The McGill Daily Vol105Iss20 by McGill Daily

Volume 105, Issue 20 Monday, February 15, 2016

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News 03 NEWS Town hall on smoking Milton-Parc community discusses climate Uber faces permanent injunction in Quebec Talk with Arnold August AUS Council meeting Ban Ki-moon speaks at McGill Social Justice Days Board of Governors meeting Divest McGill holds rally SSMU Council sees tensions

08 COMMENTARY Jewish anti-Zionism at McGill Reflecting on slavery during Black History Month Women-only gym hours, take two Letter

12 FEATURES Valentine’s Day: romance versus objectification

15 SCI+TECH Lakes deprived of oxygen

16 ART ESSAY Medea

CULTURE

Acknowledging class privilege Revolutionary art, satire, and collective outrage Depicting history through Inuit tattoos Atmospheric techno and pscyhedelic minimalism

19 EDITORIAL Immediate action for Indigenous women

20 COMPENDIUM! An MRA slam poetry night

February 15, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Majority of students support smoke-free campus

“Smoking shelters” proposed against secondhand smoke Xavier Richer Vis News Writer

Senate ad-hoc working group held a town hall on February 11 to discuss the possibility of making McGill a “smoke-free” campus. Students showed up to express their views on the issue, and to argue the benefits and costs of instituting policies that would ban smoking on campus. According to a January survey conducted by a senate caucus smoking working group, 63.9 per cent of students would “strongly support” moving toward a “smokefree” campus. 46.4 per cent felt strongly that secondhand smoke was a problem on campus. At a January 28 meeting, the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) Legislative Council voted to approve a plebiscite question to be asked in the Winter 2016 referendum period: “Would you support McGill becoming a smoke-free campus if smoking cessation resources were provided and there were ongoing educational campaigns?” The call for a smoking ban on campus results mainly from complaints regarding areas around McGill that attract greater num-

bers of smokers. These areas are often directly outside entrances to libraries and student buildings: the Redpath Tunnel, the Bronfman building entrance, the Law library entrance, and the Shatner building entrance. The smoking working group’s proposal aims not only to address what should be done about smoking on campus, but also specifically to address stress and social smoking. Working with partners like Healthy McGill, the proposal would hope to curb smoking by making information on quitting widely available, while adopting a harm reduction approach to helping students quit smoking. Another facet of the working group’s plan includes the building of temporary “smoking shelters,” designated areas where students can smoke in the winter while also reducing other students’ exposure to secondhand smoke. Similar shelters are already being installed in Melbourne, Australia. These shelters would potentially be used as bike shelters in the summer, and would be fitted with ashtrays. Town hall participants raised the question of whether e-cigarettes would be included in a cam-

pus smoking ban. Often considered a smoking cessation tool, some argued that e-cigarettes and vaporizers should be exempt from the ban, as part of a harm reduction policy. Students were given the chance to post anonymous comments following the completion of the aforementioned smoking survey. Many of the comments cited health concerns of non-smokers as arguments against smoking on campus. “I suffer from chronic migraines and cigarette smoke is one of my biggest triggers. As soon as I smell a strong whiff of it or smell it constantly, I get severe pounding pain in my head and I have to lie down and take medication. It is very disconcerting that the laws of smoking prohibition aren’t being followed at all, and there is no enforcement of these laws,” an anonymous respondent said. According to the Quebec Tobacco Control Act, “Smoking is prohibited outdoors within a ninemetre radius from any door leading to [...] a university building.” Since September 2014, the restrictions on smoking outlined in McGill’s smoking policy have also been applied to the use of e-cigarettes. 76 per cent of survey respondents felt that the University should enforce its current smoking policies.

Not all comments on the survey supported the ban. Many argued that banning smoking is categorically unfair, and doesn’t take into account students’ rights. “School is stressful. I like smoking cigarettes. Don’t take that away from me. The campus is large, and making it entirely smoke-free would be a huge inconvenience for people who want to smoke, especially after dark. Who is standing around inhaling second-degree smoke in the winter? Seriously, if I can buy cigarettes I should be able to smoke them. It’s my campus, too,” said a another anonymous respondent. Speaking to The Daily, David Benrimoh, Medicine senator and member of the smoking working group said, “This [initiative] isn’t about policing individual behaviour. It’s about asking ourselves what we can do to best ensure that students’ overall health and wellness is promoted, and a lot of students do say that secondhand smoke is an issue on campus.” The presentation noted that if a mandate is adopted to work with McGill on a smoke-free campus, this would involve an implementation period of at least three years.

Milton-Parc discusses greener future

Organizers seek to bridge divide between students and residents Grace Macewan News Writer

n Sunday, February 7, about sixty McGill students and residents of the Milton-Parc community gathered at the MiltonParc Community Centre to discuss solutions to Montreal’s reliance on fossil fuels. The consultation meeting was organized by the Educational Community Living Environment (ECOLE) project, the Milton Park Recreation Association, the Office de consultation publique de Montréal (OCPM), and the Société de développement communautaire Milton-Parc. Speaking to The Daily, Dimitri Roussopoulos, an activist in the community and one of the organizers, explained that the meeting sought to prepare for the public consultations that are being organized by the OCPM as well as to bring people from the community together. Acording to an October 15

announcement on the OCPM’s website, Montreal Mayor Denis Coderre mandated the OCPM in June, 2015 to consult on “concrete, ambitious and achievable solutions to Montreal’s dependence on fossil fuels.” The first phase of the consultation process ran from October to January. The second phase is currently underway, and will continue until March. The consultation meeting was structured around five themes, focusing on reducing dependence on fossil fuels in transportation, buildings, industry, personal lifestyle, and municipal services. In an interview with The Daily, Guy Grenier, who worked with the OCPM, explained the vision of the event. “The basic idea was to give Montrealers a say in this topic. It impacts everyone, so we work very hard to try to reach everyone to get the opinion of every Montrealer,” Grenier said. But Roussopoulos emphasized

that the event wanted to “go beyond simply talking about climate change and to talk about system change. [...] In other words, what really has to change in our society in order for us to live in harmony with nature, rather than being at war with nature, which is what our society is engaged in now,” Roussopoulos said. Participants were asked to sit at French, English, or bilingual tables in order to discuss fossil fuel challenges that they are particularly interested in and potential solutions to those challenges. Presentations of the discussions to the wider group – which were translated to ensure that speakers of both languages were able to understand – discussed a variety of topics, such as public transportation, food consumption, bike infrastructure, presence of large delivery trucks, and urban agriculture. Alongside the discussion of climate change, Roussopoulos said the event aimed to “bring people

from the Milton-Parc community together, and to connect them with the students on the McGill campus; for them to get to know each other – because they don’t.” Grenier outlined various other ways for how people can get involved in the consultation process. “They can participate in the creative marathon, they can organize a consultation group – we have a do-it-yourself consultation kit, they can write a [memorandum], or just present themselves to a public hearing and ask to take the [microphone].” Event participant Caroline Dionne, who has a PhD in History and Theory of Architecture from McGill noted pollution and a lack of green space in the community as major concerns. Dionne told The Daily, “People are willing to act and that’s making me more optimistic, and I feel I’m not alone in what I think of those things. So it’s going to prompt me to be more active in the future.”

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February 15, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Uber faces injunction in Montreal Uber needs to be regulated, Uber driver says

Rayleigh Lee The McGill Daily

n Wednesday, February 10, Montreal taxi and limousine drivers occupied the Pierre Elliott Trudeau International Airport to protest the popular ridehailing provider Uber. The one-day strike included drivers working for Taxi Champlain and hundreds of other drivers from the Montreal taxi industry who consider Uber to be an illegal service. A similar strike was also planned in Toronto on Friday, February 12, during the rush hour of the NBA All-Star Weekend, but was later called off. The Montreal taxi industry has recently filed a request for an injunction to permanently cease Uber’s operations and deactivate the company’s mobile app throughout Montreal. Benoit Jugand, who is the spokesperson for the taxi drivers union Regroupement des travailleurs autonomes Métallo, in an interview with Metro, said that Uber is separate from ride-sharing, and thus illegal. “Ride-sharing is well-defined with the transportation law,” Jugand said. “It says you need to share transport but you just share your gas.

But giving calls to somebody who’s taking you from point A to point B is clearly taxi business,” he said. “It’s not normal that the industry must take care of what’s supposed to be done by the government. [...] It’s simple: taxi is legal and Uber is illegal. The law says it. The law is clear. We simply want the law to be applied.” A current Uber driver, who is a former taxi driver and wished to remain anonymous, told The Daily in French that although Uber is not regulated, he believes that Uber’s operations should be considered legal. “It’s not illegal, it’s just not regulated. [...] As [Quebec Premier Philippe Couillard implied], Uber is uncontrollable. So, it just has to be regulated. He didn’t mention the word ‘illegal.’ It’s just regulations,” he said. However, UberX, a service that allows non-professional drivers to transport passengers in personal cars for less than standard taxi fare, has been called “illegal” by Montreal mayor Denis Coderre and by the Quebec government. “In the taxi industry, we have taxi inspectors, and we should not confuse them with police officers,

because people think that it’s the police who give tickets to [UberX]. [...] It’s the taxi inspectors who detect [UberX] cars, and they have the right to seize a car [...] and write a $500 ticket. And of course, Uber deals with all of this,” the anonymous Uber driver said. As of October 2015, taxi drivers in Montreal are required to comply with a new bylaw that mandates that all taxis accept credit and debit cards. Before that point, many taxis only accepted cash. “I think that all that taxi drivers are looking for is cash,” said the Uber driver. “With cash, we can never know, the government can never control the industry. I find it’s the opposite with Uber: if they regulate it and reach an agreement so that each transaction is real, at the end of the month we have all the transactions, and our taxes can be paid without any issues.” Justin Hatherly, a U2 History student, told The Daily that although he believes the legality of Uber is “in limbo right now […] Uber should be legalized.” “[Uber is] only illegal because the regulations are designed to […] have one provider [...] for this type of taxi service, which is really unfair

The mobile Uber app.

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily

because it limits choice and quality for consumers,” said Hatherly. “[But] fairness is relative. It can seem very unfair to people who’ve paid [...] to buy their taxi license. But if you justify that, you could basically justify every other interest or wanting the same level of protection to the […] economy as a whole.” Hatherly commented that the government should compensate for the declining value of taxi licenses. “What I think has to be done is that

the government should buy out taxi drivers from their licenses because they did pay a lot of money for them, but after the buyout, that’s it, we’re not allowing people to get these licenses anymore,” Hatherly suggested. Hatherly continued, “It affects the taxi drivers very negatively, because they see more competition, they lose market share, they’re probably having fewer customers than they did prior to Uber. But maybe it will put pressure on them to offer a better service.”

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February 15, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Principles of youth “permanent,” Arnold August says

1968 chairperson of political science association talks to The Daily Saima Desai The McGill Daily

n November 26, 1968, the McGill Political Science Association (PSA) went on strike to protest lack of student input in curriculum and hiring, as well as a lack of diverse political opinions in syllabi. Political Science students occupied the fourth floor of the Leacock building for ten days, with the strike ending in a student victory. Arnold August was one of the leaders of the strike and chairperson of the PSA at the time, and is now an author, journalist, and lecturer. Following a panel discussion organized by the Political Science Students’ Association (PSSA) on February 8, August spoke to The Daily about parallels between the 1968 strike and the 2012 Maple Spring strike, as well as the challenges of student mobilization. The McGill Daily (MD): Could you speak to the parallels between the 1968 student strike and that of the 2012 student strikes? Arnold August (AA): I think the important thing was – and this is similar to the student [movement] in 2012 – that it was a grassroots movement. And there was leadership, of course, but it was a collective leadership. It wasn’t based on individual personalities. Now, in 2012 [...] you had a very small group of students who were encouraged by the Liberal Party, by the Quebec judicial system – the courts – to get injunctions against the picket lines. The only argument that these students had was “I have a right to my education.” As they were breaking through the picket lines with the help of the police, the students who were in favour of the strike were taunting them, “je, me, moi.” In French that means, basically, “me, myself, and I.” In other words, they were only concerned with their own well-being and completely oblivious of the collective well-being of students. Students then, in 2012 as in 1968, were not just demanding, in our case, a more pluralistic series of subjects, but we also wanted the University to be not oblivious to what’s happening in society. And that was also one of the main demands put forward by the student movement in 2012. It was not just for the students, but for the future of Quebec society. In this case students had the right [...] not to be indebted for years to come because of an education. MD: In 1968, you said students voted “overwhelmingly” for the

strike, whereas in 2012, only 3 per cent of McGill students were on strike. What was it about the political climate or the demographic of students in 1968 that allowed for that kind of mass mobilization? AA: In McGill in 1968, there were other activities taking place for the CEGEP strike at virtually the same time. You also had the struggle against the war in Vietnam [...] in the U.S. as well as in Canada and Europe. So at McGill, even if we may have been a bit detached from the rest of Quebec, this student movement [...] was so engulfing that it overrode any difference that might exist between McGill and the rest of Quebec society. It was more of a global situation. I was very influenced in terms of the U.S. attempt to smother the revolution in Cuba – [I was] against U.S. interference in that country. And, of course, what struck me the most in 1967, 1968, which formed my thinking, was the war in Vietnam. Not too long after that, you had four students who were killed at Kent State University for protesting against the war in Vietnam.

“I still have the same ideas now that I had in 1968. They called me a Marxist revolutionary – yeah, I’m proud to be.” Arnold August, 1968 chairperson of PSA Also in ‘67 and ‘68, there were draft-dodgers from the United States who came to Montreal, some of whom became students at McGill University. So, you see, it was a worldwide movement at the time. MD: There’s a lot of student apathy, elitism, and privilege insulating McGill students from societal issues, and universities are inherently hierarchical institutions. How does this hinder student mobilization? AA: I think that’s true – inherent in McGill. It’s very oligarchical, very elitist, it’s a wealthy university. [...] But this also creates a contradiction within itself. Even though it’s an “elite” university, and that the students who attend here are perhaps a bit better off than students in other universities, they’re still youth. And youth necessarily are looking to their future, for a bet-

Arnold August in 1968, as seen in the documentary Occupation. ter future. [...] Generally, youth are looking at how to change things, they more easily identify injustices. Whereas the older generation is more prone to accepting that this is the way it is, they don’t get shocked by what’s happening in wars, and people being killed, or, for example, the Israeli occupation. MD: What advice would you give to students trying to mobilize at McGill, and beyond their university careers? AA: I’m talking to you about

that experience [of the 1968 student strike] almost five decades later – you don’t forget it. I still have the same ideas now that I had in 1968. They called me a Marxist revolutionary – yeah, I’m proud to be. I’ve been able to expand my objectives to go way beyond the twoor three-year experience at McGill. [...] I think the most important thing is to not give up on your principles. I had my principles in the 1960s, and I have the same ideas now.

The university administration is very aware that people are only here for three or four years, and they try to weather the storm [...] but then other young people are coming to university as well, with the same ideas, the same aspirations. Students come and go, but the principles of youth – against the status quo, in favour of justice, against aggression – that’s permanent. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

AUS Council talks Leacock renovations, considers study spaces

t its meeting on February 10, the Arts Undergraduate Society (AUS) Legislative Council passed a number of administrative motions and discussed possible renovations to the Leacock building.

be nominated between March 10 and March 16, with a potential extended nomination period going until March 18. Voting in both the referendum and elections will take place during the last week of March.

Arts Undergraduate Improvement Fund allocations First, Council voted unanimously to approve the funding allocations decided upon at the February 10 meeting of the Arts Undergraduate Improvement Fund Committee. Expenditures for the coming year include new couches for the Arts Lounge and equipment for SNAX. The full list of allocations is available on the AUS website.

Leacock space project AUS President Jacob Greenspon presented various proposals for renovations to the Leacock building, which could be implemented in coming years, and which would be financed through the AUS reserve funds. “The main focus here is on public spaces,” said Greenspon, explaining that the basement, ground floor, and second floor of Leacock experience “some of the heaviest traffic [of any McGill building],” and “aren’t used very efficiently right now.” Proposals include adding a substantial study area with tables beside SNAX (though this would contravene the temporary Memorandum of Agreement regarding the student-run shop), reducing the number of computers on the ground floor, and creating comfortable lounge areas in various high-traffic spots.

AUS Financial Bylaws Following this, an amendment to the AUS Financial Bylaws was approved unanimously. Its purpose, explained VP Academic and one of the movers of the motion Gabriel Gilling, was to make sure that when “any unit [...] receives funding from the AUS [...] we just ask for a public recognition that the fund comes from us.” “For example,” said Gilling, “say the VP Academic funds your peer tutoring program. We would expect you to write something in your listserv [thanking them for the funding].” Winter referendum period and departmental association elections Council also voted in favour of a motion scheduling both a referendum period and a departmental election period in March. Questions for the former may be submitted no later than February 26, and candidates for the latter will

Other business A motion to adopt a revised constitution for the Computer Science Undergraduate Society was postponed in order for new amendments to be added. VP Finance Mirza Ali Shakir told Council that sandwiches should be back in SNAX this week. Shakir said there has been a slight delay in order to ensure that the shop is meeting the highest standards of hygiene. —Marina Cupido

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February 15, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon gives talk at McGill

Ban advocates for youth empowerment, environmental responsibility Cem Ertekin The McGill Daily

n February 12, the United Nations (UN) Secretary General Ban Ki-moon gave a speech at McGill as part of his three-day working visit to Ottawa and Montreal. Speaking in a packed Leacock room 132, Ban talked about the ways in which youth balance idealism with reality, saying, “Keep your head above the clouds, but keep your two feet firmly on the ground. Then move step by step.” Hundreds of students had lined up in the lobby of the Leacock building before the speech, forming a queue that stretched both toward the basement and toward the main entrance of the building. Speaking to The Daily while waiting in line, Law student Nanying Tao said that she thought it would be interesting to hear about globalization from the perspective of an official of the UN. “Usually you feel like globalization is too far away from us,” said Tao. “I think globalization means more pluralism and diversity. We usually feel like globalization is another kind of colonization or Westernization, or other kinds of modernization. I feel like in current affairs [...] globalization will be more like a diversity of the world and more voices from the other part of the world.” Members of campus climate justice group Divest McGill were also present, holding a large banner that said “Choose wisely: We can invest in the low carbon economy or we can invest in dirty technologies,” a quote from Ban himself. Antonina Scheer, a U2 Earth

Sciences and Economics student and a member of Divest McGill, was “extremely honoured” to have Ban speak at McGill. “We know that he’s a supporter, already, of divestment. So, it means a lot that McGill has invited him and we wanted to take the opportunity to remind McGill that he is on our side in this specific debate,” Scheer told The Daily. Stevan Tempesta Jr., International Relations Students’ Association at McGill (IRSAM) VP Internal, was particularly excited to see Ban. “Being a part of [IRSAM], United Nations and Ban Ki-moon especially have a special place in my heart, I think. [...] I anticipate a lot of important dialogue from [Ban] today about youth involvement in politics. [...] I think that is especially important, given that we’re all college students [...] really trying to engage ourselves early in the international democratic process,” Tempesta told The Daily. Montreal Mayor Denis Coderre, who attended the event, told The Daily that he was happy to have Ban visit Montreal. “This is an international city. This is diversity. It’s all part of the process – I call that diplomacy of cities. [...Ban] is a friend of Montreal and we will make him an honorary citizen tonight,” Coderre said. Despite the fact that a fire alarm delayed the opening of the doors, Ban was able to start his speech with no additional hiccups. At 2:40 p.m., Ban took the stage and was met with a standing ovation. During his speech, Ban highlighted how important it is for the UN to

use youth to “forge solutions” to four problems: “Unemployment, climate change, armed conflict, and humanitarian crises.” “The older generation has not taken care of the planet that the young people will inherit. You will be continuously affected and influenced by what our generation and our previous generations have neglected,” Ban said. “With all these global threats, we cannot just worry about young people or work for them. We have to invest in youth.” Particularly with regard to climate change, Ban said, “You can all be part of the transition to a lowcarbon economy and a low-carbon future. You are consumers, innovators, and at the same time you have votes. You can invest in green solutions, invent new technologies, and elect leaders who are committed to climate action.” Hala Fakhroo, U1 Environment and Development student and a member of Divest McGill, told The Daily said she was “very happy” that Ban brought up climate change as one of the global issues that youth should focus on. “I agreed with what he said, that we need bold action from young leaders to topple over the people [...] that don’t believe in climate change and [put] obstacles in our way,” Fakhroo said. Jed Lenetsky, U1 Environment student and also a member of Divest McGill, agreed with Fakhroo. “I think he said a lot of great things, especially in terms of holding the people who we’ve elected accountable. I think that’s very relevant, in terms of the federal government and especially in the UN, but also to McGill, specifical-

Ban Ki-moon at McGill. Sonia Ionescu | The McGill Daily ly, in terms of holding the administration accountable for their actions and not taking sustainability as seriously as we would hope.” Ban also brought up the fact that McGill graduate and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has “recommitted Canada to the United Nations,” and that he was here to “recommit the United Nations to partnership with Canada.” Maéva Proteau, U3 Political Science and Middle East Studies student and editor-in-chief of the McGill International Review Online, told The Daily, “I feel it’s been so long since [Canada] had a place in the international community, so it’s exciting to see that we are trying to slowly regain our place.” Daniel Weinstock, James McGill professor in the Faculty of Law, told The Daily that he was surprised that Ban would make a “thinly veiled set of political references” to Canada’s

place in international relations under Stephen Harper’s government. “He went a little bit further than I thought a diplomat [...] would go [...] to emphasize, as it were, that Canada has gone through a period of time when it had been self-eclipsed, as it were, from the international stage and from international diplomacy.” Weinstock also said that he thought events like this are important to “remind ourselves of why it is we do what we do, why is it that we chose to study and to teach the range of topics that we chose to teach and study.” “It’s a good kick in the pants, as it were, to the extent that in the middle of February, we may be tempted by fatigue. [...] It’s a good way of reminding ourselves of that once in a while. He was certainly very inspiring, very human, very humane, surprisingly funny.”

Social Justice Days help foster alternative political culture Event series explores “Art and Resistance”

David Aird News Writer

ast week, from February 11 to February 14, the McGill chapter of the Quebec Public Interest Research Group (QPIRG) hosted an instalment of the Social Justice Days event series. This was the eleventh time the event series was held. The theme for this year’s Social Justice Days was “Art and Resistance,” featuring events such as a panel discussion on art as resistance and a workshop on the revolution in Northern Syria, among many others. The event series concluded with the Self-Love Cabaret on February 14.

Speaking to The Daily, Kiera Sheppard, a U2 Philosophy and Women’s Studies student and Campus Outreach Coordinator at QPIRG-McGill, talked about how the Social Justice Days event series is organized. “I got involved with QPIRG by volunteering for the Popular Education Committee,” Sheppard said. “It’s the committee that organizes all the events that we put on, [including] Culture Shock and Social Justice Days.” “We’re exploring different artistic and creative ways of engaging in social justice organizing and also looking at art and creative practices as a form

of resistance in themselves,” Sheppard continued. By working on Social Justice Days this year, Sheppard hoped to contribute to fostering an alternative political culture and allow students to develop new concrete skills. “If, as a campus, we have a goal of creating a more equitable environment, I personally think that free educational events [...] are an extremely effective way to go about [that],” Sheppard said. Amy Darwish, a member of the Working Groups and Community Research Committee of QPIRGMcGill, has been working on the event with other organizers since November. In an interview with The Daily,

Darwish said, “I feel like it’s an important opportunity for students to be able to connect with both on-campus social justice issues [and] community struggles happening beyond campus gates.” For Raphaële Frigon, the outreach and promotion coordinator at QPIRG-McGill, Social Justice Days is “one of the rare outlets where McGill students can learn about equity programs and what the working groups at QPIRG do.” Speaking to The Daily, Frigon said, “This year we’re focusing on art, creativity, and resistance. It’s not just about the struggle, but also the positive things that come out of it. [...] It’s about the new and novel ways in

which people organize and create in the face of difficult situations.” Arno Zilouchi, a U1 Philosophy and Political Science student, told The Daily, “I think Social Justice Days are a good way for anyone from any background to come and explore [...] the different social issues discussed and fought [for] on campus.” Zilouchi continued, “It’s a good way for people to inform themselves, join social justice movements, build movements, and mostly think for themselves. It is also good for people to gather and achieve things together, especially by forming a community that thinks like them or challenges them on intellectual and human grounds.”

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February 15, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

McGill and non-academic workers’ union announce collective agreement Board of Governors discusses pipeline company, mental health

Paniz Khosroshahy The McGill Daily

he McGill Board of Governors (BoG) convened for the first time this semester on February 11. Highlights of the agenda included a report from the Committee to Advise on Matters of Social Responsibility (CAMSR), and the annual report from Student Life and Learning. CAMSR update on divestment from the fossil fuel industry CAMSR reported on its January 14 meeting regarding the Divest McGill petition calling on McGill to divest from the fossil fuel industry. Stuart “Kip” Cobbett, Chair of the BoG, speaking on behalf of CAMSR, said, “We are now working on our report and we expect to come back to the Board [of Governors] for considerations during the month of March.” Cobbett also said that the next CAMSR meeting is tentatively scheduled for February 22. In addition, there are currently no plans for any community-wide consultation about CAMSR’s decision, according to Cobbett. Transcontinental Gas Pipe Line Company The BoG voted to give the Transcontinental Gas Pipe Line Company, LLC (Transco) a natural gas pipeline permanent servitude and right-ofway, as well as a temporary servitude and right of workspace on two tracts of land on property in Cameron Parish, Louisiana, over which McGill owns an interest. Essentially, this means that McGill has to give away its rights to the land in Lousiana so that Transco can build a natural gas pipeline there. Transco has offered to pay 15,418 USD in compensation, whereas the market value of the property is 11,000 USD. Post-Graduate Students’ Society (PGSS) representative to the BoG Danielle Toccalino expressed her concerns about the lack of study done about the environmental impacts of the said pipeline. “The goal of McGill being in the forefront of mitigating climate change and moving to a more carbonneutral economy should be taken into consideration,” said Toccalino. “I would much rather we give up this [property]. It’s a very small amount of money in the grand scheme of the McGill budget and I think that would set a big precedent.” “My question is about [McGill’s] reputational risk perspective. The pipeline issue, it has been in the media,” said Tina Hobday, Alumni As-

sociation Representative to the BoG. “I don’t know what the chances are that this might get out of proportion that McGill is allowing pipelines.”

“The goal of McGill being in the forefront of mitigating climate change and moving to a more carbon-neutral economy should be taken into consideration.” Danielle Toccalino, PGSS representative

The vote to sell the right to work on the land to the pipeline company passed with only Toccalino, Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) President and representative to the BoG Kareem Ibrahim, and Academic Staff Representative Derek Nystrom voting against. Campus union negotiations At the meeting, the Human Resources Committee reported that the University and McGill University Non-Academic Certified Association/Public Service Alliance of Canada (MUNACA/PSAC) reached a new collective agreement at a meeting on December 2, 2015 that will be valid for a period of three years from December 1, 2015 to November 30, 2018. Speaking on behalf of the Human Resources Committee, Cobbett said, “Most of us who have been around the campus for a while will remember three years ago, we had a very bitter strike. It’s wonderful that we’ve been able to conclude this arrangement.” Toccalino questioned the use of conciliation and arbitration techniques in the ongoing negotiations between the administration and McGill’s floor fellows, unionized under Association of McGill University Support Employees (AMUSE), asking, “Why has [...] a mediator been necessary?” Cobbett explained that he could not go into details about the University’s negotiations “for obvious reasons.” Nevertheless, he explained, “The reason there, I guess, is that thus far we’ve been unable to come to an agreement.”

The James Administration building. Toccalino also said that there have been a number of concerns relating to the perceived reasons why McGill suggested using these processes. “I don’t think it’s in anybody’s interest to get into the specifics of any of the negotiations. These negotiations necessarily involve a lot of moving parts. One thing they’d agree to, we won’t agree to. Somebody has to step back and look at the whole thing and we have a team of negotiators to do that,” Cobbett responded.

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily

Report on Student Living and Learning Deputy Provost (Student Life and Learning) Ollivier Dyens presented the 2014-15 Annual Report of Student Life and Learning. With regard to mental health initiatives, Dyens mentioned that the high demand for mental health support is a “North American phenomena.” “[At McGill] the demand [for counselling with respect to mental health] has doubled in two years,” Dyens said. “We are still trying to

figure out what the source of the problem is. [...We are] trying to give students more tools and more agency so they don’t get to that point [of needing counselling].” Dyens also mentioned that McGill is working with Queen’s University and the University of Toronto to develop a Canada-wide strategy for addressing students’ mental health. An earlier version of this article was published online. The article was updated following the meeting.

Divest McGill rallies outside James Administration

ust before the McGill Board of Governors (BoG) meeting on February 11, around thirty demonstrators, organized by the campus climate justice group Divest McGill, rallied outside the James Administration building. The demonstrators stood in front of the main entrance of the James Administration building, holding signs that said “Divest McGill” and chanting, “Get on the podium, divest from petroleum.” In an interview with The Daily, Benji Astrachan, U2 World Religions and International Development Studies student and a member of Divest McGill, said, “We just wanted to make sure that our presence was loud and clear, and that they knew that we’re there and we’ll continue to be there.” Since 2012, Divest McGill has submitted several petitions to the BoG’s Committee to Advise on Matters of Social Responsibility (CAMSR), urging the University to divest from Canadian tar sands and the fossil fuel industry. Divest McGill has since garnered the endorsement of faculty and staff. For example, in November, the Arts Faculty Council voted to endorse the campaign. Three years of consistent campus advocacy have failed to influence McGill’s investment portfolio. Divest McGill

alleges that the University has incurred an estimated $43 million in losses stemming from its current investment holdings during the time it has spent considering Divest McGill’s petitions. At a CAMSR meeting on October 22, CAMSR Chair Stuart “Kip” Cobbett had said that “[CAMSR would] have a decision by early next year. Certainly by the March 30 deadline.” However, Cobbett had also added, “This is not a drop-dead deadline, because stuff happens.” In an interview with The Daily, Gregoire Beaune, U3 Political Science and Philosophy student and a participant at the rally, said, “For me, [climate justice] goes beyond just the climate. [...] Climate, today, is at the intersection of several struggles which link racialized people and people who are socioeconomically disfavoured.” “Divesting from fossil fuels [...] is more than just asking for a green campus. It’s asking for an ethical campus – one that is aware of the repercussions of its investments and also aware of the world around it,” Beaune said. —George Ghabrial An earlier version of this brief was published online.

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February 15, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Tension among SSMU councillors over student federation affiliation

Referendum question on creating $2.75 Club Fund fee to be asked Ellen Cools The McGill Daily

n February 11, the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) Legislative Council met to discuss ten motions and two notices of motion. The motion regarding constitutional amendments was struck and tabled for the next Council meeting. Student federation referendum question During its last meeting on January 28, Council had discussed the potential of joining one of two Quebec student federations, the Association pour la voix étudiante au Québec (AVEQ) or the Union étudiante du Québec (UEQ). In her report to Council, VP External Emily Boytinck stated that there “appeared to be little interest” in continuing SSMU’s involvement in UEQ. A motion was brought to Council to vote on whether the question of joining AVEQ should be posed during the Winter 2016 referendum period. Joining AVEQ would result in a non-opt-outable student fee of $3.50 per student per semester. Boytinck introduced the motion, saying, “This has been an ongoing process since before my term even started and […] I think that this association can provide a lot of amazing benefits to students.”

“Where is our tuition going? Why are these fees being asked to go through [Council]?” Lexi Michaud, Arts representative Arts and Sciences Representative Matthew Satterthwaite was strongly against the motion, and was mandated by the Bachelor of Arts and Science Integrative Council (BASiC) to vote against this motion. Satterthwaite reported that the BASiC wants SSMU to postpone the affiliation process with AVEQ until the 2016-17 academic year, when AVEQ has had more time to develop its mandate.

Satterthwaite explained that asking students to vote on this question before AVEQ’s mandate is fully developed is “quite frankly a waste of money and a waste of time.” However, Boytinck responded saying that AVEQ is not in the process of developing its mandate, as it was voted on in May. Medicine Representative Joshua Chin echoed Satterthwaite’s sentiments in wanting to postpone affiliation to AVEQ and was also mandated to oppose the motion by the Medical Students’ Society (MSS). Chin further shared his personal concern that AVEQ may end up failing. “What if we were to give this $100,000 per semester to one student federation that ends up failing? How can we tell that to our students?” he said. Addressing the idea of postponing the question of affiliation, Boytinck said this “is essentially asking other students in Quebec to fund this organization while we make up our mind. To me, I don’t think that that’s fair. I don’t think that’s a good show of solidarity.” The motion passed with seventeen votes in favour, five opposed, and two abstentions. Outrage over ancillary fees When the motion regarding the renewal of the McGill Writing Centre ancillary fee was brought to Council, many councillors became concerned about the nature of an ancillary fee. According to VP Finance & Operations Zacheriah Houston, the McGill Writing Centre ancillary fee is a “University fee [that the University is] asking us to renew, which is why I am obligated to bring this up to you.” According to section 7, part II, article 6.3 of the SSMU Internal Regulations of the Finance and Operations Portfolio, “The Legislative Council shall, in extreme circumstances, reserve the right to reject a proposed Ancillary Fee question outright. The only time this may occur is in the case that the University has misrepresented information about the Fee in question or has not provided sufficient information regarding the Fee in question in a timely manner.” “Our bylaws do not tell you how to vote, but our bylaws tell you what you can vote on and when. And it says, right now, all you can

vote on is the wording of the question,” Houston added. Boytinck also said, “We should be able to reject ancillary fees from going to referendum.” Many councillors asked why these fees are being imposed on students, and felt that the University should cover such expenses in their own operating budget. Arts Representative Lexi Michaud questioned why the University imposes ancillary fees on Council, asking, “Where is our tuition going? Why are these fees being asked to go through [Council]? […] I want an explanation of why this is being passed to student fees.” In order to address councillors’ concerns regarding ancillary fees, the motion regarding the renewal of the McGill Writing Centre ancillary fee was tabled. Council then brought up a motion regarding the amendment of the electoral timeline, extending it from February 11 to February 25 in order to gather information from the University regarding ancillary fees. February 11 was originally the last day Council could vote on approving questions to be asked at referendum; February 25 is now the last day. Councillors then adopted a new motion that stipulated the creation

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Councillors voting at SSMU Council.

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Ellen Cools | The McGill Daily

of the ancillary fee referendum campaign period between March 21 and April 21, and the actual referendum period from March 28 to April 21. Houston clarified that “what we’re proposing here is a separate referendum period called the ancillary fee referendum period to take place at the end of March, where [the] Access McGill, Writing Centre, and any other ancillary fees to come would be voted on.” VP University Affairs Chloe Rourke spoke in favour of the motion, saying, “I think students should be aware of the fact that [ancillary fees] are essentially fees that are in addition to their tuition, going to services and operations that should be covered through the operating budget of [the University].” The motion regarding the creation of the ancillary fee referendum campaign passed unanimously. Creating a Club Fund fee A motion was brought to Council to approve another question to be posed during the Winter 2016 referendum period, regarding the creation of an opt-outable Club Fund fee of $2.75 per student per semester. Currently, SSMU allocates $25,000 to the Club Fund each semester. However, a preambulato-

ry clause in the motion explain that this is “insufficient to meet the need for funding by the [more than 240] clubs recognized by the SSMU.” At the Council meeting, VP Clubs & Services Kimber Bialik emphasized the need for a Club Fund that cannot be cut during SSMU budget cuts. According to Houston, the Club Fund fee would generate approximately $100,000 for clubs. Michaud questioned whether the creation of the Clubs Fund fee was a result of the failure of the referendum to increase the SSMU base fee, a portion of which was supposed to go to student groups. In response, Houston said, “The Club Fund fee, which was something we had talked about prior to conceptualizing the base fee, would put the Club Fund at what I and [Bialik thought was appropriate].” Arts Senator Erin Sobat, regarding the possibility that students might view a Club Fund fee as disingenuous following the base fee referendum, added that many students did not like that the idea that the increased base fee would contribute to staff salaries, among other things, but that there seemed to be general support for clubs. The motion passed.

Commentary

February 15, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Making space for Jewish resistance Why we’re voting “yes” on the BDS motion

Nit In Aundzer Nomen Commentary Writers

oming to the realization that being Jewish does not require supporting Israel is cause for both internal and social conflict. At McGill in particular, it can be quite a marginalizing experience. Campus rhetoric consistently pairs anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, preventing Jewish students from speaking out comfortably against Israel’s state policies for fear of being labelled a “self-hating Jew.” On a campus where the heart of Jewish life is dominated by Hillel, an organization whose vision is one where “every student is inspired to make a commitment to Jewish life, learning and Israel,” and by Chabad, which wants its members to “apply the timeless Jewish principle of Ahavat [the love of ] Israel” – not to mention Israel on Campus – it is crucial for Jews to act to break down the hegemony of this discourse at our university. The representation of Jewish interests on campus is incredibly important, particularly at a university that once used quotas to limit Jewish enrolment. But when the groups who provide resources, funding, and spaces used to support Kosher options on campus or organize celebrations of religious holidays are also those promoting unconditional support for the State of Israel, these groups are acting to silence and alienate Jewish voices who dare to dissent. Similarly, at last year’s Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) General Assemblies (GAs), voices claiming to be speaking for all Jews on campus trumped and erased our own, co-opting our identities in defence of the Jewish state. The discourse on campus has conflated Jews of all backgrounds with a nationalistic, militaristic, and racist government agenda, and as Jewish students who believe in justice, we feel a particular responsibility to speak out in support of the Palestinian people. The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement has given us a way to mobilize from a distinctly Jewish perspective in a way that does not contradict our values. In doing so, we are also actively resisting the use of our Jewish identities as a justification for stripping millions of people of their basic rights. Who are we to speak on the subject? We are Jews – French, Canadian, American, and Israeli; Ashkenazi and Sephardi; Orthodox, Reformist, and secular. We’ve been raised attending Jewish day schools and after-school programs, embracing our identities while coming to

terms with the central role that one particular ideology played in our upbringing: Zionism, the support for the existence of a distinctly Jewish state. We aren’t strangers to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; in fact, many of us are directly affected by it. We have lived and travelled in Israel; we have families in Israel and friends in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). It is exactly this proximity that makes the conflict all the more important to engage with. Over the past few years, we’ve been working to unpack the conflation of Judaism and Zionism, trying to figure out where in our upbringing Judaism ended and Zionism began. Recently, we started gathering as a group, grappling with our personal identities, learning and unlearning, questioning our roles within the IsraeliPalestinian conflict and as Jewish anti-Zionists on this campus. We define anti-Zionism as the opposition to the State of Israel as it exists today. We do not aim to speak for all Jews at McGill, nor for all Jewish anti-Zionists; the terms “Zionism” and “anti-Zionism” are both loaded and can be defined in many different ways, and our group members ascribe to various definitions within this range. Irrespective of these identifiers, however, we feel that we must begin to take up space in a campus discourse that has been polarized for too long. It is precisely because of our deep connection to Israel created by the consistent conflation of Judaism and Zionism that we can no longer merely question what we’ve been taught – we must take action. Fighting for justice is integral to Jewish identity, considering the centuries of persecution and exile that constitute our people’s history. We root our actions in traditions that stem from lineages of Jewish feminist thought – such as that of Judith Plaskow, a religious studies professor at Manhattan College, who writes in Standing Again At Sinai: Judaism from a Feminist Perspective that “the economic, social, and moral costs of military occupation make it incompatible with equity within one’s own boundaries. The rightful claim of Palestinians to a land of their own renders occupation profoundly unjust.” By reclaiming Jewish traditions of resistance, we hope to encourage others to make room for a critical Jewish perspective. Recognizing these aspects of our identities, we also believe that fighting against ongoing instances of anti-Semitism is important; anti-Semitism is real, both here and abroad. However, resisting

Marina Djurdjevic | The McGill Daily anti-Semitism does not contradict resisting the Israeli state. While instances of anti-Semitism within BDS efforts have occurred and must be acknowledged as such, they are not representative of the majority of BDS organizing. The Israeli occupation is justified through the claim that it is necessary to Jewish safety and representative of worldwide Jewry, particularly given the legacy of the Holocaust. These claims obscure and essentialize Judaism, while dispossessing Palestinians of their lands and rights. We reject this idea, and instead stand with those oppressed by the State of Israel.

It is precisely because of our deep connection to Israel created by the consistent conflation of Judaism and Zionism that we can no longer merely question what we’ve been taught – we must take action. The BDS movement is not one of our own design; rather, it is answering a direct call on the ground made in 2005 by over 171 Palestinian civil society organizations. BDS puts pressure on companies that profit from the creation of settle-

ments illegal under international law and that design military equipment used in ongoing assaults on the West Bank and Gaza. BDS campaigns are targeted tactics, rather than permanent solutions. On their own, boycotts and divestment will not dismantle Israel’s multi-billiondollar economy, but these tactics can be used as part of a strategy to pressure a nation to cease engaging in human rights violations, with the end of South African apartheid often being lauded as an example of their successful use. The idea is to urge Israel to lift its discriminatory policies, as well as to encourage the global community to follow suit in opposing state-led violence against an occupied people. Jewish and Israeli support for BDS can be traced through civic and human rights organizations such as Jewish Voice for Peace, Yesh Din, Adalah, and Independent Jewish Voices. Student unions at various academic institutions, including Northwestern University and Stanford, have adopted resolutions to lobby the administrations for divestment. McGill University holds investments in four companies that profit from the occupation either through financing of military systems or the expansion of illegal settlements: these are L-3 Communications, Mizrahi-Tefahot Bank, Bank Leumi, and RE/MAX. Campaigning for McGill to divest its holdings from these sources – less that 0.3 per cent of its total investments – would bring international attention to McGill’s condemnation of human rights violations. Moreover, at the end of the day, it’s our tuition money being invested in these

companies, and it is therefore our obligation to speak out. We believe that it is crucial for Jews and non-Jews alike to be actively engaging with and supporting BDS. It promotes dialogue surrounding complicity in the occupation and allows for a diverse range of voices to participate. Passing a motion at the GA is not an end to involvement, but a strong first step. As such, we ask both Jews and nonJews alike to come to the SSMU GA on February 22 at 3 p.m. to mandate SSMU to lobby McGill for divestment, in solidarity with the peoples of Palestine. We are fighting back against the common conflation of Judaism and Zionism because we believe in more than Zionism, we believe in more than the occupation, and we need to break the silence that allows for oppression to be perpetrated. Reaching these conclusions has been a lengthy process for many of us, and many of us did not start out at McGill knowing histories of Israeli violence, but had questions and sought out this community to begin to answer them. If you are a Jew at McGill and you have questions, we invite you to contact us and join us for Shabbat dinner. In the meantime, we hope to see you at the GA. Nit In Aundzer Nomen (Yiddish for “not in our name”) is a group of Jewish students from McGill that gathers over Shabbat dinners to engage in collective reflection and relearning. The group takes the form of an informal discussion space or reading circle. The group can be reached at nitinaundzernomen@ gmail.com.

Commentary

February 15, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Black History Month and remembrance Two students discuss the meaning of the legacy of slavery

Nadir Khan Shadows of Slavery

lack History Month is usually seen as the time of year when one should reflect on the struggles and achievements of Black communities around the world. Such a designated period of historical reflection invites some questions. What exactly constitutes Black history? What events or developments should be elevated above others? These questions aside, Black History Month offers an important opportunity to collectively remember. In an effort to try and do just that, I spoke with Anne-Sophie Tzeuton, a former classmate of mine and a recent McGill graduate, and with my friend Chantelle Dallas, a law student at McGill. They reflected on slavery, its legacy, and what that history means to them. Remembering the history Chantelle, who grew up in Jamaica and studied in the U.S. and France before coming to McGill, spoke about the varying levels of awareness about the history of slavery that she has encountered. “In high school, growing up in Jamaica, we did Caribbean history more than world history, and a lot of that was talking about slavery – it wasn’t a hidden part of curriculum. In terms of my identity, I was a lot more aware of what a past slave society would look like when I came to the U.S.. [Here] I interact with people who are just not as aware, and hear people in Canada say ‘I didn’t hear about Canadian slavery, I didn’t know about it,’” She said that her visit to former slave depots in West Africa – namely, Cape Coast Castle in Ghana and the Maison des Esclaves in Senegal – as well as to a slave museum in the major slave port town of Nantes, France, highlighted the vast scope of the impact of slavery. “There’s no way that you can escape it, it’s part of everyone’s history. Even if you weren’t dealing in slaves, its effects crossed the world – it was a triangular trade connecting Europe, America, and Africa. [...] But even then, I didn’t think that the awareness in [Jamaica] was that great.” Anne-Sophie is Cameroonian; though born in France, her childhood was split between time in Niger and Uganda, and she eventually came to Canada to pursue her studies. Anne-Sophie spoke about a personal connection to the history of slavery. “I feel very touched and linked to this period of time. I was not directly impacted, of course, I did not suffer from slavery, but I

just feel like the remnants of this historical period are still visible today. When I think of the history of slavery, I think about my history, my family history, my grandfather’s history. My ancestors were impacted in some way or another. I think about reconnecting with my past and learning about how low humanity can stoop.” I asked both students how they thought slavery could best be acknowledged and remembered. “Black History Month shouldn’t just be a month,” said Anne-Sophie. “It’s all our histories, and they should be learned throughout the year. Why is only a month used to remember the past? It’s world history, it can’t be condensed.” AnneSophie, who currently lives in France, added that French society must confront Black history more than it currently does. “During high school in France, my cultural heritage was so condemned. They would say, ‘Racism? What are you talking about? This doesn’t happen here.’ I feel like [in France] there is a shame about Black history, they like to cover it up. The moment you talk about racism, a French person is literally scared shitless.”

“If law is going to be used as an instrument of power against me, then I should know how to use it as well. That’s me taking back the power that was taken away from me.” Chantelle Dallas, law student Anne-Sophie expressed that discussing slavery and race today continues to be difficult. “I feel that the African community in France is muffled,” explained Anne-Sophie. “The French pride themselves on being united, but we’re not united. Snarky comments and microaggressions – my goodness – happen on a daily basis.” The situation is different in Jamaica. “We don’t have a minority status, as people in positions of power are Black,” said Chantelle. “What we have in Jamaica is more colourism or classism. Even with-

Rahma Wiryomartono | The McGill Daily in the Black community it’s like, ‘Okay, you’re lighter-skinned, so you’re more likely to be successful, more likely to be considered beautiful, more likely to be considered intelligent.’” For Chantelle, remembering slavery begins in schools. “Commemorating is good, and having spaces to learn more outside of the classroom [is good], but if you don’t learn about it at an early age, then you won’t have an interest in exploring it later on in life. It’s a general consciousness, it’s hard to awaken people when they don’t want to think that discrimination still exists.” Justice after slavery Anne-Sophie and Chantelle differed somewhat on the topic of redress for slavery and payment of reparations. “I sometimes think, would [reparations] really change anything?” said Anne-Sophie. “It seems a way to cover something up that I don’t think can ever be mended. Still, I think it can be helpful.” For Anne-Sophie, acknowledgement is ultimately more important than reparations. “It’s about accepting that you have a privilege, on this earth, that we will not have for a long time. I’m not sure, but I think reparations should only be given to the older generation who was impacted, or to the [descendants] of slaves who were obliged to live in squalor – because that is still the case in ghettos.” Speaking to the history of Jamaica, Chantelle explained that she supports reparations, as the harms of slavery were never recog-

nized nor redressed. “In Jamaica, even after emancipation, people were working as slaves because they didn’t have the freedom to move off plantations for the most part. It was when slavery became unprofitable that the abolitionists got their way. It was a profit thing, not because slavery was morally wrong. It was all a balance of economics.”

“The moment you talk about racism, a French person is literally scared shitless.” Anne-Sophie Tzeuton, recent graduate Chantelle highlighted the hypocrisy of the British reaction to the call for reparations. “They were only willing to let go when it wasn’t profitable, and they paid off the people who were responsible for allowing that [by compensating former slaveholders]. Then, David Cameron, the prime minister of the UK, comes to Jamaica and shakes hands with people and says, ‘Oh, you know, reparations aren’t really necessary.’ No, we think you owe us.” Chantelle also spoke about her experience studying legal traditions – such as French civil law, English common law, or Roman and American law – that have historically served to entrench and legitimize systems of slavery. “As the critical race theory scholar Mari Matsuda has said, you have

to approach it in two ways: outside the courtroom, or outside law school, and inside. There is speaking about these issues in a public forum, on the street, et cetera. But minority populations or poor populations don’t have access to justice because it’s not affordable and then you’re being discriminated against,” Chantelle said. “Then there is inside the courtroom, or inside law school. If law is going to be used as an instrument of power against me, then I should know how to use it as well. That’s me taking back the power that was taken away from me.” For Chantelle, the study of law serves to empower her community. “There’s no way I’m not going to give back to the community that I’m from. That’s important. If you come to these positions you can’t be like the nice house slave and forget your brothers in the field. Using law school as a stepping stone, on the back of those who came before you and had to make sacrifices for you to be here – I take that very seriously. I take my country’s history and my family’s history very seriously. Being Black, being Jamaican, and an international student, I think it’s true: I have to work twice as hard to be half as good as white students – and so I’m here, working hard.” Shadows of Slavery is a column that seeks to remember the history of slavery in the Americas and to examine how this history manifests itself today. Nadir Khan can be reached at shadowsofslavery@ mcgilldaily.com.

Commentary

February 15, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Revisiting women-only gym hours

Students still care about equitable access to athletic spaces

Paniz Khosroshahy The McGill Daily

fter news broke a year ago that a couple of students were in talks with the McGill Athletics Center about the possibility of women-only gym hours, the Spotted McGill Facebook page became a battleground of reactionary rambling over the potential exclusion of men from the fitness centre for 4 hours of its more than 100 weekly hours of operation. While the social media fuss has died down, the issue that prompted the request still remains, and we need to talk about it. Law students Soumia Allalou and Raymond Grafton had met with McGill Athletics and Recreation Assistant Director Jill Barker and had been approaching a compromise about women-only hours at the Varsity Weight Room, which would avoid disrupting regular gym hours. However, after the initial backlash, Deputy Provost (Student Life and Learning) Ollivier Dyens, along with Drew Love, former executive director of Athletics, arranged a meeting with Allalou and Grafton. Soon after, Dyens published a statement that effectively shut down the possibility of further negotiation on the matter. It was a predictable result in a society steeped in dogmatic secularism and anxiety about ‘reverse sexism,’ and one where white men decide the needs of women of colour. “McGill is a community where every form of diversity (cultural, linguistic, gender, religion, et cetera) is celebrated and encouraged,” the statement read. These are all very noble goals, but this “celebration” and “encouragement” seems to be only concerned about a certain type of diversity defined by white men and aimed at generating brag-worthy statistics for the university. To “celebrate diversity” while refusing to create accommodations for the needs of “diverse” students is hypocrisy. Dyens, unfortunately, does not appear to have an adequate understanding of why diversity should be

Letters

encouraged in the first place: to improve equity. He asserted in his statement that, “Most people don’t want us to segregate our services.” Equity, however, is not about appealing to majorities. Not everyone starts from an equal ground of opportunity, and meaningful action to combat this requires acknowledging this inequality and actively treating people differently. Making up for inequalities may be unpopular, but that doesn’t mean it shouldn’t be done. The case for women-only hours At the University of Toronto and Ryerson University, both of which have women-only gym hours, statistics have shown that usually low female participation in certain athletic facility spaces increases notably during times scheduled exclusively for women. A school like McGill that is supposedly committed to “diversity” should be looking for ways to improve women’s access to athletic spaces and overall fitness. Women-only hours are an obvious way to do so. There are a variety of reasons why women, in general, don’t exercise as much as men. Because women are subject to unattainable and everchanging standards of beauty, which can make many feel self-conscious about their bodies in the gym. Because athleticism is men’s domain and an assertion of masculinity, and successful women athletes are derided as “masculine.” Because women’s fitness magazines give more advice about achieving bikini bodies than getting stronger. Because women who even dare lift weights are warned against getting “too bulky.” Because women often have less leisure time, being expected to perform childcare and additional chores after work while men unwind and fit their workouts in. Because some Muslim and Orthodox Jewish women adhere to dress codes that prevent them from exercising in co-ed settings. The toxic environment of many gyms and athletic facilities does not exactly help this situation. After a semester of being around jocks who

Gee Hung Leo Cheung | Photographer grunted as hardly as possible for absolutely no reason, slammed their barbells on the floor, chuckled at me squatting 30-pound “women’s bars,” commented on my form and the muscles I “should” be working, stared at me as if they were thinking “What the fuck is she doing here?” and left their personal items all over the place to assert their space, I gave up on the gym. I used to think I made this up in my head, but since then I have talked to so many other people who have had similar experiences being intimidated and alienated by the gym’s hypermasculine atmosphere. I admire women who are not bothered by being in a space immersed in toxic masculinity, I really do. But I would also like to remind them that, the mere fact that a particular policy is not useful to them doesn’t reduce its value to others. Yes, the gym is open to everyone, but women – particularly women of colour, according to the BC Recreation and Parks Association – tend not use it as much. Ignoring students’ gender and race instead of acknowledging that they have been made to feel unsafe on the basis of these identities does not, in any way, fulfill the

goal of the office of Student Life and Learning at McGill, which is to create “the best, healthiest, and most stimulating environment possible for students to succeed.” An equitable solution In his statement, Dyens said, “We do not believe in the segregation of our services.” First, this phrasing has unnecessary racial implications, and I’m sure the intended effect was to make people automatically uncomfortable. Invoking any sort of comparison or allusion to Jim Crow is abominable – requiring closed spaces for the empowerment of a marginalized group is very different than intentionally and violently oppressing Black Americans. Second, the gym is already ‘segregated’ in a sense, as a disproportionate number of men dominate the weights section and create an uncomfortable environment for women. As such, the argument that women-only hours would require a men-only counterpart makes no sense – in practice, this is basically what we already have. This is as bizarre as saying that having Gay Pride necessitates Straight Pride – every day is Straight Pride.

In his statement, Dyens claimed that the University would continue efforts to “create the best, most open, and safest environment possible, where everyone is treated equitably.” I would be exhilarated if our administration were indeed invested enough in combatting the effect of dominant masculinity in student spaces to actually take concrete action to do so. However, I am a bit skeptical of the administration’s commitment to such a goal beyond the existing zeroharassment policy at the gym. As it stands, women, particularly women of colour, are being systematically excluded from the gym. Women-only gym hours may be a band-aid solution, but band-aids still help. So, I would like to ask McGill to be honest with us. The University can’t continue to parade images of hijabi and brown women on its website and brochures for an empty label of “diversity” while it dismisses their concerns. You just can’t have it both ways. Paniz Khosroshahy is a U2 Women’s Studies and Computer Science student. To contact her, email paniz.ksy@gmail.com.

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Uninformed stigmatization of Israel, again Re: “Toward Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions at McGill” (February 8, Features, page 11). Like clockwork, every year, around this time, a certain circadian rhythm calls forth the groundhog from his hole and brings out the radical Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) advocates from their den. Like clockwork, every year, they make grand claims about democracy, their value for the will of Redmen and Martlets, and their deep and abiding faith

in the General Assembly process. Yet here we face a conundrum, for every year their resolution – always a slight variant on the same tired old message – is swiftly and widely shot down by a majority of McGillians who know that BDS is nothing but an unproductive, divisive, and wildly uninformed effort to stigmatize Israel by likening it to apartheid South Africa. Despite the factual inconsistency of their claim, and the clear, decisive democratic will that has

now been demonstrated in not just a few GAs but, rather, all of them, Students in Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) has launched a satellite group to peddle BDS at McGill again. While most students are hard at work on midterms, these groups attempt to undermine the expressed will of sensible McGillians and regurgitate the same resolution we’ve rejected time and time again. When will SPHR and its satellite groups realize that their resolu-

tion has no place at our GAs? Finally, for the record, part of that “land between the Mediterranean and Jordan River” is called the State of Israel, a beacon of hope and a far cry from the shameless smear image SPHR and its satellite group purvey. If you don’t believe me, ask our prime minister, Justin Trudeau. —Chad Regan, third-year law student

Capitalism, Objectification, and the Romance of

Valentine’s Day

Written by Sarah Meghan Mah | Visuals by Rahma Wiryomartono

e talk endlessly about enjoying holidays without giving into the mass consumerism imposed on us by corporations and popular media advertising. At Christmas, we insist that it is the time spent with family and friends that really matters. Here in Montreal, we have even used Halloween to promote an end to austerity. Beyond holiday consumption, universities such as McGill tend to be hotbeds for critical examinations of capitalism in general, and have even begun to assess the feasibility of alternative economic systems and models. It is an encouraging trend for those looking to build a kinder, mutually beneficial, more sustainable system. Attitudes toward Valentine’s Day seem to be moving in a similar direction. For instance, many couples seem to be content to do away with expensive flower bouquets and chocolates. But many of these same people who

otherwise reject consumerism are complicit with one capitalistic practice used to turn this holiday into a chance to turn a profit, at the expense of women. Valentine’s Day festivities reveal the continued use of objectification to package and sell the celebration. McGill is no exception. As I write, the Post-Graduate Students’ Society (PGSS) is advertising their annual “Drag and Burlesque Show,” described as “super fabulous, super sexy.” The 18+ event was promoted through the PGSS listserv, Facebook, as well as their website, with an illustration representing what appears to be women posing in suggestive postures. It became clear to me this would not be an homage to the old Victorian Era variety of burlesque based mostly in parody, to say the least. The Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) has had similar events in the past, including courses in burlesque and striptease.

These practices enforce a narrow range of sexual stereotypes, but remain popular and profitable today. In our failure to challenge them, do we achieve similar rejection of capitalism for Valentine’s Day? More importantly, I wonder what it says about our society if the focus of Valentine’s Day is reduced to objectification and commodification of people – who happen to be mostly women. Are these practices all the student body has to offer as expressions of love and romance?

Objectification is not romance I think about these questions in the context of being a current graduate student at McGill, somewhat immersed in the excitement around the possibilities of celebration of love, and maybe even the excitement of

Features new romance. Having spent some years away from academia doing political activism work with a feminist rape crisis centre, as well as with an equalityseeking group of Asian women, I got to see the sad and outrageous reality of violence against women as a frontline rape crisis counsellor. What also became clear to me was how women’s objectification in the media and popular culture renders women vulnerable to this violence, and primes men to deliver it.

I wonder what it says about our society if the focus of Valentine’s Day is reduced to objectification and commodification of people – who happen to be mostly women. At this point, you might wonder what objectification really is, and whether it actually does any harm. Objectification is just what it sounds like: the transformation of human subjects that act for themselves, into objects that are acted upon. Simone de Beauvoir was the first to articulate the dynamic of objectification between men and women in her seminal work The Second Sex. Laura Mulvey built on this theory in her essay “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,” and coined the term the “male gaze” to describe how film is structured to satisfy a masculine perspective, using women and their bodies as objects existing for the benefit of men’s viewing pleasure. This all might sound potentially harmless and benign in a world where

February 15, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

sexism doesn’t exist. But it does. The fact that objectification usually happens to women, and not men, demonstrates that point. Strippers, pole-dancers, beauty pageants – mostly women. Objectification creates and reinforces different hierarchies among people, namely – men and women, as further exacerbated by race and class. It also influences how we relate to each other, and how we treat each other. Feminists are concerned about sexual objectification, because women are reduced to sexual objects and body parts. In other words, we are dehumanized, and turned into lesser beings that have no motivations, desires, and needs of our own. Feminist writer Andrea Dworkin called this dehumanization the “injury of objectification.”

Objectification and the capitalist’s version of “romance” While men benefit the most from the objectification of women, there is one other group that loves the male gaze. As it turns out, sexual objectification plays right into the hands of capitalists. In one sense, “sex just sells.” Objectification sells movies, music videos, fashion, even cat food, if you can believe it. Sexualized objectification is tricky, because it has become so ingrained into society and culture that we hardly see anything problematic with it. The social harms are made invisible. We also seldom see any promotion or portrayal of the healthy romance and love we actually want and may experience in our everyday lives. Why? Because that stuff isn’t profitable. Here’s where things get really grim. It has come to the point where major capitalist enterprises such as the sex industry have taken advantage of this transformation of women into commodities for the profit and enjoyment of men. Opportunistic entities

and individuals have not rejected the expansion of “product” to include human beings. Marketing women has proven to be very profitable, and profit is paramount in a capitalist society. So long as we, as a society, decide that it’s okay to use women as a commodity, the expansion will continue. Practices such as pole-dancing, burlesque, and striptease are all based on an industry that relies on the objectification of women’s bodies. While there are arguments that these practices are personally empowering and liberating, there is no denying their shared history with the sex industry, and their continued reliance on turning the performer into an object for visual consumption.

University women and objectification If you’re still not convinced that any connection exists between objectification, capitalism, and harm, you might consider the way men currently treat women. Conditions of inequality extend even to those in the most privileged and progressive of circumstances. University women are no less subject to the objectification and sexualized commodification expounded by the sex industry, and to some degree, perpetuated by the student body. Earlier last year, male dentistry students at Dalhousie University were discovered to have created a Facebook group in which they made posts discussing the rape and sexual assault of their female classmates. After my stint doing front-line antiviolence work, I knew that the failure to challenge striptease spelling bees and burlesque shows put on by the student union groups was only a small and somewhat collateral part of the story. To get a fuller view of what the conditions are for university women in Quebec, I called up my colleague in feminist anti-violence

work, Diane Matte, who operates La Concertation des luttes contre l’exploitation sexuelle (CLES). CLES is a local feminist organization that is committed to political action against the sex trade, and provides counselling services, education, as well as training for women. They know the everyday impact of objectification on university women, as many of their callers have come from post-secondary educational institutions all over Montreal and Quebec, including McGill. Diane finds that vulnerability to the sex industry is one of the major impacts of objectification. “Most women who get into the sex industry do it to fund their university education, but end up never getting their education,” she told me. “Not only can you be deceived and attracted to doing more and more, but you end up doing much more than what you wanted to in the first place. It affects your self-esteem and capacity to project yourself in your own terms and what you wanted to accomplish. It profoundly attacks your self-worth, and your own sense of what you desire.” Éliane Legault-Roy, who also works at CLES as well as the Coalition nationale contre les publicités sexistes (CNCPS), added that the social and economic pressures on female students are overwhelming. “For most women,” she explained, “sexual objectification is normalized, particularly with student initiations at the beginning of the year. And the situation for the women already in the sex industry is even worse - there is no safe space to talk about it for these women, and it is a very isolating experience for them.” Getting your education is already hard, even without being objectified. We are vulnerable because many of us are young, ambitious, and we want an education to do bigger and better things. Not only is university high-stress, but it is also an expensive venture. Hikes in student fees disproportionately

Features

February 15, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

affect women, given women’s current social standing and economic insecurity. Despite the fact that women make up about 60 percent of university graduates, we still get paid about 70 cents to every dollar men make after school’s out. This gender wage gap has seen very little improvement over the last half a century.

Rape culture and sexual assault on campus are welldocumented across the country. We need to understand how objectification plays a part in fuelling that culture and behaviour. Men and capitalists know that school is expensive. There are reasons why strip clubs notoriously set up payment plans for women to strip in exchange for college tuition. There are reasons why older men, called ‘sugar daddies,’ solicit and seek out university women to have sex with, offering anything from tuition to material goods in exchange. McGill female students appear to be particular targets for this practice – according to the website SeekingArrangement. com, which matches ‘sugar daddies’ with younger women, known as ‘sugar babies,’ McGill ranks #2 on their list of fastest growing ‘sugar baby’ schools. Further, rape and sexual assault contribute to and are reinforced by a culture of objectification, and have been far from eradicated – least of all, on university campuses. Last fall it became apparent that the University of British Columbia took more than a year and a half to act against a graduate student who was accused of sexual assault or harassment by at least six women. In 2014, charges of sexual assault with a weapon were dropped against three former players on the McGill football team. These cases demonstrate the

lack of urgency with which universities respond to reports of sexual assault filed by women. Rape culture and sexual assault on campus are well-documented across the country. We need to understand how objectification plays a part in fuelling that culture and behaviour. The widespread pervasive objectification on campuses has even infused the material that universities promote. Éliane pointed to the advertisements for cosmetic surgery being distributed through student agendas by the Université de Sherbrooke, as documented by CNCPS. Universities and the organizations within appear to be doing little to interfere with or stop the objectification of female students. To make a hostile environment even more unbearable, we have student organizations like PGSS trying to normalize burlesque and striptease, instead of exposing the exploitative industries from which they came from, and continue to be connected to. Diane recalled one incident that illustrates the effects of objectification of university women. “Recruitment [for the sex industry] is more intense. There was a young woman who contacted CLES because she had seen posters in her university apartment where the girls are, and they were clearly recruiting women for the Grand Prix,” she said. Sporting events such as the Grand Prix have been known for some time to attract tourism to host cities, including sex tourism through human trafficking and prostitution. “[Women] are presented with the idea that they are going to make a lot of money, and much faster than any studies will bring you. They are told the industry [represents] empowerment, will give you the status that you’re looking for [...] and [they fall] into the general message that a woman’s worth is about how accessible and attractive she is.”

What does revolutionary love look like? So I return to my original question: how are sexual objectification, and the capitalist activities dependent on objectification at all romantic? At the

heart of the matter, sexual objectification is the treatment of women as sexual objects that are sub-human, and that is a precondition for our commodification. This is not romance, nor is it love. The dehumanization and economic insecurity of women takes ‘consensual’ right out of the picture. Following a complaint I made over three weeks ago, in which I expressed my criticisms of the scheduled show, the PGSS responded by email on the day of the event. They informed me the show would go on. I know there are some people who find burlesque and striptease fun and personally liberating of negative body images and stereotypes. I can’t tell you how many of my friends have jumped onto the pole-dancing bandwagon, insisting it’s their choice to do so. Some friends have vehemently called me prudish or vanilla, and have sometimes bullied me about my lackluster attitude toward ‘harmless fun.’ I’m not, however, going to pass judgement on women who are part of the pole-dance stripping scene. None of us live in a vacuum.

Instead of relying on someone else’s idea of what Valentine’s Day should be to us [...] perhaps we should reconsider what a holiday celebrating genuine human connection and mutuality would look like. We have all grown up in a society that continues to tell us that all these things are very sexy, attractive, and desirable things to do – albeit still largely for men’s viewing pleasure. One way or another, we have all been conditioned by advertising, popular culture, mass media, and pornography. For me, it all comes back to boring old portrayals of

the way men want women to act and service them. There are also a great many more women, however, that for economic reasons exacerbated by their gender, race, and class, cannot avoid the sex industry and its harms. Many more have been coerced and trapped, or don’t have much say over whether they participate or not. We, as university women, ought to show some solidarity to these women. For these reasons, we need to confront the ways in which women’s bodies and body parts are used to promote a celebration that is supposed to be about love and romance. I am not interested in reforming practices of objectification that have everything to do with male pleasure and capitalistic profits, and little to do with our own pleasure, love, or romance. I am also not interested in reforming a harmful industry into something that is merely a little less harmful. What I am interested in, however, is revolution - a total overhaul in the way men see and treat women. So instead of relying on someone else’s idea of what Valentine’s Day should be to us (not to mention, how much money that someone wants to make off us), perhaps we should reconsider what a holiday celebrating genuine human connection and mutuality would look like. It is a difficult task, but I want you to try and imagine love and romance outside the boxes of sexism, racism, and capitalism. Could we have expressions of kindness, generosity, and intimacy because we just want to? Love that is tender, cultivated with care, and free of expectation, coercion, or money? I think we could, if that’s what we worked toward. I’m pretty certain such a revolution would mean eliminating the mass objectification of women and their images. I’m also quite sure we would reject commodified sexual themes based on the sex industry’s standards of (non)intimacy, and the use of women as consumable objects. As McGill students, I want us to challenge our use and promotion of sexual objectification on Valentine’s Day, and every day, in favour of a holiday that celebrates the romance and love arising from equality, mutuality and freedom.

Sci+Tech

February 15, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Aquatic ecosystems under attack by hypoxia

Lakes around the world are out of breath

Erica Skye Schaaf | Illustrator Louis Warnock Sci+Tech Writer

he environmental challenges we currently face extend far beyond the high amounts of greenhouse gases emitted by human industry. As the world continues to produce and increase its energy production, there has been a rise in hypoxia – the deficiency of oxygen – in the freshwater lakes around the world. A study published in January by a group of researchers at the Institut national de la recherche scientifique in Quebec City provides a clearer explanation as to the origin of the alarming depletion of oxygen in lakes, a geological phenomenon known as lacustrine (lake) hypoxia. Whereas recent work in this field has focused on the impact of global warming on oxygen depletion in marine environments, the results of this new study suggest the primary cause for the growing number of lakes affected by this condition is not climate change, but rather local human activity. These results highlight the everincreasing importance of proper environmental monitoring and regulation, especially in industrial sectors such as agriculture and forestry. To estimate how quickly the number of hypoxia cases in lakes had increased on a global scale, the research team looked at the timing

of hypoxia at each site to determine when hypoxia began and the extent of the damage. Geology and our lakes The study gathered data from previous studies on laminated sediments, also known as varves, from 365 different lakes across the globe. Varves are small-scale light and dark layers of mineral that are deposited in lakes, indicating the time glaciers melted. In most cases, they have been used to record the changes in lake oxygen content starting in the 18th century. By observing the contrast in thickness between the dark layer deposited during the winter and the lighter layer deposited during the summer, geologists can reconstruct when a lake began to melt. The study used the composition of these varves to determine the relationship between anthropogenic activity and the levels of oxygen in the lake. The study found that the spread of hypoxia coincides with global phosphorus release. Phosphorus is an element that is an important component of fertilizers, and can be transported by water from farms to lakes. When there is a surplus of phosphorus being dumped into watersheds, hypoxia can begin to be a problem, because it stimulates growth of algae and plants to a point where oxygen is

excessively being leeched out of the lake. The geographic location of a lake, its water depth, size, and the properties of the surrounding watershed are all physical characteristics that influence the level of oxygen depletion in a lake. To address the timeframe of sediments and ultimately estimate the rate of hypoxia onset in lakes, geologists typically count the number of varves, or apply radiometric dating to trace elements such as lead, cesium, or americium. Radiometric dating consists of measuring the concentration of a given radioactive isotope to estimate the amount of time for which the element has been decaying. A historical perspective To estimate how quickly the number of hypoxia cases in lakes has increased on a global scale, the research team compiled the timing of hypoxia at each site, and found that in many areas, the onset of hypoxia occurred more than seventy years before oceans began to succumb to similar oxygen deficiencies. In the end, the study wanted to show how human activity and the temperature of the Earth have each respectively influenced this trend. Before 1850, the number of known hypoxia cases remained relatively stable. After 1850, hypoxia began to spread as fertilizers were introduced into agricultural

practice, causing human population growth to spike. Until World War I, increases in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the U.S., Canada, and in Western European countries coincided with the spread of hypoxia in lakes at a yearly rate of 6 per cent. The quickest spike in hypoxia happened post-World War II; at this time, the impact of humans on the planet was accelerating exponentially as the world continued to industrialize. The researchers argue that the impact of global warming historically has been less direct in the onset of hypoxia than human activity. They note the fact that, over the last 100 years, the global mean air temperature has risen by 0.6 degrees Celsius, occurring in two main phases: this rise from 1920 to 1945, and from 1976 to the present day. In 1920, 28 per cent of hypoxic lakes were already hypoxic, and this figure reached 82 per cent by 1976. Evidently, oxygen depletion started before periods of global warming developed and has been accelerating faster than the temperature increase. The bigger picture While climate change does not appear to trigger hypoxia in the way phosphorus and other nutrients do, the study suggests that temperature “exacerbates” the situation once the process has

begun. Such an understanding of the historical origin and progression of lacustrine hypoxia reminds us that environmental detriment caused by humans does extend beyond global warming. In recent years, the spreading rate of hypoxia should have, in theory, been concentrated in countries that are rapidly industrializing and consequently, increasing output of elements like carbon and phosphorus. However, since environmental monitoring has been scarce in these areas, it is very likely that the number of affected lakes has been underestimated. On the other hand, although the implementation of restoration programs in industrialized countries in the 1980s has slowed down the rate of hypoxic spreading, these measures appear to have been largely ineffective in reestablishing the original oxygenated condition of the lakes. The bottom line is that there is work to be done. The surprising findings of this study on the timing and causes of lacustrine hypoxia should be useful to specialists in environmental regulation and water control. Lakes are vulnerable ecosystems and they should be treated with utmost care. Water quality and biodiversity are at risk of being irreversibly damaged as a result of the mismanagement of our industries, should we fail to act.

Art Essay

Medea

Acrylic, watercolour and ink

February 15, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Rahma Wiryomartono | The McGill Daily

Culture

February 15, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Using class privilege for change A case of collective battle

Jedidah Nabwangu Talk Black

ast week, Beyonce dropped her hard-hitting track “Formation” and its music video. Unless you’ve been living under a rock, you know just how significant that drop was. While she’s always been a embodiment of female empowerment, Queen B has very rarely gotten herself involved in racial politics. Now that she has, the conversation has shifted and managed to make its way to the masses, due to the diva’s influence. With this track, Beyonce reclaimes the Black narrative through explosive proclamations like her love for her “negro nose with Jackson Five nostrils.” The overall visual aspect of the video that includes her representation of various Black Southern identities, as well several references to Black Lives Matter, sets an example for all of her followers, especially fans of colour. The truth of the matter is that while Beyonce herself is a woman of colour (WOC) who has no doubt experienced limitations because of her race, she is also a WOC in a position of influence. Rather than sitting comfortably in that position, she has chosen to use the tools and privileges

that come with that influence to challenge the existing reality. A few weeks ago, I found myself deep in discussion with a fellow WOC. The topic happened to be that of race and colonialism, but I will admit, the conversation didn’t go quite as I thought it would. Indeed, I sometimes forget that not every Black, Indigenous, Person of Colour (BIPOC) holds the same beliefs when it comes to issues of race. So when she suggested different perspectives on the subject of the intersection of race and class, I was shocked. I couldn’t understand why she chose to remove herself from the issue just because she claimed to have “never” experienced racism. When I challenged her on that fact by pointing at microaggressions, a form of racism affecting BIPOC on a daily basis through misrepresentation in the media or ‘casual’ racist jokes, I was then left even more confused. She shot back with the claim that if that were true, then reverse racism must also be real, because white people also experience negative stereotypes. It seemed as if my fellow WOC had mistaken prejudice for racism and, furthermore, rendered it class-based and only legitimate when seen. In her eyes, a privileged upbringing shielded her from any sort of discrimination. Although she did sympa-

thize with the racial struggles of some, when it came to herself and her BIPOC peers, she blamed the radical left for imposing a political atmosphere of political correctness with their ‘aggressive’ methods of social justice. After the original waves of shock and confusion, I eventually simmered down and reflected. I realized that I was in no position to judge, as I myself had once expressed the same problematic opinions. As I mentioned in “Growing up in a whitewashed world” (November 16, 2015, Culture, page 13), I grew up with images in the media that were very much dominated by white culture, all of which caused huge issues in the future development of my identity. The media, however, is just one piece of a bigger picture operating under society’s instruction, which is still considerably made up of colonial structures and its legacies. While I can’t speak for her personal relationship with the media, I can safely conclude that she, just like many BIPOC, has indeed fallen victim to the institutional marginalization exercised by society. So instead of getting defensive and attacking her views, I chose to level with my fellow WOC using Bey’s craft. I decided not to delegitimize her experience and not to try to make her see the insidious ways in which her identities even as a WOC in

Sonia Ionescu | The McGill Daily a position of privilege are targeted. Instead, I opted to acknowledge her position and explain how she, just like Beyonce, could use it in her daily life to lead the conversations which can start the structural changes needed to eliminate oppression. I tried to explain to her that “just because it’s not happening to you doesn’t mean it’s the same story for the next person.” She seemed to express empathy to this approach. Thinking individualistically when talking about race is very problematic, especially when exercised by BIPOC, because it feeds the fire of oppression by indirectly supporting it through indifference. I needed to talk about this because sadly

this scenario is one that happens all too often. It pains me when I encounter BIPOCs who either side with the oppressors or choose to remove themselves from the issue altogether, all because they don’t think it’s their battle (not including those who do not speak up due to fear). We are all products of society, but it’s important that we acknowledge this idea and work toward change collectively to eliminate systemic oppression and racial inequality. Talk Black is a column that seeks to engage in anti-racist culture writing, addressing art, music, and events. Jedidah Nabwangu can be reached at talkblack@mcgilldaily.com.

Art as catalyst for revolution “Creative Dissent” subverts injustice with satire

Jordan Gowling Culture Writer

n December 17, 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor, set himself on fire, revolting against an abusive and autocratic government. It was unlikely that Bouazizi predicted the ramifications of what he put in motion, as the Tunisian revolution that followed and the eventual uprising of the Arab world would lead to significant turmoil in many nations. The movement’s grand scale brought with it grassroots student movements led by unstoppable social media platforms, tent cities in city squares, and people from all walks of life screaming for social and political justice. The passion of the forces leading the Arab Spring movement inspired the McGill School of Architecture to create the exhibit “Creative Dissent: Arts of the Arab World Uprisings,” running until February 26 in the MacdonaldHarrington building on campus.

This travelling display is a collaboration with the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, and the Arab American National Museum, with curators Christiane Gruber and Nama Khalil at the helm. “Creative Dissent” showcases a variety of political voices and opinions through diverse forms of creative expression, such as photography, performance, satire, cartoons, street art, and music, all inspired by the Arab Spring discourse. These creative expressions were all essential catalysts for revolutionary sentiment and a solidarity movement toward democracy. Centred on the organizational themes “Photographic truth claims,” “Humor and Subversion,” “Revolution Reloaded,” “Sounding Walls,” and “Performing Dissent,” the exhibit seeks to illustrate different sides of the uprising. The multimedia pieces range from the political chant “The People want the downfall of the regime” to the famous photo of the Tunisian president visiting Bouazizi in the hospital. The showcase of photographs

is a powerful tool of influence in the exhibit. Often, a photograph can spark inspiration and outrage, but the power of an image can be its abilities to make the viewer discover a truth that they may have ignored or overlooked. One photograph from the exhibit of a young veiled woman comes to mind, who is being stripped to her blue bra and beaten by Egyptian security forces in Tahrir Square, Cairo on December 17, 2011. This appalling act sparked an emotional response across Egypt, especially among artists, who began a response of blue bra paintings and using the slogan “No to the stripping of women.” The most effective form of creative dissidence in the exhibition is that of satire. One cannot deny the hilarity behind the work of Tunisian cartoonist Nadia Khiari. Her cat cartoon depictions of the political players in the Tunisian government succeed not only in being endlessly humourous, but also in disempowering the political elite.

Khiari’s Willis from Tunis piece epitomizes this idea. The cartoon series depicts the growing power of Salafism in post-revolutionary Tunisia. In the illustration, a rebellious cat of deep secularist beliefs is holding a placard that says “Live free or die” while a bearded Salafi cat beats him to death with a club. The cartoon’s violent theme is reminiscent of the whimsical Road Runner, but is nothing to laugh about in reality, as it depicts increasing assassinations of leftwing Tunisian coalition members. The satire is effective in triggering critical responses from the public and ridiculing those who are fostering instability and fear in the Tunisian political arena. The same can be said of the work of Syrian group Masasit Mati. A running video loop of their satire program Top Goon: Diaries of a Little Dictator pictures Syrian president Bashar al-Assad as a puppet. Masasit Mati’s characterization of al-Assad as a childish character disempowers the dictator and wipes out the fears asso-

ciated with his governance. The puppet show comically portrays a dialogue between the al-Assad puppet and several of his dolllike government officials, their high-pitched voices resonating throughout the exhibition. The alAssad puppet screams about losing the city of Hama to the revolutionaries right before his birthday and cries over the unfortunate timing. Satire like this is so effective in its goals because it is a language that many dictators cannot cope with. It is also very powerful in subverting dominant political forces. An autocratic government can implement censorship, but the collective laughter of the masses at the political elite is bulletproof. A banner hanging in the corner of the exhibition reads “Art equals freedom, freedom equals responsibility, to ban artists equals to ban responsibility.” These inspirational artists take their responsibility very seriously, continuing their creative political outrage, regardless of consequences.

Culture

February 15, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Symbolism in Inuit tattooing

First Screens, First Peoples crafts spaces for conversation Na’ama Freeman Culture Writer

n February 8, Cinema Politica Concordia launched its Indigenous-focused film program at Concordia University, titled “First Peoples, First Screens.” The program aims to educate people about Canada’s systemic cultural genocide against Indigenous peoples and emphasizes decolonization and support for Indigenous self-determination. The inaugural event attracted nearly 700 hundred people in the university’s Henry F. Hall building. One featured film in the series, Tunniit: Retracing the Lines of Inuit Tattoos (2011), explores the meaning of Inuit face and body tattoos, a tradition that has been nearly lost at the hands of Christian missionaries and as a result of colonization. Before Tunniit screened, three powerful short films portraying police brutality toward Indigenous peoples and the corruption of the Canadian justice system were shown to set the tone for the feature screening. The raw emotional impact of the short films cannot be understated, as each addressed, in a unique manner, the horrific realities faced by Indigenous communities throughout Canada. The Dancing Cop (2012), directed by Kelvin Redvers, explores a prejudice-tinted encounter between an Indigenous man and a white cop, presenting a heartbreaking investigation into police brutality in an urban setting. Additionally, it poses essential questions of accountability or lack thereof in the Canadian justice system.

Wayne Wapeemukwa’s Balmoral Hotel (2015), takes place in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside. This short film depicts a First Nations sex worker seeking to find themselves a space in the streets, with a dance that morphs into a political protest against colonization.

“The fact that [Indigenous] issues are being spoken of in such a beautiful, meaningful way is something new and something necessary.” Yael Sorbara Korngold, Concordia student Last but not least, Elle-Máijá Tailfeathers’ A Red Girl’s Reasoning (2012) follows an Indigenous vigilante woman combating violence against Indigenous women. All three films relay powerful messages about unjust realities Indigenous communities face today and help to foster a much-needed space for dialogue and action. Yael Sorbara Korngold, a firstyear student at Concordia, told The Daily, “The most exciting part for me was the event itself. The fact that these issues are being spoken of in such a beautiful, meaningful

way is something new and something necessary.” Before the screening of Tunniit, Heather Igloliorte, an assistant professor in Concordia’s Art History Department and the Research Chair in Indigenous Art History and Community Engagement, explained that there is a need for affordable access to craft materials and the continuation of an oral history project to preserve memories and traditions. This, Igloliorte explained is crucial in fostering dialogue between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. Directed by Alethea ArnaquqBaril, Tunniit examines the Inuit tradition of tattoos, widespread among women. In the film, Arnaquq-Baril aims to rediscover her heritage, understand why and how Inuit tattoos have almost disappeared, and use the film as a precautionary message against cultural appropriation. The film begins by providing historical context. It shows archival photographs of Inuit women with body and facial tattoos. ArnaquqBaril explores the loss of traditional knowledge and sets out on a quest to rediscover these memories. She travels north, visiting multiple Inuit communities, and interviews elders in hopes of recovering a cultural history. Throughout the movie, Arnaquq-Baril illustrates how missionaries, who also had travelled up north, had a detrimental impact on Inuit communities. They hastened the disappearance of Inuit tattooing because they believed it to be a shamanistic practice that contradicted Catholicism and Protestantism. However, tattoos were an integral

Sarah Meghan Mah | The McGill Daily part of an Inuit woman’s identity. The symbolic purpose of these tattoos, explains Arnaquq-Baril in the film, is to beautify and mark the adulthood of Inuit women, who are usually tattooed after their first period. The designs of the tattoos differ from community to community, but all of them signify strength and endurance, highlighting the fact that the process of tattooing was extremely painful. Traditionally, the tattoos also have a dualistic spirituality. Some believe that a woman who receives a tattoo will have a better afterlife as a result of enduring such horrific pain. Without a tattoo, a woman would be too “weak” and remain “underneath,” keeping herself from the luxuries of the afterlife. In some communities, the tattoos traditionally worked as a purification ritual to please the spirit of the sun during a woman’s period. A tattoo

on a woman’s thighs can represent greeting a newborn into the world. The meanings of the tattoos, along with their designs, shift in respect to each unique community. By taking away this essential rite of passage, missionaries directly contributed to cultural genocide, which involved attempts to erase Indigenous identities. The Inuit tattooing tradition was among the many sociocultural elements, such as ceremonies, languages, and religions, brought to the brink of extinction by the state. With her film, Arnaquq-Baril attempts to build a bridge between cultures in order to foster understanding and respect throughout Canada, and hasten the reversal of colonial legacies. Having rediscovered this part of her cultural heritage, she herself partakes in her own tradition, receiving tattoos with traditional designs.

The Daily Reviews

Skee Mask’s Shred and Moss Lime’s Zoo du Québec Grace Brown Culture Writer

echno has a bit of a reputation for impermanence – ephemeral labels releasing records by even more ephemeral aliases. Take Ilian Tape, for example, – the German record label was founded in 2007 but released its second LP, Shred by Skee Mask, only two weeks ago on February 1. Little is known about the band, besides being from Munich and having released two EPs on Ilian Tape in the past two years. The lack of an image to latch onto can make it difficult to distinguish bands who tend to appear only rarely; nevertheless, a distinct techno sound is there. While Skee Mask doesn’t innovate or push the boundaries of techno, Shred is a well-produced album with great sequencing. The album opens with “Everest,” an ambient track with gently pulsating and atmospheric synths. The track sets the mood for the album:

certainly nocturnal and a bit cold, but not unwelcoming. For the most part, the rest of Shred bears the usual markers that techno producers have used for the past 25 years: cold, mechanistic synthesized drums, a lack of vocals, and relatively sparse, repetitive synthesizer arrangements. Starting with “HAL Conv.,” the album progressively picks up steam. The track is still fairly subdued, with its quiet, skittery beats perhaps more suited for home listening than for dancing. But the misleadingly named “Autotuned” begins a series of sounds where each is more hard-hitting and danceable than the previous one, culminating in the sixth track, “Melczop 2.” This track’s synth arrangements are still fairly atmospheric, even delicate. However, the breakbeat-inspired drums in the sound are much more aggressive than the preceding tracks. “Melczop 2” is an excellent payoff for all the buildup of the first five tracks, and a definite highlight. The next few tunes represent something of a comedown; the drums

hit a bit less hard and the songs are less immediate. However, “Japan Air” and “Shady Jibbin’” feature fairly intricate and complex drum patterns, which makes them stand out among other sounds. The final track, “South Mathematikz,” is an excellent closer, subdued, and influenced by breakbeat similar to that heard in “Melczop 2.” While Skee Mask doesn’t stray far from techno’s usual characteristics, there’s a lot of artistry and subtlety in Shred. The album creates a nice experience not unlike a good DJ set.

Louis St-Pierre Culture Writer

oo du Québec is the third and most recent album by Moss Lime, a relatively new Montreal band that has grown in popularity since it appeared in 2014. Released on December 8, it features repetitive vocals with rhythmic undertones. The band’s music is best categorized as psychedelic rock. Moss Lime’s own interpretation of the genre has

a unique indie feel, which adds character and authenticity to the album, making it snappy and identifiable right away. However, despite its creative direction, Zoo du Québec is lacking in quality of execution, as some instruments do not contribute to the band’s blend of sound equally, but, rather, leave it to the vocals and minimalist beat to do the trick. Most of the songs in Zoo du Québec start with a catchy guitar introduction, which does an excellent job drawing the audience into the musical vibe. One of the songs, “Bottom Feeder,” has an especially luring mysteriousness to it, growing into an assertive beat and intense lyrics: “Couldn’t be more depressed / I think we’re both repressed.” The sound’s energetic pulse creates a feeling of self-assertiveness, but the guitar’s piercing chords splash ambiguity onto the melody, best exemplified by “Rock Paper.” Quite often, however, the flow of the sound falters when more instruments are introduced. The band

attempts to add depth to its music with multiple layers and syncopated patterns, but the final product ends up sounding messy and out of sync. The drums are especially lacking in consistency and clarity. Some rhythms have the potential to be quite good, but are muddled by the lack of coordination. Nevertheless, Zoo du Québec continues the psychedelic rock staple of repetitive beats and vocals. The recurring vocals’ unconventionality is particularly good at capturing that kaleidoscopic sound known to fans. However, the pattern’s inconsistent rhythm is a hindrance to audience engagement with the tune, which leaves most songs sounding stale. Despite some shortcomings in execution, Moss Lime’s psychedelic mix of sounds has a lot of potential. Zoo du Québec is a unique blend of upbeat minimalism with a fusion of playful guitar and intense blunt vocals. Fans of minimalist psychedelic tunes will have no trouble distinguishing the album among others.

Editorial

volume 105 number 20

editorial board 3480 McTavish St., Rm. B-24 Montreal, QC H3A 1X9

February 15, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

More than just words for Indigenous women

phone 514.398.6784 fax 514.398.8318 mcgilldaily.com

The McGill Daily is located on unceded Kanien’kehá:ka territory. coordinating editor

Niyousha Bastani

coordinating@mcgilldaily.com coordinating news editor

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Ellen Cools Saima Desai commentary & compendium! editors

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Sarah Meghan Mah | The McGill Daily

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sports editor

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cover design Sarah Meghan Mah, Sonia Ionescu, Rahma Wiryomartono contributors David Aird, Grace Brown, Gee Hung Leo Cheung, Marina Cupido, Marina Djurdjevic, Na’ama Freeman, Manuela Galindo Carvajal, George Ghabrial, Jordan Gowling, Nadir Khan, Paniz Khosroshahy, Rayleigh Lee, Grace Macewan, Jedidah Nabwangu, Xavier Richer Vis, Erica Skye Schaaf, Louis St-Pierre, Tamim Sujat, Justine Touchon, Louis Warnock

etween 1980 and 2012, 1,181 Indigenous women and girls went missing or were murdered in Canada. While the Canadian government has a long history of ignoring the issue, the previous Conservative government went further, adamantly rejecting calls for a formal federal inquiry and erroneously claiming that “most” of the murders had been solved. On December 8, 2015, the new Liberal government announced a national inquiry into missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls. While the inquiry is welcome, it must not preclude immediate action. As noted by organizers of the seventh annual Montreal memorial march to honour the lives of missing and murdered women, which took place yesterday, “we need more than just words.” The Trudeau administration needs to implement concrete action to dismantle the systems of racism and gendered violence that Indigenous women face. Indigenous communities have raised concerns about the inquiry, which is currently in its design phase, and these must be addressed before it proceeds. Since many Indigenous people see the Canadian government as a source of colonial violence, the inquiry should have greater independence from the government. It should be directed by those who have been fighting for Indigenous women and girls’ rights for years. Mag Cywink – the sister of Sonya Cywink from the Whitefish River First Nation, who was murdered in 1994 – told the CBC that the pre-inquiry process was disorganized and rushed. Others have concerns about this inquiry repeating the same mistakes as, for example, the Missing Women Commission of Inquiry in British Columbia, which was criticized for being

too narrow in scope and not allowing Indigenous women themselves to take the lead. The federal inquiry can only succeed by prioritizing Indigenous people’s voices and addressing their concerns. This is not to say that the government should sit idly while the inquiry is directed by others. While the inquiry progresses, commissioners should make recommendations for immediate action on problems that have already been named by Indigenous communities and advocates. The Indian Act, which historically stripped Indigenous women marrying a non-status man of their “Indian status,” continues to place restrictions on the difficult process of regaining their status. Racism and lack of accountability in cases of missing and murdered Indigenous women are rampant among police forces. In consultation with Indigenous communities, immediate executive and legislative action could begin to improve conditions for Indigenous women in Canada. Of all the promises that the Trudeau government made on the campaign trail, the promise to end the disappearances and murders of Indigenous women and girls is one that it must keep. While launching a national inquiry is an important step, it is not enough. Gendered violence against Indigenous women and girls is more than a policy issue; eliminating it requires all settlers to participate in the fight led by Indigenous women against colonial violence. It is Trudeau’s responsibility to supplement broader efforts for social change with prompt and focused government action. —The McGill Daily editorial board

Errata The article “Toward Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions at McGill” (February 8, Features, page 11) incorrectly stated that McGill holds an investment in the British private security systems corporation G4S. In fact, as of December 31, 2015, McGill is no longer invested in G4S. The Daily regrets the error. 3480 McTavish St., Rm. B-26 Montreal, QC H3A 1X9 phone 514.398.6790 fax 514.398.8318 advertising & general manager Boris Shedov sales representative Letty Matteo ad layout & design Geneviève Robert

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dps board of directors Zapaer Alip, Niyousha Bastani, Joseph Boju, Hannah Besseau, Deeva Bowry, Julia Denis, Ralph Haddad, Igor Sadikov, Alice Shen, Tamim Sujat, Dana Wray All contents © 2016 Daily Publications Society. All rights reserved. The content of this newspaper is the responsibility of The McGill Daily and does not necessarily represent the views of McGill University. Products or companies advertised in this newspaper are not necessarily endorsed by Daily staff. Printed by Imprimerie Transcontinental Transmag. Anjou, Quebec. ISSN 1192-4608.

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Compendium!

February 15, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Lies, half-truths, and poetic justice. They Treat Men Like Mushrooms I have been a Men’s Rights Activist since 1987. What has been happening is vicious bullying of men; a Feminascist dictatorship, more or less. I was studying for a Graduate Diploma in Political Science. No Feminist has ever proved that men are privileged and that women are disadvantaged. Feminist dogma. Grotesque Anti-Male Bias: the notion that the predominance of men in decision-making positions proves that men are oppressing women. I am concerned. In my book, Sex, Lies & Feminism, I wrote, Helen-Clark-style Lesbian Feminist matriarchies are a threat to Western civilization; hostile to so-called “Patriarchy.” Lesbian Feminist colonies are carrying out a war on men. They say Lesbianism is good Feminist practice. Through Dykismo’s Unholy Alliance with Machismo New Zealand oppresses men. You want to imprison men for saying things that women do not like! My criminal case, this is not just about me. The Police are a bunch of man-hating sexist scum, just a women’s poodle. I do not know how many allegations made by women against men are false. But, Sport is men’s great disadvantage in the Sex War women are controlling men by letting them have beer and sport! A form of bullying. Men only have rights when they are viewed as possessions of women! They Treat Men Like Mushrooms. I am concerned with the pay equity process. He NEVER invites Men’s Rights Activists to make any jokes. A proposed Matriarchal flag design was rejected. But why didn’t you ask for comment from men’s groups? Returning Spain to the days of the Inquisition, you treat Masculists as the enemy!

A bunch of vicious, incompetent, man-hating moos! They oppress (bully) other men, for they had no Men’s Rights activists. The undermining of “Patriarchy” is a form of Matriarchy, which is what we have. I proved the existence of a Feminist conspiracy. No Male Studies courses in totalitarian-Feminist universities! “We have to submit to this irresistible wave!” There is no coherent alternative.

This is a work of spoetry (look that up). Compiled by Jan Sybron.

McGill

DAILY L

Gore Semantikov | The McGall Weekly

The McGill Daily, Le Délit and The Link present

STUDENT JOURNALISM WEEK 2016 0 2 . B FE Y A D R U T A S O T 3 1 . B FE S AT U R D AY FEB. 13: Conférence hivernale de la Presse étudiante francophone

French presentations by Fabien Deglise (Le Devoir), Judith Lachapelle (La Presse), and Roland-Yves Carignan (Libération, The Gazette) followed by a panel discussion for members of the student press. 12:30-6:30 pm at Gert’s (Shatner). Admission: $5

FEB. 15: Racism and the Media - Workshop with Kim Milan QPIRG Concordia (1500 de Maisonneuve Blvd. W. suite 204), 6:30-8:30 pm.

FEB. 17: Feminist Approaches to Journalism

Check our website for details: www.mcgilldaily.com

Panel with Kai Cheng (Everyday Feminism, xoJane), Hepzibeth Lee (Dragonroot Media), and Studio XX. Arts W20, 6:00-8:00 pm.

FEB. 18: Investigative Journalism Panel with Henry Aubin, Linda Gyulai, Marie-Maude Denis, and Vincent Larouche. South Side Cafeteria (Shatner), 6:30-8:30 pm.

FEB. 19: Arts Criticism With T’cha Dunlevy, Daniel Viola, Lorraine Carpenter, and Crystal Chan. Club Lounge, 6:00 pm.

FEB. 20: Making a Journalism Career With Kate McKenna, Eric Andrew-Gee, Adam Kovac and Justin Ling. CSU Lounge (1455 de Maisonneuve W., 7th floor), 4:00 pm. Followed by a reception at pub Les 3 brasseurs (732 Ste-Catherine W.), 6:00 pm.