The McGill Daily Vol105Iss8

Volume 105, Issue 8 Monday, October 19, 2015

McGill THE

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Climate change: our responsibility SSMU adopts climate change policy

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A case for reparations

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News 03 NEWS EUS holds annual Forum on Diversity and Inclusivity SSMU approves climate change policy Alumni threaten to return diplomas in call for divestment Students march against deportations SSMU kicks clubs out of fourth floor office space

07 COMMENTARY Remembering slavery in Canada Classrooms need to be accessible Letter The argument for climate reparations

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FEATURES

Federal parties’ stances on Canadian mining

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SCI+TECH

The social effects of GMOs District 3 and accessible tech

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SPORTS

Kane fans should table inappropriate support

16 CULTURE Graffiti as modern art exhibit Syd tha Kyd and The Internet Punk rock and its misogyny problem Tackling music piracy

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EDITORIAL

Beyond voting

20 COMPENDIUM! Fuck this!

Physical immovables come to life

October 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Forum addresses inclusivity and diversity in engineering Panelists hope equity at university will carry over into industry

Saima Desai The McGill Daily

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n October 6, the Engineering Undergraduate Society (EUS) Equity Committee held its second annual Forum on Diversity and Inclusivity in Engineering. The event aimed to build on the momentum created following a conversation on equity in engineering started last year.

The keynote speaker was Brie Code who, until recently, was the lead programmer at Ubisoft Montreal. Code worked on the Assassin’s Creed video game series as well as Child of Light, and was a founding member of the UbiDiversity team.

Code spoke primarily about the plight of women in the gaming industry, who face essentialization and biased hiring practices, such as how an interviewer “may just be looking to hire someone that reminds them of themselves.”

Women experience pressure to assimilate in an industry dominated by men that is often hostile to those who do not fit the “geek identity,” she said.

“If you work in an industry where you’re not part of the dominant group, you won’t always fit in,” she cautioned. “I won’t sugarcoat it, it’s not always easy.”

She further commented on the links between diversity and a company’s corporate performance, and her efforts through UbiDiversity to reconceptualize diversity. “It’s not a hassle, it’s an advantage,” she said.

“There’s a strong link between diversity and innovation, but just in general, diverse teams perform better, especially on complex tasks,” she noted.

The panel which followed included Code as well as Adeola Odusanya, the president of the McGill chapter of the National Society of Black Engineers (NSBE); Tynan Jarrett, Equity Educational Advisor (LGBTTQ) for the Social Equity and Diversity Education (SEDE) office; and Susan Gaskin, a professor in the Department of Civil Engineering.

The panelists discussed how to make marginalized groups feel more included in McGill’s Engineering faculty, where the most visible demographic is still white men. The EUS Equity Committee, along with other student initiatives like Promoting Opportunities for Women in Engineering (POWE),

McConnell Engineering Building.

Queer Engineer, and NSBE, have been working to make the faculty more inclusive and diverse.

“I think we have to acknowledge that, as students, we can only do so much. We leave after four years.

The faculty is here for a long time.”

Emilie Froeliger, EUS Equity Commissioner “Equity is becoming much more embedded at every level at McGill,” said Jarrett.

While some panelists expressed hope that the equity work being done at McGill would carry into the industry as students graduate and begin working, others cautioned eager new graduates about the

Sonia Ionescu | The McGill Daily

challenges they would face in large corporate environments.

“Sometimes you have to put your head down to get to where you want to be, but once you’re there, you need to pull people up with you,” said Code. “Find allies, be careful; but if the company is making you uncomfortable, there are systemic problems. Coming in from the outside, you’re not going to fix them.”

One participant expressed frustration with Code seemingly encouraging women to passively accept some discrimination as an unavoidable part of the corporate environment. “As an impatient young person who is going to start working, I feel like I always have to wait to pick my battles because I’m not in a position of power,” commented the participant.

While the conversation primarily addressed issues of sexism and, to a lesser extent, racism, issues regarding cissexism, heteronormativity, and ableism were absent from the conversation.

As student initiatives spearhead work to increase diversity in engineering, some students expressed a

desire for the administration to pay more attention to the issue.

EUS Equity Commissioner Emilie Froeliger noted, “Recently, the whole push for diversity has come from students.”

“That kind of woke up the faculty. [...] We’ve seen that they’ve taken a stand recently and they’ve actually been proactive about wanting to [enact] change in the faculty.

I think we have to acknowledge that, as students, we can only do so much. We leave after four years.

The faculty is here for a long time,” Froeliger added.

Dean of Engineering Jim Nicell told The Daily that the Faculty of Engineering’s work on diversity is concentrated on making the admissions process more attractive and accessible to diverse students.

“The real issue with undergraduates is, is there a way of lowering the barriers [...] to a more diverse group of people actually applying to our school?” said Nicell. “We want to cast the net wide to make sure that all know that they’re fully welcome and supported while they’re here.”

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October 19, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

SSMU Council adopts climate change policy

News

Motion passed to condemn potential destruction of McGill property Cem Ertekin The McGill Daily

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he Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) Legislative Council adopted a climate change policy at its meeting on October 15. The decision came after a two-hour debate, in which both councillors and non-members spoke on the motion.

In addition, Council discussed a motion to release a statement in response to a call to action from the McGill Students for Vandalisms Collective. Council also approved two referendum questions, one asking for an increase in the CKUT fee levy and the other with regard to the creation of a Safety Network Fee. Climate change policy Motivating the motion to adopt the climate change policy, VP External Emily Boytinck said, “I am honestly just very relieved that we’re talking about it [at] Council today.”

The proposal for a climate

change policy first emerged in the 2014-15 academic year. A motion passed during the Fall 2014 General Assembly (GA) mandated former VP External Amina Moustaqim-Barrette to draft a policy on the matter.

“Who gets to define what violent is?”

Emily Boytinck, SSMU VP External On April 9, an early draft of the climate change policy was brought to Council. At that meeting, current VP Finance and Operations Zachariah Houston, a Science Representative at the time, brought up concerns that students from the faculties of Science and Engineering had not been consulted adequately.

As a result, the policy was referred to a special committee and brought back to Council in Fall 2015.

Medicine Representative Joshua Chin, joining Council through Skype, motioned to add the phrase “non-violent” to article 7.2 of the policy, which states that “SSMU shall support a diversity of tactics needed to address climate change effectively and equitably,” and to add the World Health Organization’s definition of violence as article 2.5.

Chin argued, “It is important for SSMU to emphasize its support of non-violent means of protest and opposition and not give carte blanche to activities such as vandalism, looting, defacing buildings, or attacks on persons.”

Boytinck expressed her opposition to the amendment, arguing that the word violent has been widely used to discredit various social movements, such as the Black Lives Matter movement.

“The media portrays [Black Lives Matter] as violent. Who gets to define what violent is? I think even our [proposed] violence definition, which Joshua Chin is suggesting, talks about psychological harm and that

October 15 SSMU Council.

Cem Ertekin | The McGill Daily

leaves it open to things like property damage, which I personally do not consider to be violence,” Boytinck explained.

Arts Representative Adam Templer was in favour of Chin’s amendment, arguing that not including a definition of violence and an emphasis on non-violence would set a “dangerous precedent for future SSMU motions.”

Templer said, “Generally, I just think that this would be setting an unpleasant precedent for the SSMU, and I think that SSMU, as an organization, needs to support only non-violent tactics.”

In the end the amendment failed with more than two thirds of councillors voting against it.

Once the debate regarding the amendment was over, Engineering Representative Malcolm McClintock took the floor to thank the movers for the consultation, but expressed the Engineering Undergraduate Society (EUS)’s opposition to the policy.

“It is part of the mandate of [EUS] since 2013 to support the environmentally responsible and ethical development of oil sand industry. [...]

This motion inherently opposes that, not to mention it supports a politically charged group, namely Divest McGill. [...] A large portion of our constituents benefit and have invested, both educationally and occupationally, their time into this industry,” McClintock explained.

However, Joey Broda, a U4 Chemical Engineering student and a member of Divest McGill, expressed that not all engineers felt the same way.

“We understand, as people who are scientifically literate, that climate change is an important issue. As engineers and scientists, we further realize that when a company starts funding bunk science and when they start launching major media and

political campaigns to undermine what scientists are saying – that is an attack on the credibility of scientists and engineers,” Broda said.

In the end, the policy was adopted with 21 votes in favour, two against, and three abstentions.

Response to McGill Students for Vandalisms Arts and Science Representative Matthew Satterthwaite brought a motion from the floor regarding a SSMU response to “#RememberThis: a call for campus alterations,” an article that was published on the Demilitarize McGill website, and was attributed to the McGill Students for Vandalisms Collective.

“Demilitarize McGill is a group who draws a lot of support from SSMU and SSMU does support and provide resources for Demilitarize McGill. In my view, it’s appropriate to be pre-emptive about this issue,” said Satterthwaite.

Boytinck, however, said, “[Demilitarize McGill is] a controversial group, so it may be really tempting to just automatically condemn them when we think that they might have done something which might be problematic. But I urge everybody to take a step back and really consider the facts here.”

Following an hour-long debate, councillors decided to amend the motion to reaffirm SSMU’s support for “dialogues surrounding alternative narratives of history on campus, particularly those surrounding issues of anti-oppression and social justice,” and its disapproval of “actions that could be destructive to property on McGill’s campus.”

This version of the motion was adopted with 13 votes in favour, ten against, and three abstentions. SSMU will be publishing the polished statement on its website.

News

October 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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McGill alumni pledge to return diplomas in call for climate justice Karel Mayrand and Camille Bouchard talk with The Daily

Saima Desai The McGill Daily

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t a Divest McGill rally held on September 23 as part of Fossil Free Week, alumni Karel Mayrand and Camille Bouchard announced their intent to return their diplomas if McGill failed to freeze its investments in the fossil fuel industry.

Mayrand is the director general of the David Suzuki Foundation for Quebec and the chair of Al Gore’s Climate Reality Project in Canada. Bouchard was a professor at the Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM) for over thirty years, where he developed a research centre for human and social ecology. The Daily spoke to Mayrand and Bouchard about climate change, McGill’s reputation and financial management, and the responsibilities of alumni.

The McGill Daily (MD): Can you tell me what your plan is regarding returning your diplomas to McGill?

Karel Mayrand (KM): [During Fossil Free Week] we called upon all McGill alumni to join us in asking McGill University to divest from fossil fuels, and we’re giving McGill until March 30 to announce its intention to divest. Otherwise, we will come back with a group of alumni and hand back

our diplomas on that date.

MD: What are the implications of McGill failing to divest?

KM: If we exploit all the fossil fuels that are currently in the reserves of fossil fuel companies, we will end up warming the planet by over four degrees [Celsius]. It’s not possible to combine our civilization with four degrees of warming.

So if you’re to keep your investment in fossil fuels, you’re making a bet that the world will not be acting decisively on climate. [...] It’s a completely unethical posture for any investor to say, “I’m betting on the destruction of the planet.”

MD: Do you think that the investment in alternate energy sources is happening at a rate that is able to keep up with our movement away from fossil fuels? The worry is that the choice is between energy poverty [leaving low-income people without energy] and slowing climate change.

KM: The fossil fuel folks have never had any concerns about energy poverty, or delivering cheap energy to the masses. [...] I haven’t seen Exxon say, “We’re going to deliver cheap energy to the masses.” Basically, their concern is much more profit than

cheap energy.

[People in India and Bangladesh] are moving to solar without ever having [grid] electricity.

Right now, renewables are helping the [people in poorer countries] get electricity much more than coal. Of course, coal is cheap energy. But as the cost of solar [energy] is falling, coal will not necessarily be competitive in ten years from now.

MD: It’s safe to assume that many members of McGill’s Board of Governors (BoG) understand the science behind climate change.

Why do you think that McGill is still so hesitant to divest?

KM: I think it’s really a sign of moral duplicity. [...] Basically, they’re not making any choices, because they are risk-averse, and they want to make a short-term profit.

And they’re betting that somehow the problem will solve itself.

I don’t understand how an institution such as McGill can do that. You just can’t operate a university endowment fund without having minimal scientific and ethical screens.

Camille Bouchard (CB): I don’t have any numbers, but I would be curious to know [...] how many researchers [at McGill] are supported in their

Jenniffer Guan | Illustrator private or semi-private contracts [...] by fossil fuel companies. I suspect that could be a reason why there is so much hesitation around the issue [of divestment] with the BoG. MD: Why do you think that it’s important for alumni to focus their energies on getting McGill, specifically, to divest, as opposed to other institutions?

KM: I’m sure that most alumni chose McGill because of its reputation, because it’s a place of science. I would be sad to see McGill become perceived by the younger generation

[...] as an institution that is trying to avoid change.

CB: When I’m asked to describe my bio, I’m very proud to say that I got my PhD from McGill. But I’m not able, now, to be as proud as I should be, because I don’t like to be identified with an institution that blindfolds itself for the sake of irresponsible investment returns.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity. A longer version of this interview is available online at mcgilldaily.com

Hundreds march against deportations Demonstrators declare, “Refugees are welcome”

Cem Ertekin The McGill Daily

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round 500 people met at Place Norman-Bethune on October 10 to participate in a march against deportations, organized by Solidarity Across Borders, the Non-Status Action Committee, the Action Committee Against the Dominican Republic’s 168-13 Declaration, and the Let’s Unite Campaign.

The march was organized to start right after an earlier protest that same day against the Energy East and Enbridge pipelines, organized by Étudiant(e)s contre les oléoducs (ÉCO); some demonstrators from this previous march joined the protest against deportations to show inter-movement solidarity.

Before the protest started, activists representing various migrant justice organizations and campaigns gave speeches.

The first person to speak was Ellen Gabriel, a Kanien’kehá:ka (Mohawk) activist from Kanehsatà:ke,

a Mohawk community which was besieged by the Canadian army and Suréte du Québec (SQ) police during the Oka Crisis 25 years ago.

Speaking to the crowd, Gabriel said, “I say to the people who are immigrants or are people who are families of migrant workers, we know how you feel, because that’s how Indigenous people have felt.”

“We have been told that we do not have rights to our land. We are dealt with like homeless in our homeland, and when we cross borders – the imposed borders on our traditional territory – to visit our relatives on what is known as the United States, we have to have identification that’s issued from the Government of Canada, the colonizer,” Gabriel continued.

Another speaker was Serge Bouchereau, head of the Non-Status Action Committee, who spoke about the troubles faced by Zimbabweans, and by Dominicans of Haitian origins.

“We have sent a letter to Prime Minister [Stephen] Harper, who has refused us reception and has del-

egated this letter to his Minister [of Citizenship and Immigration Chris] Alexander. And until now, until this moment at which I’m speaking to you, we’ve had no response from Mr. Harper.” Bouchereau told the crowd in French.

To illustrate his point, Bouchereau mentioned the plight of a family who was present at the march. The family includes three children, one of whom was born in Canada. The family was sent a deportation letter on September 18 and are expected to leave Canada by October 17.

“Since when does the law allow for the deportation of Canadian citizens?” Bouchereau asked the crowd.

Franz André, a spokesperson for the Action Committee Against the Dominican Republic’s 168-13 Declaration, explained that Dominicans of Haitian origins are also discriminated against in the Dominican Republic.

The 168-13 Declaration, made by the Constitutional Court of the Dominican Republic, retroactively revoked the citizenship of people of Haitian origins who

had migrated to the Dominican Republic since 1929 or who are descendants of these people born in the Dominican Republic.

“We currently have a situation in the Dominican Republic where more than a quarter million Dominicans have had their citizenships revoked since September 23, 2013.

These are people who have lost all of their civic rights, who cannot go to school, who cannot use health services, who cannot travel, who cannot acquire passports,” André told the crowd in French.

Robert McBryde, a member of the Council of Canadians, told The Daily that it is important to show solidarity with refugees and immigrants.

“It’s obvious that the Harper government is detrimental to basic human rights and especially when it comes to refugees. [...] We have to push from a grassroots level so that political parties will adopt more – in this case – refugee-friendly policies,” McBryde said.

After the speeches, the demonstrators marched east on Ste. Cath-

erine towards Phillips Square, chanting “So-so-so-solidarité, avec les refugés, avec les sans-papiers” (“Soso-so-solidarity with refugees, with the undocumented”).

Solidarity Across Borders, on principle, refused to provide the itinerary to the Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM), thereby making the march illegal under municipal by-law P-6. Even though the police did not declare the march illegal, the demonstrators were accompanied by riot police.

Upon the arrival of the march at the corner of Ste. Catherine and Union, riot police initially prevented the demonstrators from entering the square. In response, the sound system truck that had been leading the march started to play music and the demonstrators danced and chanted in the middle of the street.

Eventually, the police yielded and the demonstrators entered the square to hang a banner that read “Open the borders!” on the monument of King Edward VIII, while continuing to sing and dance.

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News

October 19, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Shatner building fourth floor office reallocation criticized Clubs bemoan inadequate consultation

Rayleigh Lee The McGill Daily

S

tarting this month, the assigned club spaces on the fourth floor of the Shatner building will be converted to general bookable spaces, as reported by the McGill Tribune. This decision was made over the summer by Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) VP Clubs and Services Kimber Bialik, in consultation with the SSMU Clubs Representative and Services Representative, giving clubs with existing offices until Thanksgiving weekend to move out of their offices.

Only SSMU clubs have been affected by this decision; SSMU services, such as Queer McGill, the Union for Gender Empowerment, and Elections SSMU, will keep their offices.

“It came kind of as a surprise.

There was barely any lead up to it. So I feel like there was limited communication. […] The past system was more fair than the new one because of the application process.”

Jency Zhen, HKSN VP Communications One of the clubs affected by this decision is the McGill Outdoors Club (MOC), which is one of the largest student clubs under SSMU, runs the largest non-faculty frosh, and previously had a gear room and office on the fourth floor.

Currently, the MOC is being asked to leave its office, but has been given an extended deadline of May 2016 to move out of their office, but is hoping to keep it.

Chris Mills, the president of the MOC and a former Daily editor, told The Daily that the MOC’s operations and membership will be heavily affected by this decision, especially in terms of renting out gear to students.

The Shatner building.

“These two rooms are critical to the operation of the club,” Mills said.

“If we didn’t have our gear room we would probably sell our gear and stop doing gear rentals. We would be able to run office hours, but you would see far fewer people becoming members, far fewer people being able to come to trips.”

According to Mills, this is not the only issue the MOC has had with SSMU. Mills said that on May 21 of this year, previous VP Clubs & Services Stefan Fung sent an email to the MOC at 1:17 p.m. giving them overnight notice to move out their gear for renovations. The Shatner building closes at 5 p.m. during the summer, giving the MOC less than four hours to vacate the office. “[Bialik] knows the importance of the gear room, because over the summer, when we had to move all of our gear out, it was made very clear to SSMU how important this was, how much stuff we had, how critical the gear room was to the operation of the club. They had a very good idea.”

According to Mills, SSMU has also been pushing the MOC to become an independent student group (ISG), like the Tribune Publications Society or the Legal Information Clinic, which would require the club to negotiate a lease for office space as a separate entity from SSMU as well as negotiate a Memorandum of Agreement (MoA) with McGill for student fees. Despite a years-long ongoing conversation regarding the MOC becoming an

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily ISG, Mills said that it wasn’t until the beginning of the school year that the MOC was notified of the impending reallocation plans.

“I spent all summer talking to Kimber about potentially becoming an ISG, and about [a] bunch of other things. So it’s [a] fairly deliberate failure to communicate [the fact that] if [we] remain a club [we would] no longer have these offices starting in 2016. It’s exactly the same time we were talking about becoming an ISG [that the fact that we need to leave was mentioned.]”

Jency Zhen, a U2 Finance student and VP Communications of the Hong Kong Student Network (HKSN), claimed that the decision to remove clubs from the fourth floor has been made arbitrarily with limited consultation.

“I don’t think we’ve really gotten a say in this, because it’s mostly been just email notifications on what is going to happen, and not really asking for feedback, asking if this was fair,” Zhen said in an interview with The Daily.

“It came kind of as a surprise.

There was barely any lead up to it. So I feel like there was limited communication,” Zhen continued.

“The past system was more fair than the new one because of the application process.”

Speaking to The Daily, Bialik argued that the previous system, because it was application based, yielded an inequitable distribution of space. According to Bialik, given the shortage of space in the Shat-

ner building, SSMU could allocate office space to only approximately thirty clubs each year. One specific problem that Bialik mentioned was the arbitrary nature of the phasedout allocation process.

“Because all the groups would provide the same reason why they needed an office, there was no coherence in why groups were being granted [an] office. […] It is a very, very inequitable distribution of space as it stands,” Bialik told The Daily.

“The fourth floor of [the Shatner building] is intended to be a community space that benefits all of our student groups. By picking thirty every year that we’re able to offer space to, that really detracts from what the other 200, that get

“I absolutely think it’s a fair decision, and I definitely think it’s the direction we need to be moving in.”

Kimber Bialik SSMU VP Clubs & Services nothing, are [...] able to do.”

Mills criticized the consultation process that was undertaken as part of the decision, arguing that sending out a survey was not enough.

“The sole thing that’s pointing

to saying that this was a consultation is there was a survey put out last semester. It did not specifically anywhere say ‘what do you think about the idea of taking all the fourth floor and turning them into storage space and taking offices away from everyone?’ It said things like ‘what would you like to see more of?’, ‘check this box for more bookable room space,’ ‘check this box for more booking hours.’ So yes, lots of clubs will check those boxes, [but] we were essentially not consulted about this specific measure.”

Bialik told The Daily that the decision was a result of extensive consultation between the SSMU Clubs Reprsentative, the Service Representative, and herself.

“It was a difficult situation because the decision needed to be made over the summer. No clubs are active for the most time in the summer, [but] any club that came to speak to me at my office hours, [I] talked to them about it. […] It wasn’t feasible to reach out to everyone individually over the summer,” Kimber said. “A lot of the consultation actually went through the Club representatives to SSMU Council.”

“This decision has been in the works for months now. I absolutely think it’s a fair decision, and I definitely think it’s the direction we need to be moving in. […] I really think that this is a move towards a more equitable distribution of space, and it’s going to benefit so many more groups than we were able to benefit before,” commented Bialik.

Commentary

October 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

7

Our myths, our country Remembering slavery in Canada

Nadir Khan Shadows of Slavery Warning: This article contains potentially triggering descriptions of violence.

H

uman beings were enslaved in Canada. I just have to say it bluntly, because most Canadians either forget, ignore, or simply do not know that this took place. Canadians get lost in seductive legends like the Underground Railroad and the ‘rescuing’ of Black loyalists from the American Revolution, and all the enticing and comforting rhetorical power that comes with them. We need to come to terms with the reality of what Canada is – a country whose national consciousness has managed to erase the fact that over some 200 years, the lives and labour of thousands of Indigenous and Black people were stolen by white settlers.

This national erasure means many things. For one, it means that we forget the real experiences of enslavement as well as the practical realities of how slavery operated in Canada. However, it also means that we must pull back the curtain on our tendency to weave artificial myths about who we are as a nation.

One such myth is that slavery in Canada was “kinder and gentler” than in other parts of the world. To debunk this, it is useful to recall the story of Marie-Joseph Angélique, an enslaved woman in Montreal.

With a burning city at her back and flames lighting up the night sky, Angélique ran down cobblestone streets for her life and freedom on an April night in 1734 – though, like many fugitive slaves, she was quickly caught. Accused of starting a fire in her mistress’s home that spread to 45 other houses, she was promptly jailed and repeatedly tortured until she ultimately confessed to the act under duress.

A court judgement sealed her fate: “She shall make amends naked in her shirt, with a rope about her neck, holding a burning torch in front of the main entrance to the parish church of the city of Montreal. [...] There, bareheaded and kneeling, shall declare that she maliciously set and caused the said fire for which she grievously repents and begs forgiveness from God, after which she shall have her hand cut off and raised on a post planted in front of said church, and then be conducted to the public square, to be attached to the post with an iron chain and burned alive, her body reduced to ashes and scattered to

Alice Shen | The McGill Daily the winds.”

Though perhaps an exceptional case, this historical moment represents the very core of Canadian slavery: a process of colonial white domination, rooted in a voracious capitalist greed, seeking constantly to dehumanize and commodify the ‘other,’ while premised always on the implied threat of violence or its actual use.

This is what nearly 4,200 slaves in Canada experienced – a figure which, according to historian Marcel Trudel, almost certainly underestimates the true number of enslaved people. Mid-17th century settlers first argued for the ownership of slaves in Lower Canada for agricultural production, domestic service, and home defence, which the French monarchy recognized in 1689 by royal decree. Though a plantation economy never developed in Canada, chiefly due to climate, the lives and experiences of enslaved peoples were profoundly similar to their counterparts around the transatlantic world.

The French Code noir of 1685, the comprehensive slave law of the French Caribbean, was informally applied in Canada by shaping local practices related to punishment and legal status. After the 1689 royal decree, the first Canadian slave ordinance of 1709, an enslaved person in Canada, such as any one of the 1,525 in Montreal, was considered to be personal property. They, just like an enslaved individual from

Barbados, Haiti, or the Thirteen Colonies, could be bought and sold at public auctions in Montreal and Quebec City, serve as security for debts, be loaned or rented through contracts, and inherited through wills and estates. Through the cold, ruthless and abstract fiction of the law, human beings were reduced to “movable property.” Charmaine Nelson, a scholar of the transatlantic slave trade and Mcgill professor, explained in our interview that “a slave was essentially like a table or any other moveable personal property. The law not only made it so it was actually impossible for a slaveowner to rape their slave – because one cannot rape property – but incentivized rape and sexual exploitation, given that any children born to an enslaved female were themselves slaves regardless of the race or status of the father.”

Demographically, slavery in Canada involved more Indigenous people than Black people – a full 65 per cent of all enslaved, according to Trudel – who hailed mainly from the Mississippi valley trade routes, but also from the Great Lakes, the western territories beyond Lake Superior, and the northern territories.

Many were from the Pawnee nation near Kansas and Missouri, which over time inspired “Panis,” a catchall term for enslaved Indigenous people in Canada. Canadian colonization was not simply a process of appropriating Indigenous land and violently displacing peoples, but

also of exploiting Indigenous people’s bodies and their labour.

An intimately public enterprise, slavery in Canada was linked to several iconic public institutions. Here in Montreal, the HôtelDieu hospital, the General Hospital, several priests and bishops, the canonized saint and founder of the Grey Nuns of Montreal Marguerite d’Youville, governors Charles and Paul-Joseph LeMoyne de Longueuil, and merchant James McGill all owned slaves.

To my knowledge, no physical commemoration of these facts exists. Instead, a nondescript government building and a public square in Old Montreal now bear the name of Place d’Youville. Longueuil is the name of a suburb on Montreal’s south shore. Charles-LeMoyne is a hospital, and McGill is a university, which, both insultingly and defiantly, insists on placing the statue of its slave-owning founder at its entrance for all to see.

Still, Canada has many other difficult histories. The internment of German and Japanese people; the Chinese head tax and the immigrants who toiled and died on the national railroad; the horror of residential schools; and the 1869 Métis Red River Rebellion are only some of the histories which directly confront, interrupt, and frustrate the adoption of commonly propagated Canadian tropes of a supposedly harmonious, multicultural, and peaceful nation. Like these

moments, the history of slavery in Canada is erased and repressed from the popular consciousness.

What does this erasure mean as we approach 2017, the date upon which we are told to celebrate 150 years of Canada? I believe it means slave narratives and history must no longer be what Canadian poet George Elliott Clarke has properly called “a silently painful wound, an anthology of the unspeakable that cannot enter into our anthologies.”

The self-congratulating parades, celebrations, and public monuments will not reflect what Canada has been and where it should go, but our conversations can. To be of any use, these conversations and debates must go beyond blithe gesturing to ‘sad chapters of Canada’s past’ and must be more than an exercise in national mythmaking. Perhaps by venturing instead into the uncertain terrain of uncomfortable truths can we truly wrestle with the historical injustices so foundational to this country.

Perhaps it is only there, with all the unsteadiness that comes with bearing witness to the past, that we can imagine a new national project that truly respects everyone’s humanity.

Shadows of Slavery is a column that seeks to remember the history of slavery in the Americas and to examine how this history manifests itself today. Nadir Khan can be reached at shadowsofslavery@ mcgilldaily.com.

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Commentary

October 19, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Students’ needs over professors’ egos Classrooms are inaccessible to alternative learning styles

Paniz Khosroshahy Commentary Writer

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s an ambitious first-year student, I put in a lot of energy into finding the best learning techniques for myself after high school. I have also always used a computer to take notes in my nonmath courses – except for the ones where professors have banned the use of digital devices. This was the case for three of my classes in my second semester at McGill, where I had to change my carefully considered work habits to suit my professors’ preferences. Instructors’ justifications for banning laptops in classrooms are almost always of the following variety: there’s research that shows students who take manual notes perform better academically, and students use their laptops for purposes other than note-taking, which is distracting to other students. Or, in translation: “I’m going to use my position of power as the instructor of your course to make paternalistic decisions for you, an adult, because I don’t trust your ability to use a laptop responsibly.”

One of my professors that subscribed to this idea had included in his syllabus that laptops would be permitted under exceptional circumstances, only if the student had “documented disability [from the Office for Students with Disabilities (OSD)] that justifies its use to facilitate in-class note-taking or learning.” This may look like a reasonable accommodation, but in a class of 300 there was not a single soul using a laptop, and I highly doubt it was the case that no one actually needed one. Firstly, who would actually feel comfortable outing themselves as the “disabled kid” in the ableist environment

that the professor had promoted in that classroom, especially when the professor continued to shame those who were not aware of the no-laptops rule in front of their peers for the next month? Furthermore, not all students with disabilities are registered with the OSD. OSD wait times for advising appointments can sometimes be longer than five weeks. Further, some people may not have a disability, but have a learning style more suited to typing notes. That semester, I had to run to a library immediately after a lecture to type up my illegible handwritten notes – a complete waste of time that did not aid my learning in the slightest.

What’s clear to me is that it shouldn’t be on students to alter their learning strategies to suit different professors’ dictatorial rules.

Instructors’ paternalism in the classroom is not limited to the banning of laptops, but extends to the general liberty granted to them with the format of their lecture materials. Some professors post lecture slides online before class, some post them after, some never do, and some don’t even use slides. Some post notes, some post outlines, some record lectures. Although professors accommodate students with diverse learning methods inconsistently, I managed

to complete my first three semesters at McGill by adjusting to my instructors’ random and bizarre rules about how I was to learn.

However, during my fourth semester, I missed weeks of a higher-level economics class for mental health reasons. My instructors did not record lectures, and only one of them posted her incoherent notes online.

Since McGill places the onus of requests for extensions on students already in vulnerable positions, as deadlines rolled around I had to send emails begging my professors for extensions and explaining my mental illnesses to them – a very uncomfortable thing to do, to say the least. I was unable to catch up with my courses, deferred my finals, and finally decided to withdraw from them in August.

At the beginning of every semester, I receive emails from the OSD looking for note-takers. However, the responsibility of providing notes shouldn’t be on fellow students, but on instructors. Classrooms shouldn’t be about the convenience of teachers, but about that of students who pay thousands of dollars to be taught by them.

I have heard from instructors over and over that if they release their lecture materials, students would no longer attend lectures.

This is obviously an exaggeration – many students find that they learn best by attending lectures, and even enjoy them. Even if it were true that “no one” would show up, classrooms should not be structured around instructors’ fragile egos, so easily crushed by low lecture attendance. Students have many reasons for missing lectures. They may not be in the right place of mind to meaningfully engage with a lecture at a given time.

They may learn better by watching

recordings in the comfort of their home, or by simply reading from the lecture slides. Or (shocker, professors), students have many commitments in any given day other than attending a particular class.

And (another shocker) some instructors are simply incompetent teachers. I have only attended lectures for two of five math courses that I have taken at McGill, as the other three had lectures so useless that I was better off teaching the material to myself using textbooks, notes from other students, or notes posted online.

I’ve sat through enough lectures in Leacock 132 to be familiar with the countless Facebook screens floating everywhere. I know that sometimes people just slack off in class, or skip for no reason. But maybe the solution to maximize learning for students who want to learn is for professors to introduce them to different studies and information in support of manual note-taking, and then give them the power to make their own choices instead of unilaterally

ments, such as moving out, studying in a highly competitive atmosphere, and learning to make one’s way in the adult world. As one would expect, university students have high rates of eating disorders in comparison to the average population.

McGill’s EDP deals with this wonderfully. It incorporates a team mentality between patient, case coordinator, psychologist, psychiatrist

if necessary, nutritionist, and, in some cases, a group of individuals with eating disorders, such as the psycho-education group, and meal support groups. All of the staff members are respectful and personable, and make their expertise and caring evident. Despite understaffing, the McGill EDP makes it evident that they care about patients’ well-being, and will help you to the best of their

Amanda Fiore | Illustrator making decisions for them. Students who use laptops can sit in the back of the class. Professors who are so worried about the impact of laptop note-taking on learning could record their lectures so that the ‘distracted’ students can learn at a later time. What’s clear to me is that it shouldn’t be on students to alter their learning strategies to suit different professors’ dictatorial rules, but rather on McGill and its instructors to make classrooms more accessible to the variety of abilities and learning strategies that students have. At the end of the day, when I was faced with an inaccessible learning environment last semester, I had to withdraw from two six-credit courses, send thousands of dollars down the drain, and delay my graduation. I dare my professors to tell me that the restrictive rules of their classrooms were for my benefit.

Paniz Khosroshahy is a U2 Women’s Studies and Computer Science student. To reach her, email paniz.ksy@gmail.com.

Letters Submit your own: letters@mcgilldaily.com

In defence of mental health The title of the article “Students dissatisfied with McGill Mental Health Service” (October 15, News, page 3) rang true for me. I have been seeing a psychiatrist at McGill Mental Health, and I found the appointments rushed and was concerned with the infrequency of my appointments after being put on a new antidepressant.

There is, however, an often ignored nuance to McGill Mental Health, most

notably in the form of its outstanding Eating Disorder Program (EDP).

Eating disorders are rarely talked about, but are particularly prevalent in the years after puberty (95 per cent of people with eating disorders are between the ages of 12 and 25, according to the National Association for Anorexia Nervosa and Associated Disorders), and often rear their ugly heads in stressful environ-

abilities, which are extraordinary.

While McGill Mental Health and the EDP both face a tremendous amount of pressure, it is a shame not to recognize the extraordinary efforts and successes of the EDP in helping students, and going above and beyond the standard.

—Anonymous student

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The end of climate brinkmanship Why wealthy countries owe reparations for climate change Connor Tannas Commentary Writer

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n the lead up to the UN Climate Change Conference, to be held this November in Paris, pressure from poorer countries is mounting on wealthy nations to pay reparations for existing and impending damages from increasingly extreme weather caused by climate change. In the shadow of Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s ambitious plans to make Canada a fossil fuel ‘superpower,’ such demands don’t seem to align with Canada’s existing climate dialogue, which has largely failed to shake its ties to self-interested notions of economic prosperity.

The argument for reparations rests on the stark reality that poorer countries face: for them, the devastating consequences of climate change are not only imminent, but often are already in progress. Faced with a lack of resources, lack of control over the resources they do have, or inadequate infrastructure, they are left to contend with the brunt of the consequences of climate change while having contributed only minimally to global carbon emissions.

Perhaps the most poignant example is Bangladesh: in spite of being the world’s eighth most populous country with over 160 million people, Bangladesh only contributes 0.3 per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions. In the New York Times article “Borrowed Time on Disappearing Land,” leading Bangladeshi climate scientists hypothesize that by 2050, up to fifty million Bangladeshis will be displaced by rising sea levels. In light of the current refugee crisis in Europe, it is hard to imagine how a forced migration of that magnitude could not lead to turmoil, especially if we consider that Bangladesh is not the only country faced with rising sea levels. Other extreme weather events like cyclones, the rising frequency and severity of which have been clearly linked to climate change, have in turn been devastating to island and coastal countries which often receive little foreign aid, putting enormous stress on already strained economies.

The relaxed attitudes of wealthy countries toward climate change is merely a manifestation of chronic shortsightedness and insular indulgence allowed to exist only by virtue of a narrow worldview.

Climate change is still seen as a secondary issue, the consequences of which have conveniently been sequestered in the haze of an indeterminately distant future. Insofar

as climate change is perceived to be a concern for subsequent generations, wealthy countries feel entitled to pursue economic interests so long as they commit to some abstract notion of sustainable energy reform and vague promises of eventual emissions reduction. In order to pander to an electorate that has its own interests in mind, leaders have for the most part been hesitant to act against corporate interests and limit emissions rates. The movement for reparations must be seen as a sort of unwelcome wakeup call, a reminder that the unbridled pursuit of domestic interests is having undeniable ramifications around the world. It is no surprise that as populations begin to contend with the environmental consequences of industrialization, the world’s most wasteful countries are reluctant to admit guilt and take responsibility for natural disasters outside their borders.

The concept of reparations itself is quite widely-accepted, having been used to restitute the victims of international abuses since the infamous “War Guilt Clause” following World War I. The Oxford English Dictionary defines reparations generally as “the action of making amends for a wrong or harm done by providing payment or other assistance to the wronged party.” Following this definition, climate reparations seem incontestably reasonable. Wealthy countries are clearly guilty, as shown by their overwhelming monopoly over greenhouse gas emissions, and poorer countries like Bangladesh are clearly wronged parties, since there is irrefutable evidence that environmental destruction is arising as a result of these emissions.

Once this cause-and-effect relationship is laid out, it is clear that more prosperous countries have the responsibility to make amends.

The problem that arises is that a more nuanced definition of reparations is needed – one that takes into account historical precedence, that accounts for the severity of wrongs done, and that satisfies existing standards of international humanitarian law. Surely not all harms necessitate repayment, and it seems more refined notions of guilt must be applied to justify climate reparations.

The UN’s basic principles on reparations define victims as “persons who individually or collectively suffered harm, including physical or mental injury, [...] economic loss, or substantial impairment of their fundamental rights, through acts

Lia Elbaz | The McGill Daily or omissions that constitute gross violations of international human rights law.” Again, there is clear evidence of substantial economic loss, but are there gross violations of human rights? Articles 15 and 17 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights declare that no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of their “nationality” and “property” respectively.

Forced emigration and property destruction certainly violate these fundamental rights, and the inevitable repercussions of a large-scale migration even more so.

What remains to be examined is whether the wealthy countries of the world are legally responsible for these violations. Cass Sunstein, in the Bloomberg View, argues that “most people in wealthy nations – whether rich or poor [...] – did not intend, and are not personally responsible for, the harms faced by citizens of India.” This notion of intent follows the precedent of historical instances of reparations, where there was perhaps a more direct intentional link between actions and contested harms (resi-

dential schools, for example). The idea is that fossil fuels are burned purely for economic and industrial purposes; the environmental damage that they incur is merely an unintended side effect, thus precluding any supposed responsibility.

While this argument may hold for emissions produced when the effects of climate change were largely unknown, the overwhelming availability of information and resources confirming the consequences of emissions production today should render it obsolete. Inaction in the face of evidence should be seen as an implicit acknowledgement of the known consequences of emissions, and therefore a conscious shirking of responsibility. Pretensions of ignorance are simply not a viable means of avoiding guilt in the 21st century.

So, what is to be done? First, guilty parties must admit responsibility for the increasingly devastating weather events that are ravaging the poorest countries of the world.

Unless we are comfortable infringing upon the lives of millions of

people, this is going to involve some monetary compensation on our part. At a certain point we must reconcile that after years of brinkmanship, we are finally on the precipice: no matter how we are to resolve the climate crisis, it will involve some measure of sacrifice.

The value of reparations, and to whom they should be paid, is something that should be decided by climatologists, economists, and international leaders in rational dialogue, but no matter what, change is going to need to be instigated by international bodies. The ‘invisible hand’ is not going to suddenly turn back on itself and save the day, and mutual self-interest won’t solve issues that transcend borders.

Through collective action, we must pressure leadership to rise above materialistic self-interest and invest in universal human rights – not because it benefits us, but because it is right.

Connor Tannas is a U0 Arts student. To reach him, contact connor. tannas@mail.mcgill.ca.

Canada’s Digging Dilemma A look at the Canadian federal parties’ mining promises

By Ella Myette, associated with the McGill Research Group Investigating Canadian Mining in Latin America (MICLA) Research by Nick Chanko, Aidan Gilchrist-Blackwood, and Jesse Bartsoff Cover by Lia Elbaz, Illustrations by Yasmine Mosimann

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anada has established itself as a prominent player in the mining sector over the past fifty years, which has forced the Canadian government to navigate the advantages and challenges of mining both at home and overseas. With this year’s federal election, policies regulating Canada’s overseas mining industry may change as new parties come into power. This election is a chance for ethical mining policies to undo some of the damage caused by Canada’s destructive past.

A brief history of Canadian mining Canadian mining companies’ first forays outside the Canadian border and into Latin America were in the early 1960s; the International Nickel Company (INCO), now Vale Limited, forged a relationship with Guatemalan juntas and created the first Canadian mining concession in Latin America. The success of this tenuous partnership was frequently threatened by the social and political unrest in Guatemala, but nevertheless strengthened over the course of the next two decades as the value of gold increased.

In 1971, following the Bretton Woods Monetary Agreement, which regulated commercial financial relations among Canada, the U.S., and other large nations, fixed exchange rates for gold were abandoned. Gold was now sold at a minimum of $35 per ounce, and its price would be determined by the free market. By the end of the 1970s, gold surpassed 600 dollars per ounce, which was especially important because precious metal mining became central to the Canadian economy. This increase in the profitability of gold created a new gold rush, leading mining companies to expand their search for gold to the rest of the Americas. At the same time, the American company Newmont Mining Corporation discovered huge deposits of finely dispersed gold in Nevada, deposits which were undetectable to the naked eye. “Invisible gold” was much harder to mine due to its size and need for a higher processing, so technicians developed a new method that would make it easier to reap: open pit mining.

Investors quickly became interested in open pit mining because of its low start-up and production costs. More gold could be collected in an open pit mine than in an underground mine, and in less time. Gold was found and mined all over North and South America, but Daviken Studnicki-Gizbert, a McGill history professor, writes in his article “Canadian Mining in Latin America (1990 to Present): A Provisional History” that “the real El Dorado was still located in Latin America, where historical gold and silver districts were well-known and now, with the advent of new low-grade mining techniques, [are] transmuted into world-class reserves.”

When mining companies first expanded into Latin America, the countries in the region still maintained control over their natural resources, and mining companies were very closely monitored and taxed. However, after a debt crisis in Latin America during the 1980s, neoliberal policies led to new mining codes, new regimes, and new relationships between governments and big

business. Specifically, the Latin American states were compelled to funnel capital into the mining sector. During this period, more than ninety governments across the ‘Global South’ loosened their mining regulations to attract more international investment in mining. These new mining codes allowed companies to access mineral deposits for free, and removed investment caps in national mining projects. Most importantly, mentions Studnicki-Gizbert, “mining concessions enjoyed legal pre-eminence over other forms of land tenure on the strength of the principle that the development of mineral resources was in the public interest,” meaning that mining companies could freely displace landowners. These new mining reforms increased the influx of foreign mining capital – mainly due to the Toronto Stock Exchange – into Latin America, mushrooming mining projects in the area.

By the 1990s, Canadian mining companies were purchasing mining projects and concessions so quickly that, within a decade, there were more than a thousand mining projects in place. By 2007, there were more than 1,500 projects operated by Canadian mining companies in Latin America.

Neoliberal reforms achieved their goal of attracting international capital to Latin America, but the reach of mining corporations invaded and deteriorated the lives of the local people through “forced, surreptitious or illegal acquisition of land [...] displacement and expulsion [...]; the disruption of ground waters and wells [...]; the contamination of surface waters and human bodies [...]; the mass influx of workers contracted from outside the community […]; the associated upsurge in alcoholism and drug trafficking; the exacerbation of violence (often sexual),” writes Studnicki-Gizbert. As the number of mining projects expanded, mining companies increased pressure on communities with their presence, leading to resistance by local inhabitants. As these protests grew, ‘security’ forces were brought in to suppress opposition, leading to more violent confrontations. Today, mining companies in Latin America continue to face opposition from local communities.

The following sections summarize each federal party’s mining platform.

They amalgamate information from the different campaign websites, interviews with federal party representatives published in the Northern Miner newspaper, and a document produced by the Prospectors and Developers Association of Canada (PDAC). The Conservative Party section takes a look at the party’s last nine years of federal rule with regard to mining policies.

The Conservative Party of Canada Over the last decade, the Harper government has heavily supported Canada’s mining sector through measures such as the Mineral Exploration Tax Credit (METC), helping junior mining companies raise capital for exploration. The majority of the hundreds of mining companies listed on the Toronto Stock Exchange are precisely this kind of small mining company that focuses on exploration and development of mineral deposits rather than extraction. Among mining companies in Canada, 92 per cent are not large enough to run their own industrial mines. The METC runs on a flow-through share (FTS) system, where investors can buy flow-through shares, and their money goes to help fund different companies. After a period of time, usually one or two years, the investments are combined into a mutual fund, where investors can sell their shares freely. This system provides tax shelters for people in high tax brackets because the investments are tax-deductible, and investors can deduct expenses incurred by the company. The Conservative government relies on the FTS system to provide funding for many junior mining companies who are unable to raise enough capital to move their mines into the production stage. Since 2006, junior mining companies have raised $5.5 billion to be put toward mining exploration through the FTS system.

The Harper government has also provided strong support to the development of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in the mining sector. On the Natural Resources Canada website, corporate social responsibility initiatives are defined as “the voluntary activities undertaken by a company, above and beyond regulation, to operate in an economically, socially, and environmentally sustainable manner.” Compliance is voluntary, so companies are free to choose which regulations they want to abide by. The website goes on to say that “due to the large number of Canadian mining projects around the world, it is impossible for the Government of Canada to keep track of the CSR activities of every company.”

The Conservative mining platform for the 2015 election is based on the promise of creating jobs and maintaining economic prosperity. If elected, the Conservative government says it would expand the METC for another three years to encourage more northern and overseas mining exploration and investment. According to PDAC, the Conservative government prides itself on having “reduc[ed] the tax burden and costs for the mining sector in every budget since forming government,” and that “ensur[ing] that Canada remains a global leader in mineral exploration and development” is central to their platform. A Conservative government would also invest in the Targeted Geoscience Initiative to encourage the private sector to invest in more mineral exploration, they say. When considering the effect of mining on Indigenous communities, the Conservatives allege they “promote the full participation of First Nations in the economic benefits of Responsible Resource Development”, according to PDAC. Greg Rickford, a Conservative MP and the Minister of Natural Resources, said that he was “proud of the fact that the natural resources sector is the largest private employer of First Nations people in Canada”.

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The Liberal Party of Canada In an interview with the Northern Miner, the Liberal Party says it intends to enact an “immediate, public review of Canada’s environmental assessment processes,” and impose vigorous oversight measures for mining corporations. PDAC mentions that the Liberal platform highlights “fair and efficient regulatory processes, a strong commitment to trade, a reliable pool of skilled workers, and perhaps most importantly a real commitment to investing in critical infrastructure”. The Liberal Party’s platform says it plans to invest an additional $200 million annually into natural resource sectors, like mining, to promote sustainable and clean practices. It also claims it will double the federal investment in infrastructure from $65 billion to nearly $125 billion over the next ten years, with the hopes of creating a greater budget for infrastructure leading to the north and lead to the building of roads, bridges, ports, and other transportation developments, connecting rural mining sites to the national market.

According to the Liberal Party’s interview with Northern Miner, the federal party promises that, if elected, it would advocate for “transparency, accountability, and sustainability in the mining sector,” and ensure that government science will be transparent and easily accessible to the public. Additionally, it says it will support flow-through shares, and maintain the corporate tax rate of 15 per cent. The party says it hopes to increase investment in skills training so that mining jobs become more accessible. The government will also adopt Canadian CSR policies, and will act on the recommendations of the CSR Advisory Group.

With regards to Indigenous peoples, the Liberals told the Northern Miner that they want to renew “the relationship between the federal government and Indigenous peoples in Canada based on recognition, rights, respect for treaties, the terms, spirit and intent of the original treaty relationship, the right to self-government, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and the decisions of our courts.” It says it intends to complete a “full review of regulatory law, policies, and operational practices” in collaboration with First Nations, Métis peoples, and the Inuit to guarantee the Canadian government is abiding by the conditions of its treaties with Indigenous peoples. The Liberal Party says it believes that Indigenous peoples have a constitutional right to be consulted concerning mining projects operating on their lands.

The Green Party of Canada The Green Party platform says it hopes to enact a “triple bottom line analysis, measuring social, environmental, and economic costs and benefits” test on mining practices. It told PDAC that it will only endorse mining where “it does no lasting harm to the environment and takes place with the necessary social license, including the free, prior and informed consent and participation of local Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities.” The Greens also said that they want to establish “clear, scientific, nation-wide standards, protecting the public interest while reducing delays and compliance costs,” and have pledged to support full-cost accounting and flow-through shares. The Green Party also says it intends to create tax benefits to reward companies that recycle metals used in mining procedures, and it hopes to incorporate clean technology into new mining techniques. It says it would ensure that mining companies have plans in place to handle environmental issues, and that these plans are pre-funded and can cover both short-term and long-term solutions. All mining companies must also be insured for environmental complications. Additionally, its government would carry out more vigilant monitoring of the effects of mining on water, agricultural lands, and air quality. They would count on the public to aid in observing and reporting the practices of mining corporations.

The Green Party says it would end asbestos mining in Canada and phase out chrysotile asbestos, should it be elected. It also hopes to create an Arctic Protected Zone, where no country will be able to dig for minerals.

This party also hopes to pass a Corporate Social Responsibility Act to operate as a new regulatory framework and to ensure that mining companies abide by practices that are the least damaging to the environment. The Greens see the tension between the Canadian government and Indigenous peoples as stemming from the fact that Indigenous peoples are not treated as equal partners in mining projects. Their party claims it wants to rectify this in the future and collaborate fully with Indigenous peoples by including them in the decision-making process.

While the Green Party supports the international expansion of Canadian mining, it also searches for more accountability for Canadian natural resource companies operating overseas. It says it does not support Canadian companies that exploit the land of local communities, and it seek legal recourse for people who have been wronged. The party claims they will facilitate the creation of an ombudsman to guarantee that Canadian companies use responsible and sustainable extractive methods.

The New Democratic Party (NDP) The NDP told the Northern Miner that they want to execute a “robust and complete environmental assessment process” and sees mining as a vital sector to our economy and supports the METC. The party claims it aims to improve conditions for junior mining companies in particular, and to support them by expanding their credit. At home, the NDP says it hopes to invest in roads, bridges, and ports so that mining projects up north and in the Arctic can effectively send their products to international markets. In the PDAC report, the NDP detailed their plans to implement an Innovation Tax Credit that would “encourage investments in machinery, equipment, and property used to boost research and development of new products and services.” The party also says in their platform that it wants to reduce the small business tax from 11 per cent to 9 per cent to support small businesses that work with mining corporations. Overseas, the NDP wants mining companies to protect Canada’s reputation and is willing to help mining companies obtain a social license before beginning projects. The party claims to advocate for a sense of social responsibility among mining corporations. It hopes to “adopt a strong effective legal corporate accountability framework for Canadian companies operating abroad, including clear standards with robust sanctions for non-compliance,” according to the Northern Miner.

A personal take Currently, under the Conservatives, there is no system in place to hold mining companies accountable for their actions overseas. An Office of the CSR counsellor position briefly existed; the counsellor was meant to facilitate conversation between mining corporations and local populations in conflict. However, the counsellor was given almost no authority, which left them unable to investigate any accusations against mining corporations, and the whole investigative process was voluntary. On multiple occasions, the mining companies accused of environmental and labour rights violations by local communities simply withdrew from the process. In October 2013, well before their term was up, first CSR Counsellor Enriqueta Evans did too. It is also worth noting that the Harper government has redirected funding gathered through taxes from the Canadian International Development Agency to several companies’ CSR efforts, so not only do many companies not follow CSR policies, but the ones that they do are subsidized by taxpayer money.

Seeing as the Green Party is the only one who has a plan in place to handle international mining conflicts and human rights abuses, it would appear to be the best ones to vote into office with regard to mining. Elizabeth May, the party leader, has a long history of fighting back against mining companies; she made two amendments to the Pipeline Safety Act, Bill C-46, earlier this year. And, with Plan Nord beginning in Quebec, mining regulations and policies will have a major impact in the near future on how companies operate both in Canada and abroad.

To put it simply, the Conservatives have been in power for nine years and have not, in that time, supported ethical mining practices. It is time for a change in governments; perhaps a new party will be able to right the wrongs created by Harper’s negligent policies.

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De-corporatizing GMOs Addressing the social realities of genetically modified foods Jill Bachelder and Nadia Boachie The McGill Daily

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he controversy surrounding the production and distribution of genetically modified foods has increasingly become a public concern. The discourse on genetically modified organisms (GMOs) is centred heavily on debate between those who worry that with modification will come unhealthy side effects, and those who note that extensive studies on GMOs have shown little solid evidence that GMOs have any adverse effect on human health. This debate is important, but it also takes an ivory tower perspective of the situation, often overlooking environmental and other costs to farmers that coincide with the production of GMO foods. Large corporations are often accused of producing and distributing GMOs for the sole purpose of gaining maximum profits without any concern for public health or wellbeing. We need to analyze the complex interplay between science, large corporations, and society to get a better understanding of the realities of GMOs. GMOs are plants or animals that have been genetically altered using DNA from different species of living organisms, bacteria, or viruses to get certain desired traits, including resistance to disease or tolerance of pesticides. When first introduced, GMOs were thought to be the end to world hunger, but there is a lot of debate over whether or not they have met these expectations. Scientists have been examining the safety of GMOs distributed by companies like Monsanto, the world’s largest seed company which accounts for a quarter of the world’s seed distribution. Monsanto has faced intense criticism and global protests from environmental activists, political figures, and local organic and non-organic farmers.

Environmental and social consequences of GMOs There are several consequences of GMO production that extend beyond food consumption. Firstly, it has been found that growing GMOs increases the use of pesticides. A recent study from Pennsylvania State University indicates that the use of neonicotinoids, a pesticide known to be harmful to bees, increased dramatically between the years 2003 and 2011. It reports that in 2011, about 34 to 44 per cent of soybeans and 79 to

100 per cent of corn hectares had been treated with neonicotinoids.

This study counters the myth that the advent of GMOs has lead to a decrease in pesticide use, an idea that had been previously supported by studies that do not take pesticide treatment of seeds into account.

The damning implications of the ever-declining bee population demonstrate why pesticide use should be taken very seriously.

Several scientific studies report neonicotinoids as detrimental to bee health, and the fact that the growth of GMOs has not only failed to decrease pesticide use but has actually contributed to increasing use is a definite concern.

So, what are the real-world impacts on farmers, especially smallscale farmers who struggle with agriculture’s growing, capitalist, economies-of-scale landscape?

In the past year or so, farmers in Ghana have been protesting the Plant Breeders Bill, which would restrict their ability to swap, breed, and share seeds, giving the corporations who develop genetically modified seeds the rights to the seeds’ usage. In addition, Canada’s new Plant Breeders’ Rights Act labels seeds as “intellectual property” that no longer belong to farmers, but to the owner of the seeds’ rights. If Apple sells you a computer, it belongs to you, and you can do whatever you please with it. Why should this not apply to seeds?

These laws demonstrate how the legal aspects of GMOs can help corporations extract more wealth from farmers and leave farmers with less power over their own crops. By losing the rights to their own seeds, farmers are liable to be sued. In 2014, Monsanto had sued over 140 farmers for planting its seed without permission, and settled more than 700 cases. GMO distribution is being seen as a ploy to financially benefit Monsanto at the expense of farmers, especially smaller growers. With this near monopoly on production of genetically modified seeds, GMO distribution can allow large companies to take advantage of small farmers in countries across the globe.

A promising technology for strengthening agriculture Despite the harms of corporate control of GMOs, there are also advantages that come with having products that are more resilient and resistant to pests. Julia Freeman, a faculty lecturer at the McGill School of Environment (MSE), told

Nadia Boachie | The McGill Daily The Daily in an email, “In India, for example, the cotton harvest of many farmers was being damaged from a pest called the bollworm [so] that they had very little to lose when the option of genetically engineered cotton came on the market.” The Hawaiian papaya industry was also almost entirely wiped out by ringspot virus, and genetic modification helped resolve the issue by allowing for a virus-resistant crop variation to be cultivated.

In addition to being more resilient, genetically modified foods are also often cheaper to produce because they can be modified to be high-yielding and mature faster than naturally grown produce. For example, golden rice is genetically modified to contain high levels of beta-carotene in order to compensate for vitamin A deficiency. Genetic alteration of rice to increase its vitamin A content has been successfully completed and used to combat vitamin A deficiency in countries around the globe.

Despite ongoing safety debates and conflicting research results on the consumption of genetically modified foods, there is a general scientific agreement that food from genetically modified crops is not inherently riskier to human health than conventional food. Repeated studies have found no threat to human health from genetically modified (GM) ingredients, which are found in up to four-fifths of processed food in Canada and some 64 other countries.

Moving forward “When the technology of inserting a transgene into a new plant was being developed, it raised a whole host of questions that tend to really bother [people,]” explained Freeman. She also pointed out that there were speculations on whether or not scientists were “transgressing a ‘natural’ – or religious, or some other foundational – boundary.”

It is difficult to decipher the entire truth behind the science of GMOs because it requires one to sift through the overwhelming amount of conflicting information available.

“How should we navigate the unknown, unlikely, but potentially devastating impacts of the technology?” Freeman continued.

As far as the discussion on the health harms or benefits of GMOs, Freeman also addressed the fact that “it is not very helpful to talk

so broadly about GMOs when you’re thinking about the possible risks and benefits of particular genetically engineered crops.” If we shift away from the GMO yes or no dichotomy, we can start to ask questions that are more focused and useful to science.

We must ask ourselves, will typing in “Are GMOs harmful?” into a search engine result in immediate satisfaction? It is difficult to decipher the entire truth behind the science of GMOs because it requires one to sift through the overwhelming amount of conflicting information available. Some would prefer that genetically altered seeds never leave the laboratory, but this overlooks the potential benefits of the techology, such as decreasing food shortages and increasing vitamin content of our foods. On the other hand, corporations such as Monsanto also contribute to noise in the discussion, as an investigation by AlterNet indicated Monsanto had expressly solicited positive feedback on GMOs from academics.

What is clear is that ultimately, we cannot let manipulation by large corporations eclipse this scientific innovation. If we are to continue research on and usage of GMOs which do have a lot of potential, we must also keep corporations in check and make sure that the use of these technologies does not unfairly benefit them at the expense of small-scale growers.

14

Sci+Tech

October 19, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

I’d like my 3D printers free, thanks District 3 helps accessibilize expensive tech

Lucy Cui Sci+Tech Writer

E

ver had an innovative idea for something you wanted to build, but didn’t know how, or didn’t have the high-tech equipment to do it?

Enter District 3 Innovation Centre, a business incubator based out of Concordia University’s downtown campus. The centre aims to help people with startup ideas turn their dreams into a reality. The centre possesses a number of high-tech devices, such as 3D printers and laser cutters, and offers seed funding to help entrepreneurs focus on prototyping, providing an opportunities for specialized support in the form of peer-to-peer coaching.

It also aims to increase accessibility to science and technology by offering services regardless of age, educational background, profession, or prior experience.

District 3 has been garnering increased publicity for its work in recent months, and just received a $1 million donation from Montreal philanthropists André Desmarais and France Chrétien

Desmarais in September.

Noor El Bawab, District 3 communications manager, explained the vision behind the centre in an email to The Daily.

“Technology and access to knowledge are being democratized and shared at hyperspeed thanks to the internet and newer innovations. [...] District 3 allows people to mix and interact with each other on a daily basis, using technology and the passion for innovation as the common language.”

El Bawab said the lab emerged from the recognition that there is a resource gap that needs to be filled.

The lab attempts to foster a community of innovators and entrepreneurs, and allows makers to mingle and exchange ideas.

District 3 also offers an opportunity for alternative education, El Bawab said, as it “allows for the education system to persist under a very rapidly changing environment. It allows for testing and experimenting with new technologies on a daily basis, and exposing people to new modes of learning without ignoring the traditional educational route.”

District 3 has helped launch

more than forty startups since its inception, and they work in areas that range from video game production to graphic design to the culinary arts. Between time-effective to interactive to just plain strange creations, there is certainly no shortage of ideas within Montreal’s entrepreneurial community.

Tailor2Go specializes in customized outerwear: a mobile, solar-powered truck brings a 3D scanner to the customer’s location, where they are scanned for precise measurements. Customers can feel sample fabrics and design articles of clothing which are then packed and delivered within three weeks.

Another startup that Dirict 3 helped launch is AdviseAuto, which connects your car’s computer to a 3G network, allowing your car dealership to monitor and store information such as mileage, vehicle identification number, and more, so that drivers don’t have to be the ones remembering when their next oil change should be.

Notetracks, another startup, allows musicians to comment on each other’s work; it allows users to annotate the track’s audio timeline with text and drawings. The pre-

Workspace at District 3.

Sophie Jean | Photographer

sentation of notes is then displayed along an audio waveform.

Other ventures include apps and social platforms that connect artists and designers with low-cost rental space, enable users to buy secondhand products from friends of friends, help users pronounce a person’s name as they would in their own native language, or see in 3D whether furniture and home decor items sold online will fit in

their homes.

Reiterating District 3’s strong emphasis on accessibility, El Bawab noted, “It’s open to everyone in Montreal, from any university and any educational background. The only condition is to be a curious person willing to learn and share with the people around you.” ­— With files from Andrea Horqque

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Sports

October 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

15

Put your fandom aside

Kane fans’ dismissiveness of sexual allegations unacceptable Emile Flavin Sports Writer

P

atrick Kane is a smoothskating American hockey superstar. He won a silver medal in an appearance for the U.S. at the Olympics. He consistently scores highly for the Chicago Blackhawks, with whom he has won three Stanley Cups in the past six seasons. Kane commands a passionate fanbase, and not only because he is a force on the ice. He constantly sports a clever grin and has developed a reputation as one of the league’s biggest partiers. For many, he is a refreshing jolt of boyhood and fun in comparison to most over-managed National Hocket League (NHL) players — men who have perfected the impossibly mundane pre- and postgame interviews. Kane’s cheeky charm has translated to unwavering support from fans, both on and off the ice. Lately, however, amidst an allegation of sexual assault against Kane, his fans have crossed ethical lines by continuing to support him while framing the allegations as false.

Kane’s uncurbed public persona hasn’t always been playful and lovable. In 2009, he was accused of assaulting a cab driver who couldn’t offer sufficient change for his fare. Kane wasn’t charged with assault; pleading guilty to disorderly conduct, he only had to apologize to the driver. The recent accusations against Kane have become increasingly concerning.

In August, Kane was accused of rape. While few facts are available surrounding the case, it’s said that on August 1, Kane was out with two women. Both returned with him that night – chauffeured by an off-duty police officer – to his lakeside mansion south of Buffalo, New York. The following morning, one of the women went to a local medical centre and said she had been raped by Kane.

No charges have been pressed in what is an ongoing, whirlwind investigation, and yet the hockey community’s response to the al-

legations against Kane can largely be described as dismissive.

Dismissiveness from the NHL, which enjoys the profits of one of the healthiest hockey markets; dismissiveness from the Blackhawks organization that recently re-signed Kane to an eight-year $84 million contract, and more concerningly, dismissiveness from Kane’s fans.

Support for Kane has been unwavering – at the recent Stanley Cup banner raising ceremony in Chicago, cheers for the onice hero were loud. He was also honoured with his team before a Chicago Bears football game and treated to a roaring applause.

More notably, people of all ages continue to wear his jersey to Blackhawks games.

There are even hints of this dismissiveness in prosecutor Frank Sedita III’s approach to the investigation. A man with aspirations of winning a seat in the New York Supreme Court, Sedita has tread very carefully in dealing with one of his region’s most admired and beloved celebrities.

An evidence bag procured by the plaintiff ’s mother was deemed falsified by Sedita’s team, and Sedita’s most grandiose proclamation so far has been a 45-minute press conference dedicated exclusively to calling this bag a “hoax.”

With Sedita putting repeated emphasis on the word “false” in what has been his principal public presentation, many of Kane’s fans have gone on to label the entire accusation as a lie.

The first time Kane addressed the allegations publicly was during a press conference held by the Chicago Blackhawks organization. Dressed in Blackhawks apparel, Kane awkwardly read through his scripted assertion of his innocence and apologized to his fans for causing a “distraction.” This choice of attire could suggest that Kane’s fans should also be cheering for him in the judicial proceedings. Further, the choice of words dismisses serious allegations as a “distraction” to what supposedly matters the

Lia Elbaz | The McGill Daily most – the success of the team.

A Kane jersey-clad woman at a Blackhawks game earlier this month told the Guardian, “I just feel that’s not how he was raised.

I feel like he didn’t do it. She got up from the bed and thought ‘Payday!’” Such comments, which hurt and belittle the plaintiff ’s case and are based on nothing, demonstrate how alarmingly far some fans will go to defend the pedestal on which they’ve placed a player.

Similar comments and sentiments are prominent Blackhawks games and on social media. Many of Patrick Kane’s fans have reached their own verdict in a case involv-

ing a person and a situation about which they know very little.

Professional athletes hire public relations experts to ensure that they present a desirable image, and in Kane’s situation, the experts have clearly done this effectively.

Mainstream media too often builds up a player’s character to an unrealistic, superhero level. As fans of individual athletes, we must be aware of this construct.

In such situations, we should wait out the judicial process out of respect for the plaintiff. We must assess the media’s portrayal of the situation and reflect with a critical and objective eye, understanding that our perceptions are being care-

fully shaped by media professionals.

Sports fans should not be involved in making someone who comes forward about sexual assault feel ashamed or isolated, nor should they form a stance of denial when they cannot reliably access the facts of a case. This is especially important when fans’ opinions have clear influence over how a prosecutor approaches the case, or ultimately what a jury rules.

So, Patrick Kane fans – please wait it out. Maybe your fandom will have to subside for a season as the case takes its course, but better to quell your ardour and try to remain ethical and respectful observers.

Get ACTIVE in the DAILy – write for sports. sports@mcgilldaily.com

Culture

October 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

16

Off the wall

Greg Lamarche, your favourite street artist’s favourite artist Siobhan Milner Culture Writer

S

elf-described full-time artist and part-time vandal, Greg Lamarche (also known as SP.one) is part of the growing breed of street artists who have managed to reconcile their rebellious graffiti roots with mainstream appreciation.

Lamarche’s new exhibit “What Goes Around Comes Around” is being featured at Artgang. The first thing you see at the exhibit is Lamarche’s tag on one of the first walls.

It is a simple “SP.one” tag, but the juxtaposition of this scrawl alongside Lamarche’s more polished pen and ink works is reminiscent of the simple graffiti writing common to urban cities.

Away from the context of street walls, Lamarche experiments with his background – one of his works is on an inner sleeve of an LP, featuring a small image of a metro station

in the corner, paying homage to one of graffiti culture’s birthplaces. Other pieces are drawn on workbook divider pages or on pages ripped out of sketchbooks. Some pieces incorporate earthy beige tones, but splashes of colour are not uncommon – with one piece featuring his tag bursting through a brick wall, a rainbow trailing behind it.

Lamarche is based in New York, a city where graffiti has a constant presence. This environment no doubt has played a large part in his artistic journey. Lamarche has a uniquely developed style, likely due to his extensive experience and experimentation over the years.

Tags aside, “What Goes Around Comes Around” also displays some of Lamarche’s hand-cut paper collages.

Lamarche boasts an extensive vintage collection of printed works, and these collages are clearly inspired by graffiti writing in their colours, outlines, and range of fonts. Aside from

Lamarche boasts an extensive vintage collection of printed works, and these collages are clearly inspired by graffiti writing in their colours, outlines, and range of fonts.

Sonia Ionescu | The McGill Daily

SP.one on display. working as an artist, Lamarche is also a graphic designer, and this expertise comes through clearly in his crisp and clear collages.

One collage, Fun Gun, strays from variations on language and text and is much more imageheavy. The piece features a gun, but in place of ammunition are different kinds of markers, like the ones graffiti writers often fa-

vour in their workbooks. In fact, Lamarche has said in previous interviews that Fun Gun is one of his own favourite pieces. “I showed it once and didn’t want to sell it, and it has lived in my collection ever since,” the artist has said.

Lamarche is literally in the street art history books – his work is featured in The History of American Graffiti. One of the most

respected artists on the scene, Lamarche brought his entire repetoire to Artgang, giving fans of the medium and fellow artists alike the opportunity to follow the artist’s development over the years, and perhaps get inspired themselves.

“What Goes Around Comes Around” is on display at Artgang until November 1.

R&B’s newest leading lady Syd tha Kyd mixes it up with The Internet Sonia Larbi-Aissa and Alexandra Sheffield The McGill Daily

A

cid jazz/soul/trip-hop group The Internet is the finest thing to come out of Odd Future.

Composed of Syd “tha Kyd” Bennett, Matt Martians, Patrick Paige, Christopher Allan Smith, Jameel Bruner, and Steve Lacy, the band formed within the Tyler, The Creator conglomeration mid-2011, drawing on Syd tha Kid and Martians’ desire to create and explore a more mellow and romantic sound in comparison to Odd Future’s vitriol. In concert, The Internet is magnetic, as they were when they played in Montreal last month. Recorded, their newest album, Ego Death, washes over the listener like an opiate, lulling them into a dreamland of gossamer hooks and sultry bass lines.

Frontwoman Syd tha Kyd is the group’s centre of gravity. In Vibe’s August cover story, she is described as “one of the hottest rising stars on the music scene,” who “appeals to

all demographics, all sexes.” As a gay woman of colour, Syd tha Kyd challenges the heteronormativity of R&B and the slow-changing formulation of women in the music industry.

Live, the alluring, yet edgy personality of the singer has the crowd falling in love left, right, and centre. Syd is a woman singing about other women, and the raw seductiveness that coats her lyrics is easy to respond to regardless of sexual orientation.

Syd, however, is far from commercializing it. When interviewed for Vibe, she said, “I’ve always been conscious not to take advantage of my sexual orientation because I don’t think it’s fair and it shouldn’t matter.

I don’t see the big deal. [...] I wanted people to find me through my music. Not, ‘here’s this gay new artist, if you’re gay you should listen to her.’”

Syd started out as the lone woman of the Odd Future hip hop collective. Both producer and DJ, Syd would play keys and mix behind the decks while Tyler, Earl Sweatshirt, Frank Ocean, Domo Genesis, and others crowdsurfed

The Internet in concert in Montreal. and moshed. Inspiring a similar character in the TV series Empire, Syd was the girl cool enough to hang with the boys. Underneath that cool, however, is a highly contemplative, emotionally sensitive

Alexandra Sheffield | Photographer

vocalist with excellent taste in music. With the help of Martians and the others in her group, that potent combination is explored for the first time. Written off in the past as a fast-burning offshoot of

the greater Odd Future collective, Ego Death and its sold-out North American tour dates beg to differ.

The Internet has found its groove, and is now taking its place on the list of groups to watch out for.

Culture

October 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

17

Where’s the outrage now?

Mainstream punk’s hypocrisy regarding misogyny

Alexander Bullis Culture Writer

S

ince its origins, punk rock has been far more than just a genre; it is also a unique subculture with supportive social norms and ethics, and is widely celebrated for its inclusivity, leftleaning political ideology, and DIY ethic. These ideals are strictly held within the community, and those who do not fall in line with them find themselves justifiably shunned. Although lauded for radical activism in political spheres for as long as it has existed, a significant majority of the punk scene has remained shockingly quiet on pernicious issues of misogyny and sexual assault.

Historically, mainstream punk subculture is perfectly capable of ostracizing and reducing the influence of vitriolic groups counter to safe(r) spaces.

These problems have been rampant for decades in punk rock communities, particularly those in more mainstream pop-punk circles: on at least two separate occasions in the last year alone, fans were sexually assaulted or harassed by other audience members at Jeff Rosenstock performances (Bomb the Music Industry!, The Arrogant Sons of Bitches). Many more assaults likely occur per show but assailants remain unidentifiable in the packed crowd violently moshing.

At times, even direct lyrical contents from groups considered progressive in pop-punk exhibit blatant misogyny – political-punk band NOFX has written numerous songs with explicit slut-shaming and transmisogynistic lyrics (“My vagina’s got lots of extra skin / they took my outie and made it

Lia Elbaz | The McGill Daily an in / changing Donnie to Marie Osmond”), yet these examples are often forgotten by fans.

However, to simply characterize this as an issue in antiprogressive pop scenes would be a misstep. Singer-guitarist Jorge Herrera of iconic street punk band The Casualties has been accused on several occasions of sexually assaulting his fans, at least one of whom was underage at the time of the alleged assault. Following these allegations in 2013, a flood of support for Herrera from countless self-declared punks found its way onto The Casualties’ Facebook page, denying the assaults and victim-blaming the survivors.

This extends beyond far more than a few isolated instances or an issue of a particular sub-scene – this is a systemic issue throughout punk culture.

While seemingly antithetical to punk’s core ethos, the crisis of sexual violence and misogyny in punk has likely found root in certain ideals of the subculture itself. The key punk ethics of anti-authoritarianism and DIY self-reliance are a

dangerous force when combined with society’s patriarchal indoctrination of sexual entitlement. Rebellion against what is perceived as oppression can lead to sexual violence by dangerous and manipulative assailants who see sexual gratification or power as a right inherently owed to them. This skewed and twisted interpretation of the notions of political freedom and unrestrained individuality has time and time again proven punk a dangerous space for many.

Due to the degree of its preva-

ble of ostracizing and reducing the influence of vitriolic groups threatening to safe(r) spaces – most clearly epitomized by the 1980s movement against self-described “Nazi-punks.” With active condemnation from the greater punk community, these individuals were largely separated from the mainstream scene.

Criticism railed against them by even the most prominent groups of the time: The Dead Kennedys (although not without its own backlog of problematic lyrical

While antithetical to punk’s ethos, the crisis of sexual violence and misogyny in punk has likely found root in certain ideals of the subculture itself. lence, tackling this issue is a daunting task. Even so, progress and selfenforcement of inclusivity within the punk scene is far from unprecedented. Historically, mainstream punk subculture is perfectly capa-

content) contributed heavily with its 1981 hit single “Nazi Punks F**k Off.” Although originally intended as a criticism of violence in punk in general, it became a rallying call against the white supremacy and

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anti-Semitism seeping into punk culture. In the years following its release, anti-Nazi armbands, songs, and slogans became commonplace at punk rock shows, providing a visible protest against white supremacy.

So where are the modern, ubiquitous anthems and armbands criticizing sexism and cissexism in today’s punk? Why is the outrage once directed at Nazism in punk not echoed in modern disgust with the misogyny that occurs regularly at today’s punk shows?

The outlook is not all bleak, and slow progress is being made.

The rise of the Riot Grrl scene and bands like Bikini Kill and Sleater-Kinney in the early nineties began to bring feminism and anti-misogyny centre stage in the punk world. Today, a focus on addressing sexism has slowly begun to take hold across nearly all sub-scenes. In response to the assaults at his shows, Rosenstock has stopped several times midperformance to address issues of sexual harassment within his fan community, and has issued statements urging fans to “continue to make punk shows a place where everyone feels safe from sexual assault, so we can all [rock out] without fear of being violated.”

Anarcho-folk punk band Ramshackle Glory placed a trigger warning for sexual violence at the start of their 2011 album Who are Your Friends Gonna Be? The listener community itself is also taking an active role; a boycott of The Casualties has led to numerous cancelled shows and a cancelled Canadian tour.

It is easier for musicians and fans to criticize shameful aspects of punk rock culture rather than take definitive steps to stop assault and transmisogynist oppresion. Nevertheless, strict action must continue. A clear and unequivocal message from across the scene desperately needs to be sent, as it was to Nazi-punks, that misogyny and sexual violence are entirely unwelcome in the punk scene. Until then, there will always be an air of hypocrisy surrounding the self-proclaimed progressive nature of punks who choose to avoid the issue.

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18

Culture

October 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Criminalizing music piracy solves no problems

How companies can deal with illegal music downloading Moataz Salim Culture Writer

W

e’ve all seen the commercials – “you wouldn’t steal a car, you wouldn’t steal a handbag, so why would you steal music?”

Well, it turns out, criminalizing music downloading does not do the music industry much good, and despite the possibility of fines and imprisonment, many, if not most, people continue to download music irrespective of whether or not it is against the law.

Nowadays, it is easier and cheaper to acquire music than it is to buy lunch, due to internet streaming. The convenience of receiving music files on the go at any given time (conditional on the possesion of an internet-connected device) is unavoidably tempting, and more importantly, is supported by the difficulty of enforcing paid access. These realities will inevitably change the music industry, however resistant to this change it may be. A new study titled “Download or stream? Steal or buy? Developing a typology of today’s music consumer,” published by the Journal of Consumer

Behavior in August has demonstrated it is in music companies’ financial interests to cater to the needs of illegal downloaders, as opposed to focusing their efforts on the criminalization of these practices.

Since companies have an increasing responsibility to treat their artists well, and better compensate them for their music, buyers wary about the mistreatment of artists will be happy to support larger companies who in turn support smaller artists. Knowing that most of the money paid for products will be given directly to artists may decrease streaming levels, shifting more money to streaming companies and thus artists.

“We demonstrate how responding to [consumers’] needs, [in other words,] participating, not policing, is a better way of reducing piracy, as can be seen with streaming,” Gary Sinclair, one of the authors of the study and a lecturer in the Marketing and Retail Division of the University of Stirling, explained in an email to The Daily.

Multiple organizations and cor-

porations within the music industry have been cracking down on piracy, attempting to erase it from existence completely. A recent example of this

Since companies have the responsibility to treat their artists well, and better compensate them for their music, buyers wary about the mistreatment of artists will be happy to support larger companies who in turn support smaller artists.

Gary Sinclair, University of Stirling professor came with the shutting down of Iso Hubs, a prominent and well-known torrent hosting web domain that was one of the most popular websites for torrents other than The Pirate Bay. It is difficult to fully shut down these sites: when one site falls, it often quickly rises again with an alternate operating system, as was the case in the unsuccessful initial shut down of

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The Pirate Bay. Studies of music piracy often focus on the dichotomy between those who pirate versus those who do not. In his

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study, Sinclair decided to expand the groups under examination by adding two other groups into the mix. One of those groups, the ex-downloaders, is comprised of those who used to pirate but switched over to different methods of music consumption. The other group, referred to as “mixed tapes,” consists of those who both pirate and consume music by other methods, such as streaming.

Sinclair conducted this study in order to analyze these two new groups in conjunction with the two frequently studied ones after realizing he had data on music piracy that he could work with. He spent the next four to five months carrying out the research with his colleague Todd Green of Brock University. This was done without any collaboration with the “music industry or police,” according to Sinclair.

An object of this study was to analyze the patterns seen in the data, and to show that there are more than two categories of music consumers, Sinclair said. This is something that is often done by organizations and the media, and which tends to oversimplify the issue.

The study revealed that only one group truly felt indifferent in regards to music piracy, and that was the avid downloaders, or as Sinclair refers to the group, the “steadfast pirates.” According to the study, this group of people was highly proficient in downloading illegal music, and found no reason to switch to any other option due to the favourable opportunity cost gained from piracy over alternative methods. In addition, through piracy they believed they were not providing tacit support to streaming companies’ current mistreatment of artists wherein the companies make millions of dollars of profit and compensate artists very little for their work. Continuation of piracy, however, does little to positively support artists.

Still, the advent of streaming services has had an unfavourable effect on music piracy. “The industry figures and the early research

show [streaming] is reducing piracy as pirates are migrating to streaming platforms. However, there are still issues with artist payment. The deals that record labels have made with the streaming applications are not good for the artists, who are receiving very little in way of royalties,” Sinclair noted. Some illegal music downloaders do indeed pirate music without feeling remorse. The study notes, however, that these downloaders are open to changing their behaviour if the industry can present a better way to compensate its artists. As it stands, Pandora, a free radio streaming site, helps to address this problem by paying artists depeneding on the number of listens they gain on the site.

The two intermediate groups, the mixed tapes and ex-downloaders, still saw the utilitarian value of piracy, but differentiated themselves by concerning themselves in the ethics of pirating music. As such, the exdownloaders in the study decided to switch to more convenient and what they saw as less harmful forms of music consumption, which included streaming services. Mixed tapes, on the other hand, strayed away from pirating exclusively, but still illegally streamed music occasionally.

Basically, two groups in question turned to piracy in order to get music easily with little to no expense.

However, due to moral quandary, they eventually converted to streaming. The ethics of streaming services and the gross undercompensation of artists continued to be a concern, but it did not affect their consumption behaviour in the same way as the steadfast pirate group.

Legitimate streaming services do offer a great and cheap alternative to illegally torrenting music, with services such as Spotify and Apple Music allowing consumers to access comprehensive music libraries for relatively low prices. However, streaming services benefit the consumer much more than the artist, as streaming services have yet to modify their payment policies.

Thus, offering streaming services that fairly compensate artists is the best solution. Sinclair’s study shows that a tier of music pirates choose to torrent their content due to the unfair treatment of artists by large streaming conglomerates, even though this practice also does little to financially support artists. With the advent of companies like Tidal – artist-owned, high royalty percentages, no free streaming tier – ethically-conscious consumers will have the option to feel like they are directly supporting their favourite artists with their patronage.

Hopefully current and future studies of internet piracy will send the industry the signal that it needs to modernize and pay artists a fair wage in order to avoid piracy.

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cover design Lia Elbaz contributors Jesse Bartsoff, Nadia Boachie, Alexander Bullis, Nick Chanko, Luci Cui, Saima Desai, Amanda Fiore, Emile Flavin, Aidan Gilchrist-Blackwood, Jennifer Guan, Sonia Ionescu, Sophie Jean, Nadir Khan, Paniz Khosroshahy, Rayleigh Lee, Siobhan Milner, Ella Myette, Moataz Salim, Alexandra Sheffield Alice Shen, Tamim Sujat, Connor Tannas

Canadians are heading to the polls today to vote in the federal election. Social media has been full of discussions about the election, with one particularly popular sentiment: if you don’t vote, you can’t complain about the elected government. We need to stop legitimizing this rhetoric of voting as the only valid form of political expression, as it disregards the myriad of ways in which people can be politically engaged in favour of the one-time act of casting a ballot, and can actually limit political engagement.

Framing voting as the main form of political engagement disregards the fact that it’s not accessible to everyone. For example, permanent residents are not allowed to vote federally despite living and paying taxes in Canada and being able to vote in municipal elections; this citizenship condition is arbitrary and difficult to obtain. Polling stations may not be accessible for people with physical disabilities, people who have to travel further in rural areas, or people who cannot afford to take the time to vote due to incompatible work schedules. Additionally, the Conservatives’ so-called Fair Elections Act has made it more difficult for certain populations, such as Indigenous people, young people, and homeless people, to meet the voter identification requirements to cast a ballot. The act of voting is most accessible to those already privileged in Canadian society, while the people who can’t vote are often the ones who would benefit the most from political change.

Further, the emphasis on voting as an act of civic re-

sponsibility can have the opposite of its intended effect in that it can actually limit political engagement. Praising those who vote as politically engaged legitimizes the notion that tuning in to vote every five years or so is enough to enact change. By focusing only on voting, this rhetoric restricts political expression to the limited range of ideas in the platforms of political parties. Because there is significant ideological overlap between the three main political parties, systemic change cannot necessarily be achieved through elections.

There are many other ways people in Canada can get politically involved and enact actual change. Political engagement outside of the governmental system through civil society groups and grassroots organizations can be effective in tackling systemic issues. Protesting and striking are other effective ways of promoting the interests of groups whose concerns are not addressed through voting, as both actions place economic pressure on the government in a call for change. While voting might incite some change within the confines of our current oppressive political system, we should not perpetuate the rhetoric of voting as the be-all and end-all of engagement. Our federal candidates might be promising real change, but we must start legitimizing other, often more effective and accessible methods for creating systemic change. ­—The McGill Daily editorial board

Errata The article “Students dissatisfied with McGill Mental Health Service” (October 15, News, page 3) incorrectly implied that Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) VP University Affairs Chloe Rourke felt that investing in clinical staff is far more important than a breadth of wellness projects. In fact, Rourke adamantly supports developing a breadth of wellness projects and believes that investing in clinical staff is not a sustainable option.

The Daily regrets the error.

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dps board of directors Zapaer Alip, Niyousha Bastani, Joseph Boju, Hannah Besseau, Deeva Bowry, Julia Denis, Ralph Haddad, Igor Sadikov, Alice Shen, Tamim Sujat, Dana Wray All contents © 2015 Daily Publications Society. All rights reserved. The content of this newspaper is the responsibility of The McGill Daily and does not necessarily represent the views of McGill University. Products or companies advertised in this newspaper are not necessarily endorsed by Daily staff.

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19

Compendium!

October 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

20

Lies, half-truths, and angry buildings.

Battle of the buildings Fuck this(es)!

SHMU declares war on immovables

Fuck men Fuck men. Fuck white men who talk down to you like you’re a fucking baby. Fuck men who mansplain the most fucking obvious thing to you. Fuck white men who speak to you as less-than because they have ‘achieved’ things you have not. Because they don’t even fucking get that they had things handed to them on a silver fucking platter. Because they don’t fucking get how you have to work twice as hard as them to take one-tenth of the space they take. Fuck white men who attribute your words to another white man in the room, or even fucking worse, address another man in the room when responding to your ideas. And honestly, fuck people who don’t notice, or brush off your reaction to this fucking bullshit. What kind of friend doesn’t give a flying fuck when you feel like you’ve been absolutely fucking crushed by the hands of this white man patriarchy.

Fuck cold buildings

A scene from the battle.

Deckard Coradin The McGall Weekly

T

he statue of James McGall came to life on October 15 and interrupted the Small Council meeting of the Students Headquarters of McGall University (SHMU).

The bronze monstrosity came crashing through the south side windows of the Council chambers, screaming, “Halt ye! Fiends!”

“I come representing those whom you are about to unjustly condemn to a life of perpetual suffering,” McGall said.

Thoroughly confused, the Small Councillors looked through the hole in the window shards and saw that McGall wasn’t the only inanimate structure that had come to life. In fact, all the buildings, statues, and traffic signs on campus were marching toward SHMU, carrying picket signs and chanting, “Solidarity with private property!”

Hearing the chant, the Small Council let loose a collective “Oooh!” as Small Councillors were discussing a writ that would mandate SHMU to conscript students to wage war against “physical immovables.”

More precisely, the writ read: “Let it be known that all student citizens under the banner of the Students’ Headquarters of McGall University are hereby conscripted to wage war against the physical immovables on the territory that is currently occupied by the entity known as McGall University.”

“Listen for yourselves to the screams of these poor million-dollar buildings. These beauties of concrete and steel, of iron and plastic – can you not see how much harm it causes to put stickers on them?” Mc-

Djemme Arrikan | The McGall Weekly Gall pleaded.

Abraham Kream, first of his name, King of SHMU, Lord of the Twelve Faculties, Protector of Social Justice, Lord Paramount of Arts, Eternal Sovereign of la Nouvelle Résidence, the Advisor on Matters of Social Responsibility, Interim Carer of the SHMU Babies, and most recently, Conqueror of Climate Change, declared that the writ reflected the collective will of his subjects.

“At least, that’s what my newest advisor has told me,” Kream said, motioning to a mysterious hooded figure, glowing ever so slightly with a purplish aura. The Weekly discovered that the secretive mage went by the name of D’emilia “Legion” Trize.

“We are Legion, for we are many,” Trize told Council. “Which means that we speak for all and we speak for none. Some call for vandalism, but all call for war against the physical immovables. We bring concerns, not our concerns, but all concerns.

Which means they are concerns of no one.”

The moment McGall laid its dead eyes upon Trize, dark clouds swirled in the sky and a thunderbolt fell on the Meacock building, who was marching behind the Administration Palace. The poor ugly building died on the spot.

“Begone, ye fiends!” McGall bellowed, as a freezing gust of wind blew the laptops of Small Councillors and the papers of Librarian Extraordinaire Aaaron Sorbet like leaves. Then he pulled out a sword that was for hundreds of years cleverly disguised as a walking stick and lunged at Trize.

But before McGall could strike, Trize teleported themselves behind McGall, their hands glowing with purple flames. The flames glowed

ever more brightly, and a massive explosion occurred, destroying everything within a 500-kilometre radius.

When the dust and smoke from the explosion settled, the only people left standing were Trize, McGall, Kream, and The Weekly’s newly selfproclaimed prime reporter Djemme Arrikan, who was still furiously taking notes in a black notebook.

Speaking to The Weekly, a horrified Kream said, “What the fuck is happening here?!”

“Look at all the destruction you made us cause!” Trize hissed at McGall. “If it weren’t for you, our war against the physical immovables would have been simple. It would have brought attention to our cause – the peaceful co-existence of all movables!”

“How dare they mock my cause?” a clearly offended McGall later told The Weekly. “Obviously, the wellbeing of statues and buildings is more important than that of people.”

At this point, clearly recognizing that there would be no reconciliation between Trize and McGall, Kream decided to intervene.

“Hold up, just one second,” he said. “Clearly, this much destruction benefits no one. You, McGall, need to stop your fight against movables, and you, Trize, need to stop being so mean toward immovables.”

Guilt-ridden, both McGall and Trize said, “Okay.”

Then, using their magic, Trize and McGall reversed time and rebuilt everything that had been destroyed. Finally, they decided to join their lives together in a civil union.

“We have both seen the error of our ways,” McGall said, looking lovingly at its partner, who decided to go by the name of D’emilia Trize McGall.

They lived happily ever after.

Fuck McGill’s cold-ass buildings. Fuck sitting here trying to work and freezing my ass off even though I’m wearing multiple layers, a toque, and mitts (it’s fucking hard to type this). Fuck McGill admin’s full-on-bullshit MRO on the “shoulder season” telling us their building infrastructure is too old to handle the strain of fall weather – THE TEMPERATURE IS FLUCTUATING BETWEEN NUMBING AND ABSOLUTE ZERO AND THE RADIATORS ARE LITERALLY FUCKING BUILT TO DEAL WITH COLD. Finally, fuck their disgusting hypocrisy: while we’re all huddling together watching our breath freeze, the James Administration building is a toasty, tropical paradise – Fortier and her cronies aren’t layering up and making the best of it, they just have no fucking problem asking the rest of us to do so.

Fuck lawyers Fuck lawyers. Fuck their pretentious, egomaniacal, narcissistic little selves who think they’re so much better than you because they went to law school. Fuck them for thinking that they’re qualified to speak on literally any fucking topic imaginable and that their opinion matters to anyone but themselves.

Fuck their privileged petty-bourgeois asses for having no regard for ethics and feeding off a violent legal system that perpetuates human suffering. Fuck those sleazy fuckers who line their pockets by making baseless accusations with no repercussions, scaring the fucking shit out of people who did nothing wrong with obfuscated language and ridiculous misinterpretations. I’d rather go to jail than interact with someone whose entire fucking profession is best described as a pompous fusion of racketeering and intellectual contortionism.

Fuck second year Fuck second year. Fuck moving out of rez and into adulthood, which turns out to be a badly-heated shithole of an apartment with a cave for a basement. Fuck looking forward to getting out of the McGill bubble only to find out that the Plateau is the same bubble, but worse because everyone thinks it’s not. Fuck plunging toilets. Fuck fucking, and a lack thereof. Fuck Rawls and Freud and Blue Dog. Fuck the asshole who lives upstairs and bangs on your door to tell you that she’s sick of hearing you work out every Tuesday and Thursday and asks why you don’t get sick of listening to the same shitty music all the time. Fuck studying, fuck procrastination. Fuck when your friends drop out and move back home. Fuck eating pasta EVERY SINGLE NIGHT. Fuck having to pick a major when you just want to learn everything and study nothing. Fuck having to find a decent summer job while you’re too fucking busy trying to pick a major. Fuck the people who ask what you want to do with your life. What do I want to do? I want to fucking sleep, for fuck’s sake.

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