The McGill Daily Vol. 108 Issue 20

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Israeli Aparth eid Week

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contents

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Table of Contents 3 EDITORIAL Israel is an Apartheid State 57 PRINCE-ARTHUR EST • CAFECAMPUS.COM

SHERBROOKE ST-LAURENT

The Daily Publications Society (DPS) is currently accepting applications for its 2019-2020 Board of Directors.

Are you in love with campus press, and would like to contribute to its continuity and improvement? Are governance, bylaws and motion writing your cup of tea? If so, you should consider applying to the DPS Board of Directors.

DPS Directors meet at least once a month to discuss the management of both Le Délit and The McGill Daily, and get to vote on important decisions related to the DPS’s activities. They can also get involved in various committees whose purpose range from fundraising to organizing our annual journalism conference series.

Positions must be filled by McGill students, duly registered for the upcoming Fall 2019 and Winter 2020 semesters, and able to serve until June 30th, 2020, as well as one Graduate Representative and one Community Representative.

4 NEWS SSMU Winter GA Christchurch Mosque Shooting Green New Deal Explained Report on SPVM Murder of Pierre Coriolan Person Violently Attacked by STM Agents Protests Against Algeria’s Bouteflika Photo Essay

8 HOROSCOPES! COMMENTARY 9 There is No Leftist Zionism The Racial Policing of Language

11 FEATURES Hard to Miss 14 CULTURE Dunnigan’s Glass Women Making Music More Accessible

16 COMPENDIUM!

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During this meeting, an end-of-year report will be presented by the Society’s Chairperson; this is a great occasion to ask questions about what the Society has been up to in 2018-2019, and what direction it’s heading in!

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EDITORIAL

Volume 108 Issue 20

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Israel is an Apartheid State

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content warning: colonial violence, racism, military violence, death

M

arch 18, 2019 marks the beginning of Israeli Apartheid Week (IAW) at McGill and across North America. The term “apartheid” gained international attention during the political system of racial segregation and discrimination that took place in South Africa for five decades, and is now used to characterize the state of Israel. IAW was established to bring attention to the systemic oppression of Palestinians under the Israeli apartheid regime and to build support for the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement.

Several reports have been released, including one from the Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa, stating that Israel upholds “an institutionalised and oppressive system of [...] domination and oppression over Palestinians as a group; that is, a system of apartheid.” Israel has violently encroached upon and stolen Palestinian land, segregating and confining Palestinians to ever-shrinking portions of their homeland.

Palestinians are now restricted to the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and blockades such as the Erez Crossing into Gaza have limited the transport of goods and the movement of Palestinians. In the first ten months of 2018, only 274 Palestinians were allowed to exit through the Erez Crossing each day, in contrast to 24,000 in 2010. Israel has also blocked fire trucks and ambulances from entering Gaza, denying Palestinians access to emergency medical care and denying Palestinians access to emergency medical care and resulting in numerous preventable deaths.

Apartheid does not stop at segregation; Palestinians also face constant racial discrimination. A telling example is the Nation-State Bill passed in 2018, which stated that Jewish people are the only ones to have the right to self determination in the country. Another salient example is the dual legal system which exists in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Palestinians live under military law, while Israelis are governed by civil law. The enforcement of military law has led to the detainment of at least 220 Palestinian children for “crimes” such as throwing stones. Furthermore, Palestinians in the West Bank have more limited and more costly access to state services, including water and electricity, than Israeli settlers. In

addition, separate roadways exist for Palestinians in the West Bank, including a recently built wall dividing Israeli and Palestinian drivers on Route 4370. This divided route allows Israeli drivers easy access to Jerusalem, while Palestinians are forbidden from using the Israeli side of the road without a special permit. Moreover, the Israeli Defence Forces use lethal violence against Palestinians who approach or attempt to cross fences between Gaza and the rest of occupied Palestine.

Supporters of Israel argue that the IAW should not exist because it endorses the BDS movement. This nonviolent movement calls on people, institutions, and governments to stop their complicity in the human rights abuses carried out by the Israeli government by boycotting, divesting from, and imposing sanctions on Israel. The BDS movement has been mischaracterized as anti-Semitic; this wrongly conflates the Jewish identity with the Israeli settler-colonial state. In the January 28 editorial, the Daily wrote more in-depth about the importance of the BDS movement in holding Israel accountable for its apartheid regime.

The obstinate denial that Israel is an apartheid and settler-colonial state speaks to the necessity of raising awareness about the ongoing violence and discrimination faced by Palestinians. The IAW in Montreal is taking place from March 18 to March 25, centering around the theme “Stop Arming Colonialism.”

We encourage you to attend the various events happening throughout the week, which include panels, movie screenings, and workshops. We also encourage you to continue spreading awareness and standing in solidarity with Palestinians resisting the Israeli occupation after the week is over. You can do so by attending events, including those organized by McGill Students in Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR), Independent Jewish Voices McGill (IJV), and QPIRG, participating in demonstrations against Israeli apartheid, and engaging in the economic and academic boycott of the institutions that contribute to the occupation of Palestine.

The full list of events is available on Israeli Apartheid Week - Montréal Facebook page: https://www.facebook. com/pg/apartheidweekmontreal/events/ The full list of companies which contribute to the occupation of Palestine can be found here: bdslist.org/ full-list/

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News

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

McGill

SSMU Winter GA

Reports and SSMU Endorses Climate March Claire Grenier The McGill Daily

T

he 2019 Winter SSMU General Assembly (GA) took place Monday, February 25 in the Frank Dawson Adams auditorium.

Just over 20 people were present, much fewer than the 350 required for quorum. As a result, the GA became a “Consultative Forum,” meaning that any motion passed would seek official approval from Legislative Council.

Following an approval of the Fall GA meeting minutes, a last minute motion was added to the agenda.

The motion called on SSMU to endorse the March 15 Student Walkout for Climate Justice. It pointed to SSMU’s history of supporting climate and social justice movements to indicate that the Society should endorse the walkout. A constituent, Noah Fisher, also noted that passing this motion would show further support for Divest McGill.

The motion required SSMU to release a statement endorsing the walkout and to send a delegation to the march as well. It passed unanimously at the GA and was approved at the February 28 Legislative Council.

After discussing new business, the executives gave their reports.

President Mansdoerfer began with the Board of Directors’ (BoD) report, providing updates on minor business and speaking about potential consultations to better the structure of the BoD. In his report, as President, Mansdoerfer explained some of the projects he has been working on, such as SSMU’s purchase of 3501 Peel, which will be turned into a hub of subsidized student care.

In the Internal report, VP Matthew McLaughlin explained how he has “overhauled” the First Year Council (FYC) constitution, increasing its size. The VP Internal has also aided the FYC in event planning, setting up

scholarships, and relaunching their listserv. In efforts to increase student engagement, McLaughlin pioneered the “day in the life of a SSMU executive” program and spoke of the outreach efforts being done within Francophone Affairs.

VP Finance Jun Wang spoke of SSMU’s recent switch in banks in his report. In addition, he mentioned changes to the funding process. SSMU has switched funding forms from SUMAC, an expensive and complicated system, to WordPress Forms, which are much more userfriendly. Handbooks for funding and accounting are in the works or already completed.

In the University Affairs report, VP Jacob Shapiro recounted his research and advocacy work over the past few months. This portfolio included efforts to divest from fossil fuels, as well as advocacy for a Fall reading week, students’ academic rights,

Claire Grenier | The McGill Daily

The motion called on SSMU to endorse the March 15 Student Walkout for Climate Justice and required SSMU to release a statement endorsing the motion and to send a delegation to the march as well. It passed unanimously at the GA.

and gender neutral language.

VP Shapiro also gave an update on his proposed changes to the S/U option, saying that there has been a “warm” reception from the Deputy Provost Student Life and Learning. Going forward on the matter, VP Shapiro mentioned potentially writing a letter and talking to admissions officers and recruiters about the S/U option.

The last question of the night dealt with the GA’s attendance, as Arts and Science Senator Bryan Buraga pointed out that this was the third consecutive GA which failed to meet quorum. Senator Buraga asked President Mansdoerfer what could have been done to improve attendance. In response, the President suggested that in the future, SSMU hire a public relations department to increase engagement in student politics.

The GA was adjourned after only 80 minutes.

news

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Beyond

Christchurch Mosque Shooting Islamophobic Violence in New Zealand

Nadia El-Sherif The McGill Daily content warning: Islamophobia, violence, death

O

n March 15, during Friday (Jummah) prayers, a gunman opened fire on worshippers at Al Noor Mosque in Christchurch, New Zealand. The shooter live streamed the terrorist attack on

his Facebook account. He then drove five kilometres to Linwood Mosque, where he carried out a second shooting. In total, 49 people were murdered.

Local police arrested three people on suspicion of possession of firearms.

Weapons were found at both mosques and explosives were found in cars. A twenty eight-year-old man has been charged with murder in connection with the attacks.

Before the first shooting, a 16,000 word unsigned manifesto was posted on Twitter and 8chan. The document expresses severe anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant sentiments as well as white supremacist ideology, and includes plans for the attacks. The same Twitter account, now deleted, posted pictures of weapons and protective gear painted with the names of other mass shooters who have carried out Islamophobic and

anti-immigrant attacks, as well as a neo-Nazi symbol. In the live stream and in the manifesto, the shooter listed other white nationalists and white supremacists, some of whom have also committed mass shootings and terrorist attacks on racialized communities, as sources of inspiration for his own attack.

The gunman was clear in his Islamophobic, racist, and extremist intentions. His decision to open

fire during Jummah prayers is also a deliberate and targeted one, as midday Friday prayers are sacred and significant in Islam.

There is a fund for the victims’ families on LaunchGood. Funds will be distributed by The New Zealand Islamic Information Centre. The New Zealand Council of Victim Support Groups has also set up a donation fund, which can be found on our website.

Contextualizing the Green New Deal US Democrats Propose to Address Climate Change

Amir Hotter Yishay News Writer

O

n November 13, a group of climate activists staged a sit-in protest in Nancy Pelosi’s office.

The Sunrise Movement and other activists called on the Democrats to establish a Select Committee for the Green New Deal (GND). Earlier that week, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) had released its latest report, which gave a ten-year deadline for humanity to avoid catastrophic climate change.

Simultaneously, the new cohort of progressive Democratic congress members were in the midst of their orientation at Congress. On a break from orientation, Alexandria OcasioCortez, the newest representative of New York’s 14th congressional district, joined the protest.

The idea of the GND first arose in 2007 when journalist Thomas Friedman argued that a massive economic stimulus project on an unprecedented scale would be necessary to “spur the [American] economy into the 21st century.” Support for a GND was subsequently taken up by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in 2008.

Since then, notable individuals and groups including Nobel Laureate Paul Krugman, former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, the European Green Party, and the Henrich Boll Foundation have all advocated for it. As envisioned by the Sunrise Movement and OcasioCortez, the GND would encapsulate a multitude of progressive issues, addressing historic inequality, achieving “net-zero greenhouse

gas emissions,” strengthening union and labour rights, obtaining the consent and cooperation of Indigenous peoples within the United States, health care, housing, and much more.

The term “Green New Deal” references Franklin D. Roosevelt’s 1933 to 1936 “New Deal,” which was a series of economic stimulus programs encompassing financial reforms, public work projects, and other regulations put in place at the height of the Great Depression.

It sought to hoist the country out of the Depression, which had been caused by massive spending, and to fundamentally overhaul the laissez-faire economics which marked the early 20th century American political economy.

However, the GND has remained hypothetical until now. On February

However, the GND has remained hypothetical until now.

On February 7, Ocasio-Cortez released a 14-page resolution outlining the aims and objectives of a Green New Deal.

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7, Ocasio-Cortez released a 14-page resolution outlining the aims and objectives of a GND. The resolution begins with an acknowledgement of the IPCC’s October report and the severity of the climate crisis before proceeding to outline several key issues within the US. The resolutions address wage stagnation, income inequality, and the disproportionate burden borne by marginalized communities as the impacts of climate change escalate in severity.

The resolution posits the GND as a fundamental pillar of the progressive faction within the Democratic party.

Several key contenders for the presidential candidacy have already expressed their support. As the GND continues to gain traction, its popularity reflects ongoing change within the Democratic party.

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News

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Montreal

Report on SPVM Murder of Pierre Coriolan DPCP Conclusion: SPVM Killing of Coriolan “Justified”

Yasna Khademian The McGill Daily content warning: violence, police brutality, anti-Black racism

O

n June 27, 2017, SPVM officers shot and killed Pierre Coriolan, a 58-year-old Black man with a history of mental illness. Coriolan was killed in the hallway outside his apartment on Robillard Avenue near St-André Street in the Gay Village.

SPVM officers yelled at Coriolan as they entered the apartment;

rather than de-escalating the situation, the officers created a more tense environment. Coriolan did not pose a threat to anyone.

He was reported as being alone and yelling in his apartment.

Furthermore, officers used extreme force despite Coriolan being clearly incapacitated after falling to the ground. They can be seen striking Coriolan with a baton, tazing him twice, kicking him in the ribs, and punching him in the head. It is clear from videos taken by witnesses that officers made no effort to interact with Coriolan or de-escalate the situation.

Earlier this month, a threeperson panel from the Directeur des Poursuites Criminelles et Pénales (DPCP) released their decision regarding the use of force against Coriolan. This decision followed the Bureau des Enquêtes Indépendantes’ (BEI) examination, an independent group that reviews cases of police violence. Based on the results of the BEI’s report, the DPCP concluded that the use of police force in killing Pierre Coriolan was justified. Notably, none of the BEI’s investigations have ever convicted a single officer.

The coroner’s office has recommended the SPVM undergo more training in aiding people who suffer from mental illness.

The SPVM even acknowledged that very few of their officers are trained in de-escalating mental health crises. However, the DPCP justified the actions of the officers, stating that “police are often placed in situations where they have to rapidly make difficult decisions. In this context, it cannot be expected that they measure the level of force applied with precision.” Even though the officers’ use of force resulted in

Coriolan’s death, they went on to conclude that the officers did not commit a crime.

Coriolan’s family’s lawyer, Virginie Dufresne-Lemire, stated that the family would still continue to pursue a civil case against the city. In a phone interview with CTV, she asked, “was it right the way they intervened, how they prepared and decided to intervene, the words they used and in what way they were said? Was that the right way to intervene with people in crisis?”

The results of the lawsuit against the city have yet to be announced.

Person Violently Attacked by STM Agents STM Spokesperson Defends Violence at Villa-Maria Metro

Julia Crowly The McGill Daily content warning: violence, police brutality, racism

O

n March 8, 2019, Nzo Hodges posted a video to Facebook depicting two STM agents repeatedly and violently striking a man next to the Villa-Maria metro tracks. The two-minute video shows the man, whose identity remains unknown, being wrestled to the ground and hit with batons by the two officers.

He repeatedly yells in French that

“it hurts” and begs the officers to “stop hitting [him], please” as he lies on his back with his hands protecting his head. While he is in this prone position near the tracks, the officers begin hitting him again with their batons just as the train arrives. The officers’ blows push him extremely close to the train, and the man’s head is only prevented from colliding with the arriving metro due to his struggling and maneuvering around the officers’ strikes. The video ends as the man struggles to free himself and escape, leaving his jacket and backpack behind.

While the STM claims that the officers approached the man because he was bothering other passengers, witness Samantha Gold, who was riding the metro next to him, says that “nothing about his conduct or posturing on the metro drew any attention” from other passengers. She says that she first noticed him when she saw the two officers approach him “with purpose,” and then begin to question him “somewhat aggressively.” She says that she felt that the man was “unfairly targeted” and that the STM agents were “too quick

to [use] violence.” Similarly, Hodges, who posted the video, says that the man “wasn’t being aggressive – they were being aggressive with him.” He says that he started recording after he saw the passenger being “abruptly thrown against the concrete wall and onto the ground.”

However, STM spokesperson Philippe Dery stated that “everything was done by the book” and that the passenger “inconvenienced other passengers” – directly contradicting both what witnesses and the video depict of the event.

Dery added that “the level of force is always in relation to the level of cooperation with the person being approached,” despite the fact that the officers are shown repeatedly striking a man who is nonviolently and nonthreateningly lying on the ground, repeating that he is hurt, and asking not to be hit.

Furthermore, despite the fact that the man’s identity is unknown, he seems to be racialized while the two officers appear to be white: this is yet another example of the larger pattern of police violently targeting people of colour.

Protests Against Algeria’s Bouteflika Protests in Algeria and in the Diaspora Prove Successful

Kelsey McKeon The McGill Daily

O

n February 9, 2019, Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika announced that he was running for a fifth term. As a result, weeks of protests erupted in Algeria and in the diaspora.

The Algerian Consulate in Montreal, located at the corner of Saint Urbain and Sherbrooke, has been the site of recurring protests since the announcement of Bouteflika’s bid for a fifth term.

An estimated 1,000 protestors participated in the most recent demonstration on March 10.

Following these demonstrations, on March 11, Bouteflika rescinded his bid for the presidency in the country’s upcoming elections set for April. Bouteflika made the announcement via a letter that describes the need for “deep reforms in the political, institutional, economic, and social fields;” this includes a postponement of the April presidential elections until after reforms are implemented.

Bouteflika, 82, has been in power for 20 years. When he came to power in 1999, he was credited with ending the country’s civil war and praised

for maintaining social stability throughout the first ten years of his rule, largely with the good fortune of high oil prices.

As oil prices fell, so did the country’s unemployment rate. In 2008, he amended the country’s constitution to remove the two term limit on presidential rule, enabling him to serve a third and fourth term.

After suffering a stroke in 2013, Bouteflika has rarely been seen in public. As a result, many Algerians deem him unfit to govern. There is great concern that Bouteflika is used as by the military, business elites,

and politicians as a way to rule.

Allegedly, Bouteflika’s brother, Saïd Bouteflika, is acting as de facto president in his place.

Since Bouteflika announced his planned reforms, there have been concerns over internal power dynamics. The announcement mentions his plan to appoint a new government as well as a “national conference.”

This conference will be responsible for drafting a new constitution as well as setting the date of the next presidential election.

Interior Minister Noureddine Bedoui has become Prime

Minister following the resignation of Ahmed Ouyahia.

The new Prime Minister has announced plans to create a technocratic interim government with a cabinet representative of the young people leading the recent protests.

Some are concerned Bouteflika will remain in power until this election, thereby extending his final term. Others are looking to those in Bouteflika’s innercircle, waiting to see if someone will emerge as his successor. Ultimately, it seems that the protests have been effective, but what will happen in the long-term remains unclear.

News

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

7

Climate Justice March

On March 15, university, CEGEP, and high school students took to the streets to protest government inaction in regard to climate change. This protest was planned in conjunction with demonstrations around the world. Tens of thousands of protestors from around the city met in front of the Sir George Etienne Cartier monument, walked through downtown, and congregated at Places des Arts.

Photos by The McGill Daily

March Against Police Brutality

On March 15, protestors gathered at Norman Bethune Square for the 23rd annual March Against Police Brutality. Speakers addressed the deaths of Nicholas Gibbs and Pierre Coriolan at the hands of the Service de Police de la Ville de MontrĂŠal (SPVM). The protestors took to the streets, walking North on Guy and then East on Sherbrooke. The SPVM quickly declared the demonstration illegal, but demonstrators continued walking.

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HOroscopes

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

HECKin HOROSCOPES Aquarius

Pisces

(Jan 20 Feb 18)

(Feb 19 - Mar 20)

Bake some banana bread for your roommate.

Asjsdb jsajsdcaS d sa dhuUH Uhuh uuuewroywdfghjk ;)

Taurus

Gemini

(Apr 20 May 20)

Reschedule your thursday plans.

(May 21 Jun 20)

Life is not fair. Just because you did not cause the problem does not mean you are exempt from trying to fix it. You are completely capable.

Leo (Jul 23 -

Virgo

Aug 22)

(Aug 23 Sept 22)

This is a sign. Take it how you will.

Scorpio (Oct 23 Nov 21)

Treason AND treachery.

Aries (Mar 21 Apr 19)

Abandon the heteropatriarchy before it is too late.

Cancer (Jun 21 - Jul 22)

Your fate hangs in the balance between sweetness and spice.

Libra (Sept 23 Oct 22) Consider the fact that you have never been photographed in the same room as John Mulaney.

Could it be that you are one and the same? Think about it‌

[REDACTED]

Sagittarius (Nov 22 - Dec 21)

Communicate your emotions with a letter.

Capricorn (Dec 22 - Jan 19)

Time to cut your bangs!!!! And start a band!!!!! !!!1!!1 !!! Make impulsive purchases ! !

Commentary

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

9

There is No Leftist Zionism

Netanyahu Negotiated the Merger of Far-Right Parties Liam Meisner Commentary Writer content warning: colonial violence, death

I

was rather surprised by the shock that followed the announcement in February that Benjamin Netanyahu had managed to negotiate the merger of the far-right religious Jewish Home party and the far-right Kahanist Otzma Yehudit party.

This strategic deal will ensure that both parties pass the electoral threshold in the upcoming Israeli legislative elections in April.

Haaretz immediately published numerous pieces criticizing the merger, reporting the clamour of outrage from members of the American Jewish community and those who took to Twitter to express their disgust.

I couldn’t tell at first which party people were disgusted at.

It turned out to be the Kahanists, along with a good dose of enmity towards Netanyahu for facilitating the alliance. But the Jewish Home, currently a coalition partner to Netanyahu’s Likud party, is an equally repulsive organization, and nobody should be surprised by such a merger.

For me, the announcement and the reaction serve as a reminder of the perverted nature of Israeli politics, whose fundamental racism and anti-democratic character are ignored by too many.

Otzma Yehudit are Kahanists, followers of the late Meir Kahane, a fundamentalist rabbi and onetime politician who envisioned a greater Israel rid of Arabs and operating under conservative Jewish law. The party he founded, Kach, was so extreme and violent that it was eventually banned as a terrorist organization by multiple countries, including Israel.

Kahane was assassinated in New York in 1990, but his legacy lives on in North America and Europe, where the paramilitary wing of Kach, the Jewish Defense League, remains active.

In comparison, Jewish Home has had in its ranks figures like Ayelet Shaked, the Justice Minister, who once referred to Palestinian children as “little snakes” in a borderline-genocidal Facebook post. Its former party leader, Education Minister Naftali Bennett, stated in a discussion in 2013: “I’ve killed lots of Arabs in my life — and there’s no problem with that.” On that count, Bennett

Phoebe Pannier | The McGill Daily is not lying. During the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, he led an operation in which Israeli forces shelled a United Nations compound, killing 106 Lebanese civilians. Both Bennett and Shaked left the Jewish Home late last year to form a new party, but it remains fundamentally the same.

The announcement and the reaction serve as a reminder of the perverted nature of Israeli politics, and of how its fundamental racism and anti-democratic character are ignored by too many.

The current outrage against Netanyahu misses the fact that he has for years been in government with these fascists in the Jewish Home. Where is the difference between the two parties?

Kahanists massacre Arabs illegally, while Jewish Home politicians do it through the legal apparatus of the military. Kahanism has become a dirty word for most

Israelis, especially for selfidentified liberal ones who revile it as a racist and fanatical ideology.

Multiple headlines condemned the merger as bringing Kahanists into the Knesset, the Israeli legislature, but the Kahanists are already there. They just don’t call themselves that; they call themselves “conservative” or “nationalist,” all while pushing the same genocidal beliefs that Kahane pushed decades ago.

More broadly, the outrage over the merger also misses the fact that this racism is not unique to the the Israeli right composed of Netanyahu and his allies. Benny Gantz, a retired general, is the newly-anointed anti-Netanyahu figure. His new Hosen L’Yisrael party, which positions itself as “centrist,” has skyrocketed ahead of the other opposition parties in the polls. Gantz has also bragged in a series of campaign ads about his role in the bombing and devastation of Gaza in 2014, bragging that it was “returned to the stone ages,” and boasted about killing over 1,300 Palestinians.

A lawsuit for war crimes against Gantz was filed by a DutchPalestinian man at the Hague last March, and it is possible that the campaign ads will be considered as evidence. On top of the genocidal campaigns ads, the party’s slogan is “Israel Before Everything,” a domineering expression of supremacy.

Other parties in the opposition also line up poorly. The dying Labour Party, which has been

eclipsed by Gantz in the polls, is lead by Avi Gabbay, who has confirmed his support for West Bank settlements. Gabbay’s allies include retired general Amiram Levin, who stated in 2017 that “the Palestinians deserved the occupation” and “if they violate agreements, the next time we’ll fight, here they will not remain, we will toss them across the Jordan.”

Even the supposedly secular-leftist party, Meretz, opposes the right of return for Palestinian refugees expelled during the Nakba.

In reality, there is no Zionist left, just varying shades of ethnosupremacists and apartheid apologists, because there cannot be a Zionist left.

In reality, there is no Zionist left, just varying shades of ethnosupremacists and apartheid apologists, because there cannot be a Zionist left. This is not to equate parties like Meretz with Otzma Yehudit and the Jewish Home, but to reinforce that in the end they uphold the same unjust structures. Zionism and leftism are incompatible — one cannot genuinely hold the

ideals of equality, freedom, and justice while simultaneously supporting active settlercolonialism. The outrage over Netanyahu’s dealings with the Kahanists reminds me of the “moderate” Republicans who were scandalized when Trump appeared in 2015 advocating the same racist policies and worldview they’d been pushing for years, except that he didn’t bother to try to hide that racism.

Western pro-Israel organizations like AIPAC don’t hate Kahane for his ideology: they hate him because he puts the ugliness of Zionism on display for the world to see.

In 1988, Meir Kahane said “a Western democracy and Zionism are not compatible. You can’t have both.” This is as true now as it ever was. The idea of liberal democracy is thoroughly at odds with a state created for one ethnicity, one religion. Israel not only disenfranchises millions of Palestinians under its control, but relegates its non-Jewish citizens to second class status and declares non-Jewish immigrants to be inferior, undeserving of the same freedom to immigrate that Jews around the world have.

Benjamins Gantz and Netanyahu are two sides of the same bloody coin, and whichever one of them ends up leading the next government will have as much legitimacy as the South African apartheid governments of Hendrik Verwoerd, B.J. Vorster, and P.W. Botha.

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commentary

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

The Racial Policing of Language Stella Lo Commentary Writer

Addressing Duke University’s Email Controversy

is deemed “not enough” from us.

In order not to be made fun of and belittled by white people, in real-life or in entertainment, it is necessary that we also master it without an accent.

Furthermore, the racial dynamics that surround language are also obvious in Taiwan.

Our effort to accommodate foreigners is exclusively based on skin color: while white people have it easy and are not expected to learn Chinese, South-East Asians are often looked down upon regardless of their effort to learn it.

content warning: racism

O

n January 26, Megan Neely, a professor at Duke University, sent out an email asking Chinese students not to speak Chinese in school buildings and any other “professional setting.” According to Neely, ex-director of Graduate Studies at Duke (who was asked to step down after this incident), two faculty members went to her office on Friday and asked her about a group of first-year students whom they observed speaking Mandarin “very loudly” in the student lounge area. The faculty members asked Neely for the students’ names so that, “if the students ever interviewed for an internship or asked to work with them for a master’s project,” they could “remember” them.

The fact that Neely directly pointed out how speaking Chinese could hinder students’ academic opportunities is a direct threat to the academic success of students of colour on campus.

This incident is particularly frustrating to me given the fact that I am a Taiwanese-American born in the Duke University Hospital. The email mentioned that the faculty members “were disappointed that these students were not taking the opportunity to improve their English and were being so impolite as to have a conversation that not everyone on the floor could understand.” It continued by urging international students to “PLEASE PLEASE PLEASE keep those unintended consequences in mind when you choose to speak Chinese in the building. I have no idea how hard it has been and still is for you to come to the US and have to learn in a non-native language. As such, I have the utmost respect for what you are doing. That being said, I encourage you to commit using English 100 per cent of the time when you are in Hock [Building] or any other professional setting.”

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily The Duke email controversy is a textbook example of institutional racism. The fact that Neely directly pointed out how speaking Chinese could hinder students’ academic opportunities is a direct threat to the academic success of students of colour on campus. It shows the way in which people of different cultures are governed by measures that prevent them from practicing their own cultures on North American campuses. This expectation to be fully assimilated into a Western, English-centric culture is demanded of immigrants and of foreigners who live and study in the country. Although not stated explicitly in the email, given the context, the Chinese students addressed were most likely nonUS citizens. Yet, they were warned that not speaking English “100 per cent of the time” would lead to “unintended consequences” in an academic setting in which they were successfully admitted and should provide them with equal access to opportunities.

In Taiwan, however, the question of the supremacy of language plays out quite differently and yet retains the same racial power dynamics.

Most white foreigners who have lived in Taiwan for over five, ten, or twenty years remain incapable of speaking Chinese. They largely rely on Taiwanese people to switch to English upon seeing them and expect them to have the ability to do so. Even as a minority group in Taiwan, their white privilege allows them to not only disregard the local culture but also impose their own Western-centric

expectations on Taiwanese people. However, it is not just white people’s indifference to our local culture that leads to their inability to speak Chinese, but also the behaviour of Taiwanese people who have internalized this hierarchy of language. When they encounter white foreigners, Taiwanese people automatically switch to English to “accommodate” their needs. Many people worry that their English will be perceived as not good enough and hesitate to interact with white foreigners.

The fact that Taiwanese people are embarrassed of their ability to speak a language that is not native to us or part of our culture is simply ridiculous.

But our concern is not without reason. On news, social media, and TV series alike, we often see common tropes of white people making fun of Chinese people’s accents while speaking English.

White people’s incapability to even understand our language is not seen as an obstacle to be part of our society, demonstrating how differently the world responds to people’s race. Even

worse, the ability of white people to discriminate against and disrespect Taiwanese culture even when they are the minority speaks to the white supremacist and racist power dynamics present across the globe.

The difficulty of our language has often been used by foreigners as an excuse to not to learn Chinese. Many of them consider it “not worthwhile” to begin studying a language that they deem “impossible” to understand.

However, I would argue that the reason why white Western people find Chinese “extremely difficult” is mainly because of how different it is from European languages. Admittedly, it uses a language system that Western people are not familiar with. On the other hand, English is often thought to be one of the easiest languages in the world, but from whose perspective? To Chinesespeaking people, English is also a completely different language system that differs entirely from that which we are familiar with, making English extremely difficult to master. Nevertheless, the ability to comprehend English

It is a case of institutional racism often dismissed by people with a simple statement explaining that it is because “they are in America,” as if any Americans studying abroad ever said a word in Chinese besides ni-hao and xie xie.

In order not to be made fun of and belittled by white people, in real-life or in entertainment, it is necessary that we also master it without an accent.

What the Duke University email controversy implies is the general belief in the US that all foreigners should assimilate into a Western, white, English-centric culture. By forcibly urging students to only use English when in professional or educational settings, the email underlines the idea of English being a “higher language,” better suited for academia. It is a case of institutional racism often dismissed by people with a simple statement explaining that it is because “they are in America,” as if any Americans studying abroad ever said a word in Chinese besides ni-hao and xie xie. Their strict standard to respect the “national language” collapses as soon as they move to a non-Western society. In fact, as a minority group in Taiwan, white people rely on their cultural dominance and expect local people to cater to their needs, knowing that these racist standards have often been internalized by people.

Furthermore, the difference in which white people and SouthEast Asians are treated in Taiwan is also an example of institutional racism and colourism. Without a doubt, institutionalized racism is not just limited to North America, neither is it limited to Taiwan.

It happens all around the world and reflects the social hierarchy we live in. Instead of being a tool to attack other people’s culture, language should lead to greater mutual understanding. It is clear that that is precisely what our world is lacking now.

features

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

11

Hard to Miss

Discussing Queerness and Eroticism with Visual Artist David González Frédérique Blanchard The McGill Daily

O

n Tuesday afternoon, I met with David at Guy-Concordia station, in the EV building.

We hugged, and they were wearing the coat I gave them when I moved out of our apartment last summer.

We walked through the snow to a nearby cafe, catching up on various gossip and complaining about the cold weather. Inside, the music was a little loud, but the cafe was bright and pleasant – a nice break from the cold and the soon-setting sliver of sun outside.

“Why don’t you start by introducing yourself to me.”

“Ok! My name is David González, I am Colombian but I moved to Canada six years ago, and I am currently an illustrator and visual artist in Montreal.”

David studies at Concordia, completing a Fine Arts degree with a focus on studio arts.

Though the bulk of their practice is based in illustrating for school throughout the year, they also make paper and durational pieces, and their most recent one is called First Love/Late Spring. The piece consists of them writing out the

lyrics to Mitski’s song by the same name in black paint onto a giant piece of paper every day for 13 days, covering the sheet completely, and doing it all over again in white. A lot of their art revolves around the concept of queer visibility, in conversation with their conservative Colombian upbringing.

“Growing up in Colombia was really difficult, because it’s generally a really conservative, really religious country, so growing up being completely and utterly gay I couldn’t really find myself there.

So when I got here I was like ‘Oh! I don’t have to worry about like literally anything else. I can just make art about being gay for the rest of my life if I want to!’ And that’s what I’ve been doing.”

Early on, David had been making self-portraits as a way to not only develop their art practice, but also as a means of expressing their own gender and sexuality, depicting themselves the way they wanted people to see them. As a result of this, their art has gained a cult following of predominantly queer people on Instagram, who reach out and commission David to draw them the way David draws themself.

“I think the reason I draw so much erotic gay art is because I was so repressed when I was growing up that I didn’t feel like I could, so now that I can, it’s like I’m not gonna do anything else” - David González

“Being commissioned to draw specific people makes the people in the drawings kind of part of a family, and I get commissioned a lot to draw drag queens as well as trans and genderqueer people, I assume because they are able to see themselves in my art style. It’s really fun and I like to use thick lines, bold colours, and hard-to-miss bright white highlights.” The art David makes is all about being seen, being gay, and standing out. Each piece carries a lot of symbolism, like the constantly recurring symbol of the snake, which David traces back to their upbringing in Colombia.

“Growing up, my grandma always told me snakes are evil – of the devil. Later on I realized that they aren’t evil at all, just kind of misunderstood. The historical depictions of it as being a monster is what really attract me to it, so I started putting snakes everywhere because I felt like, ‘that’s me!’ [...]

The last piece that I worked on was a series of 13 illustrations based on a book called La vie et ses merveilles, and it’s all cutouts of the book that I redrew. It was all tiny little naked guys, but I made them just fully gay. Then I layered text on top of each piece that said: ‘commit a sin twice and it will not seem to you a sin.’ When I was growing up that was kind of a warning: don’t do this because, if you do, you’ll stop feeling bad about it and you should feel bad if you’re doing these things. But I just switched it to say ‘yeah it doesn’t feel like a sin because it’s not.’”

Using Instagram as a tool for sharing their art and growing their brand, they have been able to play with the concept of gaze and visibility through intertwining pictures of themself

with drawings of their following, setting the spotlight on their shared queer experiences in the multitudes of forms they come in. It’s been a way for them to create a community to see and be seen, in a veritable garden of queer identity.

“My art is about my personal experiences and a piece starts as an autobiographical thing always… for example, I did a series where I inserted myself into a bunch of music videos in the places of the characters. I have a strong desire to see myself on paper.” David’s art tells a story of long-awaited openness towards one’s gender and sexuality in an eruption of genuine playfulness and eroticism.

“I think the reason I draw so much erotic gay art is because I was so repressed when I was growing up that I didn’t feel like

I could, so now that I can, it’s like I’m not gonna do anything else!”

In the summer, David wakes up, goes for a hike, comes home to draw for three to four hours, then has a coffee and draws for another three to four hours, totalling about seven hours a day illustrating at their desk. “A lot of my art has been about obsession, about repeating the same thing over and over, and how that helps me heal from trauma. I’m not very good at talking about my feelings. I use art to communicate and to heal in the process, so all my art is meditative at the core.”

David goes by the name @hypermasc on all their social media, and we have compiled some of our favourite pieces by them in the following pages.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

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March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

features

features

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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14

culture

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Dunnigan’s Glass Women

A Review of James Dunnigan’s The Stained Glass Sequence A.M. Culture Writer

you (L) encourage me not/ to think of these things/ Other times when L is present include her basking in Dunnigan’s male-centric world, and pointing out male figures in paintings that resemble men she and the speaker know. But in these examples, L is filtered through the speaker’s thoughts; she is silent, besides her one speaking debut: the burners we can/ clean with baking soda. Do/ you know where the off switch is?/ You can rest if you want. This/ brings me joy.

content warning: mention of rape, mention of trauma, mention of suicide, misogyny

J

ames Dunnigan won Frog Hollow Press’ 2018 Chapbook contest with his first chapbook, a book of poetry, The Stained Glass Sequence. Dunnigan is a Montrealbased poet and graduate of McGill University. The book, described as a sequence, tours five interrelated poems, or “stained glasses,” that pivot between time and space. It is unclear throughout the book whether the speaker is a fictional character or Dunnigan himself. Dunnigan proves he is a capable poet and, accordingly, the chapbook is full of beautiful imagery. The Stained Glass Sequence, however, is not meant to be a collection of aesthetic descriptions, which is apparent in his jarring strategy of fracturing the page using negative space. He further obscures the lines of poetry with a zealous use of forward slashes. Dunnigan explains this strategy in his preface, writing: “the centre of a poem’s structure is where its structure collapses. Great works are only as great as they are broken.”

“The question is whether a novel that celebrates dehumanization, which depersonalizes a portion of the human race, can be called a great work of art. No, it cannot.” ­– Chinua Achebe

Dunnigan’s poetry is sharp in its use of manifestations of, and temptations towards, violence to explore personal failure. The reader learns that the glass is stained with blood, and Dunnigan uses the Kim dynasty’s human rights violations as a springboard for his explorations of violence. The speaker then questions whether he should follow Kim Jong Un’s example and take up brutality himself. Dunnigan appears to understand his amoral positioning with regards to violence, evinced by his preface which goes so far as to declare that “no poem need be moral

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily or ethical.” Dunnigan’s awareness of his own lack of morality does not, however, extend to his writing of women. Dunnigan makes props out of the women in his poems, portraying them as passive beings in order to aid him in his own poetic explorations.

He creates a male-centric world, where his character is free to toe the line between failure and success.

He ensures that he can do this by contrasting men’s development in his poems against women’s stagnation.

Is the speaker in these poems James Dunnigan himself? In a similar sense, Chinua Achebe critiques Joseph Conrad’s depiction of Africans solely to build the story in the novella, Heart of Darkness. Achebe writes, “he neglects to hint however subtly or tentatively at an alternative frame of reference by which we may judge the actions and opinions of his characters.”

Dunnigan’s autobiographical narration makes it easy to assume that the speaker and Dunnigan are one and the same. It seems evident enough that Dunnigan speaks through his character and perhaps, on some level, he is aware of his faults. The chapbook ends with a very apt statement: There is work to be done/ in the eye of my heart In The Stained Glass Sequence, women are the receptors of men’s actions; they are props Dunnigan uses to examine men’s experiences of trauma. The speaker, for example, mentions a book he almost wrote

about a man who attempts to overcome his trauma caused by the blinding and death of his daughter.

Women are objects of a sexual affair that leads to a man’s suicide in front of his female partner, or they are the victims of violence that Dunnigan uses to position himself as brave: hearing a women cry out […] /I ran the cops already on the guy// Young women (“cegep girls”) are picked up by older, dangerous men, and the speaker admits to being pleased by his relationship with a far more beautiful woman. In all these cases, the women mentioned merely exist to face violence or another form of power imbalance.

They are simply vehicles used to offer insight into the intentions of men. Otherwise, talented artists and powerful leaders fall victim to the seemingly inescapable lure of naked women, including Picasso sleeping with “his best friend’s girl,” the mention of Kim Jong Un’s porn magazine, or a friend of the speaker’s lost opportunity to

visit a Paris art gallery due to his expensive night at a gentlemen’s club. The blame in all of these cases is inherently placed on the women involved, absolving men of their own actions. Certainly, the male gaze is also prevalent in the speaker’s conduct, as he cuts out images of The Rape of the Sabine Women and keeps a keen and descriptive eye on his passive, demure “lover,” whom he calls L. L is often seen and rarely heard.

She stands in for a geographic location as men travel to meet her, and the men discuss politics and international relations in her absence. Dunnigan writes: and what if the US/ somehow decides to annex Canada/ not that I think\ (I reassured MDubs one day/ walking on Doctor Penfield to my lover’s place that/ that would happen while we lived) When L is present for such intellectual discussions, she is docile while he is excited; she is simple while he is complex:

Dunnigan creates a male-centric world wherein his character is free to toe the line between failure and success by projecting men’s development against women’s stagnation.

Dunnigan’s use of women as static props is a boring, overdone, and harmful strategy for the development of the character of the speaker.

Yes, the only time L speaks – in fact, the only time a woman speaks – is to say how much she enjoys cleaning.

Dunnigan’s attempts to explore his personal failures through violence and human rights violations, though misguided, can be fruitful when conducted with a clear stance. Dunnigan’s use of women as static props, however, is a boring, overdone, cheap, and harmful strategy for the development of the character of the speaker. Along with Dunnigan’s claim that poetry need not be ethical or moral, the first sequence describes the myth of Apollo turning Daphne, who refuses to be his bride, into a tree: Apollo’s field of trees/ that had once been the girls/ he couldn’t seduce This scene of unwanted pursuit informs the speaker’s ontology, which is: —the frame/ through which I view world, tree/ and all of them/ and her That said, again borrowing from Achebe, “the question is whether a novel which celebrates this dehumanization, which depersonalizes a portion of the human race, can be called a great work of art. My answer is: No, it cannot.” The Stained Glass Sequence cannot be said to be a great work of art, but I wish you luck on the next attempt, Dunnigan, and wish you success in the work you must do within the eye of your heart.

Culture

February 25, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

15

Making Music More Accessible “Mira”: A New Way for Audiences to Consume Classical Music

Gabriela Rey The McGill Daily

J

uan Sebastian and Krystina Marcoux, a Montreal-based classical musician duo known as Stick & Bow, founded an initiative called “Mira.” This project organizes concerts in unconventional spaces, providing a refreshing new connection between the audience and the performers. Their aim is to make the spaces in which music is consumed more accessible.

Classical music, specifically, has historically been a classist, Eurocentric, and exclusionary art form. The McGill Daily discussed creating new spaces to share music in, the inaccessibility of classical music, and its future with Juan Sebastian of “Mira.”

The McGill Daily (MD): Can you speak a little about your goal of transforming the environment in which music is experienced?

Juan Sebastian (JS): Within the history of classical music, audiences have been expected to follow a certain protocol. We know how we are supposed to behave, and we aren’t supposed to talk. One of the first things I want to do is challenge those conventions. These parameters affect the way in which the audience interacts with the musician. When you invite people to a concert in an unconventional space, they start to wonder what it will be like.

It becomes a whole experience from the moment people show up and bring a bottle of wine, to when they start meeting new people and interacting with the musician in this intimate space.

Finding unconventional spaces is about challenging the tradition of conventional concert spaces and their use, while still keeping the high quality of music.

The feedback we received from the first “Mira” concert was incredibly positive. From professional musicians to

younger listeners, it was a great way to reach different audiences and different people. It’s always a nice evening, and it’s enhanced by the intimate connection with the music, which can be hard to find in more traditional spaces.

MD: There can be a false sense of intimacy in listening to music because of YouTube or Spotify.

Nowadays, it’s harder to find actual intimacy within a musical environment. How does “Mira” work to change this?

JS: In the past, music was enjoyed and performed in small salons, with few people. The only way to experience music was to have live performances, and we didn’t have large auditoriums. With “Mira,” we are not presenting something new – within the context of this century it is different, but it connects with the roots of how music has been historically experienced. I think people respond so well because you have a performer presenting a contemporary piece, and they are right in front of you in such a friendly environment, and that allows people to appreciate something that perhaps could be intimidating to them in a different setting. When music is formalized by an institution, it can alienate a lot of audiences.

MD: When you were first thinking of hosting these events, were you aiming to target new audiences, allowing music to reach people who wouldn’t necessarily approach it on their own?

JS: Absolutely, that is one of our main goals. Even as a performer, with my duo, we dress a bit differently and play music that is aimed to resonate with younger audiences. As a young professional, I want to play for people my age, and usually, with the classical music I perform, the audience members are 60 or older. There’s nothing wrong with that, but music should be accessible for everyone. This

“Mira’s” aim is to make the spaces in which music is consumed more accessible.

Classical music has historically been a classist, Eurocentric, and exclusionary form of art.

Photo courtesy of Nick Jewell depends on how we present it and bring it to people – that’s a key aspect.

Fundamentally, people are engaged in the experience and not in the concert series. It’s not like we say, “we have this performer, and he is famous because he won these completions or has these awards.” It goes beyond that, we try to welcome performers of different musical backgrounds and social statuses.

MD: Classical music is often regarded as something for older people that should be played and consumed in a very conservative way. How do you fight against this perception?

JS: I keep this in mind always – how can I make the art accessible and interesting without losing its value? There is a fine line that can be crossed – I mean you could do a cover of “Despacito” with a cello and get 34 million views. That’s fine, but that’s not what I want to do. I want to offer a product that has some value, and on top of that I want to have my own voice as a performer.

First, having unconventional spaces and finding people to play

Within the history of classical music, audiences have been expected to follow a certain protocol. One of the first things I want to do is challenge those conventions. for is already a step forward in connecting in a meaningful way with your audience. In terms of performing, we are often not able to choose what we play. Many times I’m told what the repertoire is, and we have to make a living.

However, when I have the opportunity to play with friends, for example, with my duo, we try to portray a younger image, even if we play classical music. I wear a baseball cap and a t-shirt, but I play Bach. I’m trying to make the music less intimidating and

exclusive to people who can’t identify with the conservative, exclusionary image that classical music often has. I also don’t want to wear a suit and bow-tie in all black, I don’t connect with that image either – I would like to play for people my age. So, with my duo, we select a repertoire based on our own musical tastes and interests. We find a balance, without losing a sense of where we come from as classical musicians. As a result, we can perform mixtures of classical and contemporary composers and present it in ways that are more appealing. It’s not only with our image, like me wearing sneakers, but also with regards to the refreshing musical content of what we play. It’s interesting and provides the audience with a sense of us going forward, but also telling them where we are coming from.

This interview has been translated from Spanish and edited for length and clarity.

Check Stick & Bow’s website for information on their upcoming shows: stickandbow.com.

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compendium!

March 18, 2019 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Lies, half-truths, and kombucha is bourgeois piss.

McGill Scams Its Principal

Xiaoxiao The McGall Weekly

O

$2019.03 in the Name of Counselling Services

n Wednesday, as part of the McGill24 campaign, Principal Suzanne Fortier received an email demanding a $2019.03 donation to the Counselling Services.

A screenshot of the alleged email thanks Fortier for serving the University for six and a half

years as the Principal. The email then proceeds to ask for a “gift of $2019.03” on this anniversary, claiming that such a donation will “make it possible for students to receive the support they need.”

McGill students have spoken out against such a demand, branding it a “scam.”

“They’re asking for too much,” said James Campbell, a Management student whose

father owns a number of top Canadian corporations. “That’s more than 0.5% of her annual income, and they’re acting like they won’t be able to afford these services without the two thousand dollars – which is total blackmail.”

His friend in Engineering, who asked to stay anonymous, expressed concerns for the ethics of Counselling Service’s

existence. “I’m not trying to be stigmatizing,” he said. “But people who have mental illnesses just aren’t strong enough to be in such a competitive University. If the University pays to make everyone feel good, we’re basically coddling ourselves as babies.”

Fortier agreed to a brief phone interview and confirmed that she was touched by students’ outrage on her behalf. “I am grateful

for the overwhelming support I received, and I will certainly not budge on this request. I will not disappoint my students and supporters.”

“Besides, I can’t make the contribution by principle – no pun intended,” said Fortier. “My administration has destroyed funding for student mental health, and I am certainly not paying for it.”

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