The McGill Daily Vol. 108 Issue 16 by McGill Daily

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February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Table of Contents 3 EDITORIAL Mental Health Services Now, Renovations Later 57 PRINCE-ARTHUR EST • CAFECAMPUS.COM

SHERBROOKE ST-LAURENT

4 NEWS “McGill Needs SEDE” SSMU Solidarity with Unistot’en AUS Vote on POLI 339 The CGA Sues Quebec Government Outremont By-Election

8 SCI+TECH Mental Health is Health

The Cree School Board is recruiting teachers!

9 CULTURE The Power of the People

Come meet us!

11 ART-ESSAY Red, Black, and Blue

February 12 & 13, 2019 3 - 8PM Delta Hotel 475 President-Kennedy Avenue Montreal, QC H3A 1J7 • Learn about the Cree School Board • Interviews with school management

The Complexity of Crisis

COMMENTARY 14 Holding White Men Accountable McGill is Rewarding Hate Speech

COMPENDIUM! 16 F*CK Comic

• Refreshments For details and to register, visit cscree.qc.ca/event

Photo by Coralie Dupin

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EDITORIAL

Volume 108 Issue 16

February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Mental Health Services Now, Renovations Later

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Content warning: eating disorders and other mental illnesses

ebruary 1-7 marks SSMU’s first time participating in National Eating Disorder Awareness Week. The McGill administration, however, has been criticized for cancelling its Eating Disorder Program (EDP) in 2017, and for not providing sufficient mental health services to students. On January 28, Principal Suzanne Fortier announced a new university investment: the $14 million Rossy Wellness Hub. This “new approach to student mental health and well-being,” funded partly by a one million dollar donation from the Rossy Foundation, has led to McGill receiving widespread praise for its commitment to mental health. While Fortier emphasizes her concern for the “holistic wellness” of students, the administration’s actions, or lack thereof, speak otherwise. The administration has continuously cut back funding for student services and failed to address student concerns regarding inadequate mental health services. According to a press release, the Rossy Wellness Hub aims to consolidate all of Student Services’ “health-related resources” into one “inviting space where students can relax before appointments.” Thirteen million dollars will be committed to the project over seven years, approximately two-thirds of which will be directly funded by McGill. This project claims to create an integrated space for all of these services, yet both Health Services and Counseling and Psychiatric Services are already located in the same building. This plan ultimately fails to tackle the ongoing issue with McGill’s mental health services: an inadequate number of counselors and psychiatrists, as well as a lack of effective, timely, and specialized treatment. McGill needs to promptly invest in improving its existing mental health services, instead of pouring millions into helping fund the new “Wellness Hub.” This construction comes on the heels of previous cuts to mental health resources, as well as efforts from McGill to shift to a stepped-care model, which included triaging mental health needs. While the transition to this model was an attempt to shorten wait times, it has been criticized for providing impersonal and insufficient treatment. Moreover, Counseling and Psychiatric Services struggle to meet increasing student demand due to an insufficient number of psychotherapists and psychiatrists on staff. This results in longer waitlists for an intake appointment, extended wait times before consultations, fewer available appointments, and less frequent counseling sessions. In fact, the current wait time for an intake appointment at Psychiatric Services is three months. In addition, students must wait a week for emergency mental health appointments, which are supposed to be same-day. This endangers students, especially those in high-risk situations.

Moreover, in 2017, McGill closed the EDP without informing students. The program was already understaffed and underfunded, and McGill’s decision to eliminate, rather than improve, the program ultimately left students without a reliable source of treatment or support on campus. The program offered health care and resources to students with eating disorders since 2009, including individual psychotherapy sessions, group therapy, nutrition counseling, and medical follow-ups. It was staffed by a program coordinator, a nurse and nutritionist, a psychiatrist, and a psychotherapist. The EDP assisted about 250 students a year, with 50 to 70 students seeking regular treatment. According to Executive Director of McGill Student Services Martine Gauthier, the reason for the closure was largely because the administration deemed it “financially irresponsible” to dedicate $500,000 of the Student Services’ $11 million budget to the EDP. The program’s resources were redistributed elsewhere within Student Services, but those specific to eating disorders, including group therapy and meal support groups, were eliminated altogether. Studies have found that eating disorders often arise in college, and can easily be exacerbated by academic stress and anxiety. Students seeking support are now directed to the already understaffed and ill-equipped Counseling and Psychiatric services, or to clinics outside of McGill. Kristie Mar, a student at McGill, is working to create a SSMU club to provide support for students struggling with eating disorders. The goal is to increase awareness of eating disorders, fundraise to support clinics in Montreal, and bring workshops for students, support group meetings, and so on to McGill’s campus.* Students should not have to demand accessible and effective health care. The burden of care should not fall on students when they are paying McGill for these services. The administration has long neglected concerns regarding the quality and efficiency of the care it provides, and the solution is not to spend millions on unnecessary renovations. Rather, McGill must dedicate more resources to specialized services for students with eating disorders, and must provide comprehensive mental health care to all students. This involves increasing funding for Student Services and employing more counselors and psychiatrists to meet increasing demand. SSMU is hosting events from February 1-7 for National Eating Disorder Awareness Week; check out their event page on Facebook for the program. Visit SSMU’s website for resources for eating disorders: ssmu.ca/ resources/eating-disorders/. *Students wanting to help with this project can contact Kristie at kristiemar26@gmail.com.

Errata: In the article “Outremont By-Election: NDP Candidate Julia Sánchez Launches Campaign” from the January 28 issue, Julia Sánchez’s name was misspelled with the wrong accent. The Daily apologizes for this error. Last week’s cover was made by Kismet Bandeen. We miscredited the cover to Nelly Wat. The Daily apologizes for this error.

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February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

McGill

“McGill Needs SEDE”

Students Raise Concerns Over Office Restructuring Claire Grenier The McGill Daily

n August 2018, the McGill Reporter revealed that McGill’s Social Equity and Diversity Education office (SEDE) was undergoing structural changes. Director of SEDE Veronica Amberg told the Reporter that her “new vision of SEDE will be to expand the access and community engagement programs.” She went on to state that SEDE will “become a resource hub [...] predicated on recognition of the need to create pathways to education through longitudinal support, mentorship, and targeted outreach of especially populations who may experience barriers to getting an excellent post-secondary education.” Amberg also emphasized the modifications being made to SEDE’s strategy of community outreach and engagement. Outreach efforts once handled at SEDE are now the responsibility of enrollment services. SEDE’s initiatives with regards to community engagement postrestructuring, however, are where there has been the most contention and concern. SEDE describes their mission as “address[ing] barriers to education by celebrating and integrating diverse perspectives into campus culture, and fostering research and mentorship opportunities to support more equitable, inclusive outreach and research at McGill.” The office runs many programs like Family Care, which provides resources to students who are caregivers, and hosts events for occasions like Black History Month. The office also runs homework help initiatives and programs at high schools in Montreal. SEDE has established itself as a link between marginalized communities around Montreal and McGill. An open letter to Associate Provost (Equity and Academic Policies) Angela Campbell posted on Facebook in December 2018, as part of an online campaign called “McGill needs SEDE,” claims that the office is effectively closing. “The McGill Administration justifies this decision by claiming this move will prioritize equity, but breaking up programs of the SEDE office contradicts the real needs and demands of the McGill community.” In response, the Reporter published an article outlining the main changes in the office so far. The article states that McGill’s equity education advisors are “more aligned with” work concerning anti-harassment and antidiscrimination, as well as the mandate

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily of the Special Advisor to the Provost on Indigenous Initiatives. The Family Care Coordinator will be relocated to Student Services, a new position of employment equity administer will be replacing the community partnerships associate and will take on the role of “improv[ing] access to employment at McGill to diverse groups, and develop mentorship opportunities for McGill students with diverse identities who may seek career opportunities at our University following their graduation.” These changes to SEDE were carried out with no direct student consultation. In correspondence with the Daily, Campbell explained that the SEDE revisions were inspired by other McGill initiatives which featured student input, like the task force on respect and inclusion. She asserted that “changes were motivated by the objective of enhancing the visibility and impact of the work that [my] colleagues within SEDE do in connection with equity and community engagement, and to ensure that there are strong resources in place to support this work.” This sentiment was echoed by Interim Deputy Provost (Student Life and Learning) Fabrice Labeau at a recent roundtable with student press. “What we’re trying to do through this is take the different functions of SEDE and put them in locations where they’re going to be strengthened and have more

support,” he explained, “putting these things together in the same service is going to help out.” Campbell further explained that a focus on equity was the whole purpose of restructuring SEDE. She also asserted that these changes are “positioning those roles in spaces where they will be more supported.” The community outreach efforts to be carried out by enrollment services will apparently see little change in the day-to-day operations. Campbell described the mission of community outreach as “facilitating the goal of bringing McGill into communities and to students who might not otherwise have access. [...] [We want] community engagement which focuses on the ultimate goal of enrollment. Our goal is to focus on pathways to the university,” and once students are here, “making sure they are fully supported.” Equity initiatives are now more than ever focused on “bolstering celebration and recognition of diverse groups on campus,” with a special focus on Indigenous students, current and prospective, according to Campbell. Over email, Anurag Dhir, Community Engagement Coordinator of SEDE, identified a few programs at risk following the changes at the office. He said community engagement will be “repositioned to focus on co-creating Indigenous access

to education programs with diverse communities, schools and community partners,” and that this will take place through enrollment services. However, the Schools Outreach program will stop receiving funding after this semester. Additionally, Experiential Community-Engaged Learning & Research (ExCELR), a program started in 2016 which “provides McGill students with community-based experiential learning in various McGill courses, and as part of the Minor in Quebec Studies,” is “looking for a new home.” Dhir explained the importance of ExCELR, detailing how it “meets SEDE’s mandate to provide experiential equity education opportunities for students while providing mutually beneficial and impactful long-term relationships with local community organizations who work with marginalized populations.” He also added that “this program has received positive feedback from students, community partners, and faculty.” While many involved in the McGill administration believe that the changes to SEDE reflect positively on McGill’s public commitment to equity, those working within, or served by, the office are concerned. They worry that the office’s services may be of less quality, that programs may be cut, or that SEDE will disappear. In the open letter, organizers argue that, despite McGill’s assurance that these efforts will be beneficial, these changes mean that “SEDE will cease to exist as an independent body, depriving McGill of a nonbureaucratic office for equity.” In an interview with the Daily, organizers of the Facebook page “McGill Needs SEDE” Ananya Nair and Maheen Akter expressed concerns over McGill’s handling of SEDE. They pointed out how McGill only provided information about the changes after they had started to be implemented. Akter said that it was “almost blindsiding to see that the administration was making these changes without student input,” and that “from an outsider’s perspective it seems like SEDE is closing.” The organizers also expressed the feeling that administration was being “purposefully vague” in some of their responses, pointing to a lack of clarity on what students are losing with the changes to SEDE. Further, they wonder if community engagement will be “taken

seriously” at enrollment services. They identified their main concern as the lack of consultation with stakeholders. “How would the administration know what is better for the students without asking the students?” Nair asked, continuing, “they didn’t consult students involved with, or who benefitted from, these projects. [Student consultation] can’t be bypassed.”

“The McGill Administration justifies this decision by claiming this move will prioritize equity, but breaking up programs of the SEDE office contradicts the real needs and demands of the McGill community.” — “McGill needs SEDE” Open Letter

On January 29, Nair posted on the Facebook page, thanking people for their support and reiterating their mission. “We remain unconvinced that certain community engagement initiatives in SEDE will continue to exist to their full extent, but since we are currently led to believe that these projects will continue under their respective offices, we have little ability to demand the continual existence of the physical office itself,” the post read. The post went on: “by diverting these initiatives to spaces across campus, the collective action that the SEDE office was undertaking to ensure inclusivity and diversity on campus through equity education and community engagement may be diluted.” Attempts to contact officials at SEDE by the Daily were redirected to other personnel in administration. McGill administration will be meeting with members from student organizations to discuss changes within SEDE and other equity programs on February 12.

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February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

McGill

SSMU Solidarity with Unistot’en Legislative Council Passes Unistot’en Camp Motion

Sam Dagres News Writer

[against] a national gas pipeline that is attempting to be built,” explained Buraga. He went on to say, “recently, the BC Supreme Court administered an injunction to allow the RCMP to clear this blockade and this has led to a standoff.” The motion intends to demonstrate solidarity with Indigenous students and with the Wet’suwet’en Nation. As per an amendment put forward by Councilor Flaherty, the motion includes no overt opposition to the pipeline that Coastal GasLink wishes to build on Unis’tot’en territory. The amendment removed the explicit mention of any opposition to the construction of the pipeline, whilst leaving in a condemnation of the negligence on the part of Coastal GasLink in building a pipeline without the proper

SMU Legislative Council convened for the first meeting of the new year on January 24. Motions passed include a motion to donate to Kitibi on behalf of the former McGill Student’s Moroccan Association, and a motion on policy time length consistency, which would render the expiry dates of certain policies uniform. At the centre of the meeting was a motion to declare SSMU’s solidarity with the Unistot’en Camp. The motion was introduced by Arts and Science Senator Bryan Buraga, drafted in tandem with SSMU Indigenous Affairs Commissioner Tomas Jirousek. “In British Columbia, there has been a blockade in the unceded Unistot’en territory

consent from Indigenous leaders. Flaherty’s reason for proposing the amendment was to properly account for the likely possibility that many McGill students may, at some point, work in the oil and gas industry. Referring to the original third clause of the motion, Flaherty asked “why was it included to also be in opposition to the pipeline? Wouldn’t it be enough to be in opposition to the violation of the Unis’tot’en Camp and Indigenous People’s [rights]? [...] I feel like the RCMP’s actions were immoral and illegal from the UN’s standpoint, but I don’t know how necessary it is to be opposed to the pipeline in the private sector.” Councilors Price and Frenette echoed Flaherty’s caution in explicitly condemning the pipeline itself. Price said, “many of my peers are trained in oil and gas. While I

“Solidary with the Wet’suwet’en Nation and the opposition to the pipeline itself are inextricably linked.” — Bryan Buraga, Arts and Science Senator

do understand that it is important to uphold a certain level of ethical and moral standards. [...] I don’t think we should necessarily take this opportunity to attack a different issue, when what is specifically occurring are the RCMP violations.” The amendment was passed with a margin of four votes; however, many

councilors viewed this as playing with semantics, rendering the motion contradictory and an empty gesture. Councilor Hobbs expressed her dissatisfaction with the amendment: “I think it’s kind of ridiculous that we amended it. You can’t really stand in solidarity with someone [halfway]. It’s either all or nothing. [...] Now I feel like the motion itself is just kind of empty; it has no meaning or power, whatsoever.” “Solidary with [the Wet’suwet’en Nation] and the opposition to the pipeline itself are inextricably linked,” said Buraga. He added, “it is impossible to hold both of these conflicting positions at the same time. We either stand in solidarity with them and oppose the pipeline, or we don’t stand in solidarity with them at all.” Still, the motion passed with overwhelming support.

AUS Vote on POLI 339

Athina Khalid The McGill Daily

Legislative Council Votes on Summer Course in Israel

n Wednesday, January 30, approximately 30 members of the McGill community attended the AUS biweekly Legislative Council. This spike in attendance was spurred by the proposed creation of POLI 339, a summer course to take place at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The meeting lasted from 6 pm until around 9 pm. The majority of the meeting was spent discussing POLI 339. A motion was scheduled to approve the participant fee of $1,000 associated with the course.

Those in favour of the course by and large argued that the course was an “academic opportunity.” Some argued that this “exclusively procedural” vote was being turned into a “proxy vote” for debates concerning Palestine. It was argued that voting against this fee would be hypocritical since the AUS Legislative Council had voted in favour of a course to take place in Italy. Those opposed to POLI 339 reasoned that the motion was political; by approving the fee, AUS would be endorsing the course, they argued. They maintained it was wrong to endorse POLI 339 because Israel participates

in ongoing settler-colonialism through its occupation of Palestine. Many opponents said that students holding certain passports, students of Palestinian descent, and/or students involved in pro-Palestinian activism could be detained at the Israeli border, as in the case of American student Lara Alqasem who was detained for two weeks in an Israeli border detention facility. Endorsing such a course would create unequal opportunities for McGill students based on nationality, race, ethnicity, and political opinion, according to the dissenters of POLI 339.

In a statement following the vote, McGill Students in Solidarity with Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) has alleged that “many students who spoke against this program [were poorly treated].” Students who spoke against the motion were allegedly filmed by other members of the gallery. Additionally, a representative from World Islamic & Middle Eastern Studies Student Association’s point of personal privilege was repeatedly and harshly dismissed by the speaker. The point of personal privilege was about the emotional discomfort of Palestinian students at the candid discussion

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of villages from which their families were expelled. The Legislative Council voted for a confidential vote. All gallery members were asked to leave and representatives voted on ballots rather than by raising their placards. According to anonymous sources, the vote was 13 for, 14 against, and four abstentions. After the vote, the rest of the agenda was tabled to the next meeting. SPHR hailed the vote as a “victory,” while supporters of the motion were heard discussing ways to bring the motion to higher governing bodies.

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February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Montreal

The CGA Sues Quebec Government The Fight for Trans and Non-Binary Rights in QC

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily Justine Coutu News Writer

oncordia’s Center for Gender Advocacy (CGA), an organization seeking to promote gender equality and empowerment, is suing the provincial government. The trial, which began at Quebec’s Superior Court on January 15, is expected to end in late February. The student-funded and independent organization initially filed the lawsuit against the Attorney General in 2014, claiming persistent discrimination against trans and non-binary individuals in the province, a violation of human rights. The lawsuit currently seeks to overturn numerous articles of Quebec’s Civil Code, namely articles 59, 62, and 71. These changes would give greater recognition to various

groups within the trans community, including minors and non-citizens. “In 2015, the government [...] removed the surgical requirement needed to change a gender marker, but this only applied to adults who are citizens. That left a lot of people out in the cold,” explains Julie Michaud, the CGA’s Outreach Coordinator. The Attorney General, on behalf of the Directeur de l’État Civil, agreed to implement these new administrative measures. A person can now choose to remove all mentions of their gender on documents such as birth or marriage certificates. Although this is a step forward, it is far from the outcome sought by the plaintiffs. “These are just surface measures, it’s not a legal recognition that non-binary people exist. That’s what we want; we want that recognition,” said Michaud.

CGA is concerned that these changes are administrative rather than legal; without legal changes, this newly acquired recognition may not be permanent. “If these are just administrative or operational changes, they’re subject to the whims of subsequent governments. That gives a lot of power to government officials,” clarified Michaud.

The CGA is also concerned with the limited freedom offered to trans youth during key steps of their transition. Article 62 of the Civil Code, which currently prohibits a minor from legally changing their name without the approval of a legal guardian, is one example of these barriers. “We all know that when most trans youth come out to their family and loved ones, they are

“In 2015, the government removed the surgical requirement needed to change a gender marker, but this only applied to adults who are citizens. That left a lot of people out in the cold” — Julie Michaud, CGA’s Outreach Coordinator

very often met with rejection and anger. We knew that [getting a parent’s approval] was a pretty unreasonable burden to have to bear in order to be eligible for a name change,” explains Michaud. Noting that “this court case is just part of a continuum of trans rights activism that has been going on for decades,” Michaud nevertheless hopes that this initiative will establish a legal precedent for other cases regarding trans rights. “The lawsuit [...] that we have against the Attorney General is an example of advocacy and work that is carried out by trans communities, trans organizations, and organizations that are allied with trans people,” states the Centre’s current Trans Advocate, Dalia Tourky. For more information, visit the Center for Gender Advocacy’s Facebook page.

Outremont By-Election

Rachel Bendayan Runs as Liberal Party Candidate Emily Black Reporter

ampaigns for the fastapproaching February 25 by - election in Outremont are in full swing. Rachel Bendayan, the Liberal Party’s candidate, is running for her second time. In 2015, she lost to former NDP party leader Tom Mulcair. Though Bendayan did not win her seat in the 2015 election, the party made big gains in the province, securing 40 seats compared to 7 seats in 2011. Recent nationwide public opinion polling still has the Liberals leading, with 36.7 per cent support, though approval is higher in the East, especially in Quebec and in Atlantic provinces. The concentration of support in the East makes securing seats here of great importance for the Liberals ahead of this year’s federal election in October.

Bendayan kicked off her campaign at her offices on Bernard on January 15. She and her team have been knocking on doors across Outremont and making phone calls nearly every day since. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau campaigned with Bendayan and her team last Monday evening. While answering questions outside houses in Côtes-De-Neiges, the Prime Minister expressed his support for the candidate, and his hopes for her success in the by-election. Bendayan then noted the importance of the Canada Child Benefit program in the riding, as well as her plan to continue supporting the middle class in Outremont. In an interview with the Daily, Bendayan spoke briefly about her campaign and plans for the riding. A McGill alumnus herself, Bendayan says she’s been excited to see a growing connection between young people and the Liberal party since her

initial run in 2015, as well as growing student interest in, and involvement with, politics. Bendayan expressed her confidence in the relationships that she has cultivated with the people of Outremont. Because of her past campaign, Bendayan believes citizens will recognize her when it comes to election day. Furthermore, she believes that they have been supportive of the party’s performance since Trudeau’s election in 2015. Bendayan also commented on civilian insecurities about the lack of affordable housing in Montreal. She proposed the Liberal Party’s National Housing Plan as a solution. During the 2015 campaign, Trudeau pledged $20 billion to “social infrastructure,” including affordable housing. Despite the fact that the National Housing Plan was officially announced in 2017, it is only set to receive serious government funding after the 2019 federal election. Bendayan relayed her belief that the “world needs more Canada,” as well as

her pride in the current government’s efforts to combat climate change. Canada, however, remains the tenth largest producer of CO2 in the world and the Liberal government supports the construction of pipelines, including Coastal GasLink and TransCanada.

A native of the riding, Bendayan emphasized the personal nature of her campaign and what was of utmost importance to her: representing her community, and defending her neighbours’ interests in Ottawa.

Bendayan relayed her belief that the “world needs more Canada,” as well as her pride in the current government’s efforts towards combating climate change. Canada, however, remains the tenth largest producer of CO2 in the world and the Liberal government supportsthe construction of pipelines, including Coastal GasLink and TransCanada.

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February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Beyond The Breakdown: A timeline of OSAP How the Popular Financial Support Program Came to Be

Kaitlyn Simpson The Varsity Originally published in The Varsity, January 20, 2019 he provincial government announced large-scale changes to university and college tuition frameworks and the Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) on January 17. Notably, the non-needs-based component of the Ontario Student Grant for OSAP recipients will be removed. While students receiving OSAP previously had a six-month grace period before charging interest, under the new plan, interest will be charged immediately after students end their full-time studies. However, the six-month period will remain. Students will also have the option to opt-out of non-essential campus

fees, which is sparking concern from universities, student groups, and student media. The provincial government’s justification for these decisions was to combat an “unsustainable” system, to “reduce complexity for students,” and to prioritize lower-income students. Here is a breakdown of OSAP – why it was created, how it has evolved, and what led up to the Progressive Conservative government’s changes. What is OSAP? OSAP was established under the Canadian Student Loans Program. The federal government partnered with Ontario and New Brunswick in 1999 to “harmonize” financial aid for students in those provinces. Currently, the program is

Notably, the non-needs-based component of the Ontario Student Grant for OSAP recipients will be removed. While students receiving OSAP previously had a six-month grace period before charging interest, under the new plan, interest will be charged immediately after students end their full-time studies.

administered by Ontario’s Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities to assist students in paying for tuition, school supplies, required student fees, living expenses, and childcare for students with children. Students who are Canadian citizens, permanent residents, or “protected persons” residing in Ontario can apply for OSAP. Before 2016, one third of student aid was through nonrepayable grants and two-thirds of aid was in repayable loans. Changes under Premier Kathleen Wynne Under the former Liberal government, OSAP received a significant redesign. Beginning in September 2017, students whose parents earn $50,000 or less were eligible for free tuition. Students who were out of high school for four years or more were eligible for free tuition if they earned $30,000 or less. ‘Free tuition’ meant that students received funding that was equal to or more than the actual tuition for a university undergraduate arts and science program, a college diploma program, or the average tuition for a high-cost university or college program such as engineering or computer science.

Kathleen Wynne’s Liberals also merged multiple OSAP grants – the 30% Off Ontario Tuition grant, the Ontario Access Grant, the Ontario Child Care Bursary, the Ontario Student Opportunity Grant, and the Ontario Distance Grants – into one single grant “to help with education costs when they are incurred.” However, some grants did remain separate, including the Indigenous Student Bursary and Bursary for Students with Disabilities. Under this OSAP framework, students received “base” funding depending on their family income and “needs-base” funding calculated by a student’s financial need. In the 2018 Provincial Budget, Wynne’s government once again expanded OSAP to offer more grants and loans for married and middleincome students. Wynne’s OSAP changes were estimated to cost taxpayers $650 million more than the former system. Auditor General report Last December, Ontario’s Auditor General Bonnie Lysyk released her annual report examining a number of provincial programs, including OSAP. In her report, Lysyk concluded that, while 24 per cent more university students and 27 per cent more college students were receiving OSAP, enrolment rose by merely one

Students will also have the option to opt-out of non-essential campus fees, which is sparking concern from universities, student groups, and student media.

per cent for universities and two per cent for colleges. “We concluded that a large portion of new OSAP recipients were already attending college or university – and paying for it by themselves or with loans – even before they qualified for the new aid,” Lysyk said when the report came out. However, because the program was only one year old, Lysyk said people should be cautious before making “long-term” assumptions. “But it certainly bears watching,” Lysyk added. The report stated that OSAP would cost nearly $2 billion per year by 2020–2021 – 50 per cent more expensive than originally planned.

Unistot’en Camp Update

Coastal GasLink Violates Unistot’en-RCMP Agreement Nabeela Jivraj The McGilll Daily

fter occupation of Wet’suwet’en lands, including the arrest of land defenders by the RCMP, Wet’suwet’en Hereditary Chiefs reached an agreement with the RCMP on January 9. This agreement stipulated Coastal GasLink (CGL) be allowed to work temporarily in Unistot’en Territory. The agreement did not constitute consent to the pipeline being built, but rather aimed

to prevent further RCMP violence. On Monday January 28, the Office of the Wet’suwet’en announced in a press release that they have requested the B.C. government issue a cease-and-desist work order for the CGL project. The release justifies the claim by citing non-compliance by CGL CGL is allegedly not upholding the conditions of its permit, nor of the interim agreement. They have failed to conduct a mandatory site-specific

archaeological impact assessment, and continue to disrespect Wet’suwet’en cultural practices, according to the press release. The B.C. Environmental Assessment and Compliance Office also found CGL to be noncompliant with preconstruction requirements. CGL allegedly bulldozed a trapline and tents belonging to the Gidimt’en Clan, claiming that the use of traplines are in violation of the interim agreement. Freda Huson,

“They were supposed to not interfere with our cultural practices on our land. — Freda Huson, Unistot’en Camp co-founder

one of the founders of the Unistot’en Camp, maintains that the company is at fault and that “[they] were supposed to not interfere with our cultural practices on our land. [This is] the second agreement that was made and was broken.” The RCMP have refused to enforce the agreement, and have threatened arrest for those attempting to access their traplines. Both the CGL and the RCMP have yet to provide official responses.

Sci+Tech

February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Mental Health is Health Reframing the Conversation on Campus

Margaret Bruna Staff Writer Content warning: mention of suicide, mental illness

anuary 28, 2019 marked the beginning of Well Week, the first integrated mental health week organized by McGill Student Services in collaboration with students and student groups. Coinciding with the nationally recognized “Bell Let’s Talk” Day on January 30, the week aimed to increase awareness of mental health and reduce stigma. A variety of workshops, talks, and activities were held across campus. While projects like Well Week are important for McGill staff and students to increase their awareness of mental health issues, we need to remember that the impact of mental illness is not temporary. Mental illness deserves the kind of attention it receives during Well Week, all year. The World Health Organization (WHO) reports that 450 million people struggle with mental illness worldwide with 6.7 million in Canada, making it the leading cause of disability. This is particularly relevant to the college population, given that people aged between 15 and 24 are the most likely to experience mental illness and/ or substance use disorder. People of colour, women, queer and trans people, and other often marginalized groups also experience higher rates of mental illness. While mental illness is not commonly thought of as a global health crisis, Canada has reached a point where it can no longer ignore the increasing number of people affected by mental illness and seeking help. Furthermore, we cannot ignore the need for better care and treatment. Currently, one in three Canadians say that they had a mental health need in the past year and stated that their needs were not fully met.

McGill University needs to respond to mental health issues the same way that other health crises that affect physical health (such as cancer or diabetes) are tackled: with immediate urgency and care.

Nabeela Jivraj | The McGill Daily Although it is important to consider mental illness a global health crisis to increase urgency and awareness, it is also crucial to remember that there is not necessarily a “cure” or “end.” Many who suffer from mental illness experience lifelong symptoms. Treatment should not aim to eradicate mental illness, but rather make the illness manageable. Most people afflicted are reluctant to seek help due to stigma or feelings of isolation. Institutional barriers make accessing care even more difficult. At McGill, students who do recognize a need for treatment often have difficulty accessing it through McGill Counseling and Psychiatric Services. There is a severe lack of recognition of the growing demand for adequate care from students, as only 23 staff members service a student body of over 40,000. Even if only 10 per cent of the student population sought counseling (which is a conservative estimate, considering 18 per cent of the Canadian population suffers from mental health issues), 23 clinicians would need to provide services to about 171 students each. If every student only accessed clinic hours for one hour per month, each clinician would be working at least 44 hours per week. Although there has been a 43 per cent increase in counseling staff since 2014, there are clearly still inadequate services. McGill University needs to respond to mental health issues the same way that other health crises that affect physical health (such as cancer or diabetes) are tackled – with immediate urgency and care. It has been announced that a $14 million student Wellness Hub partly funded by the Rossy Foundation, will open in late April. The Rossy Hub, though a step forward, does not seem to focus

on providing more personalized care. McGill needs to do better. When asking McGill students whether they thought of mental illness as a global crisis, many thought that considering it one could help in improving treatment. Furthermore, it could call attention to the issues that a large number of people face, especially as students. Egan, a first-year history student, said, “. It seems people are a bit more open about being mentally [ill], and a lot of my friends have had depression; I wouldn’t be surprised if it was like this everywhere.”

Unless students are in a position to receive care on a two-week to monthly basis, those who require more specialized attention are neglected. Many have unfortunately had difficult experiences dealing with McGill Counseling and Psychiatric Services, due to a lack of availability and attention to specific needs. Meghan, a first year English literature student, stated, “I went in and explained that I was not going to do anything, but that I was suicidal and wanted to see someone. There was no sympathy, no asking why, just immediately suggesting that I be admitted to a hospital.” She explained further, “they gave me a sheet of private therapists and said their waiting list was long and

that private counseling was a faster option.” The fact that McGill is illequipped to deal with individuals who are in need of weekly care but cannot afford to pay for private facilities (which often charge at least $100 per session), begs the question of whether the services offered are truly “accessible.” Ultimately, it seems that they are not. Unless students are in a position to receive care on a two-week to monthly basis, those who require more specialized attention are neglected. When speaking of the appointment she received, Meghan said, “[It] lasted 15 minutes.” Kelsey, a former education student in secondary English, said, “when I was at McGill and tried to receive mental health services, I felt as though the resources were severely lacking, especially considering the size of the student body. It felt very bureaucratic, not personal whatsoever.” There has also been criticism of the way in which Student Services has attempted to offer students other forms of care. While students can request to meet with a Frenchspeaking counsellor or a member of the PRIDE team (a team of LGBTQ-affirming clinicians), there are limits to how much care is tailored to students needs. “[The University] is constantly putting money and efforts into things like therapy puppies which, while cute, do nothing about the fact that they don’t have nearly enough counselors or any eating disorder program,” said Meghan. Indeed, the previous eating disorder program offered by the university has had its funding cut, and it is currently under review. Ignoring this issue as a global crisis leads administrators to identify depression or anxiety in students as simply a

result of midterms or finals season. Kelsey pointed out that “mental health is seen as something that only flares up when students are at the end of the term, and not as chronic illnesses that are intensified by the lack of resources at the school and the role academia plays in general ways contributing to high stress levels, anxiety, depression, et cetera.” A lot of blame for the inadequacy of the counselling services has been attributed to former Deputy Provost for Student Life and Learning, Ollivier Dyens. A 2017 editorial written by the Daily highlighted the impact of Dyens’ leadership, stating, “between 2013 and 2016, McGill saw a 35 per cent increase in students seeking mental health services. However, over $2.5 million has been cut from Student Services’ overhead finances in the past seven years.” Dyens’ mandate ended, and Engineering professor Fabrice Labeau began a one year appointment on June 18, 2018. As of yet, Labeau does not seem to have made any significant changes to improve the lives of the students struggling with mental health issues.

“[The University] is constantly putting money and efforts into things like therapy puppies which, while cute, do nothing to about the fact that they don’t have nearly enough counsellors or any eating disorder program”

As Well Week comes to a close, McGill University needs to do better for its students while remembering that awareness and action are important all year. These need to be sustained for our student body’s collective mental health to improve and thrive. Providing proper services and care to students has never been more important. Genuinely engaging with individuals to understand their unique needs based on their experiences is an important consultation step for the administration to take. Students have called on McGill to do better, and to set an example for what proper mental health care looks like.

Culture

February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

The Power of the People

Critiquing Capitalist Democracy in Astra Taylor’s What is Democracy? James Ward Culture Writer

hat is Democracy? was screened at Cinema Politica Concordia on January 23. The screening was followed by a Q&A with director Astra Taylor and Marxist feminist scholar Silvia Federici, who features prominently in the film. In the documentary, a Miami high school student condemns the hypocrisy of supposedly meritocratic American democracy: “what [our teachers are] saying to us, all the time, is go to college, so you can do what you love. But they don’t even love what they do.” The audience broke out in applause. It took a moment to realize that the applause wasn’t just coming from the audience; the other students on screen were applauding her as well. It was a powerful moment of communion, a reminder of the importance of public screenings, and a hint at the shared values between the kids in Miami and the audience of students, activists, and intellectuals in Montreal. Democracy, Taylor suggests, is one of those shared values. What is Democracy? is composed of people responding to the titular question. Many of these people are academics, notably including Cornel West and Wendy Brown. Others are refugees, activists, barbers, seamstresses, and politicians. The scholars mostly interpret history and philosophy; West presents Plato, while Federici analyzes an enormous 14th century mural in Siena called The Allegory of Good Government. The others appearing in the film offer their opinions. It is these people — or demos (people in Greek), as Taylor referred to them — that provide the film’s most striking material.

We need to imagine what democracy will look like, perhaps at the smallest, most local levels, and what must be done to bring that democracy to life.

Serene Mitchel | Illustrator

Poet and activist Aja Monet discussed democracy, stating “we know what [democracy] is – we know what they claim for it to be. Democracy [has been at the expense of Black people.] […] There’s never been a democracy to me.” When asked how she chose which voices to include, Taylor responded that she felt a duty to try to represent the demos in its entirety, including its less admirable parts. Thus, there is a diversity of people and opinions in the film, including racist and xenophobic ones. In general, however, the people present powerful critiques of democracy as it is experienced today in capitalist nation-states. These critiques reflect the contradiction between the supposed goal of modern democracy, and the social inequality and white supremacy that characterize the United States, the self-appointed flag bearer of democracy. The reality of fundamentally flawed democracies like the United States compels us to ask: is democracy worth valuing at all? Many have very good reasons to reject it. At a rally after the 2016 US election, Reverend William

Barber II spoke of “an entire web of money and influence and white hegemony that has been working to tie up American democracy from the very inception of [the] country.” After being asked what democracy is, poet and activist Aja Monet responded, “we know what [democracy] is – we know what they claim for it to be. Democracy [has been at the expense of Black people.] […] There’s never been a democracy to me. So if that’s the case, fuck it – why are we having this conversation?” Taylor attempts to answer this question by returning to the supposed roots of Western democracy in the ruins of Athens. There, Taylor goes to the root of the word: demos kratia, the power of the people. Her intent is to disassociate democracy, as a word and a value, from what Federici referred to as “bourgeois democracy,” the bureaucratic practices that govern a bourgeois

state. When asked if they learn about democracy in school, a high school student responded that they are taught “about the government, different branches, and stuff like that.” Somewhere, these things – the voting booth, Robert’s Rules of Order (the procedures of government), the state itself – replaced “power of the people” as the meaning of democracy. And from there, it’s a logical step to implicate “democracy” in all the crimes of the bourgeois state. But we shouldn’t take that step – as Taylor said after the screening, “we can’t let the elites define democracy and ruin it.” So, if not bourgeois democracy, then what? The film, largely concerned with critiquing the current definition of democracy, does little to suggest what an alternative would actually look like. There are a few hints; for example, a North Carolinian sewing cooperative has a system in which the workers, mainly Latin American immigrants, own the profits of their labour.

The cooperative seems to demonstrate a democratic alternative to capitalist business ownership, but the implications of this are not explored. In the Q&A, Federici also mentioned the Zapatistas, a militant anarchosocialist group that controls territory in Chiapas, Mexico in opposition to the government. However, the possibility of democratic insurgencies, similar to those of the Zapatistas, in Western nation-states is not addressed in the film (I imagine such an inclusion would have made it difficult to get funding from the National Film Board). After the screening, Taylor was asked why she didn’t present a clearer political agenda in What is Democracy? She answered that she sees her filmmaking as distinct from her political organizing, as a space to explore ideas without the need to arrive at a political statement. It’s a fair artistic statement, but an unsatisfying one. The film seems to demand an active response, but I left the screening unsure what that response ought to be. Perhaps that is the point; Federici described the film as a “platform for people to explore the idea of democracy.” It seems to me that Taylor’s intent was to facilitate a dialogue regarding the idea of “democracy” as a radical value, rather than a justification of the political status quo. In that sense, the film’s platform is not for those on screen, but for the viewers, as a starting point for a conversation that Taylor believes needs to be had. While questioning democracy is important, the conversation must go beyond figuring out what democracy isn’t (ie: the capitalist nation-state). Instead, we need to imagine what democracy will look like, perhaps at the smallest, most local levels, and what must be done to bring that democracy to life. What is Democracy? can be streamed at https://www.nfb.ca/ film/what-is-democracy-2018/.

It’s a logical step to implicate “democracy” in all the crimes of the bourgeois state. But we shouldn’t take that step – as Taylor said after the screening, “we can’t let the elites define democracy and ruin it.”

culture

February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

The Complexity of Crisis

Six Experiences of the Venezuelan Crisis in Elsewhere Amy Lloyd Culture Writer

lsewhere, written and performed by Joy RossJones, and directed by Cristina Cugliandro, explores the relationship between the Venezuelan people and the current political climate of the state. RossJones portrays six unique storylines, five of which are Venezuelan and one Venezuelan-Canadian. Through offering the audience a personal glimpse into the myriad ways the crisis in Venezuela impacts and alters lives, she asks the viewers, “why is a crisis never a crisis when it is Elsewhere?” Venezuela is a petrostate – a small country which is rich in oil – however, wealth only circulates among the powerful few. Furthermore, petrostates rely on exports instead of taxes, meaning Venezuela’s economy is heavily dependent on oil. Ninetyeight per cent of export income is from oil sales, and 50 per cent of Venezuela’s GDP is made up of oil. In 2013, after former President Hugo Chávez died, the economy collapsed. His successor, Nicolás Maduro, inherited an economic crisis that resulted from dropping oil prices. This financial instability led to immense inflation and a shortage of necessary resources such as food and social programs. In response, young citizens began protesting against authoritative security forces, putting pressure on the government to find a solution to the ever-worsening economic state of the country. The opening night, Thursday January 24, was symbolic for Canadian-Venezuelan playwright Joy Ross-Jones. The day before, Juan Guaidó was sworn in as interim Venezuelan president, replacing socialist leader Maduro. Ten countries, including Canada, have recognized Guiadó as the transitional leader. Hopefully, Ross-Jones stated in her postperformance discussion, this will provide the people of Venezuela access to a fair, non-violent presidential election.

Courtesy of Louise Verdone One of the most impressive aspects of Elsewhere was the versatility of Ross-Jones’ acting. As the only performer in the play, Ross-Jones took on the role of six different characters. The first character

Courtesy of Nasuna Stuart-Ulin introduced in the play is a CanadianVenezuelan woman expressing her griefs about the economic crisis. She is conflicted about her own identity, wondering if she is Venezuelan enough. During the discussion, RossJones explained that this character was not based on herself, but instead embodied the anger Ross-Jones has towards the Venezuelan government, and served as a vehicle to address her own questions of identity. The second character is a young protester who remains silent throughout the entire play, his part composed of only actions. He is the only character with more than one scene. The silent protester stands for the citizens who feel voiceless. The third character is a mother and former beauty queen; she at first presents herself as vain, discussing looks and men. However, as her part progresses, she delves into an extremely personal monologue, initially articulating her fear over the safety and well-being of her children. She then addresses the pressures she feels to import goods to sell in order to buy food, and reveals that she is considering a government-sponsored surgery to tie her fallopian tubes. The mother struggles with her decision to get the surgery; she appears confident, but her self-assured persona slowly wavers. Abortion is illegal in Venezuela, and the government announced that they could no longer administer birth control in July 2015 due to lack of resources. Furthermore, a “36-pack of Trojan condoms now costs $755 at the official exchange rate.” A clinic in the Miranda state of Venezuela hosts “special sterilization days,” where free sterilizations are offered. There are 500 women on the waiting list. Considering

the insolvent state of Venezuela’s economy, many citizens feel it would be reckless to reproduce in a country without food. In short, taking care of oneself during pregnancy, along with the costs involved with raising a child, is too expensive. Birth control is sold on the black market; it is, however, pricey as well. According to RossJones, the beauty queen represents Venezuela’s history in pageantry and its reputation as a beautiful country, as well as the ways in which this reputation clashes with the current chaotic and desperate state of the country.

Courtesy of Louise Verdone The fourth character is a cop who shares his internal conflict about occupying an authoritative position and simultaneously holding views opposing those of Maduro. Though often associated with corruption and control; he, like all citizens, is influenced by fear and coerced into silence. Living in an environment of uncertainty and instability, citizens are fearful of the current political situation, as well as violence and punishment. Those who protest are detained and even murdered. According to the United Nations,

40 citizens were killed and 850 detained during an anti-Maduro protest in January. The cop also expresses concern for his nephew, who he suspects has joined a group of young protesters. He describes finding an adolescent boy lying on the ground, wearing the same shirt as his nephew. The cop’s monologue highlights the plethora of narratives and how they are all interconnected. The fifth character is an older homeless man struggling with alcoholism. He recalls his past, along with the love of his life, who had recently left Venezuela. He, like many other characters, expresses his concerns about the shortage of food. The last character is a grandmother, who symbolizes the bridge between the past and present. She speaks of Venezuela during her youth, reminiscing on its beauty and the economic opportunities that were available. The grandmother then transitions into the present, describing robberies she has witnessed and having to wait in line at supermarkets, only to find nothing to eat. Ross-Jones incorporates masks, hats, and scarves to distinguish each character. Despite wearing the same beige cargo pants and black t-shirt throughout the performance, she continuously alters her shirt (i.e. tying it, tucking it in) to fit the persona she is about to embody. The set was simplistic, with long metal rectangles decorating the stage. Most of the metallic structures were accessorized with hats and masks, each one specific to a certain character. Liv Wright, the set designer, said her inspiration derived from the idea of protest. Cold metals reminded her of empty

supermarkets and fences. The final scene of the play included RossJones presenting three diagonal lines of red, blue, and yellow ribbon to represent the Venezuelan flag. By featuring the flag colours, the ending moments concluded on a tone of solidarity and pride. The discussion at the end of the show included playwright RossJones, Concordia professor and documentary director Liz Miller, Venezuelan journalist Rafael Osío-Cabrices, the play’s director Cristina Cugliandro, and the Artistic & Executive Director of Imago Theatre Micheline Chevrier. They discussed the importance of including a variety of voices and narratives in storytelling. In doing so, they highlighted the numerous and complex ways in which Venezuelans, both in and outside the country, are affected by the economic crisis. When asked why there was no character in support of Maduro’s regime, Ross-Jones responded that she could not include a perspective which she failed to understand. It is evident that Ross-Jones is speaking from a personal point of view, which imbues the piece with an authentic and genuine sensibility. Despite the heavy subject matter, she managed to incorporate humorous moments throughout the performance.

Courtesy of Louise Verdone There is no hierarchy between the characters; each person represents a pressing issue. RossJones provides a platform for voices that are currently being marginalized without passing judgement. Playwrights like RossJones are challenging privilege through their art by questioning ideas about who is allowed to speak, both in the governmental system of Venezuela and in a settler-colonial Western context. Western political conflicts are often prioritized in the media over the crises present in petrostates, countries whose resources continue to be exploited. The organizers of Elsewhere ask their viewers to challenge their notions of what constitutes a crisis “elsewhere,” and to recognize the humanity of those affected.

Art Essay

February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Red, Black, and Blue

February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Art Essay I draw every day. That’s not to say that I draw good things every day. Slowly but surely, my notebooks have filled up with the little bodies, shapes, and lines that fill the drawings you see displayed here. I like drawing in red, black, and blue, because these colours are strong and vivid. The lines that I make are definitive and smooth. I only draw in pen. I think it makes me a better and more honest artist. This way, when I make a mistake, and I often do, I need to work around the mistake. It forces me to confront the mistake, and be constructive in correcting it. If you look closely at the drawings here, I’m sure you’ll find many mistakes, or maybe you won’t see any at all.

Sometimes things don’t turn out the way I want them to. That’s fine. My drawings are the way they are and look the way they do because at some point I messed up and had to alter course. My drawings reflect that process. Drawing, for me, is unavoidable. It’s a habit more than anything else. I guess you could call it stream of consciousness. I’m self-aware enough to understand that these drawings are essentially layered doodles, but I don’t mind. I know I’m not an artist, I don’t have to be. These drawings represent me, at a point in time, feeling however I was feeling, and in this way, these drawings reflect something true to me.

Illustrator: Chloe Gordon-Chow Instagram: @_lordofthefries

Art Essay

February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

commentary

February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Holding White Men Accountable Covington Catholic Students Benefit from Double Standards

Willa Holt Commentary Writer

n January 18, Washington, D.C. hosted both the Indigenous People’s March and the anti-abortion March For Life, drawing activists of all kinds from across the country. Among them were Nathan Phillips, a known protector of Indigenous rights and a member of Nebraska’s Omaha tribe, and a group of students from the all-male Covington Catholic High School in Kentucky. What took place that afternoon has been reported on numerous times, framed and re-framed as new information came out. Now that the dust has more or less settled, and the only new articles about the situation are centrist op-eds, the time has come to evaluate not only the confrontation but the subsequent media storm itself. From the first hurled insult to the last correction, the most striking constant has been the way the public has viewed the actions and behaviour of the people involved in relation to their race. I am white, and can’t speak on racial oppression from a position of experience. Instead, here, I examine the situation from the perspective of someone who benefits from the same privilege that the Covington students have. In my research I drew from Nathan Phillips’ Indigenous activism community, as well as from nonwhite journalists who commented on the situation.

From the first hurled insult to the last correction, the most striking constant has been the way the public has viewed the actions of the people involved in relation to their race.

The first video released of the event was brief, and was expanded upon later. For clarity of discussion, here is what we know now: a group of Black Hebrew Israelites were yelling insults and Bible verses at passersby. A large group of Covington Catholic students, dressed in “Make America Great Again” apparel, were waiting for their bus and engaged with the Black Hebrew Israelites. As the confrontation became more heated, Nathan Phillips and a group of Native American activists who had attended the Indigenous People’s March approached the groups, specifically the Covington students. Phillips

Nelly Wat| The McGill Daily was playing a drum and singing an American Indian Movement song whose message is explicitly one of solidarity. Phillips stopped in front of a student wearing a red MAGA cap. The student, Nicholas Sandmann, made eye contact, standing his ground with a smug smile. Around them, the other Covington students mocked Phillips’s song, whooped, and made “tomahawk motions.” The “Tomahawk Chop” is used by sports fans across America, and is the culmination of years of racism, reducing more than 500 Indigenous nations into one stereotyped gesture. The “tomahawk chop” is shorthand for a perception of Indigenous people and nations as aggressive and primitive. When confronted with actual Indigenous people, the Covington students responded with what they associate with Native Americans: a one-dimensional, dehumanizing caricature. Others who witnessed the event reportedly heard them yelling “Make America Great Again” at a female passerby. Nathan Phillips later asserted that he felt the students were a threat to the Black Hebrew Israelites, and said that he heard the students chanting “build a wall.” While neither of these can be heard in the various videos of the event, it doesn’t really matter. Whether they said it explicitly or not, the Covington students were deliberately sporting the symbols of that sentiment. By choosing to wear MAGA clothing, they chose to openly associate themselves with the Trump administration and all of its rhetoric, including its explicit racism. The Trump name and his slogans are frequently used as weapons of racial intimidation precisely because of the systemic support of bigotry they represent. The Covington students

knew that, and any claims otherwise are not in good faith – there is no way that they support Trump so deliberately without understanding the full extent of that endorsement. Initially, only the face-off between Sandmann and Phillips was released. In the race to report on a partial video, many individuals and major news agencies made mistakes. Celebrities and activists on Twitter leaped to condemn the Covington students’ actions, and so did The New York Times and The Washington Post. They reported, as did others, that Phillips was a veteran of the Vietnam War, and assumed that the students had surrounded him. When the full videos came out, revealing not only that the Black Hebrew Israelites engaged with the Covington students first, but that Phillips had approached them, several things happened at once. Most extreme responders rushed to take back their comments, conservative news outlets had a field day, and the media reported that Phillips had never served in the Vietnam War. If you don’t think too hard, this seems relatively straightforward. The overwhelming response was along the lines of, “we thought the boys were bad and racist, but they didn’t even start it, and this guy lied about his veteran status. So, let’s at least partially forgive the boys, and stop believing Phillips — he’s clearly unreliable.” This is ridiculous for several reasons. For one, Phillips’s initial statement was that he is a “Vietnam-era veteran,” and he later clarified that he had fought during that period — he never claimed to be a veteran of the war itself. His comments were misinterpreted by journalists, and this was later used to discredit him. Secondly, and most importantly, it doesn’t matter

who started it. It doesn’t matter that the Black Hebrew Israelites initiated anything. It doesn’t change the facts: the Covington students came to D.C. to support a racist administration whose leader had only weeks earlier mocked the massacre at Wounded Knee. But the media and the public felt some regret for... what exactly? For assuming that the Covington students were the instigators? For cracking down too hard on minors, who were approached by adults? Firstly, while the students didn’t necessarily cause the initial tensions, they certainly instigated racism. Secondly, let us be crystal clear, again: the Covington Catholic students commuted to a march opposing reproductive rights, wearing their support for an unashamedly racist and sexist administration and the oppressive structures it upholds, and proceeded to mock an Omaha man with racism and hatred. The Black Hebrew Israelites didn’t make them do that. Nathan Phillips’ approach didn’t make them do that. The Covington students are responsible for these actions, regardless of what the adults around them did.

White privilege allows young white men an unfathomably low standard of behaviour.

And yet, despite these facts, the Covington students continue to be absolved of their actions and to receive sympathy. Nicholas Sandmann received death threats, but also a televised interview. He

was doxxed, but ultimately met with significant support once the “bigger picture” was revealed. Nathan Phillips, on the other hand, faced negative press from the beginning. Nicholas Sandmann’s statement, which was ghostwritten by a PR firm affiliated with Mitch McConnell, included a statement condemning Phillips’ “invading the personal space of others.” Conservative and moderate media outlets then brought up Phillips’ status as an activist and his prior work against the Dakota Access Pipeline to paint him as someone seeking out conflict. What’s more, Trump overtly endorsed the Covington students, and invited them to the White House. Clearly, within a systemically racist society, their behavior will never be more important than their privilege. Trump’s support has clear meaning, which is echoed by the public and the media at large: white men have unconditional systemic support, regardless of their actions. Further, if the narrative isn’t in their favor, the media will twist it and offer them the benefit of the doubt. The direct comparison of these students to Nathan Phillips brings home the fact that this treatment will never be extended to BIPOC under the dominant structures in place. Nathan Phillips’ mediating behavior is portrayed as confrontational, and his intentions disregarded. The Covington students’ racism is tossed aside entirely. It is all too easy for the public to shrug off white male behaviour as childish or harmless, while the behaviour of BIPOC is constantly and deliberately misinterpreted, and characterized as inherently threatening or dangerous – and this holds double for young people. White privilege allows young white men an unfathomably low standard of behaviour, while BIPOC youth are not only held to an unrealistically high one, but also routinely demonized by the media. In this case, a calm, adult Indigenous man is given less respect, credibility, and forgiveness than an unruly group of bigoted white children. There is nothing Phillips could have done to change that dynamic. Even an explicit act of peace is framed as dangerous, uncomfortable, and unacceptable if performed towards a white group by a non-white group. If the media continue to allow the Covington students forgiveness because they weren’t as bad as they could have been, the media are perpetuating a culture of offering young white men impunity. They will grow up thoroughly convinced of their own innocence, and entirely comfortable performing destructive, harmful behaviour, safe in the knowledge that they will never have to be responsible for it.

commentary

February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

McGill is Rewarding Hate Speech Hillel Neuer’s Honorary Degree is Shameful

Liam Meisner Commentary Writer

n March 30, 2018, over 30,000 Palestinians marched towards the fence that surrounds the Gaza Strip with the intention of returning to lands that they were exiled from 70 years ago. Israel opened fire on the protesters. In the subsequent months, over 150 Palestinians have been killed and at least 15,000 more wounded. This massacre is part of a larger pattern of ongoing Israeli violence and oppression of Palestinians dating back to the foundation of Israel — oppression which the McGill administration is complicit in. In response to efforts by the student body to pass legislation supporting the Boycott, Divest, Sanctions (BDS) movement in 2016, Principal Suzanne Fortier condemned the motion and explicitly intervened in student politics, stating, “the BDS movement, which among other things, calls for universities to cut ties with Israeli universities, flies in the face of the tolerance and respect we cherish as values fundamental to a university.” Statements like these reveal our university’s unrestrained political motives, and confirm that administrators are willing to isolate and repress students and community members with dissenting political opinions. In fall 2017, the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) Board of Directors declared BDS and other similar motions unconstitutional, effectively squashing students’ rights to free speech, protest,

political participation, and dissent. When students voiced their concerns about this issue and took steps to hold the board members accountable for this act, they were smeared as anti-Semites. Last summer, McGill awarded an honorary doctorate to Hillel Neuer, a Zionist activist and executive director of the NGO UN Watch, a so-called “watchdog” group which has made its mission to call out the UN for “singling out” Israel. Following the massacre on March 30, Neuer responded to an emergency meeting of the Security Council, tweeting, “the purpose of United Nations bodies in our time is not to fight genocide or tyranny, but to convene emergency sessions condemning Israel every time Hamas terrorists choreograph violent provocations seeking to cast the Jewish state as a bloodthirsty devil.”

Last summer, McGill awarded an honorary doctorate to Hillel Neuer, a Zionist activist. Analogous to the conflation of anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, the framing of Palestinians as “Hamas terrorists” is a wellknown scare tactic, designed to deflect observations of Israeli brutality. Similarly, Neuer’s work at UN Watch has revolved around excusing Israeli violence by

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily pointing out crimes and abuses carried out by other countries, as though such actions mean that Israel should hold no blame for its crimes. He has been banned from speaking at the UN Human Rights Council for his hateful speech, has accused Amnesty International of being “pro-Taliban/Hamas,” and likened respected Canadian intellectual Naomi Klein to a Nazi. Hillel Neuer also has a long history of spreading Islamophobia and skewed information, and has previously called parts of the Middle East a “ticking suicide bomb.” As McGill University claims to oppose these sentiments, awarding

an honorary degree to Neuer is deeply inappropriate and insulting to students who are affected by these issues.

Neuer has been banned from speaking at the UN Human Rights Council for his hateful speech.

On November 30, McGill received an Access to Documents

request regarding the decision to award an honorary doctorate to Hillel Neuer. On January 23, the McGill administration refused to release any information and claimed that all documents are confidential. This lack of transparency from the administration is concerning, especially given Hillel Neuer’s hateful rhetoric. As McGill students, we must condemn McGill’s decision to award an honorary doctorate to Hillel Neuer, given the circumstances in Palestine and on campus, and call upon the administration to rethink this decision.

compendium!

February 4, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Lies, half-truths, and hypocrisy in its highest form.

fukc fuck fkck fcku

Snowbert McFlake The McGall Weekly

uck blank pages, fuck imperialism, fuck Trudeau, fuck imperialist coups, fuck Guaidó, fuck hand-stitching, fuck long-distance, fuck typing on mobile, fuck my right foot, fuck heck, fuck berets, fuck BakerMiller pink, fuck minimalism, fuck everything that sparks joy, fuck bureaucracy, fuck each and every united state of America, fuck the West, fuck Israel, fuck AUS. Fuck succulents, fuck mason jars, fuck succulents in mason jars, fuck “artisanal” products made by white people, fuck white people, fuck third chances, fuck unproductive anger, fuck showtunes, fuck Ariana Grande, fuck movies romanticizing rapists and murderers, fuck TV shows glamorizing stalkers, fuck the weather, fuck stan culture, fuck centrists, fuck leftist bros, fuck straight people, fuck “straight” people, fuck straight people who adopt a queer poor aesthetic. Fuck cats, fuck whoever wrote “fuck cats,” fuck dogs honestly, fuck whoever wrote “fuck dogs honestly,” fuck jeans that make your butt look good but are too small, fuck best friends who

don’t tell you that they have been dating your ex for four months, fuck this wind, fuck polar vortices, fuck volar portices, fuck global warming. Fuck squid, fuck lights turning off after 10:25, fuck Hydro Quebec, fuck landlords who don’t fix washing machines, fuck rent, fuck this academic term, fuck

machine learning, fuck people who discount your feelings, fuck feelings, fuck overpriced coffee, fuck meal prepping, fuck unpaid labour, fuck invisible labour, fuck fricking fucken fuck fuckers. Fuck working in a basement for 8 hours, fuck computers, fuck social media, fuck giving money for a white chick’s world trip, fuck all

Fuck Bell Let’s Talk, fuck corporate greed co-opting mental health awareness, fuck awareness, fuck doing nothing but having one awareness week per year, fuck the EU parliament, fuck being “apolitical,” fuck “scientific” studies, fuck profs who use the n-word for the sake of “learning,” fuck profs who recognize their

the administration, fuck the government, fuck the Rossy Student Wellness Hub, fuck McGill’s “Master Plan.” Fuck white professors explaining immigration, fuck white professors teaching Indigenous culture, fuck borders, fuck academic opportunity, fuck “politically neutral,” fuck devil’s advocate, fuck students at the back of class who ask if philosophical questions can be solved with

this negativity, fuck suburbia, fuck Brokeback Mountain, fuck racists in IDS, fuck racists in general, fuck double standards, fuck Zionists, fuck BIPOC solidarity that enables colourism, fuck not acknowledging your white-passing privilege, fuck white comedy stand-ups, fuck gentrification, fuck beauty standards, fuck eating disorders, fuck McGill for slashing their eating disorder program, fuck settler-colonialism.

syllabi are lacking Indigenous content yet don’t do anything to fix it, fuck knowing your prof is a predator and still having to take his class, fuck “by the end of this academic term, I will communicate my decision regarding whether to change the R*dmen name,” fuck academia, fuck studying abroad and “learning about other cultures,” fuck InDesign, fuck me, fuck white people who study Arabic.

comic

Gaby Dupuis

Fuck Netflix original shows, fuck when you step in slush puddles and they’re deep and it goes in your shoes, fuck being sick but not being able to skip classes without jeopardizing your semester, fuck right-wing campus papers, fuck “neutral” campus papers, fuck slipping on ice, fuck the word “dude,” fuck capital letters. Fuck France, fuck French, fuck French people, fuck having a photographic memory, fuck camping, fuck campus politics, fuck nacho fingers, fuck oral weed spray, fuck SNL, fuck S&L, fuck midterms in January, fuck letters of recommendation, fuck application fees, fuck grad school, fuck med school, fuck hubs, fuck expensive thrift stores, fuck friperies. Fuck deli meats, fuck meat, fuck vegans, fuck tokenism, fuck Axe, fuck Irish Spring, fuck Britain, fuck MENA, fuck XXXTentacion, fuck 6ix9ine, fuck glorifying the dead, fuck astrology, fuck enabling your abusive friends, fuck white people who vacation in Cuba, fuck Birthright, fuck skiing, fuck white culture, fuck exercise, fuck men, fuck “boys will be boys,” fuck having children, fuck “they’re just kids,” fuck the future, fuck my future, fuck your future, fuck, fuck, fuck, fuck, fuck.