The McGill Daily Vol. 108 Issue 11 by McGill Daily

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contents

November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Table of Contents 3 EDITORIAL 0Forced Sterilization of

Indigenious Women is Genocide 0Statement of Support

57 PRINCE-ARTHUR EST • CAFECAMPUS.COM

SHERBROOKE ST-LAURENT

4 NEWS 0Outside the Bubble 0“It’s (not) About Honour” 0Beyond the “Boys’ Club” 0Jewish Antifa Rally 0McGill Alumna Arrested in Iran

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Tune in to CKUT 90.3 FM on Tuesdays at 5:00 p.m. to hear more news stories from the McGill Daily, and check out the archives at ckut.ca! facebook.com/UnfitToPrint/ soundcloud.com/unfit-to-print

CULTURE 0Iranian Women’s Voices

16 FEATURES 0Art Essay: “We Didn’t Come To Any Conclusions”

18 SCI-TECH 0Prescription: White Panties

COMMENTARY

0Statement of Solidarity 0Who Does the ASN Represent? 0Response to the ASN Interview 0Racism and Responsibility 0Do You Still Remember?

COMPENDIUM! 20 0Comic by Daisy Sprenger

8 0No Place for Queer Students

IN THE HEART OF THE QUARTIER DES SPECTACLES

COCOA BUTTER 0Let it be Radical

0Bethany’s Feels #nofilter

Volume Volume 108 108 Issue Issue 11 11

Volume 108 Issue 11

EDITORIAL EDITORIAL EDITORIAL EDITORIAL

Volume 108 Issue 11

33 3

November November 19, 2018 19, 2018 November 19, 2018 November 19, 2018mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily mcgilldaily.com McGill mcgilldaily.com | The| The McGill DailyDaily mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

editorial editorial board board editorial board editorial board 2075Bld., Robert Robert Bourassa Bld.,Bourassa Rm. 500 Bld., Rm. 500 20752075 Robert Bourassa Rm. 500

2075 Robert Bourassa Bld., Rm. 500Montreal, Montreal, QC Montreal, H3A 2L1 QC H3A 2L1 QC H3A 2L1 Montreal, QC H3A 2L1 phone 514.398.6784 phone 514.398.6784 phone 514.398.6784 phone 514.398.6784 fax 514.398.8318 fax 514.398.8318 fax 514.398.8318 fax 514.398.8318 mcgilldaily.com mcgilldaily.com mcgilldaily.com mcgilldaily.com

The McGill Dailyonis located on The McGill is located The McGill DailyDaily is located on The McGill Dailyunceded is located on Kanien’keh unceded Kanien’keh unceded :ka territory.á:ka territory. Kanien’keh á:ka áterritory. unceded Kanien’kehá:ka territory.

Forced Sterilization ofWomen Indigenous Women Forced Sterilization Indigenous Women Sterilization ofofIndigenous Women isis is ForcedForced Sterilization of Indigenous is Genocide Genocide Genocide Genocide Arno Pedram Pedram ArnoArno Pedram

coordinating editor coordinating coordinating editoreditor coordinating editor Lydia Bhattacharya Bhattacharya LydiaLydia Bhattacharya

Lydia Bhattacharya managing editor

Arno Pedram

managing editor managing managing editoreditor

coordinating coordinating coordinating newsnews editoreditor news editor coordinating news editor Claire Grenier Claire Grenier Claire Grenier

AA A

sterilized, respectively. These acts called for the sterilization lawsuit pending class-action status is being brought sterilized, respectively. These called for sterilization the sterilization lawsuit pending class-action status is being brought sterilized, respectively. These acts acts called for the lawsuit pending class-action status is being brought sterilized, respectively. These acts for the sterilization lawsuit pending class-action status is healthcare being brought ofcalled those deemed “mentally unfit.” They were advocated for against Canadian healthcare providers Maurice Law, of those deemed “mentally unfit.” were advocated against Canadian providers by Maurice Law, of those deemed “mentally unfit.” TheyThey were advocated for for against Canadian healthcare providers by Maurice Law,by news editor offirm. those deemed “mentally unfit.”byThey were advocated for who newsnews editoreditoragainst Canadian healthcare providers by Maurice Law,law eugenicist organizations sought to “purify” society an Indigenous-owned national law firm. The lawsuit by eugenicist organizations who sought to “purify” society an Indigenous-owned national The lawsuit by eugenicist organizations who sought to “purify” society an Indigenous-owned national law firm. The lawsuit news editor Vacant Vacantan Indigenous-owned Vacant by eugenicist organizations who by sought to those “purify” society national law firm.ofThe lawsuit forcibly sterilizing those seen as “inferior,” on the basis of is representing dozens of Indigenous women, each seeking by forcibly sterilizing seen as “inferior,” on the basis of is representing dozens Indigenous women, each seeking by forcibly sterilizing those seen as “inferior,” on the basis of is representing dozens of Indigenous women, each seeking Vacant by forcibly sterilizing those seen as “inferior,” on ability. thesterilizations basis of sterilizations representing dozensover of Indigenous women, each seeking +iscompendium! editor commentary +commentary compendium! editor commentary + compendium! editor race, class, and These disproportionately over $7 million in damages, for forced or coerced sterilization. race, class, and ability. These disproportionately $7 million in damages, for forced or coerced sterilization. race, class, and ability. These sterilizations disproportionately over $7 million in damages, for forced or coerced sterilization. commentary + compendium! editor Halimi Nellia Halimi Nellia Halimi race, class, and ability. These sterilizations disproportionately over Nellia $7 million in damages, for forced orlawsuit coerced sterilization. affected First and Metis populations. The isagainst being brought the federal government, affected Nations andNations Metis populations. lawsuit is being brought against the against federal government, affected FirstFirst Nations and Metis populations. The The lawsuit is being brought the federal government, Nellia Halimi Yasir Piracha Piracha YasirYasir Piracha affected First Nations and Metis populations. The lawsuit is being brought against the federal government, The forced sterilization of Indigenous the government, Saskatchewan all health regions The forced sterilization of Indigenous people anpeople act ofis an act of Yasir Piracha Saskatchewan government, all health regions across Theacross forced sterilization of Indigenous people is anisact of the the Saskatchewan allgovernment, health regions across culture editor government, all health regions across culture editor The forced sterilization of Indigenous people is the an act ofdefinition. culture editor the Saskatchewan genocide, as per UN While Prime Minister the province of Saskatchewan, as well as individual medical genocide, as per the UN definition. While Prime Minister the province of Saskatchewan, as well as individual medical genocide, as per the UN definition. While Prime Minister the province of Saskatchewan, as well as individual medical culture editor Panayot Panayot Gaidov Panayot Gaidov Gaidov genocide,have as per thehave UN definition. While Prime Minister the province of Saskatchewan, as professionals. wellAtasleast individual medical Justin Trudeau has yet to speak on the subject, Indigenous At least 60 Indigenous women now Justin Trudeau has yet to speak on the subject, Indigenous professionals. 60 Indigenous women now Justin Trudeau has yet to speak on the subject, Indigenous professionals. At least 60 Indigenous women have now Panayot Gaidov Nadia Nadia El-Sherif Nadia El-Sherif El-Sherif Justin has yetServices speakMinister on the subject, Indigenous professionals. At leastjoined 60 Indigenous women have who now Nadia El-Sherif Services Minister Janecalled Philpott called forced sterilization joined the two original plaintiffs whoTrudeau into2015, Philpott forced sterilization the two original plaintiffs came forward in forward 2015, Services Minister JaneJane Philpott called forced sterilization joined the two original plaintiffs who came forward incame 2015, editor features editorfeatures features editor Services Minister Jane Philpott forced sterilization joined the two originaldemanding plaintiffs who came forward in 2015, acalled “very serious of human rights.” However, the demanding compensation for these sterilizations. a “very serious violation ofviolation human rights.” However, compensation for these sterilizations. a “very serious violation of human rights.” However, the the demanding compensation for these sterilizations. features editor Athina Khalid Athina Khalid Athina Khalid a “very serious violation of human rights.” However, the demanding compensation for these sterilizations. government has yet to propose any substantive policies The main concern of the lawsuit is whether proper and government has yet to propose any substantive policies Athina Khalid Eloïse The main concern of the lawsuit is whether proper and government has yet to propose any substantive policies The main concern of the lawsuit is whether proper and Eloïse Albaret EloAlbaret ïse Albaret government has yet Medical to propose anyreparations substantive policies The main concern of the lawsuit is whether proper andto sterilization. Eloïse Albaret and toforced address forcedAmnesty sterilization. informed consent was obtained prior Medical to sterilization. and reparations to address sterilization. Amnesty Amnesty informed consent was obtained prior Medical and reparations to address forced sterilization. informed consent was obtained prior to sterilization. science +editor technology editor was obtained prior to sterilization. Medical science + technology science + technology editor and reparations address forced sterilization. informed consent International has called for outside observers must informed and given, but theto experiences International has called for Amnesty outside observers to examineto examine consent be informed and freely given, butexperiences the experiences International has called for outside observers to examine consent mustmust beconsent informed andbe freely given, but freely the science + technology editor Nabeela Jivraj Nabeela Jivraj Nabeela Jivraj International has called for outside observers to consent must be informed and freely given, but the experiences Nabeela Jivraj prevalence of examine forcedinsterilizations Canada, ofcoming thecoming women coming forward indicate neither of the the prevalence of forced sterilizations in Canada, and will and will of the women forward indicate neither prevalence of forced sterilizations Canada, andin will of the women forward indicate that that neither ofthatofthe editorcoming forward indicate that neither of the prevalence of forced sterilizations in Canada, and will sportssports editor ofeditor the sports women be bringing the case to the UN Committee Against Torture these conditions were met. Most of the women were falsely be bringing the case to the UN Committee Against Torture these conditions were met. Most of the women were falsely be bringing the case to the UN Committee Against Torture these conditions were met. Most of the women were falsely sports editor Vacantwere met. Most of the women were falsely be bringing the case to the UN Committee Against Torture Vacant Vacant these conditions later this month. Senator Yvonne Boyer and Dr. physician Dr. informed thatwas thereversible. procedure wasSome reversible. Some were in the later this month. Senator Yvonne Boyer and physician Vacant informed the procedure was reversible. in thelater this month. Senator Yvonne Boyer and physician Dr. informed that that the procedure Some werewere in the editor video this month. Senator Yvonne BoyerBartlett, and physician Dr. report videovideo editor informed thateditor the procedure was reversible. Some wereanesthetics in already the later Judith whoinitial produced report on forced or middle ofanesthetics receiving oranaesthesia already underJudith anaesthesia Judith Bartlett, produced the initial on forced middle of receiving or under anaesthesia Bartlett, whowho produced the reportthe oninitial forced or or middle of receiving anesthetics or already under video editor Vacant Vacant Judith Bartlett, who produced the initial report on forced or middle of Vacant receiving anesthetics or already under anaesthesia coerced sterilizations in 2017, have expressed their support when asked to give consent. Others were coerced into signing coerced sterilizations in 2017, have expressed their support when asked to give consent. Others were coerced into signing coerced sterilizations in 2017, have expressed their support when asked to give consent. Others were coerced into signing Vacant coerced sterilizations in 2017, have expressed theircall support when give consent. Others were coerced into signing photosto editor photos editorasked photos editor for Amnesty International’s call to action. In addition to an consent forms while still in labour or on the operating table. for Amnesty International’s to action. In addition to an consent forms while still in labour or on the operating table. for Amnesty International’s call to action. In addition to an consent forms while still in labour or on the operating table. photos editor Vacant Vacant Vacant for Amnesty International’s callinvestigation, to action. In addition to an upon the consent forms while still in labour orseveral onwomen thecases, operating table. in-depth investigation, Amnesty calls upon the government In women were told that they could not leave in-depth Amnesty calls government In several cases, were told that they could not leave in-depth investigation, Amnesty calls upon the government In several cases, women were told that they could not leave Vacant in-depth investigation, calls upon the government Ineditor several cases, toldthe that could leave illustrations editorwomen illustrations illustrations editor tothat create policies thatprohibit explicitly prohibit sterilization hospital or seenot their newborns untilundergone they hadtoundergone toAmnesty create policies that explicitly sterilization without without thewere hospital or seethey their newborns create policies explicitly prohibit sterilization without the hospital or see their newborns untiluntil theythey had had undergone illustrations editor NellyorWat to create policies that explicitly prohibit sterilization without NellyNelly Wat theWat hospital see their newborns until they had undergone free and fully informed consent. They have also demanded sterilization. In one case, a health professional only asked for free and fully informed consent. They have also demanded sterilization. In one case, a health professional only asked for free and fully informed consent. They have also demanded sterilization. In one case, a health professional only asked for Nelly Wat free the and fully informed consent. Theythe have also demanded sterilization. In one case, a health professional only asked forprocess editor copy editor copy copy editor that government implement Truth and Reconciliation consent after having already begun process of sterilization. the government implement Truth Reconciliation consent having already begun the of sterilization. that that the government implement Truth and and Reconciliation consent afterafter having already begun the process of sterilization. copy editor Phoebe thethe government Truth and Reconciliation consent having already begun the process of sterilization. Phoebeafter Pannier Phoebe Pannier Pannier and 24 “on increasing of Indigenous This practice has ramifications long-termthat ramifications onCalls theimplement mental Calls 23 and 24 23 “on increasing the number of number Indigenous practice has long-term on mental 23 and 24Calls “on increasing the number of the Indigenous ThisThis practice has long-term ramifications on the mental Phoebe Pannier Calls 23 and 24 “on increasing the number ofand Indigenous This practice has long-term ramifications on the mental design + production editor health design + production healthcareand professionals, andcultural providing cultural competency of those affected. Alisa Lombard, lawyer atprofessionals, design + production editoreditor healthcare professionals, providing competency health of health those affected. Lombard, a lawyer providing cultural competency of those affected. AlisaAlisa Lombard, a lawyer at aathealthcare design + production editor healthcare professionals, and providing cultural competency health Blanchard of those affected. AlisaMaurice Lombard, lawyer at the Frederique Frederique Blanchard Frederique Blanchard training to all professionals.” healthcare professionals.” Lawathe representing plaintiffs, one training all healthcare Maurice representing the plaintiffs, mentioned onetraining to alltohealthcare professionals.” Maurice LawLaw representing plaintiffs, mentioned onementioned Frederique Blanchard training to all healthcare professionals.” Maurice Law representing the plaintiffs, mentioned one It is imperative we hold the government for case in Manitoba where an Indigenous woman took her It is imperative we hold the government accountable for social media editor case in Manitoba where an Indigenous woman took her social media editor It is imperative we hold the government accountable foraccountable case in Manitoba where an Indigenous woman took her social media editor It iswoman, imperative we its hold the government accountable forin case in Manitoba where Indigenous woman took hersterilized. social media Justine editorJustine Justine Ronis-Le Moal life Ronis-Le Moal Ronis-Le Moal past actions, its current complicity inoppression the active oppression life after being forcibly Another woman, who past actions, its current complicity the active life an after being forcibly sterilized. Another its past actions, its current complicity in the active oppression after being forcibly sterilized. Another woman, whowho Justine Ronis-Le Moal its past actions, itsshe current complicity the active life after being forcibly sterilized. Another woman, who of oppression Indigenous andenact its enact failure to enact was sterilized at says thatlater, 40 later, feels and murder ofinmurder Indigenous people, its failure to sterilized 17, says 40 years she still feels andstill murder of and Indigenous people, and and its people, failure to sterilized at 17,at says that that 4017,years later, sheyears still feels design cover design was was covercover design and murder of Indigenous people, and its failure tothe enact was sterilized at 17, says that 40 years later, she still feels cover design to ensure safety and autonomy of Indigenous Incases, all these it is women clear women areensure NellyNelly Wat Wat Nelly Wat the impacts. policies to policies ensure the safety autonomy of Indigenous the impacts. Inimpacts. all these itclear is cases, clear arepolicies to the safety and and autonomy of Indigenous Inthe all these cases, it is that that women arethat Nelly Wat policies to ensure the safety and autonomy of Indigenous the impacts. In all these cases, itforced is clear that women are people. We demand immediate support for Senator Boyer into sterilization. By both legal and moral standards, people. We demand immediate support for Senator Boyer forced into sterilization. By both legal and moral standards, people. We demand immediate support for Senator Boyer forced into sterilization. By both legal and moral standards, contributors contributors contributors people. We demand immediate support for Senator Boyer call forced intoPhoebe sterilization. By both legal and moral standards, Emily Black, Nabeela contributors Emily Nabeela Jivraj, PhoebeJivraj, Emily Black,Black, Nabeela Jivraj, Phoebe and International Amnesty International Canada’s callfederal for the federal coerced consent is not consent. This practice continuously Amnesty Canada’s for the coerced consent is consent. not consent. This practice continuously and and Amnesty International Canada’s call for the federal coerced consent is not This practice continuously Pannier, Claire Grenier, Khalid,is not consent. This practice continuously and Amnesty International Canada’s call for the federal Emily Black, NabeelaPannier, Jivraj,Pannier, Phoebe Grenier, Athina Khalid, Athina ClaireClaire Grenier, Athina Khalid, coerced consent government to appoint an Indigenous special representative denies women their agency. government to appoint an Indigenous special representative denies women their agency. government to appoint an Indigenous special representative women their agency. Wong-Mersereau, Hannah Forman, denies Pannier, Claire Grenier, Athina Khalid,ChloeHannah Wong-Mersereau, Hannah Forman, ChloeChloe Wong-Mersereau, Forman, government to appoint Indigenous specialthe representative denies women their agency. Pedram, Nadia Chloe Wong-Mersereau, Hannah Arno Pedram, Nadia El-Sherif, YasirEl-Sherif, Yasir ArnoForman, Pedram, NadiaArno El-Sherif, Yasir to national of this heinous practice. Canada’s use of forced sterilization to control marginalized toanexamine theexamine national scope of heinous thisscope heinous practice. Canada’s use of forced sterilization to control marginalized to examine the national scope of this practice. Canada’s use of forced sterilization to control marginalized Piracha, Nellia Halimi, Yasna Khademian, Arno Pedram, Nadia El-Sherif, Piracha, Nellia Halimi, Khademian, Piracha, NelliaYasir Halimi, YasnaYasna Khademian, to examine scope of this heinous practice. Canada’s use of forced sterilization control marginalized new, nor isto it Saskatchewan. uniquethe to national Saskatchewan. communities istonew, not new, it unique iscommunities not norisnor isnot it isunique to Saskatchewan. Leela Riddle-Merritte, Yasmeen Dajani, communities Piracha, Nellia Halimi, Yasna Leela Riddle-Merritte, Yasmeen Dajani, LeelaKhademian, Riddle-Merritte, Yasmeen Dajani, communities is not new, nor is it unique to Saskatchewan. Tori Ford, Kathleen Leela Riddle-Merritte, Yasmeen Dajani, Tori Ford, Kathleen Charles, DaisyCharles, Daisy Alberta Tori Ford, Kathleen Charles, Daisy Weto encourage send this editorial totoyour MP to demand and British Columbia passed sexual acts you We encourage you to send this toeditorial to your demand Alberta andAlberta British Columbia passed sexual sterilization actsWe encourage send this you editorial to your MP MP to demand and British Columbia passed sexual sterilization actssterilization Nelly Wat, Eloise Tori Ford, Kathleen Charles, Daisy Sprenger, Wat, Eloise Albaret Sprenger, Nelly Nelly Wat,Sprenger, Eloise Albaret We400 encourage you to send this editorial to your MP to demand Alberta andAlbaret British Columbia passed sexual sterilization acts immediate action. in 1928 and 1933 under which 2,800 and 400 people were immediate action. in 1928 and 1933 under which 2,800 and people were immediate action. in 1928 and 1933 under which 2,800 and 400 people were Sprenger, Nelly Wat, Eloise Albaret 1928 Le1933 Délit under which 2,800 and 400 people were immediate action. Le élit and Le Déin lit D

Claire Grenier

Le Délit Lara Benattar Benattar LaraLara Benattar Lara Benattarrec@delitfrancais.com rec@delitfrancais.com rec@delitfrancais.com

rec@delitfrancais.com

of Support Statement Support Statement ofofSupport Statement ofStatement Support

TT T

he McGill Daily Editorial Board wants to express the ledthe by students theSocial School of Social Work he McGill Editorial Board wants to express support andsupport endorse theendorse strike led bystrike students ofSchool the School of Work he McGill DailyDaily Editorial Board wants to express support and endorse theand strike led by students of of of Social Work Published byPublications the Daily Publications Published by the Daily Society, Published by the Daily Publications Society, a a Society, a he McGill Daily Editorialsince Board wants to support andWork endorse thea strike led by students of theagainst School of Social Work student society of McGill University. d by the Daily Publications Society, a McGill student society of McGill University. student society of University. since October 24. Social students voted in a general strike against unpaid internship for the fall semester October 24.express Social Work students in general assembly toassembly strike unpaid internship for thesemester fall semester since October 24. Social Work students votedvoted in a general assembly to strike againstto unpaid internship for the fall The views and opinions in the Daily 24. Social Work students voted in a general assembly to strike against unpaid internship for the fall semester student society of views McGill University. The and opinions expressed inexpressed the Daily The views and opinions expressed in the Daily since October andstudent arestudent calling for student in amobilization week-long thispart November. As part ofrequirement, their program requirement, andcalling are calling for participation in a week-long this November. As part of their program requirement, and are for participation in participation a week-long mobilization thismobilization November. As of their program are those of the authors not reflect the and opinions expressed the Daily are those ofinauthors the authors andnot doreflect not and reflect are those of the and do thedothe and are calling for undergraduate student participation in ainweek-long this November. As of part of their requirement, policy or position of McGill University. undergraduate of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of McGill University. official policy orofficial position of McGill University. undergraduate students inmobilization Social Work have complete 400 hours ofprogram field placement ofunpaid. which students Social Work have to complete hours field placement per year,most ofyear,most which are Theunpaid. The students in Social Work have to complete 400to400 hours of field placement per year,most ofper which are unpaid. Theare The McGill is not affiliated with McGill icy or position of McGill University. The McGill Daily isaffiliated notDaily affiliated with McGill The McGill Daily is not with McGill undergraduate studentsstrike in Social Work have tofrom complete 400 hours of field placement per year,most of which are unpaid. The strike received support from professors in Social Work, who have cancelled all classes from November 19 to 23. The received support professors in Social Work, who have cancelled all classes from November 19 to 23. The students arestudents are strike received support from professors in Social Work, who have cancelled all classes from November 19 to 23. The students are ill Daily is not affiliated with McGill University. University. University. strike received supportorganizing from professors in of Social Work, have cancelled all classes from November 19 tothat 23. The students are University. a from series ofwho events from November 19 November 23 around strike that can be found under theevent Facebook event aorganizing series events from November to November 23 around strike can be found under the Facebook organizing a series of events November 19 to19 November 23to around theirtheir strike that their can be found under the Facebook event organizing a series of events from November 19Social to November around strike that can be on found under the Facebook event Week at McGill Work.” A protest scheduled Wednesday November 21, atEmilie-Gamelin. 3 p.m. at Place Emilie-Gamelin. We “Strike Week at McGill Work.” A23protest istheir scheduled on Wednesday November at 3 p.m. at Place Emilie-Gamelin. “Strike Week at “Strike McGill Social Work.” A Social protest is scheduled on is Wednesday November 21, at21, 3 p.m. at Place We We “Strike Week at McGillinvite Socialstudents Work.” A protest is scheduled on Wednesday November 21, at 3 p.m. at Place Emilie-Gamelin. We and follow the invite to join the protest, attend events, sign up list for at the mailing list at eepurl.com/dLNK8I, andMcGill follow the McGill to students join the protest, attend the events, sign upthe formailing the mailing list at eepurl.com/dLNK8I, invite students to join the protest, attend the events, sign the up for eepurl.com/dLNK8I, and follow the McGill invite students to join the protest, attend theAssociation events, sign up for the mailing list for at eepurl.com/dLNK8I, Social Work Student Association (SWSA) Facebook page for updates onand thefollow strike.the McGill Social Work Student (SWSA) Facebook updates onstrike. the strike. Work Student Association (SWSA) Facebook pagepage for updates on the 2075Bld., Robert Bld., Rm. 500 Social Robert Bourassa Bld.,Bourassa Rm. 500Work 20752075 Robert Bourassa Rm. 500 Social Student Association (SWSA) Facebook page for updates on the strike. 2075 Robert Bourassa Bld., Rm. 500 Montreal, QC Montreal, H3A 2L1 QC H3A 2L1 Montreal, QC H3A 2L1 Montreal, QC H3A 2L1 phonephone phone 514.398.6790 514.398.6790 514.398.6790 phone 514.398.6790 fax 514.398.8318 fax 514.398.8318 fax 514.398.8318 fax 514.398.8318 & general manager advertising & advertising general manager advertising & general manager advertising & general manager Boris Shedov

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November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Outside the Bubble Ceasefire in Gaza Phoebe Pannier The McGill Daily

n November 11, seven Palestinians in Gaza were killed by an Israeli special forces operation. This was the latest event in the violent, decades-long occupation of Gaza by Israel, though there had been a ceasefire since 2014, with Israel easing up its siege and allowing money and fuel to be sent over the border. Ismail Haniyeh, Hamas’ political leader, said on November 13 that if Israel “stops its aggression,” it would be possible to return to the ceasefire understanding of before. Even with the ceasefire, Gazans still live in unfair and inhumane conditions. On November 14, an agreement was reached between the Palestinian and Israeli governments with the help of the deal brokered by Egyptian officials. Egypt has also been

engaged in blockades against Gaza, restricting movement at the border between Egypt and Palestine. This deal, which was agreed upon in order to avoid the possibility of war, has reportedly already decreased violence in the region. The possibility of peace seemed to be in jeopardy after Israel’s covert mission, but Haniyeh has stated that “[Hamas] will respect this declaration as long as the Zionist enemy respects it.” Yahya Sinwar, another leader of Hamas, has said that he would also like to avoid war. “Through war, we achieve nothing,” he said. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu also wishes to avoid war, as evidenced by his agreement to the deal. Gideon Levy, an editor at Al Jazeera, commented that while “both parties are not interested in war, [neither are] doing enough to prevent one.”

UK and EU Reach Deal Emily Black News Writer

ritish Prime Minister Theresa May announced a Brexit deal this past Tuesday November 13, calling an emergency Cabinet meeting. Since the 2016 referendum, where over 50 per cent of UK citizens voted in favour of leaving the EU, there have been extensive deliberations on how Britain can and should exit the European Union. May’s deal includes details of the 21-month withdrawal and transition period, the new rights and commitments of EU and UK citizens, as well as the the sum of money to be paid to the EU. On November 14, the deal was approved by Cabinet, but not without opposition. Since an agreement was reached, two Cabinet ministers and numerous junior ministers have resigned, and Prime Minister May has received several letters

of non-confidence. If May is presented with 48 letters, a vote to oust her as leader and Prime-Minister could be held. The deal will be up for EU approval at the emergency summit to be held on November 25. If passed, the current deal will be voted on within the UK Parliament. If Parliament does not back the deal, the government has 21 days to produce a new deal, or face following re-negotiations, or even hold a general election. If Parliament votes in favour of the deal, the EU will produce an official Withdrawal Bill which will have to go through a number of stages of approval at the EU ahead of the withdrawal, which will occur on March 29 2019.

Conflict in Cameroon Escalates Nabeela Jivraj The McGill Daily

ozens have been killed in Cameroon this past week as fighting increases between Cameroon militia and separatist rebels. The increase in casualties on both sides follows the October re-election of President Paul Biya for a seventh term. Biya is the oldest leader in sub-Saharan Africa; he has ruled Cameroon for almost 40 years. The conflict stems from a divide in the predominantly French-speaking nation between Anglophone separatists and government forces. The then-German protectorate of Kamerun was split between France and England by the League of Nations in 1919, causing the current language divide. Following a referendum in 1972, French and English speaking territories came together to form the United Republic of Cameroon.

Separatist rebels seek the creation of an independent, English-speaking state called “Ambazonia.” Separatists have targeted English-speaking areas that conform to the Cameroonian national identity, including kidnappings and violence in Western Cameroon. However, it is often unclear who is behind the violence. To stifle the rebels, army forces have actively killed, kidnapped, and targeted villages. Strict and enforced curfews have been imposed in English-speaking zones to limit separatist activities after dark. Reports indicate that more than half of the English-speaking city of Bamenda have fled their homes, with schools closing, and roads remaining unsafe. The crisis has forced civilians to flee Anglophone regions for French-speaking ones, or to neighbouring Nigeria.

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November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

“It’s [Not] About Honour”

King on Sporting Culture and the “Change the Name” Campaign Chloe Wong-Mersereau News Writer content warning: anti-Indigenous slurs Richard King, Professor and Chair of Humanities, History, and Social Sciences at Columbia College Chicago, gave a keynote lecture on “Origins, Interpretations and Impacts” of Indigenous imagery in North American sporting culture on November 8. McGill’s First Peoples’ House, along with SSMU’s Indigenous Affairs Commissioner, Tomas Jirousek, brought Professor King to Montreal to present his research on the racialization and appropriation of Indigenous imagery in sports. Considering the success of the “Change the Name” Campaign in the Fall 2018 SSMU Referendum, Professor King directly addressed McGill’s history of racialized team names, mascots, and other appropriated images in sports. Professor King has dedicated 25 years to understanding the racial politics of culture and Indigeneity in sports and media. King has written several books dedicated to this subject, including Team Spirits: The Native American Mascot Controversy (2001), Native Athletes in Sport and Society (2005), and,

most recently, Redskins: Insult and Brand (2015). The co-opting of Indigeneity by the West has resulted in images which misrepresent Indigenous people and cause them harm. Feelings of invisibility and fraudulent identity are some of the more widely-recognized harms that these dehumanizing images, appropriated symbols, names, and mascots have on Indigenous peoples. “Misrecognition” refers to the inability of broader society to understand Indigenous people as part of a present reality. King pointed out how phrases such as “you don’t look like an Indian” and stereotyped images contribute to the erasure and denial of Indigenous voices. During the Q&A period, McGill student Ella Martindale asked Professor King how one should respond to people who claim that the name does not refer to Indigenous people at all, but rather to James McGill’s Scottish heritage. Several other students spoke to the arguments they had heard against the name change, claiming that “R*dmen” has nothing to do with Indigenous people, and is part of McGill’s history and traditions. In response, King discussed how this rhetoric echoes a white-settler ownership over appropriated images while denying the structural

Claire Grenier | The McGill Daily violence that this name represents and contributes to. King also expressed the downfalls of thinking about race and power simply in terms of bad intentions, bad attitudes, and bad ideas. He believes that if something is done without any of the aforementioned in mind, then it is not bad or racist. This definition of racism directs attention and blame to the wrong place: individual action, rather than a system of racial violence.

By focusing on who is to blame for the perpetuation of violence, the broader context of McGill’s “R*dmen” name becomes lost. McGill’s 1958 and 1966 yearbooks demonstrate how the McGill “R*dmen” name took on a life of its own, regardless of its origin, revealing that one cannot simply brush off historical and structural racism. Jirousek asked King what “is to be done after the vote to tackle the lingering generative qualities

of these images?” In response, Professor King emphasized how McGill can incorporate practices of reconciliation in its institution. King suggested providing the tools for students, athletes, and faculty to inform themselves of Indigenous peoples’ histories. In fact, King said that “if McGill sees dehumanization as a bad thing, then it has an obligation to its students and most importantly its Indigenous students to address this issue directly.”

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November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Beyond the “Boys’ Club” A Panel Discussion on Women, Media, and Politics

Give other women the advice you wish they would have given you. Use your platform [...] it’s such a privilege.”

Emily Black News Writer

n November 8, students and community members gathered at Notman House for a panel discussion on issues regarding women in politics and the media. Put on by the McGill Students for UN Women, the panel featured four prominent women in Montreal’s political landscape: Jennifer Maccarone, Justine McIntyre, Mira Ahmad, and Vino Wijeyasuriyar. All four panelists spoke about their experiences as women navigating political spaces and the intricacies of women’s positions in media and politics. The panel was moderated by McGill Professor Elisabeth Gidengil, who noted the significance of the week’s triumphs in the American midterm elections, but acknowledged that despite the wins, there is still a “long, long way to go.” The discussion started with an analysis on the importance of women being involved with politics at all levels of government. The discourse was wide, reaching across each panelist’s area of expertise. In debating the so-called “parity zone” Justine McIntyre, political strategist and former City Councillor, made an important distinction between equality of opportunity and equality of outcome. “What I want to see more of is women taking positions of leadership, positions of power. Women leading, using their voices. To me that is more important than a head count.” Mira Ahmad, a campaign manager, political strategist, and former President of the Young Liberals of Canada, believes that representation is paramount for the future of women’s involvement in politics. She described her early experiences in campaigning, knocking on doors, and entering “scary and intimidating” rooms full predominantly of men. “I was fortunate enough to have a lot of strong women who inspired me, whom I saw at the head of the table. It’s important to be able to see yourself in someone who holds a position you aspire to be in one day,” she said.

Elisabeth Gidengil [spoke of] the triumphs in the American midterm elections, but acknowledged that there is still a “long, long way to go.” Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily

Diverse voices [need] to be included. It’s important to use your voice so that others can have a voice, rather than speaking for other groups. If you have privilege, figure out how you can share that with other people. — Vino Wijeyasuriyar

The panelists had clear ideas about the goals women should be striving to achieve in politics. McGill student and Director of the Women in House program, Vino Wijeyasuriyar, said “if there was to be a women’s agenda, it would be choosing your own agenda.” Touching on the issue of women

“What I want to see more of is women taking positions of leadership, positions of power. Women leading, using their voices. To me that is more important than a head count.” — Mira Ahmad

disproportionately being delegated to “care issues,” she argued the importance of allowing women to further whatever issues they find important, and not relying on stereotypical roles in society and politics. Ahmad offered her definition of feminism, saying “feminism is still misunderstood, a lot of people see it as ‘just a women’s issue,’ and not the equality of [all people].” This line of reasoning raised the question: can we look past the label of feminism when women are involved in politics? Justine McIntyre thinks yes. “It’s not because I’m a woman, that I should have to talk about feminist issues when they come up,” she said. However, Jennifer Maccarone, newly elected member of the Quebec National Assembly, thinks we are not there yet and that there is still much to be achieved before we abandon these issues. “It’s a woman’s role to take on that role of spokesperson, to demonstrate to women who are aspiring to be where you are, that you can do it too […] When those powerful women speak out, I notice. I take notice and I want to be that powerful woman, I want to have that voice for my daughter,” she said. The biggest obstacles to women in politics were considered by the panel to be deeply ingrained in our society. The lack of encouragement, empowerment, and accessible spaces makes entering the “boys’ club” of politics just as difficult as operating in it. Citing the decision to run for office as the first and most cumbersome stumbling block, the panelists left the audience with some advice: “make yourself wonder – instead of why should it be me, why shouldn’t it be me?” Wijeyasuriyar added her own piece of advice, saying, “walk into every room as if you’re a cisgender, white hereosexual male, and there’s nothing you can’t do,” she quipped.

The lack of encouragement, empowerment, and accessible spaces makes entering the “boys’ club” of politics just as difficult as operating in it. The discussion then shifted to the portrayal of women in media and strategies for women to better represent themselves. “Now that there are more women in politics, we’re not on a pedestal anymore. At first you’re this new shiny thing, glorified because ‘oh my gosh, there’s a woman in government now.’ But the minute you fail, they’re all over you,” McIntyre said. With agreement across the table, this brought up the need for women to be not glorified, but accepted. McIntyre counselled the audience to “be powerful, use the emotion” that women are so often vilified for, reminding attendees that “it’s a strength.” The panelists relayed their advice to the young women in the crowd. All four women encouraged the audience to begin their political engagement with the things that they are passionate about and to “put the things you bring to the table at the forefront,” Wijeyasuriyar said, urging attendees to, “start with the things that frustrate you, that usually means its a space where you can do some really good work.

Though panelists discussed many different experiences of occupying space in the political arena as women, discourse around intersectionality and privilege was overall notably absent. Wijeyasuriyar brought attention to inequalities among women. She referenced the “staggering numbers” of white women who voted Republican in the 2016 American election. “It’s important for everyone to get a chance to hold the mic,” she said during the panel, “if you have the privilege to be able to be politically engaged, do it. And then turn around and empower other people to advocate for themselves.” Following the discussion, the Daily asked Wijeyasuriyar to elaborate on the importance of everyone getting a platform. Speaking of her experiences as a young person getting involved with politics, Wijeyasuriyar said, “I never watched politics growing up and thought ‘I’m going to be up there.’ For a lot of reasons, of course: I’m a woman and the daughter of refugees. It felt like it wasn’t my place. So being able to be involved in something like this, that makes it so worthwhile.” Wijeyasuriyar stressed that “everyone has a unique perspective [...] diverse voices [need] to be included.” She continued, “it’s important to use your voice so that others can have a voice, rather than speaking for other groups. If you have privilege, figure out how you can share that with other people. [...] When you get that privilege, advocate for, and empower those communities so they can advocate for themselves. It’s performative allyship more than anything to go out and say, ‘here are my demands for this group [...] I think the situation only improves when we get more voices involved in the conversation.”

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November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Jewish Antifa Rally

Activists Mark 80th Anniversary of the Kristallnacht Athina Khalid The McGill Daily content warning: genocide, antisemitic violence n November 9, students at McGill and Concordia organized banner drops to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the Kristallnacht. The Kristallnacht, or The Night of Broken Glass, was a pogrom against Jews throughout Germany and German-controlled territories on the night of November 9-10, 1938. Synagogues were burned, Jewishowned businesses were looted and vandalized, and many Jewish homes were attacked and destroyed. At least 91 Jews were killed, 30,000 Jewish men were sent to concentration camps, and many others were tortured and raped. At McGill, students gathered in front of the main entrance to the McLennan Library. The banner, placed along the railing on the pathway leading to McLennan, read “Jews Against Fascism,” with the Antifa flag within a Star of David. Abigail Drach opened with the lines: “we gather to show that the Jewish anti-fascist resistance is still here, and that we will outlive them.” The protest lasted about 70 minutes,

Arno Pedram | The McGill Daily during which time, those gathered sang “Ale Brider,” “Oyfn Priperchik,” “Ose Shalom,” “Partisan Lid,” and “This Little Light of Mine.” They also distributed flyers to people passing by. Drach told the Daily that they “received a lot of support from students passing by.” Within an hour of leaving the site, their banner – which had been left up – disappeared. Drach also told the Daily how the presence at the banner drop

of Arts Representative to SSMU, Andrew Figueiredo affected the demonstration. She said that she was concerned when she saw the representative “taking pictures of the banner and the people gathered around it, who were mostly Jews and/or POC.” She further stated that “he called to us ‘smile’ in a tone that made [her] feel threatened. Such behaviour, regardless of intention, is

completely inappropriate at a Holocaust commemoration where people are grieving massive loss of life. Moreover, the dynamic of a non-Jewish white man surveilling a group of predominantly Jewish and/or POC non-men at an antiNazi event is disturbing.” Representative Figueiredo responded to the statements in an email to the Daily, saying that “I can be found attending or observing events

hosted by a variety of groups to better understand different perspectives. I took one picture of the rally and greeted those in attendance. I’m a friend of the Jewish community and will always advocate for the best interest of Arts students and McGill community more broadly.” At Concordia, students unfurled a banner from the balcony of the mezzanine of the Hall Building which read “Jewish Anti-fascism,” with similar imagery to the banner at McGill. Then, from the ground floor, Tali Ioselevich gave a speech. In their speech, they said “[on the anniversary of the Kristallnacht,] we are reminded that the same words that were used to persecute Jews and deny them entry into safer countries as refugees in the 20th century are being revived today to persecute and deny safety to people of many religions and ethnicities.” Participants sang “Ale Brider.” Ioselevich then reread the speech, so that it would be heard by a new wave of passerby. Both protests disrupted foot traffic. Both also emphasized the importance of contemporary antifascist organizing. Ioselevich said “the memory of Kristallnacht moves us to highlight the rise of fascism today. [...] This is not history; this violence is our reality.”

McGill Alumna Arrested in Iran Environmentalist Niloufar Bayani Remains Detained

Claire Grenier The McGill Daily

iloufar Bayani, who graduated from McGill with a BSc in Biology in 2009, is currently detained in Iran. Bayani, and five other environmental activists have been charged with national security crimes, including “corruption on earth,” an offence punishable by death in Iran. In January, Bayani and nine other environmentalists were detained. The environmentalists were working with the Persian Wildlife Heritage Foundation (PWHF) when they were arrested on the suspicion of using the foundation as a front for collecting secret strategic information. Specifically, the Iranian government thought the organization was using their surveys of the endangered

Asiatic cheetah’s habitat to spy on sensitive areas. This allegation has yet to be be proven. Iran is suffering its worst drought in decades, which has sparked nationwide protests over water shortages and other related environmental consequences. In turn, authorities have been cracking down on environmentalists. The Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a force independent from the Iranian government, has been engaging in mass arrests of environmentalists since January. Human Rights Watch reports that 50 other activists have been detained or arrested. C a n a d i a n - I r a n i a n environmentalists Kavous SeyedEmami, founder of the PWHF, died in custody shortly after being arrested. Officials have released little information on the

death of Seyed-Emami; they ruled his death a suicide. The UN Environment head, Erik Solheim, expressed to The Guardian his concerns about the case saying, “the message that needs to be sent is that environmentalists, like the dedicated people who are under arrest, deserve the utmost support and fullest protection which Iran’s laws and constitution guarantee. At present, Iran’s environment is under immense pressure – with water stress, land degradation, air pollution, loss of wildlife, and sand and dust storms. All who seek to protect it must be supported.” Bayani worked at the UN Environmental Programme as a project supervisor in the Disaster Risk Reduction portfolio. Bayani returned to her native country of Iran in 2017 to work on a conservation mission with PWHF.

A friend of Bayani’s, Adam Rickards, a 2010 McGill graduate in Music Performance, reached out to the Daily in an email to raise awareness of Bayani’s situation and connection to Canada and McGill. “In late January 2018, I received a somewhat frantic message from another friend from my McGill days informing me that [Bayani] had been arrested as part of a crackdown by the Iranian judiciary (the religious extremist wing of Iran’s government),” wrote Rickards. “As you can well imagine, I was absolutely beside myself imagining that my good friend was in prison in Iran. But I thought quite reasonably that it would be best to remain calm, and I still reasonably assumed that things would be worked out, even if it took a little while.” Rickards also “noticed that the Canadian (and indeed international) press

was largely silent on [Bayani]’s relationship to Canada, but I felt that maybe the best approach was indeed to be silent. Not anymore.” He continued on, writing, “On October 24, the Judiciary announced that the charges brought against the environmentalists, including [Bayani], would include ‘Corruption on Earth,’ one of the highest criminal charges possible in Iran and a charge that opens her and her fellow environmentalists to a possible death sentence [...] this was a nauseating thing to wake up to. I wish only to reach out to the McGill community to support one of our own. I also wish that Canadian media would pick up on the fact that Niloufar has a strong connection to Canada and to Montreal, and that this story deserves important consideration. In short, I simply want this to be known, and to be spread widely.”

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November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

No Place for Queer Students Why I’m Dropping Out of McGill School of Social Work

Hannah Forman Commentary Writer

just dropped out of the McGill School of Social Work and it was one of the easiest decisions I have ever had to make. Granted, it had taken a great deal of time, resources, and energy to apply to the Master of Social Work program, move my entire life to Montreal, and spend a whole semester doing the program. For me, however, none of the time, energy, or resources spent justified staying in a program that is at best severely outdated, and at worst, oppressive and harmful. In retrospect, I should have done more research. It wasn’t until after I started the program that I found out that the McGill School of Social Work had only received conditional accreditation in 2012 by the Canadian Association for Social Work Education (CASWE) due in part to its inadequate level of commitment to teaching concepts of social justice and antioppressive practice. Not only did they almost lose their accreditation due to this inadequacy, but upon further research, I discovered a human rights complaint was filed by a student against the school. As I began to scratch the surface of this institution, I started to see how deep these problems went.

I just dropped out of the McGill School of Social Work and it was one of the easiest decisions I have ever had to make.

Thinking back, I don’t know how it wasn’t a red flag to me that I didn’t personally know anyone who went to McGill’s Social Work School. Before attending McGill’s social work program, I was under the impression that social work was a pretty queer field, as many of my friends who are social workers are also queer. And yet, as I arrived at the Qualifying Year orientation this past August, I began to realize how deeply homogenous the program truly was. I felt as though I was stepping into a factory run by straight, nice, white ladies intent on producing straight, nice, white lady social workers. When my friends from home texted me to ask how my orientation was going, my response was a single photo I took during a get-to-know-eachother orientation activity involving a yarn ball, which featured an entire row of fairly identical white women meekly holding onto their part of the string. Was this the life

I was signing up for? Admittedly, I did not at all expect social work school would be brimming with radical hope. However, I didn’t know to what extent the program would be, as another friend in the school puts it, “amazingly bad.” During my first week of school I was lucky to have been invited to a small gathering for McGill trans and queer social work students. I won’t forget the desperation in the faces of new friends I made during that gathering. I remember how we talked about the desire to alleviate mental unwellness in the queer and trans community that drew us to social work in the first place, and yet how toxic it was for queer students to navigate a school that was not meant for them at all. I began to hear harrowing stories of daily experiences of my peers being misgendered, disrespected, and tokenized. I learned about (and later personally experienced) how over and over again the onus is put on the students who are different to explain their differentness. I learned that there are faculty and staff in the school who were working against the implementation of gender-neutral bathrooms in the school last year, actively undermining the safety of trans students. “It will take me a long, long time to recover from this program,” my new friend told me, “get out now, get out while you can.” One queer friend, who had already graduated from the School of Social Work, mentioned to me that they got through it by dissociating most of the time. Another queer friend, who is still there, told me that not a week goes by where they don’t think about dropping out. In class, I felt as though I were stuck inside a black and white television set reality and only I knew that multi-coloured television existed. What struck me was the overwhelming sense of disempowerment among my classmates and even among the professors. Each class, the takeaway message seemed to be, “we are stuck in a bad system and can’t do anything about it.” It seemed to me there was no shared understanding among faculty about how grassroots community empowerment and social movements work. Instead, people who had been exploited by capitalist systems were put under the magnifying glass to be considered as “case studies,” “clients,” and “populations” to be managed and controlled. This centering of straight, white, middle and upper class women’s experiences and the constant othering and pathologizing contributes to the ongoing silencing and violence marginalized people are subject to on a daily basis.

Phoebe Pannier | The McGill Daily So, what were we learning in this program, and why did it feel as one-dimensional as the floor, and as bleak as the fluorescent lights we were sitting under? To be fair, my experience in the program was not entirely bad. I was quite fortunate to be placed for my internship at Project 10, a fabulous local queer youth organization, and there were a few professors who were very supportive and understanding. Those saving graces, however, were ultimately not enough to keep me committed to a dismal and outdated program. With very little ambivalence, I heeded the advice of my new friend and started to plan my departure from the program. It was only once I made the decision to leave that my mental health regained a sense of stability and the rage and anxiety I was experiencing began to subside.

What struck me was this overwhelming sense of disempowerment among my classmates, and even the professors.

In my email to the administration, which I also sent to the president of the school who is unsurprisingly one of few men on faculty, I explained that of the prime reasons I was leaving was that I felt alienated as one of the very few queer students

in the Qualifying Year program. I mentioned that I didn’t see many efforts being made on the part of the school to center the needs and voices of queer students, which I knew from my own experience and also by hearing from other marginalized queer students and especially trans students who felt similarly. I also mentioned how upsetting it was to me that there are so few students and faculty of colour which reflects quite poorly on the School of Social Work and is an indication of deepseated problems around lack of accessibility and lack of adequately anti-oppressive curricular content and school culture. I ended my email by stating that it is important to me to invest my time and money into an education that not only embodies my values for social justice but is also structured to meet the challenges of our time. In 2012, the Racialized Students Network (RSN) — a group that was identified by the McGill School of Social Work as a major stakeholder in a self-study it conducted— submitted a report to the CASWE accreditation site visitors that cited “a deeply felt need for change around race relations in the School.” It is 2018. Have things changed? Have they changed enough? While I alone cannot answer these questions, my guess is no. What is concerning is that I don’t think the school itself even knows where to start to address these issues, which is why it has been throwing bandaid tokenizing “solutions” at gaping wounds for years. A great deal of work needs to happen within the school before it can offer a safe environment

for learning. I sincerely hope that greater efforts will be made by the McGill School of Social Work to address the inequity in the school and provide an education of a caliber fit for the 21st century.

A great deal of work needs to happen within the school before it can offer a safe environment for people to learn.

Amidst all of this, I hold deep admiration and respect for those marginalized people within the school, both staff and students, who are staying and fighting every day for their voices to be heard. I know how hard it can be to give feedback in a context where there are homophobic and racist professors and where transexclusionary feminism is being taught. I know it is often not safe to speak out, and that at the heart of oppression lies the burden of having to prove its existence, again and again and again. I know that many fellow queer students in the McGill School of Social Work feel ostracized and harassed, and I am humbled by all the work they have had to do just to stay afloat. Although I have yet to get a response from the president to my email, I have a lot of hope in the students who are fighting the good fight, and I am excited by the game-changing prospects of the upcoming internship strike.

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November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

A Statement of Solidarity to Human Rights Defenders in the Philippines W

e, the undersigned, wish to express concern and disgust regarding the brazen attacks on human rights defenders in the Philippines. We strongly condemn the recent killing of Attorney Benjamin Ramos, 56, founding member and former Secretary General of the National Union of People’s Lawyers (NUPL). On November 6, 2018, he was gunned down by two unidentified gunmen in Negros Occidental, Philippines. According to the NUPL, Ramos had just finished preparing a legal paper for one of his pro bono clients, which include peasants, workers, environmentalists, activists, political prisoners, and mass organizations, when the shooting took place. He was the co-counsel for the families of nine sugar farm workers slain in Hacienda Nene, Sagay City, Negros Occidental on October 20, 2018. He was also representing six young activists who had been maliciously linked to the New People’s Army and arrested by the military. Because of his human rights work, the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine National Police (PNP) accused Atty. Ramos of colluding with communist rebels. Ramos is the eighth lawyer killed in the Philippines this year. The other victims are: • • • • • • •

John Ungab, February 19, 2018 in Ronda, Cebu Henry Joseph Herrera, April 22, 2018, in Atimonan, Quezon Salvador Solima and his wife, July 2, 2018, Cebu City Rafael Atotubo, August 23, 2018, in Bacolod City. Connie del Rio Villamor, 24 September 24, 2018, in Tagum City Wilmer Donasco, September 24, 2018, in Davao City Edel Julio Romero, September 28, 2018, in Iloilo City

In the context of the intensifying human rights violations committed with impunity in the Philippines, it is timely that we, as members of the legal community in Canada and other concerned organizations, show our solidarity and unwavering support for human rights defenders in the Philippines. We urge the Canadian government to halt funding and cooperation, directly or indirectly, with the AFP, the PNP and other organizations who have been linked to human rights violations in the Philippines. We call on the Philippine government to: • •

•

Guarantee in all circumstances the physical and psychological integrity of all human rights defenders in the country; Carry out an immediate, thorough, impartial, and transparent investigation into the murder of Benjamin Ramos in order to identify all those responsible, bring them before an independent tribunal, and sanction them as provided by the law; Put an end to all acts of harassment against all human rights defenders in the Philippines, and ensure that they are able to carry out their legitimate activities without any hindrance and fear of reprisals; Conform to the provisions of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 9, 1998, especially its Articles 1 and 12.2; Ensure in all circumstances respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with international human rights standards and international instruments ratified by the Philippines.

Sincerely, Thirty-four lawyers have been killed in the Philippines over the twoyear reign of President Duterte, including judges and prosecutors, according to NUPL. These killings of members of the legal community comes in the context of President Duterte’s war on drugs, war on terror, war on women, and war on the poor, which has made thousands of victims. The killings, smear campaigns, death threats, and harassments against human rights defenders in the Philippines are a clear violation of UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders. According to this declaration: Article 1 Everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to promote and to strive for the protection and realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and international levels. Article 12 (2) The State shall take all necessary measures to ensure the protection by the competent authorities of everyone, individually and in association with others, against any violence, threats, retaliation, de facto or de jure adverse discrimination, pressure or any other arbitrary action as a consequence of his or her legitimate exercise of the rights referred to in the present Declaration. Lawyers play a crucial role in upholding the fundamental rights of the people. They also protect the pillars of democracy as they facilitate the administration of justice. In the Philippines, human rights lawyers defend the marginalized and the defenseless. To kill a human rights lawyer is an obvious attempt to silence those who speak for the unheard and the voiceless. It is an attempt to deter lawyers and members of the legal profession to fulfill their roles as guardians of justice.

International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines - Canada Association des juristes progressistes, Québec Monitoring Committee on Attacks on Lawyers, International Association of People’s Lawyers Nandini Ramanujam, McGill Centre for Human Rights and Legal Pluralism Kirsten Anker, law professor, McGill University Dominique Caouette, Professeur en science politique, Université de Montréal Radha De Souza, law professor, University of Westminster, United Kingdom Gill Boehringer, former Dean, School of Law, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia Stuart Russell, lawyer (Ret.), administrative judge (Ret.), law professor (Ret.) May Chiu, avocate, Montréal Hannah Deegan, avocate, Montreal Walter Chi-yan Tom, avocat, Montreal Kate Forrest, avocate, Montreal Diana Sitoianu, avocate, Montréal Mark Phillips, avocat, Montreal Kayle Sykes, avocate, Montreal Andrew E. Cleland, avocat, Montreal Garrett Zehr, lawyer, Toronto Talia Joundi, lawyer, Toronto Justine Blair, stagiaire en droit, Montréal Jeff Li, stagiaire en droit, Montréal Deborah Guterman, student-at-law, Montréal Andra Ioana Muraru, stagiaire en droit, Montréal To access the full list of 75 signatories, see the online version of this statement on our website at mcgilldaily.com.

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November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Who Does the ASN Represent? The McGill Daily Interviews the Arab Student Network

Nadia El-Sherif and Nellia Halimi The McGill Daily content warning: mention of assault

he McGill Daily sat down with Karim Atassi and Ella Samaha from the Arab Student Network (ASN) to discuss their presence on campus and recent controversies. Recently upgraded to a SSMU service, the ASN proposed a $0.50 fee levy for the upcoming semester. The Daily endorsed a “no” vote for ASN’s fee. You can read our full endorsement in our editorial “SSMU Fall 2018 Referendum Endorsements.” Read some of our editorial board members’ response to this interview in the article “ASN: Corporate, Palatable, Tasteless” on page 12 of this issue. The McGill Daily (MD): How would you define your network on campus? Karim Atassi (KA): The ASN is a SSMU service that is allinclusive and picks and chooses non-religious and non-political resources from the region, that all students can benefit from. We provide discounts on local businesses for students who would want to buy groceries from Adonis, to buy food from local Arab caterers, or from shawarma restaurants. We also provide a lot of networking opportunities, such as subsidies for students to go to the Harvard Arab Conference and other conferences in Montreal. We also provide internships in the Arab region, in partnership with AIESEC. We partner with a project called Opportutoring, which allows students to teach refugees English from their desktops, if they, for example, don’t have the time to go to a club or commit to a club, they can tutor straight from their home. Other than that, we provide a lot of opportunities for students to get involved, whether through

“When OAP wanted an Arabinspired drink, we provided them with an Arabinspired tea” — Karim Atassi (ASN President)

committees or through coming and enjoying our events. That’s basically the entire structure of the Arab Student Network. MD: You claim your service benefits all students on campus, but at the same time you are called the Arab Student Network, so do you feel like you can specifically help and empower Arab students?

the region and prime ministers, so I felt like since McGill is the leading university in Canada, I don’t see why we can’t do the same? I decided that there is more to the Arab world than resources that are tied to political and religious topics. For example, at the start of this year, we had a deep house party, which was an example where students could still explore the face of Arab culture but do so in an environment that isn’t limited

different from other student groups on campus? KA: The discounts and internships we provide are powered and inspired by Arab culture. When OAP wanted an Arab-inspired drink, we provided them with an Arab-inspired tea called Nai tea that they sold on campus. The resources we provide are locally inspired or inspired by Arab culture, however other clubs

Nadia El-Sherif | The McGill Daily KA: Our name may be misleading, we’re a network of Arab resources for all students, which is something very important to stress because this gives the indication that the ASN is not solely run by or for Arab students. What we do is we broadcast the aspects of Arab culture that everyone would be interested in taking a part of. Inherently, as a service, you need to accommodate all students, non-exclusively. And, I got this vision when I went to Harvard to attend a conference, they had a body that caters to all students. They invited CEOs from

to political or religious beliefs. The reason is to ensure that all students regardless of nationality, culture, or background can benefit from our resources. As a club, we were more interspaced and felt like our target audience was just one demographic and we could give more that all students can benefit from. MD: You’re a group that promotes Arab culture in a non-political way and you offer discounts and subsidies for things not directly related to Arab culture, how would you say you’re

are more nationality-exclusive and interest-based and cater to specific nationalities. As a service, we need to service all students, for example if you want to apply for an internship in Dubai, or Beirut, or Kuwait, you can do that through us. Locally, students can also

get discounts on local business from the Arab world or attend conferences like the one about the Arab world at Harvard. Even for students who don’t want to physically visit the Arab world can still enjoy the face of Arab culture here in Montreal. MD: As a student network, are you connected with Arab organizations outside of McGill, and if you’re not, do you feel like that is something you’d be interested in? KA: We’re not connected to Arab organizations in the sense that we’re limited to them or that we follow their mandates. In order to provide discounts on local Arab business, we have to partner with companies that provide these services in order to provide these subsidies. We also partner with non-Arab clubs like AIESEC and Opportutoring to give opportunities for students to benefit from their initiatives. We may ask cultural clubs who are bigger than us in Montreal for contacts, like if we wanted to invite the president of the Liberal party of Quebec for a networking event, his name Antoine Atallah, I’ve met him before, we would contact a bigger organization in Montreal. In the general sense, we partner with any organization regardless of who they are if they benefit the integration and inclusivity of all students. AIESEC doesn’t only provide internships in the Arab world, so we pick and choose their internships in the Arab world and put them on our platform so our target audience can have a better chance of seeing it. We will partner with whatever assists the integration of students and make sure to put it in a platform that promotes secular Arab culture. MD: Isn’t it indicative of a larger problem of people wanting the “easy” and “nice” parts of Arab culture and not the other aspects that come with it? ASN: I’ve experienced firsthand the that limitations of resources due to political or religious issues pose a problem in accommodating those resources to all students regardless of their background. If my incentive is to integrate a service

“In terms of [gender equality], we’re 100 per cent because the only woman that did apply [...] got the position.” — Karim Atassi (ASN President)

commentary that is accessible to all students, that all students can support, I stress on affiliating with resources that don’t have political or religious affiliations to ensure that we get that student support and to ensure that they feel relieved that we have no political bias and that they can come to our events no matter their political views. There are other clubs on campus, like SPHR [McGill Students in Solidarity for Palestine], who are for people to want political views, I wouldn’t want to repeat the same service.

“Students who don’t want to physically visit the Arab world can still enjoy the face of Arab culture here in Montreal [through the ASN].” — Karim Atassi (ASN President) MD: How would you respond to the claim that Arab students aren’t really represented on campus, and the fact that you exist as more of an open platform makes it that there can’t really be a club that represents Arab students? KA: The reason we made this deviation is because there are already clubs on campus that cater to the exclusive support of students based on nationality. For example, there are the Moroccan and Lebanese student associations. I felt like doing what they’re doing would cause a lot of stresses and competition between the clubs, and then there wouldn’t be a body like ASN who caters to all students. There isn’t a service from the region that everybody can benefit from. We also don’t want to take away from the other services that other clubs are offering. One of the pillars of a service is support, we provide support for all students, and Arab students fall under that category. If they wanted to benefit from any of our services, they could still do so. MD: Since ASN is a SSMU service, some might say it is the biggest organization on campus representing Arab students, do you feel any responsibility to be political or to make political statements? KA: I understand that since the culture in the Arab world is so intertwined with political ideas, we stay away from that to ensure that students that don’t know about those conflicts or can’t relate to them don’t feel repelled

November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

from coming to our events. By focusing on resources that all students can enjoy, we make sure everyone feels included. In addition, when I came on campus I felt like all the clubs were just repeating the problems we have in the Arab world and talking about how to solve them, and I felt like there’s a time and place to these discussions but by only focusing on them we’re giving the problems a bigger platform, so why focus on the negatives when we can focus on the positives, like inviting the DJs and subsidizing the conference – things that all students can enjoy? We don’t feel an obligation because we’ve seen the positive feedback we’ve received. The fact that we saw minority Arab students like Arab Christians and Arab Jews gave us great pleasure to know we’re supporting all students and having an all-inclusive atmosphere. MD: There have been allegations that your team isn’t very diverse in terms of its gender parity, how would you answer to that? KA: In terms of ratio, we’re 100 per cent because the only woman that did apply was Ella Samaha and she got the position. Most of our executives right now were executives from when ASN was still a club. Next year, people will be able to campaign for positions, which will be decided by voting. Our committee is something like 54 per cent female, so there’s no bias, but only one person applied for an executive position. Our bylaws state that if two people apply and they have the same qualifications, we have to pick the person from the more discriminated-against group. MD: Do you feel like there’s any more outreach you can do to ensure the team next year is more diverse? KA: I’ve never even received a comment about this gender imparity issue, however, we’re not a club that discriminates based on gender, and we don’t have a bias or anything. Anyone can apply no matter their background or culture or religion, and the committee member list that we have has more women than men. Since it’s our first year, we haven’t had that many students come yet and express their desire to be executives, but people will be able to vote for whoever they want. It would be an honour for

me to see more women applying, as that would further promote our mandate of inclusivity and the fact that we’re a service for all. MD: Can you speak to the [Nas Daily] event and what happened with SPHR? KA: The challenges that we faced with SPHR are an example of the challenges we have faced and will face in order to ensure that the resources from the Arab world benefit all students. SPHR, by their nature, is a political activist group, they did what their mandate is and made their voice heard. Given that we are a SSMU service and by our constitution, we are politically inactive, we cannot discriminate the invitation of an individual based on their nationality over the fact that students want to invite them and will enjoy the event. MD: There are allegations that the ASN threatened to call the police on students on campus, would you like to say anything about that? KA: I was informed about this from my team. There was a miscommunication. Usually when a famous person is invited to a campus, security is on high alert to make sure people will be safe. We got a message from SPVM [Service de Police de la Ville de Montréal] telling us the police was on high alert in that area because they knew there would be a lot of people in that area. As many people who went to the event know, there wasn’t any police at the event. We didn’t hinder the ability of students to ask political questions, they asked both political and non-political questions. We opened a link for students to ask questions if they wanted and a lot of questions were from BDS [Boycott, Divestment and Sanction, a pro-Palestine group on campus] students. So no, we didn’t threaten to call the police, maybe since people thought that there might be police, they thought we would have called them to hinder their voices. We didn’t contact clubs saying we’re going to call the police, I contacted SPHR telling them I’ve been informed that police are coming to the event. They took it to mean [that I was telling them to be careful because the police was there]. People made their voices heard and even shouted slurs like “free Palestine.” [SPHR] said that if people

“People made their voices heard [during the Nas Daily event] and even shouted slurs like ‘free Palestine.’” — Karim Atassi (ASN President)

came and protested we would somehow stop giving resources to Palestinian students, which would be physically impossible to do, so I don’t understand why they said it. The ASN focuses on integrating all students regardless of background, we didn’t suppress any voices, and there wasn’t any police at the event.

“We stay away from [politics] to ensure that students that don’t know about conflicts [in Arab countries] or can’t relate to them don’t feel repelled from coming to our events.” — Karim Atassi (ASN President) MD: You’re an apolitical club, there have been allegations that investing Nas Daily was a political move, how would you respond to that? KA: We believe there’s more to the Arab world than resources tied to religion and politics. Many students messaged us on our Facebook page asking us to invite them when he was in Montreal, and given that he’s not an individual with a political job or broadcast their political views as their entire output, he isn’t in a politically active position, we felt that it would be discriminatory if we didn’t invite him just because of his nationality. So we went by our constitution and decided to prove to all students that regardless of any stress of politics we face, we’ll always stick to our secular and non-political perspective. He doesn’t use his platform to promote Israel, he has done one or two videos as an Israeli national to talk about it, but that’s not his field of work. That’s an example of how a political conflict in the Arab world would restrict the resources that we can provide students. If we don’t make sure we don’t affiliate with religious or political views, we will always run into the issue of not being able to provide resources from the region for all students. MD: Anti-Arab racism is present on campus, is that something that the ASN wants to address since it’s not necessarily tied to political issues? KA: The presence of an ASN that showcases the secular, non-

political parts of Arab culture directly breaks misconceptions that people may have about the Arab world in general. In the long term, student are invited to come to the Arab world through our events, resources, and internships we provide. This concerns for example events that include alcohol that was made in the Arab world, or things like that that people may have misconceptions about concerning Arab culture. I don’t want to stress that our events have alcohol, but we do provide these elements of the culture, so for people to come to our events and see the real face of Arab culture would break misconceptions directly. To add onto that, we have an initiative called ASN TV. It’s still a prototype, but we’re trying to post daily posts about Arabs in McGill, showing resources from the Arab world present in Montreal, presenting events with Arab people that might not be hosted at McGill, just to showcase the student body and the aspects of the Arab world that they’d be interested in knowing and would be surprised to find out about. MD: Would you engage in specifically anti-racism workshops or initiatives, or are you committed to a more implicit approach? KA: The executive team has been very open to following through with workshops associated with, for example, sustainability and inclusivity. We’re here to provide resources for students so that, when they engage with these resources, they can understand or break misconceptions about the Arab world. However, obviously, if it’s something like Arab students on campus being assaulted or something like that, we would make sure to further promote the secular aspects of the Arab world that everyone would enjoy. The way we neutralize the conflicts that people have with Arab students is by making sure that we promote the resources that are from that region that everyone can benefit from. Of course, the more that racism is stressed, the more we would further stress the resources that they can benefit from from that region so that we can neutralize it. They’re both correlated. MD: If you could say one thing to voters about the ASN fee, what would you say? KA: I would say that change is hard, it always was and always will be. We have an opportunity in this referendum to be the change. I would vote “yes” for a service that provides resources for all students non-exclusively. We need your support. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

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November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

ASN: Apathetic, Stale, Neoliberal In Response to the Interview with the Arab Student Network

Nadia El-Sherif, Nellia Halimi, Arno Pedram, and Yasir Piracha Visual by Nelly Wat The McGill Daily

he Arab Student Network (ASN)’s goal is, in ASN President Karim Atassi’s own words, “[to benefit] all students regardless of nationality, culture, or background.” Atassi claims that the ASN stays away from the political and religious aspects of the Arab world “to ensure that students that don’t know about those conflicts or can’t relate to them don’t feel repelled from coming to our events.” This mandate has recently been executed at the expense of Arab students themselves. ASN claims to promote “Arab culture” on campus, a claim that presents a homogenous view of “the Arab,” devoid of national, regional, or religious complexities. ASN chooses to only promote a carefully-curated and diluted version of the culture that appears to be more accessible to non-Arab students. This year, this has included throwing a deep house party and recommending an “Arabinspired” tea, Nai tea, to be sold at OAP. Inherent in ASN’s diluting of Arab culture is the assumption that the Arab world is unappealing as it is and must be altered in order to be readily accepted by others. By stripping Arab culture of its realities and reducing it to its “leastthreatening” aspects (apparently, tea), the value of the Arab world and, by extension, Arab students falls solely on what it can offer nonArab students. The first mission of ASN at McGill, according to their Facebook page, is to “inviolably present the culture and heritage of the Arab world via a secular, non-political and integrative perspective.” This emphasis on remaining “apolitical” is fundamentally flawed. All issues are inherently political, and thus infused with power dynamics. By ignoring the fact that power and privilege is distributed unevenly, the ASN further perpetuates these imbalances. When asked

whether the ASN would address anti-Arab racism on campus, Atassi stated that if “Arab students [were] assaulted, [...] [the ASN] would make sure to promote the secular aspects of the Arab world that everyone would enjoy.” This viewpoint assumes that the promotion of whitewashed Arab culture is sufficient to combat years of systemic racism, which is both ignorant and reductive. Stating that discounts on Nai tea will help solve complex social and political issues is a ridiculous, if not dangerous, assumption that needs to be recognized as doing nothing more than allowing oppression to proliferate. Furthermore, combating racism by promoting “secular aspects of the Arab world that everyone would enjoy” implies that religious aspects and experiences should not be promoted and displayed, as they might not be “palatable” to the rest of the world. Throughout the interview with The McGill Daily, Atassi stressed the importance of celebrating the “secular,” so that the ASN could “accommodate all students.” In a country already rife with religious prejudice, free religious expression should be valued and encouraged rather than dismissed as detrimental to “all students.” Ignoring these facets creates a climate where religious Arab students might feel uncomfortable or disrespected. This rhetoric extends to more than just religion, however. The implication that the ASN will combat racism by promoting the side of Arab culture that “everyone can enjoy” implies that some parts of Arab culture are less joyful and should therefore be discarded. Claiming that anti-Arab racism will decrease by sharing parts of Arab culture that “everyone will be interested in” excludes more difficult conversations around race that would challenge preconceived Western ideas about Arab identities. ASN’s mandate therefore does nothing to reduce discrimination based on the parts of Arab culture that are “foreign” or unappealing to the West. Instead of working to prevent racism through

Claiming that anti-Arab racism will decrease by sharing parts of Arab culture that “everyone will be interested in” excludes more difficult conversations around race that would challenge preconceived Western ideas of Arab identity.

anti-racist initiatives, ASN chooses to promote select aspects of Arab culture palatable to non-Arab students. By doing this, it dismisses and devalues other aspects of Arab culture, and fails to engage with the complexity of systemic racism. Moreover, inviting Nas Daily for a Q&A was anything but apolitical on the part of ASN. Nas Daily is a Palestinian-Israeli travel video blogger who produces oneminute videos on different regions of the world and depoliticizes the geopolitics of the places he documents. One of the most blatant examples of this is when Nas explained that he “choose[s] to accept the borders of Israel and [...] the new borders of Palestine” and “moves on” because “there are better and bigger things to focus on than the name of a piece of land.” Nas Daily’s take on the question of Palestine is a complete dismissal of its past and ongoing colonization, racism, forced displacement, and genocide of Palestinian people. Depoliticization is not apoliticism: depoliticization strips issues of their political context, thereby skewing people’s capacity to critically engage with what they are presented with. ASN should recognize the difference between the two if they want to claim and defend their alleged apoliticism. This hypocritical, apolitical stance has led to the intimidation and marginalization of students of colour on campus. The invitation of Nas Daily gave platform and legitimacy to his dismissal of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proZionist views at McGill. Opposition to the event was strongly expressed by McGill Students in Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR), who said that “hosting him opens up the space for rhetoric that erases the Palestinian struggle on campus.” SPHR “oppose[d] the event taking place, so as to stay true to [their] group’s aim of raising awareness of the Palestinian struggle against occupation and oppression.” This view was supported by many students on campus, who shared their concerns on social media. However, ASN ignored such concerns and decided to engage in intimidation tactics to ensure that their event would not be disrupted. They contacted students who criticized the Q&A individually through private messages to let them know that police would be on “high alert” and that they would remain vigilant of “potential suspects.” This framing of pro-Palestine students as “suspects” is problematic and contributes to the larger, ongoing

problem of marginalizing proPalestine voices on campus. ASN also went so far as to intimidate students and advise them not to come to the event in order to “stay safe” and to avoid “embarrassing” them in front of the Dean of Students and the SSMU president. Beyond this, ASN did not make public the potential presence of uniformed police officers, despite being aware of the systemic violence and insecurity that students of colour are subjected to by police. When criticized for this, ASN chose to deny what they had said privately and claimed that the police would not arrest any students as long as their actions remained within “legal laws.” Instead of addressing their own problematic behaviour, ASN once again fell back on the argument that they would not “prioritize one’s nationality, culture, or religion over their ability of furthering student enjoyment, [because] doing so is against [their] core message as a Service made by students, for all students.” Are Palestinian students not part of “all students,” or do they just matter less to the ASN?

Are Palestinian students not part of “all students,” or do they just matter less to the ASN? It is important to remember that this issue was within the context of the ASN recently becoming a SSMU service, paid for by students who do not opt-out of the $0.50 fee. The emphasis of the ASN on “not being embarrassed” in front of University officials and on providing a service for “all students” is motivated by financial gain; now that the fee levy has passed, they will receive over $10,000 from undergraduate students. The ASN chose to alienate pro-Palestine students by limiting their ability to express their dissent and to even come to their event. This is not apolitical nor is it for “all students;” rather, this the ASN appealing to liberal myths of apoliticism on campus to ensure they would later get financial support from a powerful majority. The ASN’s claim to represent “all students” is also concerning when considering the gender imparity of their executive team. In the 2017-2018 academic year, the ASN executive team was composed exclusively of men. As confirmed by ASN President Atassi during the interview, the current 2018-2019

board of six students only includes one woman. When asked about whether the ASN considered this a problem, Atassi claimed that “in terms of ratio, [they] are 100 per cent,” as their only woman applicant was admitted and there are women on their committees. While the president said that “it would be an honour for [him] to see more women applying,” the network does not have an outreach plan to include more women in their team and does not seem aware of systemic barriers that women on campus, and in academia in general, face when trying to join executive teams. In contrast with their executive team, Atassi emphasized that their committee is made up of about 54 per cent women. Beyond the ridiculousness of seeing gender parity as the burden of women applying, and the self-congratulating for accepting the only woman applicant, ASN needs to recognize the barriers that prevent women in their committee from considering running, the barriers while running, and the barriers that a heavily maledominated executive team creates. It is unacceptable that a SSMU service paid for by students does not engage with initiatives to remediate, or at least recognize, that having only one woman within their executive team is a problem. ASN’s mandate, whether consciously or not, is directly failing Arab students by refusing to engage with them in a meaningful way. They have prioritized and catered their services to nonArab students to the exclusion of Arab students, while simply using the “Arab” name to appeal to the latter group. ASN’s existence as an apolitical, secular SSMU service will make it incredibly difficult for another Arab student organization to exist in the same capacity, due to their claim to an all-encompassing “Arab” label for their service. ASN has taken the space of an Arab student service on campus and have chosen to use their platform to appeal to non-Arab students, when they could be addressing anti-Arab racism, holding workshops, and sharing “Arab culture” in a truer, more complex way than selling tea. ASN’s reach and means, and therefore their responsibility, are greater than those of other Arab student clubs and organizations on campus, and they must acknowledge the reality of their inherently flawed mandate, especially if they want to, as Atassi affirmed, benefit “all students, non-exclusively.”

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November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Racism and Responsibility

The Perpetuation of White Supremacy by Persian Nationalism The McGill Daily

s people of colour, we can still perpetuate aspects of white supremacy and racism within our communities. It occurs in many ways — the promotion of lighter skin as a standard of beauty, antiBlackness, and a desire to distance ourselves from another group of colour, just to name a few. I have seen this in my own community as a person of Persian descent. The one event people often associate with Iran is the 1979 Islamic Revolution, but its history is far more complicated. This piece is not meant to “harm” the image of Iranian people or to depict them all as racist, but to critically examine the ideologies that have gained a powerful place in Iranian identity. Some nationalists may see this and assume I am a self-hating Iranian-American, but that is far from true. I love being Iranian and I love my culture, but I will not sit back and ignore the racism entrenched in Iranian nationalism.

I love being Iranian and I love my culture, but I will not sit back and ignore the racism entrenched in Iranian nationalism. The Iranian population is very ethnically diverse; it is 51 per cent Persian, 24 per cent Azeri, eight per cent Gilaki and Mazandarani, seven per cent Kurd, three per cent Arab, two per cent Lur, two per cent Baloch, two per cent Turkmen, and one per cent other. However, the common narrative about Iran is that it is a uniquely Persian country. This racist rewriting of Iran’s ethnic background as monolithic began with efforts to homogenize, or “protect,” the Persian identity from outside influences, such as Arab, Turkish, and Mongol. The land that forms the modern nation-state of Iran is made up of many groups of people that have co-existed for centuries. The rise of the nation-state in the early 20th century created arbitrary borders in which different ethnic groups were separated or regrouped. Before this process took place, people did not think of themselves as members of a single unitary nation. They saw

themselves in reference to the towns or cities from which they originated, and they were ruled principally by landlords, tribal chieftains, and clerics. However, with the rise of European intervention in Iran in the 19th century, Qajar dynasty rulers became concerned with the perceived lack of Iranian power in the face of imperialism. They formed a narrative that the decline of Iranian power did not stem from European imperialism and intervention, but from the conquest of Persia centuries before, and that Arab people were the reason for the current setbacks in Iran. The nationalist and racist writings of this era dehumanized Arabs, and became the foundation of modern anti-Arab racism. To promote this ideology, they declared that the true, pre-Islamic Persian empire was “Aryan,” and ethnically linked to Europeans. They used racist European racial theory to state that the mixing of Persians and Arabs had led to the decline of Iran, just as Europeans argued that the mixing of races would lead to the demise of Europeans. In this context, Iran had to be rid of all Arab influence in order to reach its pre-Islamic prestige once again. It is important to note that before the 19th century, there was no documentation of this intense hatred of Arabs and Islam; it began with the adoption of European racial discourse. Furthermore, this ideology removed all responsibility from Persian Iranians, and placed all the blame of Iran’s struggles with Western influence on Arabs and Islam in Iran. This ideology was further promoted by policies carried out by the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran between 1925 and 1979. These policies included the forced unveiling of women, the ban of all languages except for Persian in schools, and the forced implementation of Europeanstyle bowler hats for men. Pushback against any of these policies resulted in the use of force by the Iranian government; for instance, at least 100 people were murdered when clerics protesting the bowler hats in Mashhad in 1936 were shot at by troops sent by the Shah. Persian nationalism has perpetuated the common narrative that Iran is a specifically “Persian” nation. As a result of this, nonPersian ethnic groups in Iran have become the butt of racist jokes and ignorance. There are many “jokes” made about Azeris (ethnic Turks from Azerbaijan) that emphasize their “stupidity,” as well as the portrayal of Haji Firouz (similar to Santa Claus) during the Persian New Year in blackface. Furthermore, ethnic and religious minorities in

Iran continue to face discrimination at the hands of the current government, which considers the “true” Iranian to be both Persian and Shia Muslim. This shift in a pro-Muslim identity came after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, which instated a Shia Islamic government but still contained remnants of proPersian, anti-Arab sentiment due to the heavy promotion of Persian nationalism in education. Former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad executed numerous minority activists throughout his presidency, in an effort to silence Arabs, Kurds, and Baluchis, and further perpetuate the belief that Iran is a strictly Persian country. It is within this paradigm of Persian nationalism that I have seen efforts from Persians in the diaspora to assimilate as much as possible to their adopted countries’ cultures, and to distance themselves from Islam. They want to be perceived as “one of the good ones,” to position Persian identity opposite the Islamophobic media representations of Middle Eastern people by putting down Arab people. This results in confusion for diasporic Persians when they undoubtedly are not perceived as white by white Westerners. However, the rhetoric perpetuated by this ideology is not only racist, but also dangerous in a diasporic context. A 2016 shooting in Munich took the lives of nine people and injured 36; many of these people were Turkish, Arab, and/or Muslim. The gunman was a second generation IranianGerman who considered himself a member of the “Aryan” race, and

considered other immigrants from the Middle East as racially “inferior.” His own writing included calling those of immigrant and Muslim backgrounds “foreign sub-humans.” This rhetoric strongly parallels the racist ideology of Aryanism in Iran, especially the writings of Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani, one of the first Persian nationalists from the late 1800s. Kermani referred to Arabs as “vilest humans, most vicious beasts” and described pre-Islamic Iran as the perfect society. Although this is an ideology that has been taught and preached to Iranians for decades, it is necessary that we unlearn this narrative and racism within our communities.

This racism is motivated by Persians’ efforts to position themselves as a “civilized” and “harmless” ethnic group, opposed to the “uncivilized” and “dangerous” Arabs.

I have seen in the diaspora that our confusion and sense of insecurity in our race has increased along with the sense of danger of being Middle Eastern in the Western world. There are growing safety concerns for

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily

people associated with the Middle East in the West, stemming from the 9/11 attacks’ backlash and the recent rise of Islamophobia under Trump’s presidency. Nevertheless, the ideology created by Qajar rulers and promoted by the Pahlavi dynasty has not, and will not, protect Persians from racism and discrimination in the West because it is just that — an ideology, and a racist one at that. This racism is motivated by Persians’ efforts to position themselves as a “civilized” and “harmless” ethnic group, opposed to the “uncivilized” and “dangerous” Arabs. Many Persians living in the West want to paint a picture of themselves as a white ethnic group and frame the Islamophobic images of Middle Eastern people portrayed in the media as specifically Arab, Muslim, or non-Persian. It boggles my mind when I see very clearly non-white Persians trying to persuade someone of their whiteness, in an attempt to enter the Western conception of whiteness which defines racial power dynamics in the West. Many ethnic groups, including Persians and Arabs, lived side by side in the Middle East for centuries until specific borders were drawn and Persian nationalists borrowed European racial theory to promote an “essential” and “historical” rivalry between us. It is essential for our community to do better, to understand Iran as diverse society, to promote the rights of minority ethnic and religious groups, and to acknowledge and disown the racism and bigotry present in Persian nationalism.

commentary

November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Do You Still Remember?

Nicholas Gibbs and Cultural Desensitization to Police Brutality

Nellia Halimi | The McGill Daily Leela Riddle-Merritte Commentary Writer content warning: police violence, anti-Black racism, death

here is something that I do not understand. Mayor Valerie Plante has made multiple public statements about Montreal calèche horses, and has announced that she is planning to ban them. Of course, I agree with her on this decision. But how could the senseless killing of a 23-year-old Black man in Notre-Dame-deGrâce float over public discourse like a poster caught in the wind? How do we unpack the fact that horses mean more to people than this murder, committed by the police whose supposed duty is to protect us? We are desensitized to “just another case of police violence” by mainstream media and politicians, while they galvanize us to act against animal cruelty.

How could the senseless killing of a 23-year-old Black man [...] float over public discourse like a poster caught in the wind?

Again, I must clarify that banning calèche horses is noble, but why are we not emotionally invested enough for Nicholas Gibbs’ killing to be as much of a heated topic in public discussion? On November 1, I stumbled upon an article describing the shooting of Nicholas Gibbs, which happened in late August. After barely starting to read it, I was shocked by the proximity of the murder; it happened on the corner of De Maisonneuve and Montclair, about fifteen minutes from my old apartment. However my horror intensified as I watched the video embedded at the end of the article, which showed the interaction leading to the five fatal gunshots. I witnessed how the police officers took Nicholas Gibbs’ life, while speaking to each other in French, even though he was anglophone, only switching to English to yell, “put down the knife.” They made no attempt at de-escalating the situation. Yet, what affected me most was learning that Gibbs was a father. I imagined the news being delivered to his kids and their mother. I imagined the trauma that his family and community will carry with them for the rest of their lives, a void that will not be filled by a mere one-milliondollar lawsuit. Soberly, I was thinking of the odds of my own father surviving this incident. As a child, I could not understand the deep-rooted fear

that my father carried as a Black man. I never had the chance to really unpack it with him either, but since his passing, I’ve thought about the rare instances where he became very angry, for reasons incomprehensible to me at the time. His life experiences were likely based on a larger context of indignation and fear, veiled by a seemingly impervious bravado. I could see this aggravation reflected in Gibbs’ part of the interaction between him and the cops. As I watched him tell them, “I’m not scared of you, shoot me now, then,” I cannot say that my dad would not have said the same thing had he been in his position.

As a child, I could not understand the deep-rooted fear that my father carried as a Black man. What’s more, my father was also an anglophone, unable to say anything other than “pourquoi” in French. Whether or not Gibbs had a knife does not change the fact that he never should have been shot at. They surrounded him, not even making an effort to mitigate or verify if their words were clear to him. They simply

stayed crouched down, their guns aimed directly at him. As I reflected, my devastation quickly turned into disgust and bewilderment. After they had shot the fifth bullet into his chest, the cops continued to order him to throw his knife away. Yelling these words at a man who by then had now dropped to the ground; a dying man only four years older than I. How dare they? So much was missing from that interaction in terms of communication and de-escalation. I have since tried to contact the Service de Police de Montreal (SPVM), determined to find out if they are trained to avoid escalating situations and adapt their actions. I have not received any response. We in Montreal give ourselves too much credit, watching the disarray and hate of our Southern neighbors in the United States and reassuring ourselves that we are better. That racism is almost obsolete here, we think. What I fear and suspect is that Nicholas Gibbs is the latest victim in an entire history of incidents of police killings and brutality in Montreal. These stories are communicated briefly at whisper tone to the public and quickly forgotten, as though they never happened at all. We remain comfortable when the truth is silenced because being kept in the dark allows us to avoid starting discussions about the systemic

injustices people of colour must endure every day in Montreal. The topic of racism is avoided once again.

We in Montreal give ourselves too much credit, watching the disarray and hate of our Southern neighbors in the United States and reassuring ourselves that we are better. And so, today, we know the horrifying, gruesome, and far too common story of the murder of a young man who had his entire life ahead of him, and a family and community supporting and loving him. We simply cannot let Nicholas Gibbs become just another tally mark on the SPVM’s foul play card and do nothing, while we clearly have the power to resist and to mobilize politicians when for the sake of horses. However, these stories have made me jaded, and I do not have much hope. For that, there are many things that I will still never understand.

CULTURE

November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Iranian Feminist Voices

Reclaiming Narratives through Taklif: Ideas of Femininity Yasna Khademian The McGill Daily

ashn-e-taklif, or simply taklif, is a ritual established by the Iranian government following the 1979 Revolution. Young girls, upon turning nine years old, take part in a ceremony in which they wear a white chador (a long scarf that covers one’s entire body, leaving only the face), recite prayers, and are celebrated by family and friends for reaching the age of “maturity.” This practice signals the coming-of-age of young girls, making them legal adults. Iranian girls over the age of nine may be charged with crimes, can be married off with their father’s permission, and are required to begin covering their bodies and wearing a hijab. Taklif does not extend to young boys, who are not considered adults until the age of 15. Despite the collective impact taklif has made on Iranian women since the 80s, we still know very little about it and its effects. On November 8, Concordia University hosted an exhibition titled Taklif: Ideas of Femininity, in partnership with Taklif, “an artist-run initiative dedicated to [...] learning, unlearning, and relearning practices through art and dialogue,” which offered viewers alternative understandings of the ritual. The exhibit consists of insight into the taklif ceremony through the display of vintage photographs and homemade videos, as well as literature on the social and political contexts of the practice. The mood is set by the voices of Iranian women telling stories about their experience of taklif. The following day, Concordia held a panel discussion, featuring eight women who spoke candidly about the effects of taklif on young women and on modern Iranian society. Western Perceptions of the Middle East For women involved in the curation of the exhibition, the goal for the project was to create a non-Western common collective of personal stories and experiences — an experience that is often taken and appropriated to feed Islamophobic discourses. The propagation of the stereotype of the “oppressed Muslim woman” and the “oppressive Muslim man” has been used for decades to promote a worldview that the East needs to be saved by the West. This worldview affirms that only the enlightened Westerner can free the Muslim woman from the fetters of her patriarchal religion and that Western feminism can save Muslim women. Kanwal Syed,

From Taklif: Ideas of Femininity a speaker on the panel, highlighted this perception by discussing the Western “homogenized view” of the oppressed Muslim woman that was spread after the September 11 attacks. This homogenization ignores the role of Western intervention and colonization in the Middle East and has been used to distinguish the East from the West by placing Western civilization on a moral pedestal. This moral division dehumanizes Middle-Eastern people and normalizes violence against them under the guise of “saving them” or “spreading democracy.” Policing Iranian Women’s Bodies The discrimination and oppression that Iranian women have faced from the government and from men, however, is not a tool for the West to further their own agenda. The injustices that Iranian women have faced are their own experiences to discuss, heal from, and reclaim. Iranian women need little from the West but the chance to tell their own stories in their own words. Setareh Arashloo, another speaker, discussed the fact that many of the campaigns to end the mandatory hijab are created and funded outside of Iran. These campaigns do not aim to start a conversation within Iran’s social dialogue, but simply demand immediate action. Arashloo stated that the campaigns “isolated crucial voices” and promoted their “views from a colonizing perspective,” instead of empowering the voices of women directly affected by taklif and the mandatory hijab. This is not the first time Iranian women have been used for someone else’s agenda; during the rule of Reza Shah (1925-1941), women

Yasna Khademian | The McGill Daily

were not allowed to wear the hijab in order to promote Western dress. This ban of the veil meant than women who chose to wear hijabs could not participate in public life, as women who went out wearing the hijab risked getting fined or imprisoned. Iranian women deserve the freedom to choose to veil or not, but time and again the decision has been made for them. Elham Beygi, one of the presenters, spoke on the enforcement of mandatory hijabs on young Iranian girls following the ritual, asserting that “male power is perpetuated by regarding women as objects that men act on, and react to, rather than as actors themselves… when women are considered as objects, their appearance becomes a crucial matter to authoritative power.” In this sense, appearance becomes a means of control, with the government ensuring that there is a gendered power imbalance within each generation. Sex Work Jairan Gahan discussed the government’s use of sex work to promote a state agenda. She talked about the Red Light District (Shahrinaw) in Tehran, which was home to many sex workers, and stated how they were simultaneously viewed as “subjects of compassion” and “targets of resentment.” This dual perception of sex workers allowed the government to shut down hospitals that treated sex workers, restrict electricity in the district, and eventually demolish it, all in the name of “saving” sex workers. They ignored the women who voluntarily chose sex work,

and instead painted an image of all sex workers as being forced into their jobs. The government wished to impose a view of itself as a benevolent “welfare state,” while blurring the lines between forced and voluntary sex work and labelling anyone who chose sex work as a source of contamination to society.

[Taklif is a ritual where] young girls, upon turning nine years old, are celebrated by family and friends for reaching the age of “maturity.” Agency and Intersectionality Iran’s history of stripping marginalized communities of agency extends beyond women; queer, transgender, and non-binary people are also disenfranchised. During the panel, Noor Bhangu talked about her work as an art curator, where she focuses on the presentation and perceptions of marginalized bodies. Her curations have created a space for and representation of these bodies, regarding “the body as a living medium that threatens the ghosts of archives.” For centuries, history has been dictated by scholars that have stopped marginalized communities from telling their own stories. These

communities have either been ignored and written out of history or characterized as criminals. This tactic of intimidation has been used to diminish marginalized voices that challenge systems of power and inequality. Bhangu’s work allows these bodies to tell their stories and threaten the validity of the archives that have historically excluded them. Moreover, many activists today use visual art to make a point. Syed discussed contemporary art by Pakistani women, and the images and symbolism often present in their work. She mentioned three common patterns that presented themselves in the artwork of women like Aisha Khalid and Risham Syed, namely, the resistance and agency of the artist, a performative aspect, and continuity or repetition. The process of textilemaking is also centred around the work of women — women picked cotton, turned it into thread, and made it into beautiful textile patterns. However, Khalid’s work demonstrates another aspect of this process. Her piece, titled “Kashmiri Shawl,” depicts a long scarf with pointed, protruding blades on its back, which are initially unseen by the viewer. This sharp contrast between the shawl’s beautiful colours and its deadly needles simultaneously signify the fact that these women’s scarves are bought by many consumers worldwide, yet there is a lack of concern for the issues these women face every day. The speakers also remarked how they are often restricted to using the English language and how spaces to talk about one’s experiences in their mother-tongue are needed but lacking. Arashloo further discussed the fact that Iranian women do not share a collective narrative; they have stories and opinions that differ and cannot be reduced to a single narrative. Generalizing the experiences of different women creates false stereotypes and excludes Middle Eastern and South Asian women from discussions about feminism in their own communities. This exhibition highlights that silencing women of colour in their own stories is the opposite of allyship. Feminism is multifaceted and goes beyond the Western narrative. In this sense, Taklif: Ideas of Femininity affirmed that non-Western women have been and will continue to be the voices of their own movements.

Taklif: Ideas of Femininity, runs from November 5 to December 14, 11 a.m. – 6 p.m. Noor Bhangu also co-runs an online curation of South Asian art on Instagram @southasian.art.

features

November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

This series emerged from conversations I had with friends over the summer and into the school year about the way that we talk about art. These friends then became the subjects of these portraits. We talked about politics and aesthetics and didn’t come to any conclusions. “These are permanent winds that live in the present tense.” - Michael Ondaatje, The English Patient

art by

YASMEEN DAJANI

insagram: @opheliastardust

features

November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

“I too will press flowers between the pages of Shakespeare’s sonnets!” - Virginia Woolf, The Waves “Every book is blood, it’s pus, it’s excrement, it’s heart torn to shreds, it’s nerves cut to pieces, its electric shock, it’s coagulated blood running like boiling lava down the mountain.” - Clarice Lispector, The Breath of Life

sci+tech

November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Prescription: White Panties

“Some People Get Colds, Some People Get Chronic Yeast Infections” Tori Ford Sci-Tech Writer content warning: mentions reports of sexual violence

“

Wear only white underwear.” This advice is suited for a Victorian etiquette manual, not a doctor’s office. Nonetheless, three physicians offered the same dismissive words over a year-long search for relief. According to medical professionals, the root of my chronic pain was my underwear colour choice. As my primary care doctors repeated: “some people get colds, some people get chronic yeast infections.” Three out of four women get a yeast infection in their lifetime. I got one every two weeks. “Is this affecting your life?” The first time I was posed this question, I naively thought the physician cared. I recounted the unbearable pain and emotional toll the recurrent infections were causing. I explained the research I had done, the remedies I had tried, how nothing worked, how sex was beyond painful, and how I was left burning, stinging, and distracted from everything besides my body. Yet, after being asked this question over countless visits, I knew that what I said did not matter. In response, nurses, doctors, and gynecologists only offered a laundry list of dismissive prescriptions; “Stop taking baths,” “stop shaving,” “stop eating meat,” “stop eating citrus fruit,” “take some time off school,” “refrain from sex, try erotic massage instead.” Looking back now, these comments seem almost comical, but in the moment, this advice was the only guidance I was given to navigate my overwhelming suffering.

My body became a guinea pig; physicians experimented with different doses, only for me to return in the following two weeks and repeat the cycle. While research indicates that women are more likely to seek medical treatment than men, studies suggest that doctors make more diagnostic errors and turn to less aggressive treatments for women when compared to men. Preconceived notions of femininity also come into play. Clinicians may dismiss women’s pain due

to assumptions that women are excessively anxious or overly emotional. Further, reports speak to the fact that such healthcare disparities are exacerbated for women of colour. As a result, women’s complaints are more prone to being minimized by doctors. For most women, a trip to the pharmacy and one pill of Canesten is a magic bullet of relief. I fit into the small percentage of women who manufacturers write clauses on medication boxes for, like: “Consult doctor if: there is no improvement in three days or if symptoms have not disappeared within seven days, or symptoms return within two months.” I was handed Rx sheet (prescription) after Rx sheet, first for one dose of fluconazole, then one for every three days, and then pills for 14 days straight. I was prescribed boric acid suppositories. Boric acid – the chemical found among roach insecticides — was not going inside me. My body became a guinea pig; physicians experimented with different doses, only for me to return in the following two weeks and repeat the cycle. Frustration became a part of daily life, frustration with the medical system, and with my body’s inability to get better. I wanted an answer, I wanted a cure. The paper sheet sticks to my skin, I feel cold sweat under my arms, my gaze is fixed on the ceiling where a cartoon nurse encourages me to relax. It’s test day. I meet with a doctor I am not familiar with. The consultation begins, she asks me about my number of past sexual partners. I respond, she states it’s high and, taken aback, I reply that it’s really not. Ten seconds into the exam, I experience the sharpest pain I have felt to date. Tears well in my eyes as I shriek for the doctor to stop. After five more seconds of excruciating pain, she complies. I sit up, pale with shock. “What happened?” I asked in a shaky voice. “Your cervix is cut,” she says. “Because you just cut it,” I mutter. A week later, I meet with a different doctor to receive my test results. I’m told that I tested positive for yeast. I’m then told that all people with vaginas test positive for yeast. Great. The doctor offers me more testing. I want answers, but I do not want to undergo the same trauma I suffered in the last appointment. This physician offers me the option of a self-swab. I feel relieved and angry all at once. Relieved that I have the agency to perform the test within my own control, angry that I had to undergo extensive pain for absolutely nothing. I leave after hearing the typical laundry list of

Eloïse Albaret | The McGill Daily useless information, Rx sheet in hand. A week past when I should have heard results, I phone the clinic for information. The results: my test kit was lost. In the following months, I am told I could have diabetes, I am told I could have HIV. Overwhelmed by these possibilities, I do what privileged Canadians are able to: I leave the public sector and go private. Shaking with anxiety, both about the blood test I am about to undergo, and about the possibility of the results, I am greeted with the kindest nurse I could have imagined. For the first time in too long, I feel a medical professional take an interest in my well-being. She addresses my nerves, explains the procedure, and assures me that everything will be okay. The very next morning, a gift of the private sector, I receive my negative test results, awash with relief. A year later, and no closer to answers, I ask for a referral. Both my gynecologist and primary care physician refer the same specialist. Hope begins to build as I feel closer to ending this nightmare. Excited to hear positive stories of recovery, I begin to do some research about this physician. I

open Google and sigh — my search suggestions below were filled with anxious questions I had previously typed while looking for answers. I type his name into the search bar. As I begin to read, my hope vanishes, and my chest tightens. Among the mixed reviews, women disclose the sexual violence they had suffered at the hands of this doctor. As I scroll, I see further advice for women to avoid appointments, especially at night. In this moment, I was being asked to choose what was most important: a cure for my chronic infections, or the risk of sexual violence. This doctor was chosen by physicians who had looked me in the eye as I recounted my medical history and emotional turmoil. They had chosen this man for me to entrust with my body. In this very moment, I gave up. I have not seen a doctor in the year since. The medical system had failed me, both as a patient, and as a woman. While I felt invisible and abandoned within the healthcare system, my slight breakthrough came months later in the form of my sister’s eclectic knowledge of zoo animals and a pair of gold earrings. That’s another story for

I type [the referred doctor’s] name into Google. As I begin to read, my hope vanishes, and my chest tightens. Among the mixed reviews, women disclose the sexual violence they had suffered at the hands of this doctor.

another day, but as it turns out, the root of my chronic suffering was not in fact found in the colour of my underwear. Instead, it stemmed from a calcium deficiency – one which I was born with, and one that is on my medical file. It’s not a cure, but it’s something. This story is not unique. It fits within a larger narrative of women’s health being dismissed. Once I began sharing my experiences, I heard from countless women with similar hardships. Stories from women whose physical ailments were classified as all in their heads, whose polycystic ovarian syndrome was dismissed as period cramps, whose lives were threatened when their race and gender led doctors to dismiss the seriousness of their pain. Even my mother’s doctor once stated, “women are meant to suffer.” Medical professionals are entrusted with our most personal and sensitive matters. We bare ourselves to them exhausted, embarrassed, and desperate for solutions. Yet, too many women have memories of their pain being dismissed or increased within doctors’ offices. Illness is already overwhelming, tiring, and isolating enough. It is imperative that every patient is presented with comprehensive and compassionate care. It is crucial that individuals navigating their health know they are not alone. It is true – some people get chronic yeast infections, but too many are neglected in the healthcare system. If you would like to share your own story with us, email us at scitech@mcgilldaily.com or tweet us @mcgilldailyscitech.

cocoa butter

November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Let It Be Radical

Kathleen Charles Cocoa Butter

came here, following in my sister’s footsteps, to a land of diversity Or so they told me, From white snow to white skin, I felt myself drowning in the absence of myself here, I sought the warm refuge of sisterhood as medicine to a soul aching for home And found bonds so loving they overflow and pour the love back into me on the daily The kind of people who call you to make sure you ate that day The kind of people who send you memes just to make sure you’re okay My people. My love for you is stronger than words can express And yes. I know you’ll be late to the event, but I don’t care. I just want to see you there And love on you, hug on you, laugh, and cackle till we cry. I don’t know if it’s possible to have multiple ride-or-dies But I know I do. In the midst of a microaggressive Caucasian sea Where people believe that Introduction to African Studies is their introduction to me I’m always relieved To know that at the end of it all, when I’m with you, I’m not a stereotype I can just be. You keep me sane. The way we write entire odysseys with our facial expressions And recreate the thunderous thigh-slapping laughter of our elders, We build ourselves a network of Black joy for protection In a world that has taught us that we have nothing to rejoice over, We rejoice over everything anyway. But I wonder why when I see Black joy, some see Black radicalism Why is this love I have for my Blackness and Black people considered reverse racism? As if an assembly of too many of our smiles in the dark somehow became blinding As if an assembly of too many Black bodies making joyful noise somehow called for sirens What do you mean I’m too radical because I’m always around people who look like me? What do you mean I’m always talking about race when race is the lens through which you see me? Why is it that my love for Black is seen as hate for white when we all know that lovers of the night could never dismiss the brightness of daylight? I say, let it be radical. If anti-oppression organizing makes someone uncomfortable, Let it be radical. If healing safe spaces for those longing to be seen seems unreasonable, Let it be radical. If a Black person cries for community in a sea of milk… did they make a sound? If you’re walking through a campus where you never see yourself, do you even exist?

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily If you find a space where you can stop acting and finally begin breathing, do you call that radical, Or magical? There’s nothing radical about the kindness in kindred community, nothing radical about our unity Nothing radical about our strife for life and deserved equality Nothing radical about communities of love I smile at my sisters so they know they’re seen When I see Black queens being crowned with degrees it’s my job to lift them up because those wins are never advertised on TV screens I have nothing but love for our culture For so long we’ve been divided and conquered, too scared to come together for fear of being seen as a threat So we starve ourselves of each other And silently suffer Culture may be important for everyone, but when your culture is constantly politicized and scrutinized for threats by society, activism becomes ingrained in your songs, dances, social gatherings; the secret seasoning to your soul food Activism and political warfare becomes a part of a cultural reality you can’t escape Our Black community isn’t perfect. Name one community that is. But when we give to each other we expect nothing in return. When we love each other we keep the love coming strong, We love by default, We support by default, We give away Black discounts, We vote for Black presidents without question because like shooting stars that shit is a once in a lifetime occurrence So we hold on to it; starved and thirsting for peace for so long, we latch on to it We hold on to the beauty in Black. But, I’ll say it again for the people in the back: If you see me smiling and loving on my brothers and sisters… don’t be mad. We will love each other radically for no reason. We will stand for each other, protect each other, dance with each other in tribal circles to afrobeats and dance hall, kompa, zouk, clappin’ hands, jookin’, all into the night, being loud for no reason We’ll make joyful noise in the face of erroneous perceptions, bogus misconceptions But don’t get me wrong: Momma raised me right So you’re welcome to the party tonight But I’ll warn you: It’s a Black party… so it’ll be radical.

November 19, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

compendium!

Lies, half-truths, and SNAP LOUDER, BITCH.

Bethany’s Feels #nofilter

A Sneak Peak into Bethany’s Life’s Trials and Tribulations Bethany’s Sorority Sisters The McGall Weekly

ethany is having lunch with her friends, Mariam (Syrian), Pyotr (Belarusian), and Rupi (Indian). Everything is going fine, until Pyotr mispronounces the word “truth” as “truce.” Later, during her INTD 200 conference, she hears someone mistake “expect” for “accept.” Over dinner at the RVC caf, Mariam misuses the word “therefore.” Bethany goes back to her room at Douglas Hall. She looks at the prom pictures of her best friends on her wall, and reminisces about the good times she had in her hometown of Guelph, Ontario. She blasts Fall Out Boy on her Urban Outfitters record player and sits down on her bed, full of pillows, to write in her journal. She always likes to reflect on her day, it just clears her mind. She takes a deep breath as she remembers the “truce”

incident from earlier that day. She can’t understand how hard it is for people to pronounce it correctly. And the “expect” and “accept” mishap? It’s, like, basic English vocabulary, y’know? She doesn’t mean to judge anyone’s English, not at all. And she knows that it must be super hard switching between languages in your mind all the time. She really feels for these people... It’s just that it’s exhausting correcting everyone on their English all day long. But she can’t think about this for too long or else she’ll start to break out, so she does her five minute meditation on her new meditation app to ground herself, and goes to sleep. Ready to take on the day the next morning, she goes to meet Lorenzo (Italian), the guy she’s been seeing, after his class. They stand outside Desautels while he smokes and he tells her about his latest Soundcloud hit. She just loves his accent so much, the way he pronounces words is too cute.

The day goes on and her morale is once again brought down, this time by a text from Rupi, where she confuses “their” and “they’re.” Like her mother taught her, she tries to rise above the situation. She takes three deep breaths even though the room is spinning, and answers with “it’s ‘they’re’ btw :-).” She resolves to let this go because they’ve been friends for over two months now and that means something to her. Unreceptive to her attempts to better her grammar, she confuses the words yet again in a text later on. Okay. This is just too much. But her daily motivation app sent her a notification a few days ago telling her to try to see the positives in all situations. She knows what she has to do. She goes to the next on-campus info meeting on teaching English abroad, determined to try and better the world that way. She decides to bake something with the girls from her sorority later that day, to improve her mood. Bethany is now an anthropology major and plans to fulfil her field studies requirement in Africa next summer.

222222222222222 222222222222222 Carefree and Cosmic Comic!

This comic is the second in a series about an intergalactic newspaper delivery girl who falls in love with a princess from a distant planet. It traces their adventures through the galaxy, as a sort of lesbian Star Trek with flavours of Kerouac-ian wanderlust (but hopefully without the Kerouac-ian misogyny!). Enjoy!

Daisy Sprenger