its future in the 1960-1970s and how the city today holds onto its past. The telephone underwent significant advances as Montreal entered the world as a major secular metropolis; the two shared similar projections for future technology and lifestyles. However, like the Bell payphones featured here, Montreal did not become the city it once envisioned. More homes were built than there were people to fill them, Canada’s financial capital moved to Toronto, and the famous Expo ’67 Biosphere lit itself on fire. This photo series was made as part of a short film I created by the same title in fall of 2017. The film mixes still 35mm photography and found footage of original Bell Telephone commercials to highlight the city’s odd decision to maintain so many these payphones despite their obsolescence. For the full film go to: askrause.myportfolio.com/bell-montreal

features

commentary

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Feminism is On Brand Examining the Trend of “Woke Capitalism”

Phoebe Fisher Commentary Writer

n our current capitalist system, the aim of almost every company’s decision-making process is to maximize their profit. In the pursuit of that goal, industries ranging from film to retail have been increasingly more progressive in their messages. These companies have recognized that “woke” culture and “trendy” feminism are on the rise, and have updated their rhetoric and branding accordingly. When we examine the ethical implication of a company that sells something with a “good message,” their impact must be considered alongside their intent. That is to say, it is important to examine where the profits of these supposedly “woke” products go, and how that impacts the company’s original decision to sell that product. For example, the clothing store Forever 21 has begun selling shirts and accessories with the word “feminist” or “girl power” on them, using the mainstreamization of feminism to target a specific market. However, directly rewarded for participating in the profit from these products goes “wokeness” through capital. However, companies such as directly into the company’s board Kiddbell, which sells an abundance of and shareholders’ pockets. clothing and accessories with phrases like “my body my choice” and “Black lives matter” on them, have a more ethical approach. Most of their profits go to help causes and organizations, such as Planned Parenthood, The Center for Reproductive Rights, and The National Domestic Abuse Hotline. This shows that despite being a for-profit company that uses “woke” culture to its advantage, Kiddbell follows through by making some ethical decisions on what they spend their profit on. In “Is feminism trending? Pedagogical approaches to countering (Sl) activism,” Juliann Guillard differentiates between ‘token support’ and ‘meaningful support’ of a cause. She explains that token support takes the form of “online activism – Forever 21 is one of the 77 Los signing an online petition, liking a Angeles garment factories that Facebook post or group, re-tweeting were under investigation by the US a post, etc.” whereas meaningful Department of Labor in 2016. This support is defined as “consumer investigation revealed that workers contributions that require a significant were paid poverty wages, that go from cost, effort, or behaviour change in $4 per hour, and average at $7 an hour ways that make tangible contributions for 10-hour days, significantly below to the cause, such as donating money, the minimum wage in California. time, or skills.” While corporations Although the company may appear still uphold an oppressive capitalist to advocate for marginalized groups system, they sometiomes give back with their products, they are at the to the consumers they profit from by same time exploiting their workers demonstrating a real commitment to who are predominantly women some anti-oppressive causes. Another way to analyze the impact of colour. This is an instance of a company profiting off of social of retail activism is to look directly at activism as a trend, and getting the way companies brand themselves.

These companies have recognized that “woke” culture and “trendy” feminism are on the rise, and have updated their rhetoric and branding accordingly.

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily The sole purpose of advertising and branding is to persuade a target audience to purchase, or otherwise support, a product. Brands focus on appealing to a specific group of consumers that will be able to generate a maximum profit. Once a target audience is identified, the marketing strategies and methods of appeal adapt to it. “Woke people,” especially young socially-conscious millennials, have developed as a demographic financially worthy of being a target audience for many forprofit institutions.

“Woke people” [...] have developed as a demographic financially worthy of being a target audience for many for-profit institutions. Teen Vogue is a perfect example of this strategy. The publication was dwindling in sales in 2015, then revamped its image and marketing strategies to be more political and support intersectional feminist views, which became popular amongst their audience. The magazine also now focuses on a digital format, keeping up with its younger readership.

Additionally, Elaine Welteroth was recently named Editor-In-Chief of Teen Vogue at age 29, and is the first African American in the publication’s history to hold such a position. The magazine’s digital editorial director is Phillip Picardi, a 25 year old gay man, who has explicitly referred to the Teen Vogue readership as “woke.” The New York Times reported this shift, referring to Teen Vogue as “the teen’s guide to Trump’s presidency.” This “woke” re-model has proven effective; Teen Vogue’s website got 7.9 million US visitors in January 2017, up from 2.9 million the year before. Many other companies have turned to a more politically engaged and “woke” message to incur more support and success, though not always done as well. The 2017 Pepsi commercial featuring Kendall Jenner — which was eventually taken down — is an example of profitable “wokeness” that was ill-informed. The commercial showed a protest, clearly inspired by Black Lives Matter and other recent demonstrations in the US, only with marchers holding signs with phrases such as “join the conversation,” and peace symbols, instead of actual political demands. The commercial ends when Kendall Jenner resolves the issue by handing a Pepsi to a police officer who was standing against the protest. The commercial seems to suggests that any white woman with a soft drink can resolve systemic political conflict. The fact that Kendall Jenner is a white woman who often participates in

problematic practices such as cultural appropriation is not addressed. Activist DeRay McKesson, who was instrumental in organizing protests in Ferguson following the murder of Michael Brown, said to NBC News, “this ad trivializes the urgency of the issues and it diminishes the seriousness and the gravity of why we got into the street in the first place.” Although Teen Vogue and Pepsi both aimed to profit from their participation in “wokeness,” there is a staunch difference between them. Teen Vogue did use their shift to political journalism to gain more success and viewership, but also committed to hiring marginalized people in a range of high-level positions. It is not just a corporation, but a type of news outlet; their product is their message. The Pepsi commercial, however, commodifies and oversimplifies the efforts and struggles of organizations like Black Lives Matter and the Women’s March. The advertisement appropriates social activism for profit. We must remain critical of the exploitation of “woke culture” and of retail activism by corporations as it grows in popularity. This includes Covergirl’s Lash Equality campaign, American Eagle’s #AerieREAL, Dove’s Self-Esteem Project, and many others. Any discussion concerning intent vs. impact is going to be nuanced and not a clear story of “evil vs. good” companies, but where you put your money matters. In a flawed capitalist system, the dollar is power; use it wisely.

commentary

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Mila Ghorayeb Commentary Writer

“You Pushed Me To”

On Polarization and the Politics of Provocation

n places such as the US, Europe, and more recently, Ontario and Quebec, far-right politicians and movements are accumulating support at historic rates. In response to this far-right “backlash” around the world, many fall back on a similar justification. They will say that they don’t agree with these far-right politics, but that it’s the left’s fault because they were too aggressive. For example, the popular phrase “this is why Trump won” refers to the ways in which leftist activism has accelerated and grown louder over the years. The logic here is that many people who were radicalized towards far-right politics would not be so “far gone” if the left had simply been nicer, more gradualist, and less exclusive. The response from leftists can take various forms. One way is to simply deny that the left is responsible for such a thing. For instance, in the case of Trump, one might argue that pre-existing racial animus is what moved people rightward when a popular figure came forward embodying this racist rhetoric in a loud and public manner. Another response has been that data simply does not support this idea, because no more voters came out to support Trump than previous Republican candidate, Mitt Romney. Some might simply argue that it’s absurd to make such an accusation when no one can ultimately be responsible for making someone support far-right viewpoints and that they must have gotten there on their own.

The logic here is that many people who were radicalized towards far right politics would not be so “far gone” if the left had simply been nicer, more gradualist, and less exclusive. Personally, I do not doubt that people can be pushed in all sorts of directions by the actions of their opponents. It’s reasonable to believe that the recent rise of far right politics is partly due to the predominantly leftist politics that preceded it. But accepting that

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily one side can “push” another does not give us enough information to morally evaluate, excuse, or tolerate either side’s actions. Plenty of leftist writers and theorists acknowledge that people on any side of the political spectrum can be “pushed” toward more radical behaviour if their opponents put enough pressure on them. For instance, Eric Hobsbawm observes that when oppressive conditions reach a certain point, oppressed groups would revolt to keep the powerful “in line.” Revolting served as a threat where the powerful had to ensure that the oppressed had the bare minimum essentials to survive. In these cases, the actions of the powerful engendered radical responses. Another example is blowback. Leftists often argue that other political actors can be “pushed” into radicalization. For example, Western interventionists are largely responsible for the growth of Salafism — an extremely conservative branch of political Islam — in the Middle East. The interventionists’ brutal actions, such as the maintenance of torture camps in Iraq, contributed to the radicalization and rise of groups like ISIL. It is completely possible for one political entity to cause the radicalization of others and there is no need to shy away from that assumption.

However, these observations do not lead to a judgement or a justification. We can acknowledge the role Western interventionists have played in the spread of Salafism and still claim that violent Salafism is morally wrong. Simultaneously, we can also acknowledge that the interventionists have behaved immorally. We need to look deeper to make moral evaluations. Clearly, a marcher in the white supremacist Charlottesville rallies, yelling anti-Semitic slurs, is not morally equivalent to a peasant revolting against their masters because they were starving. We should therefore consider how both the pushers and the pushed are historically and socially situated in order to form a judgement about them. So, a right-wing person may have decided to march at the Charlottesville rally because they were pushed by leftist politics further rightward. Perhaps they did get upset by people calling them “racist” or “anti-Semitic” all the time. But the fact that they got upset about it, or radicalized over it, does not somehow absolve them of that accusation. Marching in the Charlottesville rallies could still be motivated by anti-Semitism rather than solely by leftists being “mean.” Furthermore, the marcher is engaging in a kind of hatred that has been institutionalized for centuries, and that is responsible for the systematic and social

domination of an oppressed group. It is easy to conclude a few things from these observations. First, that the marcher is motivated by anti-Semitism and racism. Second, that while the left calling him out on his bigotry may have pushed him further to the right, this does not morally absolve the marcher from engaging in racist and antiSemitic practices.

It does not mean that leftists should walk on eggshells with every potential far-right radical, either. The left can do a few things with this information. One is to re-think the politics of shame it uses, including call-out culture — a self-reflection that is already being done by activists and anti-oppressive publications. But it does not mean that leftists should walk on eggshells with every potential far-right radical, either — clearly, that would be exhausting and unproductive. The main idea is to be mindful that the left can and has engaged in alienating actions as well.

Yet the left is by no means the only group in trouble for these kinds of discourses. At the end of the day, the “you pushed me” discourse does not benefit the right. If the right wishes to use the “you pushed me” discourse as often as they do, they should also acknowledge how right wing politics have “pushed” and marginalized large groups of people over the course of history, e.g., the working class, racialized people, non-men, etc. The emergence of protests that the right often complains about is evidence of this. The history of left wing protests shows us that change often begins when marginalized people come together to express their frustrations at abuses of power that they have tolerated for too long. The targets of these protests are often martyred and defended by the right, such as the police, the government, and Supreme Court justices. In this scenario, being “pushed” to act is not justifiable to them. Ultimately, the “you pushed me” justification has some truth to it — the right is not wrong about that. But what they should understand is that people other than them can be pushed as well. With that acknowledged, the right should be more worried about the ways in which they weaponize the “you pushed me” discourse. Descriptively, we can all use this justification, but once we engage in serious moral thought, the right is in trouble.

Letter

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Taking Back Control A Response To “Am I Too Much?”

Mahaut Engérant Author content warning: eating disorder, fatphobia

’ve been involved with university newspapers for a while and I’ve always wanted to write on the topic of weight and health in university. More specifically, I’ve wanted to write about my personal struggles with weight and the impact that this might have had on my mental health, but I never found the time, or the courage, to do so. A couple of weeks ago, however, the Daily published an article called “Am I Too Much?,” which discussed fatphobia and body image. Reading it made me reflect on my own experiences with these issues, with my own fatphobia and my eating disorder. I wasn’t sure, at first, why I wanted to respond to the article. I realize now that sharing my story is part of a healing process. I hope that by talking about it, I will allow myself to take back some control and agency over my body. I hope that as more people share their stories, we might be able to better understand the complexity of this topic. Discussing weight is a strange thing, or at least I find it to be. It’s not a very glamorous topic, and I am always scared about the implications it could have on the way people see me, or what my weight says about me. I feel that acknowledging that I’m not always happy with my weight might devalue me. Discussing my weight is like admitting that I have a problem, that I am not comfortable with the way I look; and no one wants to admit that. I don’t want to just be known as the “fat girl.” Nothing terrifies me more than the idea that people will

label me as such and see nothing else. It seems clear that my views about weight are based on self-doubt, selfhate, and my own prejudices when it comes to the weight of others. As terrible as I feel admitting this, nothing makes me feel more relieved than when I’m no longer the fattest person in the room. I’ve been struggling with weightissues since I was nine. After 12 years, I can safely say that it’s been an issue for most of my life. I’ve done the crash diets, I’ve seen my weight yo-yo over the years. The summer before starting university, I even attended a fat camp. Its supposed “positive effects” lasted until my

the options that were the easiest to access and the cheapest, which often meant the least healthy. I gained 25 kg over my four years at McGill. I reached a weight I could never have imagined reaching. I pushed my “addiction” too far. Overall, it felt like these four years went by like a blur. I spent them feeling trapped in a vicious cycle: my weight either a symptom or a cause of my poor mental health. In my case, I think a lot of the weight gain came from a negative place, a way of protecting myself from pain instead of dealing with it. While at university, I never acknowledged that I was unhappy

affect me at all. However, when I look back, I don’t think that was true. I “remembered” my weight any time I shared a couch with someone, every time I stepped into an elevator and was scared the alarm would go off because it was too heavy. I never seriously pursued romantic relationships either. I was always extremely cautious so as to never put myself in a situation of vulnerability where I could have faced rejection. My self-esteem couldn’t take it. I couldn’t risk the chance of confirming my worst fears: that people actually saw me as unappealing and unworthy. And although I never got direct remarks

I realize now that sharing my story is part of a healing process. I hope that by talking about it, I will allow myself to take back some control and agency over my body. I hope that as more people share their stories, we might be able to better understand the complexity of this topic. first month of university, when I proceeded to go right back to my old eating habits, but worse. In fact, from what I’ve seen, the kind of restrictions often used in these sort of camps seldom translates into any long-term sustainable weight-loss or “healthy eating habits.” I’m an addict when it comes to food; I think that’s the best way to describe my relationship with it. As a kid, I would lie, sneak around, steal. So when I arrived at McGill, coming from a home where we rarely had sugary cereal or beverages, and never ate fast food, the options on and around campus led to an exacerbation of my poor eating habits. I reached for

with my weight, because most of the time I didn’t care. It didn’t bother me. Most of the time, I loved my body. And on top of that, I had other things to worry about, like school and extracurriculars. I was stressed all the time, so how could I have functioned without my pain relief, my drug, my food. I didn’t have the time to do sports, eat healthy, meal prep, or do self-care, I told myself. I was busy. Truthfully, I just didn’t want to think about it. I didn’t believe I needed to care about my weight in university. I was tired of thinking about it as a problem, I was tired of feeling guilty for not “taking care” of it. In my mind, it didn’t

about it, I felt it sometimes. As a marketing major, where all work is group work and a lot of your value, inside and outside the classroom, is determined by the way you “brand yourself,” I felt that my weight, my “fatness,” affected my credibility. My clothes didn’t fit right. I thought “I’m fat and fat can’t look professional.” So once again, more often than not, I would reject those I felt threatened by before they could reject me. In my second year, I went to see a counselor to talk about dropping out of a class and we talked about my mental health and its link to my weight. I saw her twice and that was it. I didn’t even know McGill had an eating disorder program until after

it was closed. I saw the campus nutritionist during my last semester, but after long waiting periods and having an appointment canceled the morning of, I decided not to go again. I would take care of myself, but not at McGill. And so I did. I graduated and declined a job contract I had signed the year before, because my parents suggested that maybe it was time for me to start caring about my weight again. They suggested it was time to think about treatment and dealing with all the issues linked to food while I was still young, while it wasn’t too late. My weight gain has caused me health problems. Physically I’ve had issues with my knees for several years because of the extra weight, I had been diagnosed pre-diabetic the year before, and had trouble holding a conversation while walking because I was so out of breath. Now, I’m taking a gap year before working to look after myself and try to heal. But I’m still not over the feeling of shame that I associate with my “fatness.” I still find it hard to admit that I’m “trying to lose weight.” Most of my friends don’t know why I’m taking this gap year, why I’m not working right now. If I fail, I don’t want them to know that I was ever bothered by the way I look. Admitting I need help is admitting I’m not in control, and that scares me a little. However, being able to say I’m not in control feels like the first step towards regaining command. As I mentioned, I hope this will inspire more people to speak up if they wish, to help us better understand this layered and complex issue. I know how useful writing this was for me, I can only hope it can help others too.

Attend the Demonstration on October 31st!

commentary

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

OCCUPYING THE ADMINISTRATION BUILDING? Arno Pedram The McGill Daily

1. BUILDING UP

hat do the 2011 mobilisation against tuition hikes, McGill University’s abusive reversal of a student referendum result in 2012, and a 2016 report from the University’s Board of Directors claiming that climate change does not cause “grave social injury” all have in common? Not only did they all show an increased student involvement in campus politics, but they led to student occupations of the McGill administration building. During your time at university, you’re going to be increasingly frustrated by the administration, and in your struggle, the idea of occupying the administration building might cross your mind. The McGill Daily sat down with members from the 2012 6Party and the 2016 Divest McGill occupations for you to learn from their mistakes and their successes. Here is a step-by-step guide to help you decide whether occupation is your best option. Hopefully you now have a better idea of how to occupy the administration building, and this information about past occupations will inform your activism. Good luck!

aTo decide to occupy the administration building, you first must have a clear contention with the administration’s behavior. • 6Party: The administration decided to illegally cancel the results of a very tense and critical referendum on QPIRG McGill and CKUT’s existence, for unclear reasons. Allies of QPIRG and CKUT occupied the building for 5 days to reverse the ruling and ask for the resignation of the then Deputy Provost Student Life and Learning (DPSLL) Morton Mendelson. • Divest McGill: The administration’s Committee to Advise on Matters of Social Responsibility (CAMSR) claimed that climate change does not cause “grave social injury” as a response to Divest McGill’s request that the university divest from fossil fuels. CAMSR’s report argued that divestment was therefore unwarranted. aYou need momentum to claim that people are backing your action. You can build support by: • Receiving overwhelmingly positive referendum results over a question supporting your struggle (6Party + Divest McGill) • Pitching tents in front of the McGill administration to inform the public about the subject (Divest McGill) • Collecting signatures and endorsements from student groups, professors, and departments (Divest McGill) aMake sure your occupation happens at the right time: • To mobilise people and retain the administration’s attention, it’s always best to do it mid-semester.

Republished from QPIRG’s 2018 School Shmool.

2. PLANNING a

Determine why occupation would be the most appropriate recourse. • The 6Party member interviewed reflected on whether occupation was the most appropriate action for this kind of space. She thinks occupations are more useful when they repurpose or reclaim spaces. One example of this is protesting the closure of a café by taking it over and turning it into a cooperative. aLogistics: • Have a decent amount of people working on it. Divest McGill had seven people doing the bulk of the planning. • Work on your team dynamics: the 6Party member interviewed told me that toxic dynamics killed the cohesion and drive of the occupation. Divest McGill, on the other hand, thought about the potential physical problems that could arise during the occupation and worked on getting the team to know each other beforehand. Make sure your group has an awareness of anti-oppressive practices, and a knowledge of group dynamics and collective care. • Plan for food and equipment: do a Costco run and get food, sleeping bags, menstrual products, books, laptops, clothes, board games, anything to get you through the days of the occupation smoothly. aThings to keep in mind when organizing. • Use code names: Divest McGill always referred to the operation during planning as the “pizza party” — nothing suspicious about a pizza party, is there? • Use diversions: During their occupation, Divest McGill publicized their upcoming diploma returning ceremony as a distraction. They were able to multitask because they had about 40 active working members, which isn’t the case for most student groups. • Don’t use your McGill email. Assume that it can be accessed by the administration. • Use encrypted messaging applications if necessary, like Signal. aDecide on your demands: • Divest McGill decided their demands as a group beforehand. The 6Party member interviewed regretted that 6Party came in with no clear demands, and therefore had to think of them on the spot, which is not optimal for a productive discussion. • The hardest part of settling on demands is finding a balance between what would be optimal, what students would rally behind, and what the administration might accept. s The Divest McGill member interviewed regretted that 2 of their 3 demands were too easy for the administration to accept (releasing testimonies from experts claiming climate change did not cause grave social injury, and holding community consultations on divestment). The administration was able to kill the momentum by granting these two demands and ignoring the most important one, which would have forced the administration to recognize that climate change does cause “grave social injury” and thus push them to divest. The member interviewed wished their demands were bolder, like asking directly for the university to divest from fossil fuel. s The 6Party’s demands were bold (asking for the referendum results to be valid again and for the resignation of the DPSLL), and although none of them were granted, the member interviewed expressed that the demands could have been even broader! In her opinion, the result had more to do with the administration’s antagonistic attitude of the time than the demands. aPlan for an exit routes and a worst case scenario. • What will you do if none of your demands are met? How will you make sure this defeat doesn’t kill the momentum of your movement but instead makes it stronger? How will you talk about your occupation?

HAPPY OCCUPYING!

3. OCCUPYING aGetting in is the first challenge, and we can’t tell you how people did it, otherwise the administration would shut down those options! You’ll have to figure that one out, but there is a history of rad administration building occupiers that will be able to help! aMake media a priority and use it wisely! • The 6Party suffered from an unplanned media strategy. Divest McGill, on the contrary, designated 2 occupants as spokespeople whose tasks were to communicate with the outside world. They also managed to get a journalist from the McGill Daily to come with them to liveblog the experience, and were contacted by many news outlets around Montreal once the occupation started. Media serves to give your occupation digital presence and to let your demands be known. aTeam dynamics and roles • During the Divest McGill occupation, everyone had a specific role: s 1 person took charge of negotiation with the administration s 1 person was the security liaison, who was aware of the code of conduct and what they could be reproached for s 2 people managed food s 2 people took care of the media s 2 people were camp counsellors: they provided emotional support, and entertained everyone — this was especially critical because an occupation is an emotionally trying time aKnow your rights: • Technically, what you are going to do is against the university’s code of conduct, since you will be impeding on the normal functioning of the university. The code of conduct is incredibly broad in its definition of what can be considered a misconduct.; Divest and 6Party bet on the fact that unless you are actively harming someone, security agents cannot touch you. Make sure to tell agents that they can’t touch you if they approach you—6Party did that successfully. aPrepare for the administration’s intimidation tactics (the following allegedly happened during previous occupations): • Playing with temperature: turning off ventilation, making the room stuffy or turning off the heat during the winter • Leaving glaring neon lights on during the night and making it difficult to sleep • Cutting off access to the bathroom • Cutting off power

4. AFTER THE OCCUPATION aDisciplinary actions and intimidation. • Divest McGill did not suffer any retaliation from the administration. This wasn’t the case for the 6Party occupants; actions were taken by the administration against some members, dismissing a floor fellow partly for his participation in the occupation, and the member interviewed alleged that she and other members were followed by McGill security agents after the occupation, and that she was intimidated by the head of security who approached her to say that he had her name and picture on file. aThink about after care. • Both the 6Party and Divest McGill people interviewed said that the time after the occupation was also difficult: people fell sick and felt physically and emotionally exhausted. One interviewee suggested that others provide the occupants with emotional and physical support for a few days or weeks after the occupation.

culture

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

The Nature of Recovery

A Review of TNC’s The Sweetest Swing in Baseball

Dominic Petti | Photographer Kate Ellis Culture Writer content warning: suicide, mental illness, alcoholism, implied violence,

ou don’t have to think hard to picture the following image: you seek help for your mental health condition, but are not deemed “ill enough” by the doctor and end up barred from access to treatment. In The Sweetest Swing in Baseball, Tuesday Night Cafe’s (TNC) most recent play, Dana Fielding (Maria Jimenez) finds herself in that picture when, following a suicide attempt, she decides to pretend to be famous baseball player Darryl Strawberry to receive further treatment. Dana, an emerging artist from New York, is surrounded by pressures of perfectionism and harsh criticism from her peers. She attempts suicide and is later hospitalized for her depression. While in the hospital, she discovers that because the symptoms she exhibits match those of anxiety and depression, she is only entitled to ten days of care under her insurance coverage. Knowing that she is not ready to go home, Dana enlists her new friends Gary (Aidan Dmytriw) and Michael (Antoine Guimbal) to help her convince doctors that she believes she is Darryl Strawberry in order to prolong her stay. The play, which is Emily Sheeran’s

directorial debut, captures a raw, realistic depiction of mental illness at a time when popular shows like Thirteen Reasons Why largely glamourize it. The play illustrates the ways in which self-doubt, insecurity, and depression hurt Dana’s craft, rather than making her seem ‘more interesting.’ As someone who has struggled with mental illness, it was refreshing for me to witness the experience of a fully-fleshed character. Dana’s struggle is embodied in vacillating between feeling frustrated, sad, and unmotivated because of her illness, and in her boyfriend Roy’s (Aidan Dmytriw) failure to save her. The tech team, directed by Jet Elbualy, didn’t miss a single beat — the soundscape and lighting were perfectly timed and set the mood for the scenes, whether upbeat and hopeful or raw and emotional. The music, composed by Emily Sheeran, mirrored the complex range of emotions that someone living with mental illness experiences. The contrast between the carefree vibes of “Toe to Toe” by Streetlight Manifesto and the heaviness of “Little Pistol” by Mother Mother reinforced the realness of Dana’s experience, showing that she is multi-faceted and that her illness impacts her in a variety of ways. The hierarchy of suffering that The Sweetest Swing in Baseball revealed is a vivid and accurate representation of the experience

The hierarchy of suffering that The Sweetest Swing in Baseball revealed is a vivid and accurate representation of the experience of people living with mental illness.

of people living with mental illness. At the top, there is Gary, whose sadistic tendencies make him a ‘serious case.’ Then, there is Michael, whose stay was extended due to his addiction. Yet, Dana, who ‘only’ exhibits symptoms of depression and anxiety, is not perceived as needing extra care and is discharged. Throughout the play, people in Dana’s life reinforce the undermining of her condition. Most notably, her art dealer and friend, Erica (Arielle Shiri), insists that she hadn’t realized Dana was suffering, despite seeing her lack of motivation to make art or to do much else. Equally, Rhonda (Caitlin Heiligmann), the gallery owner, begs Dana to assure her that she is doing better after her hospital stay. The expectation in the sentiment is clear: Dana should be okay, because depression and anxiety aren’t seen as life-long or as serious as the struggles of the likes of Gary and Michael.

Dana embodies a man to avoid presumptions about women’s mental health issues. The Sweetest Swing in Baseball gracefully combined truthful commentary on mental illness with light-hearted comedy. It can be challenging to balance the seriousness of mental health issues with the goal of good entertainment, but Sheeran managed to do so in a way that

captured the attention of both those who have been impacted by mental illness and those who have not. The carefully-selected staging, costumes, and music worked with the raw emotional energy exhibited by Maria Jimenez to create a show that took the audience out of the Morrice Building and into a professional theatre production. Although the show wasn’t flawless — there were minor tech delays and wardrobe malfunctions — and despite the simplistic set, the emotional journey of the play pulled through effortlessly. In fact, in some ways, the minimal set took the audience’s focus away from the surroundings and zoomed in on the story, intensifying our connection with the characters. It may seem like the ending is inconclusive and unsatisfying, but it captures mental illness in a way that a smoother ending could not. The image of Dana talking to Michael while still in the persona of Darryl Strawberry reminds the audience that mental illness is recurrent, confusing, and inconclusive. It rejects the traditional trope of a clean recovery, as depicted in movies such as It’s Kind of a Funny Story, where Craig Gilner checks into a psychiatric ward and, once treated, leaves healthy. This play instead depicts a non-linear recovery that, although unattractive, is more complex and accurate. The persona of Darryl Strawberry created by Dana starts a dialogue around the inequalities in mental health care. Although never explicitly stated in the play, it is suggested that Dana embodies a man to avoid presumptions about hysteria, hormones, and other ideas that impact how seriously women’s mental health issues are

taken. The play addresses this subtly but effectively, and because of this, it is not surprising that Dana would wish she was in a man’s position.

The play captures a raw, realistic depiction of mental illness at a time when popular shows like Thirteen Reasons Why glamourize it. Paired with a talkback – a chance to discuss the show with the cast and crew – on October 18, the show provided an excellent platform for conversation on how society treats people with mental illnesses. Even though Dana finds new ways of coping, a support system in her friends, and a revived passion for art, she still has to live with anxiety and depression. The portrayal of mental illness as an ongoing reality is one that is missing in the media, which often fools us into believing that treating mental illness is a journey to permanent recovery. In this sense, it was refreshing to see TNC embrace the less consoling realities as part of the human experience. Tuesday Night Cafe continues its season with No Exit, which runs November 15-17 and 22-24. For more information, visit TNC on Facebook.

culture

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

“Hip-Hop is Rebel Music” The Intersection of Local Activism and Local Music

Phoebe Fisher Culture Writer

rincess Nokia. Nitty Scott. Lizzo. Junglepussy. Janelle Monae. It is no doubt that there is a charge of badass activist energy running through the rap and hip-hop scene right now, led predominantly by queer women and femmes of color. The intersection of social justice and music obviously has a long history. Woven within the very frameworks of hip-hop are the essence of defiance, resistance, and solidarity within oppressed groups. In Montreal, even within the enclosed radius surrounding the McGill campus, the city has carved out its own spaces that intertwine social justice with hip-hop and rap music.

“Music, when done right, connects to people’s hearts in a way that academic talk doesn’t always do.” – Shades Lawrence “Rap Battles Against Sexual Violence,” an event organized by Rap Battles for Social Justice, took place on September 28. Rap

Battles for Social Justice is an organization founded in 2015 by Dan Parker. The event served as a fundraiser, and a platform to have conversations about sexual violence with an intersectional perspective. The event tried to centre voices that are usually marginalized in public events and emphasized accessibility. There was a designated wheelchairaccessible area in the front row, and listeners prepared to support those who may need to process trauma or any kind of emotional stress present at the venue. Performers with all different backgrounds, life experiences, and messages were encouraged to bring their individual musical vibes to the event. Having only lived in Montreal for a little over a month, I could tell that there was something special going on, for even I could already recognize some artists. In fact, Rap Battles Against Sexual Violence is an active part of the grassroots network of activists doubling as rappers and hip-hop artists in Montreal. A few days after the show, I had the opportunity to sit down with two performers from the event, Shades Lawrence and Ashanti “Backxwash” Mutinta, as well as two coordinators for Rap Battles for Social Justice, Vishan Charamis and Maude Nevoret. From each conversation, I discovered similar themes that encompass the local rap-activist scene: the importance of Montreal as the setting for this movement, the mandate of inclusivity in the community, and the nature of hip-

Sherwin Sullivan Tjia | The McGill Daily

The coordinators of Rap Battles for Social Justice hop and rap being complementary to the cause. On Montreal being an important setting for social change, Lawrence said, “one thing that I think makes [the Montreal hip-hop scene] really unique is our social justice consciousness. I think a lot of artists here talk about causes and issues that are incredibly close to their hearts.” Whether you believe this is a feature specific to Montreal’s music, or generally the case for most city-based rap scenes, Lawrence’s statement holds true. If you look at some of the city’s biggest rappers, their lyrics and messages are largely both socially conscious and extremely personal. Lawrence herself explores themes of globalization, colonialism, and the right to water in her song “Formidable Time.” She raps, “I was bought and sold/auction blocked and told/to forget my name/I was brought to the fold.” Montreal itself boasts cultural, social, and economic diversity. In a study conducted by Nestpick, Montreal was ranked 12th in the world for “Best LGBT Cities in 2017.” Backxwash compliments Montreal’s appreciation of diversity, explaining that “a lot of people here use what everyone else would see as a disadvantage, as an advantage.” She used herself as an example, explaining how being a trans Black woman brings societal disadvantages, but is an important asset to creating her art. Montreal’s diversity of experience brings both a complex system of oppression, as well as pockets of extremely supportive communities working to fight that oppression. This struggle is the heart of Montreal-based music.

Manikmati Photography | Photographer

As Charamis said, “it only makes working with somebody in one sense that [Rap Battles for Social community, it can introduce you Justice] started here in Montreal.” to four more people there.” These groups not only aim to be inclusive for all performers, but also accessible to the public. When describing their mission, Rap Battles for Social Justice uses the phrase “popular education.” Charamis explained it as “for the people and by the people,” where social issues are discussed freely and comprehensively so that it is understandable and useful to the public. The organization offers free hip-hop writing workshops at community centres, prisons, and universities, using music as a vehicle to get messages of inclusivity to the public in accessible ways. Lawrence said, “music, when done right, connects to people’s hearts in a way that academic talk doesn’t always do.” Rooted in Black history and struggle, hip-hop and rap music are not just cohesive with Another key aspect of messages of social justice, but are organizations like Rap Battles for also direct products of the fight Social Justice and its counterparts against injustice. Backxwash is its openness to collaboration. stated it perfectly: “hip-hop is The Rap Battles Against Sexual rebel music,” referencing artists Violence show was a collective like Public Enemy and Queen effort that included Urban Latifah. Beyond rebellion against Science, LOTUS Collective, and oppressive systems, music is an the Concordia Student Union. important vehicle for change, for Lawrence also discussed the education, and for communityoverlap between the activist rap building. As Nevoret said, “it scene and the Montreal poetry starts out as protest, but through scene, referencing the group the music, through the creation, SistersInMotion, a local poetry it brings you somewhere else. It group which supports and unifies people.” celebrates women and femmes of color. Often musical artists The Rap Battles for Social are involved in more than Justice can be found on Facebook. one collective or project, thus You can find both Shades solidifying the network of local Lawrence and Backxwash on artists and activists. Backxwash their respective websites, or look explained, “when you end up for them on Spotify.

In Montreal, even within the enclosed radius surrounding the McGill campus, the city has carved out its own spaces that intertwine social justice with hip-hop and rap music.

Sci+tech

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Sexism in Science The Bias Against Women in Physics

Margaret Bruna Sci+Tech Writer

n September 28, 2018, Alessandro Strumia, a theoretical physicist at the University of Pisa, gave a talk at a conference held by CERN (European Organization for Nuclear Research) in Geneva. His presentation argued that the field of physics has become discriminatory towards men, and unfairly favours women. His presentation was considered highly offensive by the audience and organization committee. Strumia has since been suspended from working with CERN.

Barriers [for women] are put in place largely by a culture that encourages and celebrates men’s intellectual goals but discourages the same from women. The main issue that listeners took with Strumia’s claims was that most of his statements were blatantly false. Women in physics often experience strong cultural bias and gender-based discrimination. However, the harmful impact of

Strumia’s presentation isn’t isolated to this one incident. To a lot of women in the field, the problem of workplace bias is a reality of daily life. Scientists like Strumia will argue that the incredible underrepresentation of women in Physics isn’t discriminatory, because “physics [was] invented and built by men. It’s not by invitation.” When discussing the presentation, Maude Bédard, a U2 Physics undergraduate said, “what sucks is that it’s not surprising.” This attitude is unfortunate but not uncommon in the field. This leads to women feeling isolated, inexperienced, and unwelcomed. It also works to discourage women and femmes from entering the field. The issues that modern women face in male-dominated fields like Physics, are often subtle and subconscious. Barriers are put in place largely by a culture that encourages and celebrates men’s intellectual goals but discourages the same from women. Tami Pereg-Barnea, a Physics professor at McGill said, “Very early on, we don’t educate our girls to be smart, we educate them to be nice. We don’t empower them enough.” We often raise men and women in a binary system, where one is treated differently from the other, and taught to enjoy different things. Brigitte Vachon, a Physics Professor at McGill and founder of the Canadian Conference for Undergraduate Women in Physics, says she noticed the difference in the way her children were treated as early as three years old. She

explained that she found her son was complimented on his ability to count or play with Lego, while her daughter was more often complimented on her appearance. She said, “I caught myself doing it. Everybody does that. We talk to children differently.” This subconscious bias in the way men and women are treated only gains strength as children get older and advance into academia. Vachon pointed out that the adjectives used to describe women and men in reference letters are vastly different. Women will be described for their administrative capabilities, and men for their innate intelligence; “She’s working really hard, she’s delivering, she’s organized,” as opposed to, “he’s brilliant and intelligent.” Pereg-Barnea noted that she “didn’t get a single request from female undergraduate students to do a project with me. But men find it ok to suggest that they come here to talk about my research, even when they know nothing about it.” As women in western culture, we will often internalize the biases we grew up with. This can lead to a lack of assertiveness; women find themselves being nonconfrontational and unassuming in their field. According to a study on gender differences in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM), reported by Statistics Canada, “women are always less likely to choose a STEM program, regardless of mathematical ability. The Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) is a test which

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily

evaluates 15 year old students on their reading, math, and science capabilities in various countries around the world. Among those who went to university, 23 per cent of women in the three highest categories of PISA scores chose a STEM program, compared with 39 per cent of men in the three lowest categories of PISA scores.”

“Men don’t think about these things because it doesn’t happen to them, so it’s fine. But if you care about women, you need to start paying attention.” – Katie Savard, U2 Physics Undergraguate Student Imposter syndrome also contributes to lower levels of female representation in the field. Described as a feeling of chronic self-doubt and inadequacy despite obvious success, imposter syndrome can often cause women to feel hesitant to participate, or feel unwelcome around their peers. This is a feeling common in teachers and students amongst other professions. Vachon shared that she is “always very nervous about saying anything or questioning people, but [her] male colleagues will not shy away.” Imposter syndrome feeds into a lack of representation in the faculty, and vice versa. Only 13 per cent of the Physics faculty at McGill is female. “It’s so intimidating when you don’t have a place in this field. It’s hard to feel like you have a chance when the statistics tell you that it’s so unlikely,” explained Katie Savard, another U2 Physics undergraduate. Many students don’t get to learn from women as their professors until later into their degree. PeregBarnea pointed out, “we still have this image of a scientist, which isn’t necessarily a woman.” Undermining the abilities of women in the field has been normalized, and is often done subconsciously. The fact that the experiences of women are often subtle and not immediately apparent to men makes it difficult

to describe or point out specific problematic behaviors. It seems that many males in the undergraduate program don’t notice the barriers their female classmates face. Women can experience a fear of being misunderstood, or being told they’re overreacting, and many often notice that men will get defensive when these problems are pointed out to them. “You [men] choose to victimize yourselves”, said Chloé Robeyns, a Physics U2 undergraduate student. Strumia is a prime and outspoken example. “Men don’t think about these things because it doesn’t happen to them. But if you care about women, you need to start paying attention,” expressed Savard. The sources used here represent the experiences of white women in Physics. There are other barriers, such as those faced by queer people, people of colour, and people with disabilities, which also deserve public discussion. Not only is there a lack of representation for these groups, but the barriers facing these groups are often greater than those faced by white women in Physics. To begin changing the field, we must listen to all those who are starting conversations and asking to be heard. This conversation is, however, active and ongoing in the STEM community. Important forums like the Canadian Conference for Undergraduate Women in Physics, or the Women in Physics Canada Conference (being held at McGill this summer) are organized to create a welcoming and supportive community for women. “I think one of the key aspects of helping to develop an interest in physics within young women is providing them with some kind of inspiration. Being exposed to more women in Physics, relating to them and hearing their challenges and successes are all so important,” said Juliann Wray, a Physics undergraduate student. Conferences such as these “seem to be filling a need for discussion, for providing a safe space,” said Vachon. Change is happening, and it is now critical to make the discussion bigger and louder. Now more than ever it’s important to foster safe spaces where women are free from the internal barriers caused by external cultural norms that hinder the confidence and feelings of competence in young women. Opening up the conversation is a big step in breaking down the barriers women face.

sci+tech

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Zero Point Five

The Half Point We Should Fight For Justine Ronis-Le Moal The McGill Daily

hat is half a degree? In the grand scheme of things, it may not sound like much. In this case, it could have a dramatic impact. On October 8, the United Nations’ International Panel on Climate Change (UNIPCC) released a report exploring the impacts of a 0.5°C (0.9°F) difference in global temperature. More specifically, they looked at the difference between a 2°C (3.6°F) rise in global temperatures compared to a 1.5°C (2.7°F) increase. The differences are colossal. At an increase of 1.5°C, the UNIPCC expects a mere 1% of coral to survive. At an increase of 2°C, this percentage is multiplied by ten. What’s more, this figure does not even capture the impact on broader marine ecosystems, in which corals play a vital role. 25% of all marine species are supported by coral. The consequences of corals going extinct would be devastating. Unsurprisingly, the Arctic will also be gravely affected by temperatures rising, making icefree summers in the Arctic a much more prevalent occurrence. The exact frequency will be determined by our ability to limit the temperature increase. Reaching a 2°C increase would cause this phenomenon to happen every 10 years, as opposed to every 100 years, if we keep it under 1.5°C. The destruction of this ecosystem is dramatic in and of itself. Many endangered species would be further threatened. Moreover, the Arctic is distinct from other ecosystems on the planet. It plays a vital role in global climate regulation via the cooling effect it creates in both sea and air currents. Its destruction

“1.5°C is not just a political concession. There is a growing recognition that 2°C is dangerous.” -Johan Rockström, co-author, “Hothouse Earth” Report

NELLY WAT | The McGill Daily would cause climate deregulation, intensifying and increasing the frequency of floods, droughts, and heat waves more so than ever. With the volume of Arctic sea ice decreased by 70% compared to 40 years ago, we have already caused far-reaching damage. The direct impact of melting Arctic icebergs on humans is a rise in sea levels. This would have devastating impacts on our coastal cities; Shanghai, for example, would be flooded and entirely submerged with a 3°C temperature increase. The half a degree difference would impact double the amount of people simply from water stress alone. Furthermore, an estimated 420 million people more would be exposed to extreme heat waves in the case of a 2°C increase compared to the 1.5°C. Johan Rockström, co-author of the “Hothouse Earth” report published in August 2018, explains that “[The UNIPCC] report is really important. It has a scientific robustness that shows 1.5°C is not just a political concession. There is a growing recognition that 2°C is dangerous.” The “Hothouse Earth” report explores the impact of a 2°C increase. One of the possible outcomes put forth is the establishment of a ‘hothouse

Earth’ climate. Here, global temperatures stabilize at 4°C or 5°C above pre-industrial levels and sea levels are 10 metres to 60 metres higher than they are today. The authors argue that this will happen through “feedbacks” – Earth system processes that may be triggered by global warming. A 2°C increase might already be too much, as it may prompt these processes, taking global warming beyond human control and past the point of no return. “Places on Earth will become uninhabitable if ‘hothouse Earth’ becomes a reality,” says Rockström. The UNIPCC and “Hothouse Earth” reports both stress the urgency of taking action. We have already reached a 1°C increase compared to pre-industrial temperatures, and with the current levels of commitment, we are headed towards a 3°C rise in temperatures by 2100. Any escalation past the 2°C increase explored in these reports becomes increasingly dangerous. To prevent any further increase, both reports underscore the importance of cutting our carbon dioxide and greenhouse gas emissions as fast as possible. Will Steffen, the lead author of the “Hothouse Earth” report, stresses the importance of doing so; he explains that feedbacks will come into effect and cause

temperatures to rise even without any additional emissions. We need to reduce our greenhouse gas emissions much faster than initially believed– we have less than 12 years to make an impact. This means imposing much stricter and much lower limits than the ones provided at the Paris Agreement, ratified in 2016. It may also include exploring faster ways of removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. This can include the protection and expansion of forests and vegetation, as well as the development of carbon capture and storage techniques. It can be done, but governments need to push forth policies and

If politicians are going to be complacent, it is up to other areas of society to step up and show their support for environmental issues.

take a hard stance on the matter. As Jim Skea, a co-chair of the working group on mitigation for the UNIPCC report, said, “We show it can be done within the laws of physics and chemistry. Then the final tick box is political will. We cannot answer that. Only our audience can– and that is the governments that receive it.” Hans Joachim Schellnhuber, another co-author of the “Hothouse Earth” report, criticized political leaders’ statements concerning what is achievable, blaming their lack of motivation on their interest in short-term goals, for which they can take credit. In Amsterdam, while the appeals court did not agree with this explanation, it did support the argument that more could, and should, be done in the way of limiting greenhouse gas emissions. On 0ctober 9, the court upheld a previous ruling demanding the Dutch government to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 25% before 2020. The main argument for appeal was the fact that a court was deciding on government policy. This claim was dismissed on the basis that courts have to hold the government accountable to both local and international laws and regulations. The Dutch court ruling is a great example of what needs to be done. If politicians are going to be complacent, it is up to other areas of society to step up and show their support for environmental issues. Debra Roberts, a co-chair of the working group in the UNIPCC report, referred to the report as “the largest clarion bell from the science community,” and hopes that “it mobilizes people and dents the mood of complacency.” This just might be the case within the McGill community. This Monday October 22, Divest McGill organized a rally for divestment, demanding the university to stop supporting the fossil fuel industry. Schellnhuber commented, “I think that in the future people will look back on 2018 as the year when climate reality hit. This is the moment when people start to realize that global warming is not a problem for future generations, but for us now.” There is still some hope left within the scientific community, linked to the recent and recurring heatwaves. With abnormally hot temperatures expected to last until at least 2022, citizens across the globe will experience the impact of global warming for themselves. A silver lining lies in the hope that this first-hand experience will spark a desire for change and push people to action. With a bit of luck, it won’t be too late.

cocoa butter

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Del Enfado al Amor Kathleen Charles The McGill Daily

experience my humanity through the lens of la colombiana What it means to be a Colombian woman Is a truth that holds so much joy yet so much pain, Is a truth that I feel woven in between the letters of my name with great care By those who came before me. They wanted my name to stretch through time Long name like long pathways and secret passages to find my way home Long names like there’s no way you could miss my greatness when I walk into a room Tengo el corazón de la colombiana I have the heart of la colombiana Listen as I dance circles around you with the beauty of this language that is mine Rapid tones rising, falling, flowing, firing, sizzling, dripping from my lips Like the hot summer gatherings from the land I now miss The laughter of my cousins and the warmth of our family The warmth of shared food Food that greeted your every taste bud with vicious kisses and gracious hugs So you know that you are loved You... belong somewhere... Here. Always. Las noches de Navidad, those Colombian Christmas nights The feel of my grandmother’s palm on my cheek Infusing her memories into me Into my skin She planted A resilient Latin spirit that never dies Not a Latin spirit of tacos, nachos with a side of chilli cheese fries No, that’s what we sold to you so that’s all you know. My Latin spirit is in the fiery rock of volcanoes and in the stone of temples the world is still trying to understand My Latin spirit is cryptic rhythms hypnotizing the world My Latin spirit is my grandmother’s bosom and the sweet words of comfort rolling, dripping from her lips like rain dripping from la flor de mayo This culture I carry in my skin, on my tongue, and in my heart has kept me sane During times when microaggressions pushed me to the brink of insanity Insanity first threatened the day my parents decided They wanted a better life. Funny how when sun-kissed brown bodies seek brighter, better lives, they move further from themselves to be closer to colder, whiter lands. I came here and suddenly became so aware of my brown skin This skin was robbed of its innocence and painted over... the colour: immigrant. They coloured us immigrant « Arrête donc ton espagnol! On parle français icitte On parle ben mieux icitte. T’es une immigrante icitte On est meilleur que toi icitte. On veut pas de toi icitte. Mais on a besoin de toi icitte. S’il vous plait reste icitte mais... prend pas trop de place icitte » Before university I had a kind of tranquility A kind of serenity I had a kind of blissful placidity within the diversity that coloured my adolescence I was blessed enough to know people with perspectives from all over the populace

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily I had a kind of privilege of my own. The privilege of innocence; of knowing but not really feeling your otherness, your social disadvantage because you’re so coddled by convivial community. My high school hallways were decorated with security guards because poverty is the best fertilizer for violence. So, my first lesson in high school was that I couldn’t be trusted. People like me didn’t get into university, we got into fights... but we were family. Most of my family couldn’t make it here with me so every day I know I have to seize this knowledge that is power, so I can give it back to them You know what they say. Give the gift of knowledge to a coloured kid and they become a threat to a cowardly nation; a threat to the status quo. You’ll have opened the Pandora’s box that is consciousness and they won’t stop until they see justice. I came here thinking justice was a given if someone like me were able to get in But I was immediately disappointed when I realized how little of me there was here How little of me I could be here How little I felt here Unprofessional, unrefined, uneducated. The total opposite of the old-white-men portraits whose eyes haunt the corridors of my department Reminding me that they never meant for me to be here. At first, I hid behind phony smiles and masks of normalcy I wanted to show them that I could be bougie too But deep down the erasure made me angry I never liked bougie people, because they reminded me that not everyone knew what it felt like to open and close your fridge a million times in one day hoping that at some point some unknown black magic would fill it up for you... taking the hunger away.

Not everyone knows the heat from the tears of joy that fill your eyes when your best friend takes you grocery shopping for Christmas... because ain’t that what privilege is? I never liked bougie people, but I find myself secretly wanting to be so free that I don’t even know what freedom is because I have no captivity in my bloodline, no chains wrapped around my veins, no epigenetic transgenerational trauma pinned to my name. Every time my feet hit the gravel on these unceded lands I’m reminded of how my body beat every statistic that told me that I could never belong here, Every time a professor dared dishonor the existence of minorities to my face in my own learning space, I became more convinced that I did not belong here, I became so angry... I found myself trembling at times. I wanted to tear this campus to the ground. I want to relish in the sound of its destruction and sweet reparation. But suddenly... someone came and gave me an even sweeter consolation: They told me that anger was simply the lack of love. And their love poured over me, oozing from their being, like the persistent lava of Colombian volcanoes To be seen, unconditionally accepted, and validated even in our darkest moments of pain… That’s what love is. Love uproots you from anger no matter how deep Love makes revenge seem distasteful no matter how sweet It may seem in the beginning, because in the end My immigration turned activism was a journey from loss, to love, to anger and back to love again Del enfado al amor Do things still seem unfair? Hell yes! Am I going to stop fighting for what I believe is right and calling people out on their bullshit? Hell to the mothafuckin nah! But my fight is now rooted in peaceful assurance; a passion plight I will not fight in a way that calls out my oppressor yet destroys my well-being in the process.

October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

compendium!

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