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October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
Table of Contents 3 EDITORIAL Change the Name! 4 Letter for the Administration to LETTER
Change the Varsity Teams’ Name
5 Inside The Bubble NEWS
LE PETERSON IS READY TO WELCOME YOU
Not “Politics as Usual”
FEATURES 7 After Abortion
IN THE HEART OF THE QUARTIER DES SPECTACLES
MODEL LOFT AND PENTHOUSE AVAILABLE TO VISIT
COMMENTARY 10 What Is Canada Waiting For?
11 LETTERS Response to the Statement of Retraction
12 CULTURE Rediscovering Our Bodies
Who Are Queer Spaces For?
14 ISTHMUS Rose-T(a)inted 16 COMPENDIUM! Ted Knows What’s Up Comic
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EDITORIAL
Volume 108 Issue 8
October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
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Change the Name!
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contributors Arno Pedram, Tomas Jirousek, Sian Lathrop, Nellia Halimi, Francine de Sales, Gabriela Rey, Sophie McKenzie, Daisy Sprenger, Claire Grenier, Nelly Wat, Kismet Bandeen, Cassandra Ryan, N. T., Gustavette Le Délit
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Published by the Daily Publications Society, a student society of McGill University. The views and opinions expressed in the Daily are those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of McGill University. The McGill Daily is not affiliated with McGill University.
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Julian Bonello-Stauch, Nouedyn Baspin, Leandre Barome, Tony Feng, Boris Shedov, Lara Benattar, Lydia Bhattacharya, Phoebe Pannier All contents © 2018 Daily Publications Society. All rights reserved. The content of this newspaper is the responsibility of The McGill Daily and does not necessarily represent the views of McGill University. Products or companies advertised in this newspaper are not necessarily endorsed by Daily staff. Printed by Imprimerie Transcontinental Transmag. Anjou, Quebec. ISSN 1192-4608.
Content warning: anti-Indigenous slurs, racism
A
demonstration calling for the change of the “R*dmen” name, which currently designates all McGill men’s varsity teams, will be held at Milton Gates on October 31 at 2 p.m. This protest, organized by SSMU Indigenous Affairs, follows a broader movement on campus led by Kainai Nation and Blackfoot Confederacy member Tomas Jirousek. He is the SSMU Indigenous Affairs Commissioner and a student athlete on the varsity rowing team. He explained to The McGill Daily that the “Change the Name” campaign will “serve as an opportunity for Indigenous students and our allies to express our desire to change the R*dmen name on the basis of its offensive and pejorative connotation.” Since the 1920s, the men’s varsity teams’ name has been the R*dmen. The McGill athletics website hosts a page dedicated to the “Origins of the R*dmen name,” which states that the name allegedly refers to “Celts [and their red hair] in honour of James McGill’s Scots’ descent.” Additionally, an article published by The Montreal Gazette claimed that R*dmen came about as a reference to the university’s dominant colour – “red helmets, red sweaters and red trousers, [...] R*dmen is a nod to school, not skin, colour. If the McGill R*dmen are guilty of anything, it’s only by association.” The arguments above show a clear disinterest in the harm that this name has caused, and continues to cause, Indigenous students. In 1947, McGill varsity teams adopted “a new logo for the team that incorrectly associated a native connotation to the name,” as the McGill Athletics page insists. This was worsened in 1982, when a “newer stylized native logo was adopted depicting a native person wearing a headdress.” This logo was only removed from the varsity teams’ helmet in 1992 following outcry. The McGill varsity teams have also been referred to as the “McGill Indians,” “the tribe,” or “squ*ws.” Vanessa Racine, an Indigenous student who plays on the McGill Martlet rugby team, told the Daily that “people using the ‘history of
the name’ as an excuse to keep it bothers me. It’s been used with a racist logo and in quotes such as ‘scalping R*dmen.’ When it’s associated with racist slang for so long, its semantics change and it becomes another stereotypical racist name that’s harmful to Indigenous communities.” In 2017, the final report of the Task Force on Indigenous Studies and Indigenous Education urged for the University to immediately “begin a process of consultation inside McGill [...] with the goal of renaming McGill male varsity teams.” The administration launched a Working Group on Principles of Commemoration and Renaming that aimed to establish a broad process for renaming at McGill, rather than directly addressing the issue. The final report from this working group will not be published until December, further delaying this process. In addition to the demonstration, SSMU Indigenous Affairs issued an open letter to the University calling for the change of the name. They also started an online petition, which has received 5,000 signatures as of October 26. In an email addressed to students, Provost Manfredi “regretted” the “unfortunate” anti-Indigenous meaning the name has come to bear and went on to praise the “pride and honour” McGill athletes have brought to the University under the name. A SSMU student referendum concerning the change of the name will take place mid-November. However, the ultimate decision belongs to the McGill administration, which has failed to acknowledge the importance and urgency of the issue. To only focus on the allegedly harmless origin of the name and disregard more than 60 years of its actively racist meaning is unacceptable. Changing the varsity team name is a crucial step in addressing McGill’s colonial and racist history. Join the demonstration at 2 p.m. on October 31. *The McGill Daily’s Editorial Board decided to censor “R*dmen” to acknowledge that it is not our place to use the term.
Statement of Retraction (edited):
In the article published on September 4, 2018 called “Survivor-centric Approach Must Come First,” it was stated that “Ahmed Fekry Ibrahim [...] was accused of sexual assault this past July.” While Assistant Professor Ahmed Fekry Ibrahim has not been charged with, or legally accused of, assault, there have been serious allegations of sexual misconduct made against him. It is important to us to use accurate language while supporting survivors and holding abusers accountable.
Errata:
In the article published on October 22, 2018 called “GSVP Passes, Fee Debated,” it was stated that former VP External Marina Cupido’s Facebook post was approved by another person at SSMU before it was published. This is not true. The McGill Daily regrets the error.
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October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
A Call for the McGill Administration to Change the Varsity Teams’ Name D
Through use of the Redmen name McGill continues to promote ear Principal Suzanne Fortier, Provost Christopher Manfredi, Interim Deputy Provost (Student Life & Learning) Fabrice Labeau, stereotypical and hyper-masculine depiction of Indigenous peoples. This has actively contributed to a University that historically Executive Director of Athletics and Recreation Marc Gélinas, has been, and often continues to be, hostile to the presence of My name is Tomas Jirousek, and I am a member of the Kainai Indigenous students. The usage of the Indian, Squaw, and Redmen Nation, a nation of the Blackfoot Confederacy, and a McGill varsity names have contributed to feelings of anxiety, discomfort, and athlete. I, with the support of the undersigned, am writing this isolation amongst Indigenous peoples at McGill for many years. It has also led to the institutionalized ignorance of the lived reality letter to call for the immediate renaming of the McGill Redmen. With this letter, I wish to express concerns over the continued usage of Indigenous peoples at McGill. No individual, or even team, of such an offensive name for the mens’ varsity teams. Indigenous ‘reclaiming’ the name can undo both the historic and ongoing students, staff, and community members for years have clearly damages inflicted by the Redmen name. Competing for McGill as an Indigenous varsity athlete has been conveyed the desire to change the Redmen name. This was reiterated most recently in the Provost’s Task Force on Indigenous Studies and one of the most difficult experiences of my life. In addition to Indigenous Education, which was part of McGill’s reaction to the having to struggle with the added everyday stress that we student athletes all go through, I have to constantly deal with the internal Truth and Reconciliation Commission released in 2015. As noted in Call to Action 21, the Indigenous community has struggle between competing for a team I love, and my own disgust openly questioned “the credibility of the University’s efforts in at the continued usage of the Redmen name. I have faced increased relation to Indigeneity given the pejorative connotation of our isolation since starting a call to change the name, and speaking out mens’ varsity team name.” It is impossible for the University to in support and inclusion of Indigenous people competing at McGill. position itself as a leader in affirming the Calls to Action in the I did not choose to go to McGill to be degraded in such a manner. I choose to compete for the McGill that my team represents. My TRC, while also continuing to brand itself under the Redmen name. By remaining silent, the University continues to condone teammates and coaches have never failed to support my inclusion as and perpetuate the psychologically and socially damaging effects a varsity rower. I have been made to feel supported and valued in my the Redmen name inflicts on Indigenous students and athletes like work towards a more inclusive McGill. That is the reason why I call on McGill to change the name. I myself and others on this campus. The Provost’s Task Force notes the past use of the name “Indians” know that athletics can play an incredibly positive role in a student’s to refer to McGill’s mens’ teams, and “Squaws” or “Super Squaws” experience at McGill, and every Indigenous student should have to refer to its womens’ athletics teams, as well as the appearance of access to that same support. Every Indigenous student should be phrases such as “Indians on a Warpath” and “Redman Scalped” in made to feel included, welcome, and supported at McGill, and changing the Redmen name ensures that more Indigenous students McGill media. Stereotyped images of Indigenous persons were used on McGill will benefit from the same experience I have had on the rowing team. jerseys and helmets until a 1992 decision of the McGill Athletics Board ended the usage of the offensive logo. But in a decision that #ChangetheName. It’s the only respectful and appropriate course whitewashed and actively sought to rewrite the racist and violent of action. history of the Redmen, they chose to not change the name. Former McGill professor of history, Allan Downey, writes “whether Signed, the ‘Indian’ portrayals are ‘positive’ or ‘negative,’ they have adverse psychological consequences for Indigenous youth and for relations Tomas Jirousek, SSMU Indigenous Affairs Commissioner, between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people.” Professor Downey Indigenous Varsity Athlete offers that the “individual reclamation [does not] negate the larger societal impact that these images had. The intent [does not] negate With the support of the effects.” I, and many others, argue that an ‘endorsement’ by any Carlee Loft, SSMU Indigenous Affairs Commissioner, 2017-18 singular Indigenous individual, group, or team, does not negate the Christian Quequish, SSMU Indigenous Affairs Commissioner, 2016-17 larger societal effects that the Redmen name continues to reproduce Leslie Anne St. Amour, SSMU Indigenous Affairs Commissioner, 2015-16 for Indigenous athletes, students, and community members. The University’s tokenization of Indigenous people and initiatives to In addition to “Indigenize” in order to defend the continued usage of the Redmen SSMU Indigenous Affairs Committee Indigenous Students Alliance name is morally reprehensible at best.
Letter
news
October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
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“No Fracking, No Fossil Fuels!” Divest McGill Protests CAMSR Meeting
Arno Pedram The McGill Daily
O
n Monday October 22, Divest McGill staged a protest in front of the James administration building from 1 to 2 PM (see live and short video on our Facebook page). The protest happened while the Committee to Advise on Matters of Social Responsibility (CAMSR) held a meeting inside. CAMSR is an ethics board that reports to the Board of Governors, the highest authority at McGill. Principal Suzanne Fortier sits on the board. Divest McGill is pressuring CAMSR to reconsider its statement that the fossil fuels industry’s activities do not cause “grave social injury,” following a report from the UN-backed Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). CAMSR defines grave social injury as “the grave injurious impact which the activities of a legal person is found to have on consumers, employees, or other persons, or on the natural environment [that] violate, or frustrate the enforcement of rules of domestic or international law intended to protect individuals against deprivation of health, safety, or basic freedoms, or to
protect the natural environment.” The IPCC recently concluded that a 1.5°C rise in global temperature could result in extreme increases in dryness, water scarcity, and mass extinction of coral reefs. The report also predicted that this threshold will be crossed sometime between 2030 and 2052. In spring 2013 and again in March 2016, the Board of Governors voted against divestment from fossil fuels. These votes followed reports from CAMSR claiming that there was no compelling evidence that the fossil fuels industry’s activities cause “grave social injury.” In a message to The McGill Daily, a representative of Divest McGill stated “we keep rallying [and/or] protesting outside of CAMSR’s meetings because they are the ones that can recommend divestment to the Board. While we know that they can hear us, we want them to listen and recognize that they are the only [organization] critical of divestment.” Divestment from fossil fuel has the longstanding support of the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU), the PostGraduate Students’ Society (PGSS), the McGill Association of University Teachers (MAUT), the
Chalk marks left by Divest McGill faculties of Arts and Law, and the McGill School of Environment. On September 13 2018, Divest McGill received support from the Senate,
Arno Pedram | The McGill Daily
who motioned the Principal through the Board of Governors “to divest the endowment from all companies whose primary
business is the extraction, distribution, and/or sale of fossil fuels; and from all mutual funds that invest in such companies.”
“Our Labour Has Value!”
School of Social Work Joins the Fight Against Unpaid Internships N. T. News Writer
T
he School of Social Work’s Fall General Assembly (GA) for the 2018-2019 academic year took place on October 24. The GA attendance met quorum, allowing for the proposed motions to be passed and later implemented. The agenda of the GA included many motions, starting with the election of Nour Daoud as the First Year Representative for the 20182019 Bachelor of Social Work (BSW) entering class. A motion to divide the role of VP External Affairs Coordinator into two positions passed, creating the new SSMU Representative position, consequently awarded to the current VP External Affairs Coordinator, Zach Kleiner. The goal of this split is to allow for a more effective fulfillment of responsibilities. Further, this division ensures fully bilingual representation for communications with other universities in the province. Mariana Sosa was elected as the new VP External Affairs Coordinator.
Facebook cover of SWSA, courtesy of SWSA The Social Work Student’s Society (SWSA) then spoke of last years’ mobilization against unpaid internships, leading to a wider discussion on the matter. A motion requesting that Social Work students strike again this
semester was put forward. The motion stated that “unpaid field placements are an unjust barrier to access for both potential and current students in the School of Social Work and whose effects are compounded for those
living multiple, intersecting marginalizations.” Attendees then voted to strike against unpaid internships for the fall 2018 semester, calling for student participation in a week-long mobilization this November. This
move by the School of Social Work aligns them with the UQAM, UdeM and UQTR’s students’ associations, which are already in support of the strike. The latter will take place November 19-23, at various universities across the province.
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news
October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
Not “Politics as Usual”
Interview with Assistant Professor Manuel Balan on Bolsonaro Claire Grenier The McGill Daily
B
razil held their first round of elections, for president and Congress, on October 7. While a number of congresspeople were elected, including Joênia Wapixana, Brazil’s first female Indigenous representative, no presidential candidate received 50 per cent or more of the vote. A runoff election will be held on October 28. The two contenders for the presidency are now the far-right Jair Bolsonaro and the Workers’ Party’s (PT) Fernando Haddad In the October 7 election, Bolsonaro received 46 per cent of the vote, and Haddad 21. Bolsonaro has been the subject of domestic and international unease for his reputation as racist, misogynistic, and militarist. Some publications have compared him to the U.S. president, dubbing him “the Trump of the Tropics.” His popularity sparked a hashtag, EleNão (“not him”). Despite protests and an increase in political violence, current polls still show that Bolsonaro will almost definitely be the next president of Brazil. Manuel Balán, an assistant professor in the Institute for the Study of International Development, spoke with the Daily about Brazilian politics, why Bolsonaro will be elected, and what this means for the country. The McGill Daily (MD): What is Brazil’s electoral system like? Manuel Balán (MB): Brazil has a presidential system, meaning that the executive is concentrated into one non-legislator called the president. Brazil has one of the most restrictive two-round systems in the region. Even though the difference between the candidates was substantive in the first round, we are still holding a runoff election. In Argentina, where there’s also a two-round system, if there’s a ten per cent difference between the first and the second candidate in the first round, the first candidate is elected. According to the rules elsewhere in the region, Bolsonaro would already have been elected. The other thing that is important to know is that part of the congressional elections are concurrent with the presidential election; they all happen at the same time during the first round. This leads to what we usually call coattail effects. The candidates that receive votes in a presidential election are able to bring with them a number of legislators. In the context of this particular election this means that even if a huge upset takes place this Sunday and Bolsonaro loses this election, he’s already managed to greatly empower his coalition of legislators in Congress. Not to the same degree that he got almost 47 per cent of the vote, but still significant enough gains at the congressional level that will, if elected president, allow him to more easily create coalitions in government. But also, if by any luck of the draw
Claire Grenier | The McGill Daily there is an upset [and Bolsonaro is not elected], his supporters will still control Congress quite cohesively and it would be difficult for any nonBolsonaro president to actually get anything passed. Bolsonaro has better odds in creating a coalition that will get legislation passed, but I don’t mean this in a good way. MD: Where is Bolsonaro’s popularity coming from? MB: I think Bolsonaro’s popularity comes from a couple of different sources. The main characteristic of Bolsonaro that brings him popularity isn’t what gets all this media attention. It’s not his racism or misogyny that’s getting him votes, it’s his “anti system” attitude. All the well-established parties in Brazil that have received most of the presidential votes in past elections did very poorly in this election. The PT lost a lot of votes, but if you look at the former opposition party they also did super horribly this election. If you look at the person who was the third place candidate in the last election, Marina Silva, she went from 20 per cent of the vote to one per cent. Everything sort of in the middle of the spectrum, centre left or centre right, basically anything that wasn’t extreme [Balán notes that he doesn’t find the PT extreme] lost its votes, and they lost most of those votes to Bolsonaro. So this can be seen as an anti-system type of attitude by voters that are frustrated with a number of different things but two big ones. One is an economy that is in recession and has been struggling for years now, and the second is related, to some extent, to all the corruption scandals that we’ve seen. And these corruption scandals have taken place during a PT government (but do not address only the PT). If you look at the prior composition of Congress almost all Congress members are being prosecuted or indicted for corruption charges. They are all involved in
this. So a rejection towards politics as usual, plus an economy on the downturn, means people start looking for strongman figures. We’ve seen this elsewhere, where this larger-thanlife, maybe quasi-authoritarian figure, who is not “politics as usual” rises in popularity. This in a way explains one chunk of the vote. I think another part that cannot be forgotten is that the PT have been in government for 12 years. Their government, even with a lot of mistakes, empowered a lot of minorities, they helped a lot of lower classes, they brought a bunch of people out of poverty. Again with lots of mistakes, but they did do this. So there is an anti-PT sentiment in Brazil that is very strong. Just as we saw the #EleNão movement, we also saw the PTnão (anyone but the PT) movement. So people felt if Bolsonaro was the guy that is going to beat the PT, then so be it. This was a very antisystem and a very anti-PT vote. MD: Was this election, then, more about sending a message than about electing a government people like? MB: To some extent, yes. To another extent, it is about electing a powerful figure, someone who seems to be a strongman. Bolsonaro certainly fits that bill. This can be debated, but I don’t think that because this guy is a racist, misogynist, militaristic guy, that those sentiments are necessarily on the increase in Brazil. I think these sentiments have always been in Brazil. There’s a big part of society that resonates with these types of claims, not 47 per cent, but a big part. These sentiments are alive and well, but I don’t think that’s what people are choosing him for. But I think it’s not a minor factor, either. This guy has been in politics for a long time, and he was someone who was not taken seriously by the PT or by anybody. What explains why he is starting to be taken seriously is that he is receiving support and being taken seriously by
MD: What policies do you see coming from Bolsonaro’s election? MB: There are a couple of different things here. For all his racism, misogyny, classism, etc. I think those are things that he may not explicitly change policy about. I don’t think that he will be a classic authoritarian military guy that will take over power and close Congress. I don’t think this is the type of scenario we should envision going forward. That doesn’t mean [that his election] isn’t a grim picture. I think the grim picture takes encompases two things. One is any sort of environmental protection is gone out the window, with any sort of protection of Indigenous rights. Because environmental protection is out the window, this means complete and utter free range for exploitation of the Amazon. It wasn’t that the PT was great about environmental policy, but this is going to be a free for all. Here [the environment] is where he is going to move quite quickly. This is in part what explains the level of support that he gets from business. These are mining companies these, are natural resource companies; this is why The Wall Street Journal published an editorial in favour of Bolsonaro, saying that he is the right choice for Brazil. I think what lies behind this is business interests and lack of regulation to exploit natural resources. This is very scary to me. And this is where I think we will see policy changing. Now the other part: the racism, the misogyny, etc. I don’t think there will be changes in policy, but I do think electing a guy who says these things, as we saw in the U.S., brings certain free range for people in their daily lives to exert these kinds of discourses. And we already are seeing this. So I think actual conditions on the ground in Brazil when it comes to minorities, women, other disempowered people, are going to get significantly worse. There’s a difference between policy and what happens, but I think what happens is its going to get significantly worse. If this guy says this then why aren’t we doing what he says. [The support of Bolsonaro] validates a very misogynistic, a very racist, a very classist type of attitude towards people. One place where we may see some changes, one of the groups that is the most disadvantaged in Brazil are domestic workers, and they were completely unregulated up until recently. They worked terrible hours for terrible wages. This was changed, and now they’re regulated. The conditions still aren’t great, but there is some improvement. Everybody [in Congress] voted in favour of this except for one person. And he has made it a point of his campaign to advertise that he was the one guy that opposed domestic worker protections. Guess who that is? Bolsonaro.
the strong economic powers in the country. So this gives him credibility. Also, for years now we have seen the rise of evangelism as a very powerful societal force, and as a very powerful political force. There’s an evangelical part of Congress and Bolsonaro is very much associated with them, and a part of the evangelical movement in this election. This also helps explain the rise of Bolsonaro. MD: Is the comparison of Trump and Bolsonaro, like we’ve seen in the media, valid? MB: I think there are some similarities. These are very different countries and Bolsonaro and Trump are very different themselves. But I think there are some points of connection. Trump is a businessman; Bolsonaro is military. This is a significant difference in terms of their background. I do think that Brazil, and the forces at play in Brazil and in the U.S., are significantly different in many ways. But, yeah he is generally is compared to Trump. I think he is, in my personal view, much scarier than Trump – and I’m scared by Trump. He is much scarier than Trump in many ways. We can also draw comparisons with other current figures like Orban, or in terms of the processes that are behind his rise to power, there are some parallels as what happened in Italy in the 90s, and how the prosecuting of corruption generates a void in the political sphere and how out of this void another sort of “larger than life figure” [Silvio Berlusconi] emerges, that was terrible for corruption in Italy actually. So in drawing that parallel, I think Bolsonaro will be elected, and he will be terrible for corruption in Brazil. This is not the fix for corruption, its making things worse. So yeah I think Trump is a valid comparison. I think Orban is a valid comparison. I think Berlusconi This interview has been edited for clarity and length. is a valid comparison.
features
October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
AFTER ABORTION
EXISTING POST-PROCEDURE
BY SIAN LATHROP
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features
October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
AFTER ABORTION SIAN LATHROP Features Writer
W
hen I found out I was pregnant I had been throwing up for about four weeks. In all honesty, this was not the symptom that alerted me to my condition – I have always had a wimpy stomach. What freaked me out was my bizarre awareness of my body’s fragility. This may sound insane, but in the weeks leading up to me peeing on a stick, I developed a sense of anxiety about my body that was unlike anything I had ever known. Full disclosure: anxiety isn’t new to me. I have been diagnosed with generalized anxiety disorder and I am no stranger to panic attacks, but this pregnancy anxiety was very much embodied. It wasn’t the normal “everyone probably hates me” self-deprecation that I was used to. Instead, it took the form of genuine concern over my body’s strength and ability. I became acutely aware of how insignificant I was in the grand scheme of things; there are many things that exist which could threaten my body’s daily functions. I started to avoid heights, ladders, cats, undercooked eggs, and weed. It eventually got so weird that in one instance of fear, I threw my partner in front of me to use him as a kitten shield. I used his body to stop the slow approach of a tiny, well-meaning cat. These strange symptoms all intensified after I realized I was pregnant. What before my test were stronger-thanusual anxieties, became, after my test, full blown phobias. After the nurse at the McGill Health Center confirmed my pregnancy, I was handed a few pamphlets and I walked home. While the McGill Clinic does not perform abortions, they suggest serveral clinics who do. For me, the initial choice was
easy. My thought process went like this: I live in Canada where abortion is legal. Furthermore, I live in Quebec, where there are a multitude of care options for abortion. I’m still a baby myself. I do not want a child. I have a right to make a choice, a choice that is accessible and easy for me, and I will exercise my right. After talking to my family, some friends, and my partner about the two methods of abortion available in Quebec, I opted for a surgical procedure.
“What had started off as a shift in the dynamics of my body turned into a full blown crisis in the months that followed.” The day of my surgery was relatively normal. I woke up early and took an Uber to the clinic and waited for half an hour before I was escorted into a small room to get an ultrasound. My pregnancy was confirmed and I then went into another, slightly bigger, room for the procedure. I was given a low dose of tranquilizers and it was all over in ten minutes. It hurt a bit, but not too much. I was then escorted into a room that had hot pink decor and was left to recover for half an hour. I took an Uber home and rested. My partner made me a sandwich for dinner. Depression hit me two weeks after my appointment. What had started off as a shift in the dynamics of my body turned into
Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily
EXISTING POST-PROCEDURE
Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily a full blown crisis in the months that followed. The subtle and embodied reorientation of my world that I had felt during my pregnancy led me to existential questions about my worth and purpose. These questions were not part of some positive philosophical project, but rather, they were dark, uncontrolled, and relentless. I did not and do not regret my choice in any way, but I feel it is important to want to present a narrative that does not minimize the potential trauma of an abortion. In the highly politicized discourse on abortion, there is often no space for people who struggle postprocedure. There needs to be room for those who are firmly and decisively pro-choice, but who have struggled with their mental health in the aftermath of their decision. In my experience, McGill as an institution offered little to no support after I terminated my pregnancy. When I went to make an appointment at the psychiatric services following my abortion, I felt that I was dismissed. I waited weeks for an appointment
and when I finally saw a doctor, she recommended I come back after my hormones had ‘cleared up.’ I finally turned to a private psychiatrist, who diagnosed me with PTSD. I have been working through that in therapy ever since. McGill campus’ conversation on abortion assumes a level of structural accessibility which does not actually exist. I used my personal story as a catalyst and as evidence for this argument, but my story is a privileged one. I was privileged enough to have a family who I could tell about my decision. I was privileged enough to have a parent who loaned me a significant portion of the money I needed to pay upfront at the clinic. I was privileged enough to access therapy after my procedure to deal with my PTSD and new found phobias. I was privileged enough to be a white cis-woman, who does not have to deal with the institutionalized racism implicit in the healthcare system. If abortion was not structurally accessible for me with all my privileges, the barriers present for those who encounter structural forces marginalizing them are even greater.
In 1988, the Supreme Court case R v. Morgentaler struck down all existing abortion laws in Canada. Since then, abortions at any stage have been subject to no legal constraints. In Quebec specifically, abortions are free and available at any time. This narrative, furthered by opinion pieces published in our student newspapers, seems to constantly remind us how accessible abortion services are. Even articles written to highlight the lack of support available after the abortion procedure or draw attention to the need for an abortion pill take for granted the accessibility of some form of abortion to students at McGill. If you are a student with outof-province health insurance, or international health insurance, the process is not so easy. With the Ontario Health Insurance Plan, you can choose to pay the $700 fee upfront and file for coverage later, or finance a trip to Ontario where the procedure is covered. Both surgical and medical abortions involve at least 24 hours of rest and dealing with the trip back from Ottawa while processing
features
October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
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hospital abortion services, since the standard of care is lower than the ones offered at clinics. Even after a student has filed a claim for health insurance coverage, the amount covered varies province to province, forcing students to finance significant portions of their procedures. McGill’s International Student Insurance does cover abortion fully. However, those who seek abortion need to pay the initial $700 upfront at the clinic. The insurance takes up to 30 days to reimburse claims, so students need to have $700 on hand.
your abortion is a taxing requirement. Even after you have filed for insurance coverage, Ontario only covers $450 of the fee; you have to finance the difference yourself. This I know from personal experience. For students with other provincial health insurances, accessibility to abortion is further impeded. Some provincial health insurances – such as Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, P.E.I, and Yukon – do not cover clinics’ services, so a student in need would have to go to a hospital. New Brunswick goes so far as to have an abortion clinic in Fredericton but the services are not covered by provincial health insurance. When I spoke to the nurse at the McGill Health center after my initial pregnancy test, they recommended that I avoid
“Treatment should not end post-procedure. McGill’s Mental Health Services should be better equipped for supporting those who feel the hormonal aftereffects of an abortion.”
Up to 80 per cent of abortion patients, myself included, have bouts of moderate depression after their procedures. This occurs as a result of the quick decline in hormones posttermination and can be likened to postpartum depression. Most medical sources agree that there is no clear link between abortion and depression, but that the hormonal changes that occur after pregnancy loss – an umbrella
Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily term that includes miscarriage and abortion – undoubtedly lead to mood changes. Yet there is a lack of information and care available on campus for those who are struggling post-abortion. As the Tribune article “Hey So I Did A Thing” pointed out, there is only one (relatively new) support group for people who recently made the choice to terminate their pregnancies. Treatment should not end post-procedure. McGill’s Mental Health Services should be better equipped for supporting those who feel the hormonal aftereffects of an abortion. Over the past decade, research has been done into racism in our healthcare institutions. In Canada, studies have shown that racialized people are less likely than white people to
Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily
have contact with any specialist physician or clinic. In a study of resident physicians in Canada, researchers found that residents would admit that prejudice existed, but denied that it affected their encounters with racialized patients. Although some research has been done, many of those who study race inequities have pointed out the insufficient data on racialized people in health care. The Canadian healthcare system has yet to fully acknowledge how socially constructed ideas of race physically affect the health and accessibility to healthcare of millions of Canadians. Abortion is no exception to this widespread systemic lack of accessibility. The stigma surrounding abortion in combination with the myth of accessibility has allowed for many to feel alone and scared in a vulnerable condition. Moving forward, our campus needs to take accountability for its lack of resources. More support needs to be available for people who want abortions, and more information needs to be available on campus for those who are struggling, pre- and postdecision. In the absence of this support and information, I urge you all to listen to those who are frightened and encourage them to share with you what they feel comfortable sharing. I want to be clear: providing support to those in need does not and should not take the place of someone’s right to abortion and a student’s right
to a safe and accessible campus. But it may help contribute to a de-stigmatization as well as a critical examination of what accessibility in our institution really looks like.
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commentary
October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
What is Canada Waiting For? Canada is Complicit in Saudi Arabia’s Human Rights Violations
Nellia Halimi The McGill Daily
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n October 2, a few hours after entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, journalist Jamal Khashoggi was declared missing. Khashoggi was a Saudi national and a reporter for The Washington Post who openly opposed the Saudi government’s policies. He criticized the Crown Prince and the King on multiple occasions, and condemned the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen. According to Turkish reports, he was allegedly tortured, dismembered, and then killed in the Saudi Arabian consulate. The Saudi government’s narrative has been shifting and unclear over the past month. It first denied that the death occurred in its consulate, then claimed that a fist-fight resulted in the journalist’s death, and finally announced on October 25 that the murder was in fact premeditated. Throughout this process, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman has continuously denied any involvement of the Crown and claimed there was no killing order issued by the government. Canada publicly denounced Khashoggi’s murder, calling for explanations and announcing there would be consequences while not committing to any actual sanctions. These meaningless, inconsequential words have become part of Canada’s standard response to human rights abuses.
These meaningless, inconsequential words have become part of Canada’s standard response to human rights abuses. Over the years, Canada has tried to build an international reputation as a human rights defender. This positioning on the world stage has been made possible in part by the terrible human rights record of the United States. The constant comparison of Canada to the United States is not new; for years, their healthcare systems, laws, and human rights records have been judged in relation to one another. As a result, progressive initiatives by the Canadian government get extra media coverage and praise,
and are publicized as an “example for Americans.” Both the international community and Canadian residents have used this narrative to conveniently ignore human rights abuses perpetrated by Canada. Last August, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Freeland issued a statement condemning the imprisonment of women’s rights activists by the Saudi government, and urged for their immediate release. This public condemnation of Saudi Arabia was met with immediate backlash from the Saudi government. They not only expelled the Canadian ambassador but also halted any future business transactions, and forced Saudi students on government grants or scholarships in Canada to return to Saudi Arabia. Nevertheless, on the international stage, Canada gained a great deal of legitimacy from this move. It released a statement reiterating that “Canada will always stand up for the protection of human rights, very much including women’s rights, and freedom of expression around the world.” However, after a month of confrontation, Canada quietly tried to fix its diplomatic relations with Saudi Arabia. Foreign Minister Freeland announced she would meet with her Saudi counterpart at a United Nations meeting, and said: “I have been in close touch with [Saudi Foreign Minister] Adel [bin Ahmed al-Jubeir] all summer. We call each other on our cell phones.” Canada has a 15-billion-dollar arms deal with Saudi Arabia. It was signed in 2014 by the Conservative Harper government, and has been firmly upheld by the Liberals since their election in 2015. While they could have chosen to abandon the deal, they instead greenlighted it and started providing export permits in 2016. The arms deal allows a Canadian military company to sell 15 billion dollars’ worth of light armoured vehicles (LAVs) to Saudi Arabia. However, the full details relating to the vehicles being provided were sealed until this March, four years after the arms deal was signed. The CBC published a report which revealed that Canada’s arms sale to Saudi Arabia includes “heavy assault” vehicles, contrary to what the Canadian government had been implying until then. CBC reported that the deal included “928 of the most modern light armored vehicles, known as the LAV 6,” which are essentially ready for combat in Saudi Arabia. The implications of such a sale for countries in ongoing conflict with Saudi Arabia are extremely concerning. In Yemen, where the Saudi government has been leading an intervention since 2015, the reports of human rights abuses
Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily by Saudi forces against civilians are extensive and horrific. The United Nations has condemned the coalition, which has been accused of bombing civilians and schools and of recruiting child soldiers, along with other human rights violations. As usual, the Canadian government has publicly condemned those abuses and provided 65 million dollars in aid to Yemen to help combat the humanitarian crisis. This only represents a hundredth of their $15-billion arms deal. In August 2017, videos were released which allegedly show Saudi soldiers using the Canadian-made vehicles against civilians. Canada is well aware that the vehicles being provided might be deployed against Yemeni civilians and announced it would “look into it and respond accordingly.” This vague statement includes no real commitment to action, proving Canada’s disinterest in upholding human rights abroad. Canada has the means to end this dangerous arms deal, which goes against the the Senate Committee on Human Rights’ recommendations concerning export controls. The committee advocates that Canada updates its Export Control List to prevent the sale of arms to countries where they would be used to commit human rights abuse. The Liberals have claimed repeatedly that their hands were tied by a signed agreement and by the loss of 3,000 Canadian jobs that would occur if the deal was terminated. However, Global News reported that Harper’s government only approved “minor-level export permits for the vehicles,” and that
it was the Liberal government who “signed off on $11-billion worth of armoured vehicles to Saudi Arabia.” While the number of lost jobs is significant, it seems obvious that the real concern is not about Canadian workers but about the immense profit that this deal has brought to the government.
The Canadian government has [...] provided 65 million dollars in aid to Yemen. [...] This only represents a hundredth of their $15-billion arms deal. In the past weeks, despite allegations that the Saudi government murdered a journalist within their own consulate, Trudeau announced that he would not reconsider the deal. After pressure from human rights groups, he said on October 25 that Canada could suspend shipments of vehicles, while not cancelling the deal itself. Foreign Minister Freeland has also reiterated her argument that Canada’s commitment should “last longer than any government,” apparently having no regard for whether said commitment is participating in the systematic murder of Yemeni civilian by Saudi troops. Even worse, the Canadian
ex-ambassador to Saudi Arabia publicly defended the deal, arguing that it was to be expected when selling arms to another country that they would use them to “defend themselves.” While Canada has “suggested [they are] looking for ways to cancel the arms contract without triggering the penalties,” those kind of vague excuses are why the deal’s cancellation are continually delayed. Ultimately, the lucrative aspect of the sale was incentive enough to ignore Saudi human rights abuse when it was approved four years ago, and apparently still is today. Canada is not an advocate for human rights. It perpetuates human rights abuses in its own country against Indigenous populations, and has made clear that it will do the same on an international level. The Canadian Magnitsky law can, and should, be used in cases of “gross violations of internationally recognized human rights.” This law allows Canada to enforce punitive measures, bans, freezing of domestic assets, and other sanctions against foreign public officials or against the state as a whole. Economic sanctions against Saudi Arabia itself should be considered carefully, as the poorest and most marginalized part of the population usually end up bearing the brunt of those sanctions. However, Canada could choose to hold the Saudi government officials accountable. Canada could choose to end the arms deal, not only as a punishment to Saudi Arabia, but because its weapons are allegedly being used to murder civilians. Canada could choose to do all that and act with basic decency, if not dignity, regarding Saudi Arabia’s human rights abuse. It just won’t.
letters
October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
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Response to Statement of Retraction T
o the editorial board of The McGill Daily,
We are writing to you to express discontent and disappointment regarding the recent statement of retraction by the Editorial Board. As loyal readers and supporters of the Daily, we have recently noticed a general pattern within the work put out by your paper of a more liberal, watereddown version of the anti-oppressive politics the Daily claims to uphold. The recent statement of retraction regarding Professor Ibrahim was the last straw. We want and need the editorial board to know that their statement reads as: I. An apology to Ibrahim. The statement literally closes by stating that the Daily “apologizes to parties negatively affected by such errors.” II. Delegitimization of the allegations and accusations lodged against Ibrahim. Please do not try and explain the courage it took to publish that article in the first place. Please do not try to explain the difference in language between accusation and allegation, or the realities of being
legally charged with sexual assault. This was not clearly communicated in your statement, which ignored the multiplicity of systemic barriers that so often prevent abusers from being held accountable through the judicial system. We are uninterested in the legal liability that the Daily faces in this situation – of course, there is the risk of being seen as slanderous. However, this does not justify the complete and utter sloppiness of the statement of retraction. A lawyer’s objective will always be to serve the best interests of their employer in a risk-averse way. It is entirely unsurprising that their advice to you on this matter would have erred on the side of caution and conservatism. You should have taken this advice into consideration, and weighed it against both your knowledge of the context at play here and your sense of journalistic and moral integrity. How likely is it that Ibrahim would have further harmed his own reputation by following through on his threat of legal action against a small independent student newspaper, when every major paper in the province has
already reported extensively on the allegations against him? How likely is it that he would win that case? As a supposedly anti-oppressive publication, the onus is on the Daily to assess the risks that they take with their values in mind. In our opinion, your Editorial Board has failed to do this in a meaningful way. There are so, so many better ways you could have gone about this. If this retraction was made under legitimate legal duress, you could have chosen to publish any threats of legal action that the Daily received. You could have consulted members of the McGill community who were subject to threats from Ibrahim as well (such as the SSMU). You could have retracted the language, but acknowledged that the lack of legal action in no way delegitimizes or undermines the years of allegations put forward against Ibrahim. When you wrote “we apologize for not using the correct wording in this article,” in that context, it was not incorrect. An accusation is an accusation. Your statement of retraction is, frankly, embarrassing. It is careless, thoughtless, and makes the Daily less trustworthy than it has
ever been. Your publication used to speak up against abusers in the face of legal risk – what happened? At its core, this lawsuit is about silencing those who speak against sexual violence and the Daily has since had an immense role in supporting these voices and criticizing those abusing their power. This retraction is ultimately adhering to the demands of censorship to protect abusers, at the expense of survivors. The purpose of our statement is not to taint or compromise the Daily’s reputation – you are doing that just fine by yourselves. Historically, marginalized students have looked to the Daily to represent our interests in a just and critical way, and we are of the opinion that this is no longer possible. Our letter was sent as concerned members of the community who want to urge the Daily’s Editorial Board to follow their mandate of anti-oppression in a way that stands up for marginalized students. Signed, An ad hoc collective of survivors and their allies
An Apology and Clarification making an inaccurate statement. For the sake of our readers (not just our own legal safety), we regret publishing something which was hank you for writing to us. We not factual. Nevertheless, we should have appreciate the time and effort put in been more mindful of how our use of standard to your letter, and recognize many of retraction language in the context of sexual the points you have made. We apologize for abuse was insensitive. We recognize that letting our readers down. This response is in this case the apologetic language of the not an excuse, and we will do our best to retraction was harmful. The original statement of retraction has been changed accordingly. address our mistakes. Our retraction followed an email from We want to acknowledge and make amends for the fact that our retraction read Ibrahim which stated that a sentence in the as an apology to Ahmed Fekry Ibrahim. Our article “‘Survivor-centric Approach’ Must intention was to apologize to our readers for Come First” constituted libel. The sentence
The McGill Daily Editorial Board
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published was libellous insofar as no one has legally accused Ibrahim, despite allegations of sexual misconduct. We retracted the statement to acknowledge that reality. Nevertheless, removing Ibrahim’s name from the article was a mistake on our part, caused by insufficient consideration. A new sentence has been reintegrated into the article to correct that. We do not support abusers. We do not support those who take advantage of their position of power to sexually abuse other people. We do not support those who intimidate survivors. We believe survivors.
We recognize the criticism raised concerning our recent content. We work to uphold The McGill Daily’s statement of principles, which reflects our commitment to help correct social and economic injustices. That said, we realize that anti-oppressive politics require constant vigilance and we want to do better. Accountability is integral to our work. We apologize for the harm our statement caused and we welcome further criticism. If you wish to send us a letter, please consult our letters policy at www.mcgilldaily.com/policies/.
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culture
October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
Rediscovering Our Bodies An Interview with Primas’ Aldana Bari and Rocio Alvarez
Gabriela Rey The McGill Daily
ourselves after a traumatic experience. It is ingrained in us to believe that female sexuality is a taboo: no one talks about about content warning: sexual female masturbation, for example. abuse, violence, incest Women, and especially women of colour, have been programmed, ldana Bari and Rocío Álvarez in a sense, to forget about their are the protagonists of Laura body and to not acknowledge it. Bari’s latest documentary, However, we should be able to Primas. In the film, they share their think about our sexuality free journeys of healing after being from shame or fear. sexually abused and they describe how making art helped them rediscover their bodies. Roccio was kidnapped at age ten by a man who raped and set her on fire; she survived, but 60 per cent of her body was burned. Aldana was sexually abused by a close family member from a very young age. Yet, Primas is not a recollection of the womens’ traumatic experiences; instead, in showing their power and resilience, it actively challenges the concept of victimization. Since the premiere of the film, the Bari and Alvarez have become women’s rights advocates, and have travelled the world sharing their experiences as a way to create a safe space for other survivors. They have actively participated in public marches in Argentina to legalize abortion and sex work, and they work closely with the Montreal support group Mouvement Contre le Viol et l’Inceste (MCVI). After interviewing Laura Bari, The McGill Daily had the opportunity to meet and spend time with the women from the documentary. Our conversation revolved around their take on feminism, healing, and — Aldana Bari female sexuality. Rocio Alvarez (RA): I dove into feminist activism when I began working on Primas. Feminism negates the idea of victimization and allows us to get rid of the guilt and shame that comes with abuse and assault. Women carry a lot of weight imposed by patriarchal systems of power on their shoulders. This weight is intergenerational. It shuts us up and tells us that being raped was our fault, for the skirt we wore. No! It was the fucking rapist’s fault for committing such an awful crime. Understanding that it is never the victim’s fault, no matter where they are, what state they are in, or what they might be wearing, is difficult for society to — Rocío Álvarez understand. It’s crucial to create spaces for women to express The McGill Daily (MD): What role themselves and to understand did feminism and becoming activists that we have always been oppressed, because oppression play in your healing processes? Aldana Bari (AB): Feminism is is institutional. When looking an important avenue for changing to place blame, society’s finger the way we view abuse. Feminism points at the victim. So much is about rebuilding survivors, and shame is put onto survivors that it it allows us to destroy a lot of makes us believe we are there for concepts about ourselves that the taking. It terrifies me to think have been socially ingrained. It that anything could happen to my helps us to start reconstructing body because it didn’t belong to
A
“At first, it didn’t really sink in that rooms full of people would witness my story. After seeing the audience’s reaction at the first screening, I realized that the film was creating a space for others to share their experiences and to help them heal, too.”
“I didn’t choose for this to happen, but I will carry my body with pride. It represents my battle scars and if I don’t carry it well, no one will.”
me in the first place, as if I was somehow designed for someone else’s enjoyment. Challenging the notions society has created for women and all survivors, and the ways we think about abuse, are integral parts of feminism to me. As a survivor, my sexuality, my body, and my everyday life were affected by the trauma. Speaking against sexual violence is very important to me, and it’s important to let other survivors know that our sexuality matters. AB: After my assault, it was very hard for me to rediscover my body. But to find your own body after a traumatic experience is crucial. RA: As feminists and protagonists of Primas, we have met a lot of sexual abuse survivors. Many of them carry trauma that stops them from expressing their sexuality freely, and this is something that needs to be talked about more. I was very fortunate not to struggle with my sexuality after my assault, but I am aware that many survivors can’t enjoy their sexuality, sometimes indefinitely. Feminism is about becoming aware and deconstructing all the social weight that has been imparted on us. We also have to understand that not all feminists are the same, and we all push for different aspects of the movement and have different ideas. But feminism has allowed me to fight alongside many wonderful people. MD: What has the process of rediscovering your bodies through art been like for you? RA: I began doing a lot of aerial acrobatics and it allowed me to start expressing my emotions physically. I worked very hard to feel comfortable in my skin again. I used art and physical expression to rediscover my body. I explored body painting, which I thought I would never do, as a way to perceive myself as a canvas. In a way, it helped me remake myself. I was able to say, “I didn’t choose for this to happen, but I will carry my body with pride. It represents my battle scars and if I don’t carry it well, no one will.” Through art, I was able to find myself again. AB: For me, I felt like after my assault, I neglected my body for a long time. Theatre helped me regain awareness of myself and my physicality. I started with the most minimal ways of selfexpression – just focusing on my sense of touch. After that, I began to listen to what my body wants, and after ignoring it for so long, it has now become my guide. MD: How do you feel now that you are travelling the world with Primas, and your stories have been seen all-over? A: At first, it didn’t really sink in that rooms full of people would witness my story. After seeing the
Gabriela Rey | The McGill Daily audience’s reaction at the first screening, I realized that the film was creating a space for others to share their experiences and to help them heal, too. I know that I’m not the only one that something like this has happened to, so I share my story. When we do the panels after the film screenings, we get to connect with others who see themselves in our experiences. This connection allows us to heal together. RA: The audience completes the artistic process of the film. My story is very personal, but being able to share it with others is what really completes the journey for me. It’s incredible to see Primas through the viewer’s’ perspective. The first time we saw it, we cried the whole way through. I didn’t
know what to expect from the audience, but when the film ended, a man came up to me, crying and hugging me. It was fulfilling to see that he was touched by our stories. Witnessing the relationship between our film and its audience, and the effects we mutually have on each other, was incredible.
Primas will be screened at CinéCampus Université de Montréal on November 13. The Film Primas works closely with Mouvement Contre le Viol et l’Inceste (514-278-9383) mcvi@contreleviol.org This interview has been translated from Spanish and edited for clarity.
Culture
October 22, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
Queer Life in Dirty Looks
Sophie Mckenzie Culture Writer
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Inclusivity in Queer Spaces
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n October 19, “LGBT Film Series – Dirty Looks: 8 Years On” took place at Never Apart, a local non-profit that promotes social change. The venue doubled as a bar, and glowed with color-changing bulbs and fairy lights. Upon entering the event, I felt intimidated. I was apprehensive about my own queerness, as I never felt a sense of belonging in the community. Dirty Looks: 8 Years On is a queer short film program curated by Bradford Nordeen that, according to the Facebook event, “reassesses the past through a fiercely queer and politicized lens, [asking] ‘who brought us here?’ and ‘where are we now?’” The program is a collection of queer visual subjectivities, dating from 1966 to 2017, and sheds light on the ways in which the LGBTQ+ communities have articulated their identities over time. Nordeen introduced the event as a time-based exhibition designed to “illuminate queer histories and liminal spaces” through film. He also highlighted the importance of hosting Dirty Looks screenings in an informal setting in order to make these histories accessible to the general public.
However, it must also be acknowledged that unfettered demonstrations of queerness remain inaccessible to individuals who are actively persecuted for their identities. The screen was illuminated with the image of the first short called “Amphetamine,” a dizzying portrayal of a drug-fueled sex gathering in the 1960s. Many of the films use vertigo-inducing camerawork, which gives the impression of an unfiltered perspective. One of the other films that stuck out was “Frenzy.” Reconstructed from Super 8 film camera negatives, the 1993 short
Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily depicts a concert by a Riot Grrrl band, where a lustful crowd takes turns performing oral sex on the lead singer. The compilation of films had an overarchingly raw, unfettered, and political aesthetic. The filmmakers took a clear approach in defining queer societies by emphasizing the elements of their identities that are most often persecuted and used as a tool to justify oppression. These elements include open AIDS discourse, extravagant dress, and explicit sexuality. Open displays of these parts of queerness is the first step to reclaiming them. In this way, we not only accept but also celebrate, queer culture. Expressly and unapologetically queer events like Dirty Looks both highlight traditionallyuncharted queer media, and unite communities via shared resolve. While Dirty Looks is a necessary platform in this way, there are other realities of queer life that are neglected and underrrepresented. However, overemphasis on certain aspects of queerness can
also be a source of pressure on queer individuals. Drug consumption and erotic transgressions are a lived reality for many queer folks, and honest representations of this aspect of queer life is important. Nevertheless, Dirty Looks by and large depicted this reality to the exclusion of other parts of queer life. Pressures around failing to uphold this standard can lead to feelings of ostracization from the community, causing some to try to ‘prove’ their queerness in accordance with standards they cannot relate to. Discussions of queer exclusion could also be extended further to encompass racial and colonial power dynamics. For instance,
why were most of the films’ actors white? Why were the soundtracks exclusively English and Western in sound and style? Why were the films only in English? Could these observations reflect the ways in which queer pop culture has been constructed in line with overarching political interests? Representations are shaped by what larger systemic structures allow, and the shorts prompted important reflection on the broader frameworks of power in which LGBTQ+ communities are situated and operate. In this sense, what type of politicization are the Dirty Looks films articulating? I commend Nordeen for making the decision to host
The filmmakers took a clear approach in defining queer societies by emphasizing the elements of their identities that are most often persecuted and used as a tool to justify oppression.
Dirty Looks screenings in social spaces such as bars and restaurants. However, it must also be acknowledged that unfettered demonstrations of queerness remain inaccessible to individuals who are actively persecuted for their identities. Queer spaces that that inadvertently uphold this dynamic further the exclusionary practices the LGBTQ+ community aims to fight. Although Dirty Looks is valuable in giving a platform to the queer community to express often ostracized parts of their identity, the representation it proposes is not all-encompassing. There are queer voices who do not identify with common depictions of queerness, often due to the complexities of their intersecting identities that they cannot see represented onscreen. Nordeen’s, ‘fiercely queer’ compilation of films should be reframed as a portrayal of a specific form of queerness, rather than a general mode of LGBTQ+ unification. Perhaps then the screenings would truly work to “undermine history,” as the event promised.
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October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
ISTHMUS
Rose-T(a)inted Panayot Gaidov The McGill Daily You loved the rose-scented soap in my bathroom. You would rub it all over your body in the shower, and I would flinch, and think is that even hygienic? Don’t scoop the dirt under your pits with the soap and spread it up your neck; lather your hands and use them to wash. But I wouldn’t say anything to you, nor would I stop you; not before the aroma of the rose-scented bar had settled in and the essence of the flower emanated from your skin. All that inner conflict about bar soap etiquette usually followed at the end of the night. Once, on one of our first evenings together, we came home drenched in sweat. We had spent hours on the floor, raising brows, watching each other’s convulsive dancing, the excitement of learning how our bodies moved together carrying us through the night. We headed straight to the shower. I made it cool the way I like it, but the cold of the first stream of water shocked your muscles into spasm, and I quickly turned the hot tap to the end. Then, I pressed you in the corner of the tub – the water pricking our scalps with its warmth – and kissed you for what felt like hours under the steam, mind dazed with alcohol and infatuation. The vapour seeped into the ceiling, and on the next day I noticed a crack in the plaster. The heat and moisture had peeled it off, leaving a hole above the corner we had nestled in. That carving marked the first territory we lay claim to together. The next night you spent in my home, you barged in and hurried to kiss me, shoes still on, every step leaving a shadow of dirt on the kitchen floor. I froze in horror watching your unruly advancement defy my shoes-at-the-door rule, but as your features fell into a crooked smile, I softened into indifference. With time, my apartment felt smaller, as you inserted yourself into every corner and crevice. The space morphed to accommodate you — the furniture became ours. I relinquished the domestic status quo too, condoning your disregard for my hygiene obsessions. In an attempt to resist your occupation, I started suggesting we leave the house more; maybe I anticipated losing ownership. But whenever you came around, it was too hard to leave. When you finally made your way to my bedroom, you didn’t take your clothes off, which made me afraid that you’d soil the fresh sheets. Still, if I had known we’d break up on Sunday, I wouldn’t have washed them that morning. After you left, the rose-scented soap remained untouched for a while. In my anger, I didn’t want anything that had touched you on me, but a part of me was also saving it for you, certain you’d come back. Eventually, I started the hot water, took the soap, and grazed my body with it like it was your hands and eyes and hair. I looked up at the ceiling: the crack suddenly seemed more like a scar than a map of our story. It was the perfect trace, cut out on our most boisterous night together. Now, it stared back at me, echoing your permanent silence.
I remember you with all my senses. I see your face and read your text messages in my head, but that’s not what consumes me. Your smell is more obsessive. At night, I started hearing scratching on carton and metal in the kitchen. The walls began to speak to me too, as if something was moving inside and gnashing through the plaster to get closer to me. I would scare myself seeing shadows run across the hallway. One was brown, another was black – like the traces of the soles of your shoes. The paranoia of living in a haunted house became an entertaining distraction to loneliness. Yet it couldn’t last, you had invaded my brain like rodents had my home. I could hear the strident ringing of claws on tin wires over and over in my head, as your last texts scurried through my brain, nibbling at the grey matter. Home is where the heart is; you left mine scarred. I remember you with all my senses. I see your face and read your text messages in my head, but that’s not what consumes me. Your smell is more obsessive. A textureless illusion, it blurs reality and fantasy by unsolicitedly conjuring up your image. The pillow always soaked in your scent; it smelt like warm milk. When you’d get up early to leave, I would press my face in it and inhale deeply to preserve your essence throughout the day. Every morning, I would inhale you. Even after you were gone, I would still taste your scent in my mouth when I’d breathe in. It had the texture of linen; it was mossy but rough, and I would picture it wrapping around my body. Every time it hit me that you weren’t here and that you weren’t coming back, I’d feel the fabric tightening, pricking me lightly.
Cassandra Ryan | The McGill Daily Now, my head lies on sweat stains, and the smells on the pillow beside me are always different. The novelty of the unknown is exciting, and yet it is your milk-scented skin that remains imprinted in my brain. Mixing it with the pungency of other encounters like last night’s beer stench spoils the whole thing rotten.
When a foreign smell is more persistent, I make sure to scrub it off me during my morning shower. That way, the memory of warm milk brews up again. Still, I can enjoy these other aromas for their aggressive immediacy — the way they wrench you out and replace you — but they are all passing. The wind blows some away without me even noticing. Sometimes, an odour lingers on. One night, at a dinner date, the chef generously topped my date’s salad with purple rings of raw onions. I think he liked me very much and wanted to leave a strong impression, so he later covered my whole body in onion kisses. The acidity stung in some places more than others, but his obliviousness was most potent in the intense and unsuspecting leer he gave me while leaning down to whisper in my face. I could feel the fabric of his breath weaving like gossamer around my head, smothering me. Pickled groin, that was the texture of his smell. In such cases as when a foreign smell is more persistent, I make sure to scrub it off me during my morning shower. That way, the memory of warm milk brews up again. I arrived here three years ago from a small Eastern-European country where the scent of roses and yogurt is all-over. Since I moved into my apartment, many smells have come and gone, taking me to new places, but none have brought me home. Lying next to you, I could envelop myself in your petalled gust, and see the roses and the morning dew in the park beside my house in my hometown. I could wander its streets again, and I could inhale the quiet wind as it crawled under my sleeves. Now, I long for you the way I do for home: knowing it’s not the city I want but its fragments. I exhale, and feeling the stream of air leave my mouth, I imagine you leaving, too. But here comes another breath, and you pour yourself back into my throat, and stick to my lungs. Like a broken bone, you stick out and press against my heart. You scratch it lightly but incessantly. The only way to get rid of you would be to exhale you all and shut you off from my system. Exhaling onto a page, and in the brief intervals between taking breaths, when my lungs are empty of milk and my vision clear, I see that maybe that night in the shower I wasn’t in love. Maybe I was too drunk to situate the feeling — was it a flutter in my stomach or lower, a pang of arousal? Did I, in my desire, mistake my infatuation for a long-term commitment?
ISTHMUS Your secrecy left many gaps. Sometimes, it seemed like you wanted to say things, but you’d stop yourself mid-breath; other times, unforeseen dejection would force you into complete avoidance. You retreated from my house as quickly and as quietly as you had gained control of it. All these decisions you made yourself, and I had become a visitor in my own home. There was no way I could invite you back into a place I no longer owned.
Looking at you then, I didn’t recognize the boy grinning at me in the bathtub. He was perfect, hiding behind roses. I paced around the abandoned space, chasing after mice instead of blocking the holes they had made. The walls were riddled with questions of what I could have done to keep you, or how I could have helped you feel better. Yet, these were only nuisances, distracting me from the bigger crevice that should have been blocked the moment you left. The void in the bathroom ceiling where roses grew and milk dripped; the container of our short-lived idyll. I still think about the finality of your last words: “we are clearly not on the same page and I am done.” Your message left no room for interpretation, and yet I wonder again what you meant by that callous “I am done.” You are done with what? Certainly, you are done interacting with me. But are you done thinking about me? Missing me? Did you erase everything once the words had left you and had appeared on my screen? When I ran into you, you put up a convincing act for the above argument. You’re a man of your word — I respect that. As you passed by me like I am any other stranger, I really
October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
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believed I had been erased. There’s a crushing clarity to realizing there is no going back to what had been. Seeing you outside, on neutral territory, with the scent of your skin drifting away in the breeze, I was blind to your smell. The impression of warm milk had cooled down in your complexion, leaving it cold and vacant, eyes blackened by the low brim of your hat. It seemed as though for a moment you struggled to lift your head to meet my gaze then gave up, or perhaps you didn’t want to. Looking at you then, I didn’t recognize the boy grinning at me in the bathtub. He was perfect, hiding behind roses. Finally, I got a glimpse of the real you: aching, though resolute in continuing alone. When we broke up, you claimed that we weren’t on the same page. I now see that you had written yours out, while I hadn’t. I was stuck cramming all the world’s love poetry on a single line, eager to save space for more words; for the poems I’d write for you. You stopped me mid-sentence, of course, I was hurt. No one likes to be interrupted. I became obsessed with the parts I had completed, rewinding them in my head, and rewriting them over and over. Roses and milk, shower steam, your eyes and smile. Nothing real. I’d put hopes into a rose-tinted future which but mirrored the fantasy of the past. But I moved away from my native country to seek a different life, not to relive fragments from my old one. The smell of rose valleys has tainted my memory, and although the reminder in my bathroom is comforting, it’s not you, and it keeps me from moving on. Now, I paint over the ceiling and, room by room, I begin to reclaim my home. Nostalgia fading, your body becomes a blurry silhouette in a predictable bathroom scene, your voice a murmuring echo in the kitchen pipes, and your smell is almost indistinguishable amid the fall breeze.
Kismet Bandeen | The McGill Daily
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October 29, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily
compendium!
Lies, half-truths, and r rr rr r r rr ! r r r r r rr r r?
Ted Knows What the Fuck is Up
Francine de Sales The McGall Weekly
White Student Debunks Immigration Problem
T
ed, a U2 Econ and Management major, took an hour out of his busy day to talk to us about his incredible experience in activism work regarding immigration. Since 2017, Ted is involved in the “End White Discrimination at the Border” campaign at McGall, which has raised hundreds of dollars through samosa sales and pub crawl tickets. As a white student who immigrated from the United States two years ago, Ted explained in which ways the hardships of immigration changed his perspective on life. “I really wasn’t sure I was gonna make it ya know. Asking for a student permit, that long online form, it was a lot,” he said, his voice cracking. “I really believe that immigration is all about contributing to a country ya know. I came here to graduate and then stay. I’m one of those immigrants, I just want to be a good citizen, pay my taxes, go vote, get a good job, nothing much ya know.”
Comic
When asked about how he views immigration from Latin America, Ted stressed the importance of cultural integration and shared that “he didn’t feel very comfortable with those people coming.” “It’s not racist or anything, it’s just like, how are they gonna blend in if they don’t speak our language, I just don’t know, man.” Ted did not seem aware that English is not the official language of the United States, and instead went on sharing with us the work he put into learning French before coming here. “I really worked for it ya know, I can now say bonjour and merci without an accent.” Ted, who knows how special his experience was, is committed to sharing it with the rest of campus. When asked how he felt about migrants seeking asylum versus economic migrants, Ted admitted not knowing the difference; “But… if you are not an economic migrant, does that mean you won’t ever have a job? Because ya know, that’s just dangerous for the Canadian economy, like objectively.” He continued by highlighting the ways in which immigration can lead to tragic consequences. “It’s just
like, I’m not a CAQ supporter, but I get it, like if you don’t have a college degree, it’s just like, what are you bringing to Canada as an individual, ya know.” This perspective, which Ted pointed out is shared by most of his friends, is far from being unsupported. Ted gave us a crash course in economics during the interview to clarify what he meant: “After taking ECON 209 last semester I just really understand what neoliberalism and capitalism mean to me on, like, a personal level.” Ted couldn’t go into many details about the specific implications of immigration for the economy but referred us to his favourite book by Milton Friedman, which he insisted is “a masterpiece.” Ted credits his family for the strong meritocratic values they passed onto him. Getting worked up, he added: “It’s like, earn ya spot here like everyone else! Like my grandpa used to say, ya don’t get nothing for free in life.” (Unfortunately, when asked if this included his white privilege, Ted recalled a board meeting at the Desautels faculty and had to leave).
This comic is the first of a series about an intergalatic newspaper delivery girl who falls in love with a princess from a distant planet. It traces their adventures through the galaxy, as a sort of lesbian Star Trek with flavours of Kerouac-ian wanderlust (but hopefully without the Kerouac-ian misogyny!) Enjoy!
Daisy Sprenger