The McGill Daily Vol105Iss21

Black History Month page 17 & 19 + multimedia online

Volume 105, Issue 21 Monday, February 22, 2016

McGill THE

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ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING The AGM of the Daily Publications Society (DPS), publisher of The McGill Daily and Le DĂŠlit, will take place on

Thursday, March 31, 2016 at 5:30pm McConnell Engineering Building, Room 204 Members of the DPS are cordially invited.

News 03 NEWS

AMURE president frustrated by whistleblowing process Sexual Assault Policy progresses Ukrainian association fights to preserve cemetery Hundreds march for missing and murdered Indigenous women BDS event series held Senate discusses employment equity PGSS confused over budget Black History Month and the Jamaica Association of Montreal Petition asks for mandatory genocide studies Quebec and Chilean social movements Dumpster diving as anticapitalism

COMMENTARY 10 Is there a ‘black vote’?

Legalize it: racist roots of prohibition Flaw in SSMU smoking survey BDS could embolden antiSemitism Letter

13 FEATURES

Women and the burden of emotional labour

15 SCI+TECH

Go and advances in artificial intelligence

16 CULTURE

The body’s self-expression through technology The Merry Widow questions materialistic ideals Webster’s hip hop battles ignorance

18 EDITORIAL

SSMU Winter GA endorsements Fight anti-Black racism at McGill

20 COMPENDIUM! SHMUrcery and SHMUcracy Crossword

February 22, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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AMURE president frustrated by disclosure process McGill maintains investigations should stay confidential

Marina Cupido The McGill Daily

I

n the fall of 2015, Sean Cory, president of the Association of McGill University Research Employees (AMURE), used McGill’s Policy on Safe Disclosure (“whistleblowing policy”) to bring allegations of improper behaviour against a McGill professor.

According to the administration’s response, there was no evidence of wrongdoing.

In February 2015, students working for the professor in question had begun approaching AMURE with various complaints. The most serious of these concerned hidden cameras allegedly installed in labs under the professor’s management and allegedly connected to a password-protected digital video recorder (DVR) which could be accessed remotely.

Signage was in place informing the public that the labs in question were under surveillance. But in an email he sent to a departmental administrator in February 2015, Cory said, “While there is indeed a sign, a reasonable person would conclude that they are not being remotely monitored and not being viewed in areas not under overt surveillance.”

In response to his email, however, the administrator wrote “anyone seeing that sign would conclude that they could be observed, whether by conspicuous or hidden cameras.”

Cory filed several access to information requests (ATIs) and received access to certain documents.

“There was a lot of stuff there, and it was enough that I thought McGill should look into it,” explained Cory.

He began by filing an official grievance report with the department, but this was denied on the grounds that the cameras had been installed for “ethically approved behavioural research purposes.”

But when he filed an ATI asking for the relevant ethics approval forms, Cory said no such documentation was produced.

“Either [the surveillance] was for valid research purposes – well, show me some of that – or it was not, and it was potentially used to monitor students,” said Cory.

Met with the dismissal of his official complaint, Cory decided to report his concerns using McGill’s whistleblowing policy. He filed a report in September 2015 that detailed the various complaints described above, attaching evidence to support some of his allegations.

When asked to comment on the matter, in an email to The Daily, Associate Provost (Policies, Procedures & Equity) Angela Campbell questioned AMURE’s decision not to pursue the official complaint, and “advance [the] case to arbitration if [AMURE] does indeed have the evidence of improper activity which it claims.”

The AMURE office.

Two months after filing the report, Cory was informed that the University had investigated the matter thoroughly, and that a report of their findings had been filed with Provost and Vice-Principal (Academic) Christopher Manfredi. No further information was provided, however, and Cory only found out about the outcome of the investigation – that his allegations had been deemed unfounded – from a Montreal Gazette article about the case, which he had brought to the newspaper’s attention.

“They didn’t say if I was right, they didn’t say if I was wrong,” he said.

“They never asked me a single question. [...] They didn’t interview me, they didn’t ask if I had any proof. They said they did an investigation, but if you don’t even talk to anybody, [...] really, how much effort did they put into it?”

Kevin Tam | Photographer The Daily contacted the University to ask why no details of the investigation or ethics approval documentation for the cameras had been released, and to inquire about the possible ramifications of such a lack of transparency.

Campbell replied that she was “not in a position to discuss the specifics of any case,” but that “investigations under [McGill’s Policy on Safe Disclosure] are strictly confidential, with a view to protecting the parties involved (crucially, whistleblowers). Investigations carried out under this Policy follow the letter of the Policy’s terms, and are conducted in a rigorous and impartial manner.”

The professor involved did not reply to a request for comment from The Daily.

Final Sexual Assault Policy draft released Step taken in addressing previous lack of policy

Saima Desai The McGill Daily Warning: This article contains discussion of sexual assault.

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n February 17, the Sexual Assault Policy (SAP) Working Group released the final draft of the proposed Sexual Assault Policy for McGill, which has been in the works for two years.

Jean Murray, a member of the working group and McGill alumnus, told The Daily that the policy had two aims: “One, make it so that folks who’ve experienced sexual assault don’t have to go to the police, and that doesn’t have to be their only recourse, and two, that there will be institutionalized safety measures in place so that folks can feel safe and comfortable in their community.”

“I’m so happy that they’ve included that survivors should inter-

act only with people who have adequate training on sexual assault,” said Leila*, a student who has experienced sexual assault. “That has definitely not been my experience.

The disciplinary officer that I interacted with literally re-traumatized me with her language. I left her office crying.”

The Working Group first convened in 2013 after sexual assault charges against three McGill football players brought attention to the lack of any policy to deal with sexual assault at the university.

Murray explained why the policy took years to develop, saying that the Working Group consulted with numerous student groups in pursuit of a truly intersectional policy.

“We’re largely a working group of mostly white people, almost exclusively able-bodied people,” explained Murray. “The folks who are disproportionately affected by sexual assault and sexual violence are

people of colour, are trans people – specifically trans women of colour – and folks with disabilities.”

“We wanted to ensure that the folks who were affected by this most were also the ones who were also having a voice in the creation of the policy, without trying to place too much of the burden of creating this policy on those people,” they added.

Among other suggestions, the SAP proposes creating an office under the Associate Provost (Policies, Procedures & Equity) that would serve as the primary resource for issues regarding sexual assault and be maintained by a full-time Sexual Assault Resource Coordinator.

“I was also never really contacted by the administration about the outcome of my case, so I’m glad the SAP is addressing that,” said Leila.

Though this version of the policy is the final draft, it may still undergo further changes. The policy is currently under review by Dean

of Students André Costopoulos and Associate Provost (Policies, Procedures & Equity) Angela Campbell.

The Working Group hopes to bring a final version of the policy to Senate later this semester.

Leila expressed concern over a perceived disjunction between measures to protect people who have experienced sexual assault, during and after their university career.

“I’m really afraid that the person who sexually assaulted me would harass me after he graduates. There may be a no-contact order on him right now – I actually don’t know because the administration has not been responsive – but what is going to happen after he graduates and he is no longer held up to these measures?”

Leila said. “I wish there would be a continuity between the SAP and the police for no-contact measures once perpetrators graduate.” *Name has been changed.

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News

February 22, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Ukrainian association seeks to protect Spirit Lake internment camp cemetery Cemetery holds remains of 16 internees who died in the camp

Mackenzie Burnett News Writer

I

t has been just over 100 years since the Spirit Lake internment camp opened in 1915 and 125 years since the beginning of Ukrainian settlement in Canada. The camp was located near Amos, six and a half hours away from Montreal.

This month, the Ukrainian Canadian Civil Liberties Association is requesting the intervention of the Minister of Canadian Heritage, Mélanie Joly, to protect a cemetery containing the remains of 16 people who died at the Spirit Lake camp.

One of three internment camps in Quebec, the Spirit Lake camp was part of a national campaign to register an estimated 80,000 people and imprison 8,579 throughout the country. The majority of those who were

interned were of Ukrainian heritage, from a region that was then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The Spirit Lake camp would become the second largest of Quebec’s internment camps, as a result of the War Measures Act, and prejudice and panic during World War I. Spirit Lake internee cemetery Established by the Government of Canada in 2008, the Endowment Council of the Canadian First World War Internment Recognition Fund “has a formal mandate to secure and restore internee cemeteries.”

The council has done so successfully in Kapuskasing, Ontario and Fernie, British Columbia. According to a press release, “The Council has not, however, been able to acquire, repair, or re-consecrate the Spirit Lake internee cemetery, despite having made repeated inquiries over eight

years, during which time the internee cemetery has further deteriorated.”

The land on which the cemetery is located was acquired in 1988 by a farming couple. Efforts made by the Spirit Lake Camp Corporation to incorporate the internee cemetery, or at least restore and secure limited rights of access, have been rebuffed by the owners.

Conditions in the camp In an email to The Daily, Yurij Luhovy, an award-winning producer and director of Okradena Zemlya (“Stolen Land”), a documentary on the Holodomor 1932-33 faminegenocide in Soviet Ukraine, spoke about the conditions in the camps.

“It was grueling, strenuous hard work. Internees were used for hard labour with little pay. What little wealth some had, was confiscated.

Some were bayonetted. Many suffered from accidents while cutting the wood,” he wrote. “[Internees] were forced not only to maintain the camps but to work for private concerns. Often they were mistreated by the guards. These harsh

FEB 27

Over 200 join march despite extreme cold weather warning

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Legacy of internment Canada’s World War I internment operations started in 1914 and ended in 1920, despite the war ending in 1918.

Luhovy wrote that, “Those that were interned felt humiliated, confused, not understanding why they were labelled ‘enemy aliens.’”

“As for the other Canadians, some were understanding and sympathetic to what the Ukrainians and others had endured, being unjustly interned,” he added.

“Others, held an anti-immigrant feeling toward new immigrants arriving in Canada.”

Luciuk commented that “Most of [those who were interned] that I did get the chance to speak to said they preferred not to refer to or remember, most of the people who went through the internment operations didn’t speak about it except perhaps in their own families.”

In 2005, the Canadian government adopted the Internment of Persons of Ukrainian Origin Recognition Act, followed by the Canada First World War Internment Recognition Fund in 2008.

On the relationship between the Ukrainian Canadian community and the rest of Canada today, Luhovy wrote that it was very positive. He noted, however, that “It is important we know all aspects of Canadian history, and try to avoid making similar mistakes in the future.”

March honours missing and murdered Indigenous women

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conditions and forced confinement took not only a physical but a mental toll on the internees,” he continued.

Lubomyr Luciuk, author and professor at the Royal Military College of Canada, told The Daily, “There was a pre-existing prejudice against these people in Canadian society that was exacerbated by wartime [panic].”

James Slobodian, chair of the Spirit Lake Center, told The Daily, “The people arrived on the first of January, 1915, in the cold. […] They left on the 28th of January, 1917, also in the winter.” He mentioned that “some were transferred to Kapuskasing, another camp, others were transferred down the Nova Scotia way.”

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n February 14, over 200 people gathered at the St. Laurent metro station at 3 p.m. for the seventh annual Memorial March to Honour the Lives of Missing and Murdered Women in Montreal.

This march serves to raise awareness for and commemorate all missing and murdered women, but places special emphasis on the systemic violence that disproportionately targets Indigenous women.

Given the extremely cold weather, the event was cut short, with the marchers walking up St. Laurent from the metro station, stopping for a few moments by the mural near St. Laurent and Ontario street that honours missing and murdered Indigenous women, and ending at the intersection of St. Laurent and Sherbrooke.

The march began in 1991 in Vancouver, initially as a response to the murder of a Coast Salish woman and in protest of the lack of response from media and police.

A 2014 Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) report revealed

nearly 1,200 documented cases of missing and murdered Indigenous women as of 2013, although some Indigenous activists estimate the real number of cases to be closer to 3,000. Further, a 2015 report by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights stated that First Nations, Métis, and Inuit women were five times more likely to die under violent circumstances than young nonIndigenous women. Recent allegations in Val-d’Or that have pointed to Sûreté du Québec police officers sexually and physically abusing Indigenous women were also highlighted during the march.

The march began with speeches from organizers, as well as a performance by the pow-wow drum group the Buffalo Hat Singers.

“Today we honour Indigenous women, two-spirit and trans women, including trans women of colour, immigrant, refugee, and non-status women, sex workers, and all women who’ve been murdered or have gone missing. We remember and continue to demand justice,” one of the organizers told the crowd.

The marchers walked on St.

Laurent quietly to the sound of drums, holding signs that said “Not forgotten” and “Police, do your job.”

Red dresses were hung on tree branches and from fences along the route of the march, inspired by Métis artist Jaime Black’s REDress project, an art series of 600 red dresses installed in public spaces across Canada drawing attention to missing and murdered Indigenous women.

“Today, I want to pray again, in thinking about all of the missing and murdered Indigenous women,” Innu slam poet, activist, and environmentalist Natasha Kanapé Fontaine told the attendees in French before the march began.

“As you walk […] feel the spirits of the Indigenous women who walk on this earth, who do not have peace or who have it but hope to bring it to others. […] The women are marching, and continue to march, missing or murdered, alive or vibrant, and we have to join them to bring peace to those who have not found it […] and who need to never be forgotten,” Fontaine said.

This article was previously published online.

News

February 22, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Montreal activists talk BDS

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McGill BDS event series sets the stage for SSMU General Assembly Niyousha Bastani The McGill Daily Multimedia content can be found online.

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ast week, the McGill BDS Action Network hosted an event series as part of its campaign leading up to the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) Winter 2016 General Assembly (GA), which takes place today. The group’s motion at the GA asks SSMU to support Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaigns and to recommend to McGill’s Board of Governors to divest from companies that profit from the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.

The event series, which ran from February 16 to February 20, included a panel discussion with Montrealbased activists, a talk by Rabbi Cantor Michael Davis called “The Moral Case for BDS,” and the screening of three Palestinian short films. The event series ended on Saturday with a concert and open mic event.

Laura Khoury, an organizer with McGill BDS, told The Daily that the event series was organized “to en-

gage [students] in a discussion about the Palestinian cause and to further discuss the call from Palestinian civil society to carry out boycotts, divestments, and sanctions against Israel until it complies with international law.”

Speaking about supporting BDS at McGill specifically, El-Masri said, “Every move that you make, every action, every time you spread the word about what’s going on, don’t underestimate it. It makes a difference.” Henaway pointed to

Panel discussion The Montreal-based activists on the panel held on February 16 were Palestinian activist Zahia El-Masri and writer and community organizer Mostafa Henaway. The panelists spoke about the BDS movement as “a critical tool” for showing international solidarity, highlighting its importance to the Palestinian struggle.

El-Masri highlighted the significance of raising awareness, especially given the lack of mainstream knowledge about the Palestinian struggle.

“What it means to be Palestinian today is to be negated the right of your identity, it’s to be negated the right of return, it’s to even be negated the right to have the collective imaginary of a Palestinianhood,” El-Masri said.

Henaway also argued that the BDS movement is imperative because “it’s coming from Palestinians themselves, and they’re demanding our solidarity in this way.”

“What it means to be Palestinian today is to be negated the right of your identity, it’s to be negated the right of return, it’s to even be negated the right to have the collective imaginary of a Palestinianhood.”

Zahia El-Masri, Palestinian activist

student campaigns for McGill to divest from South African apartheid as an example, and explained that the call for BDS was initiated in Durban, South Africa at the 2001 World Conference against Racism.

“The South African delegation wanted to highlight Zionism as a form of apartheid, as a form [of ] discrimination and racial inequality that the international community has to uphold as a priority in terms of Israel’s acceptance of international law,” Henaway said.

The call for BDS, he explained, was founded on “fundamental principles of universal justice – that Palestinians should have the same rights that Israeli citizens are able to have.”

McGill did not divest from South African apartheid until 1985, and Henaway said that while “we look back now on history and lots of people think, ‘How could anybody support South African apartheid, one of the ugliest forms of a racist, colonial state.’ [...] There was complete mainstream support for it. It was ‘a liberal democracy in a sea of barbarism in Africa,’ and it’s the same logic that many people who support Israeli apartheid use today.”

During the discussion period, a student in the audience asked the panelists to respond to an argument commonly made against BDS, which is that it negatively affects citizens of Israel.

Henaway responded, “It’s the status quo that actually hurts Israeli citizens at the moment. It’s the fact that they’re seen as supporting an occupation, it’s the fact that [...] it’s mandatory for all Israelis to serve [in] the military, the fact that their state is imploding, all of this as a result of an ongoing colonial project impacts them negatively.”

“By supporting BDS, you’re only basically supporting international law,” El-Masri concluded.

Yusuf, a U1 Economics student who attended the panel discussion, told The Daily, “I found the panel very informative, and they gave me new insight into real situations [...] that happen in Palestine on a daily basis. [...] It was very easy [to] relate to the points they were making, especially in the context of North America.”

Copy Editor Chantelle Schultz did not edit this article due to her involvement with McGill BDS.

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February 22, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

“Silent resistance” by profs to employment equity discussion at Senate Administration pushes back against request for earlier release of course outlines

Saima Desai & Cem Ertekin The McGill Daily

M

cGill’s Senate convened for its second meeting of the year on February 17. Senate met to discuss, among other things, a question regarding course outlines and the state of employment equity at McGill.

Employment equity discussion On Senate’s agenda was an open discussion regarding employment equity at McGill. A working group had previously been created to prepare a report, which was completed in August 2015.

At Senate, the working group sought feedback on three questions: what milestones McGill should set for itself, whether it is time for McGill’s Employment Equity Policy to be reviewed, and what initiatives should be pursued to improve equity outcomes in recruitment and retention.

According to the working group’s report, “While the Employment Equity Policy has been in place for nearly a decade, [McGill’s] tenure track professori-

ate has not become noticeably more diverse, despite some improvement in women’s representation.”

Since 2008, the proportion of tenure-track professors who are women has increased from 17.3 per cent to 20.5 per cent, corresponding to a net increase of 16 people.

At the same time, the total number of employees self-identifying as Aboriginal has actually gone down from 17 to 16.

One senator asked if the reason why the numbers haven’t been increasing may be that people from the designated groups were not applying for positions, saying “that could be a major impact in our ability to diversify.”

In response to this question, Science Senator Marina Smailes said, “I think that it would be potentially something of a target to also include recruitment processes, if we are actually going out and specifically targeting people in order to have those relevant number of applicants.”

In an interview with The Daily, Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) VP University Affairs Chloe Rourke said, “There is certainly a misconception that there aren’t qualified

candidates, particularly of colour, but also in general from those designated groups. There are qualified candidates from those designated groups.

McGill, just for whatever reason, isn’t recruiting them or hiring them.”

Also speaking to The Daily, Arts Senator Alex Kpeglo-Hennessy said, “I was hoping for a really crossMcGill, cross-faculty, cross-department sort of discussion. [...] I didn’t really see that happen.”

“For the most part I would really say that the administration, it seems to be moving in a very positive direction very quickly. But, at the same time, there is a lot of silent resistance from professors and departments. It was really disappointing to not hear from deans or professors as often. [...] It was very much all students and the [Associate Provost (Policies, Procedures and Equity)] talking,” Kpeglo-Hennessy continued.

Course outlines Kpeglo-Hennessy and Arts Senator Erin Sobat submitted a question regarding course outlines, which was answered by Deputy Provost (Student Life and Learning) Ollivier Dyens.

The question asked whether “methods of course evaluations could be added to course descriptions,” and whether “the University would be willing to ask for tentative course outlines that include basic information such as a breakdown of assignments.”

The preambulatory clauses to the question noted that “the Charter of Student Rights only requires that course outlines be made available to students within the first week of classes in each respective term,” and “the McGill eCalendar contains no information on methods of evaluation within classes.” Further, “MyCourses opens access to course materials on the first day of classes, and only to those registered or on the waitlist of a class.”

In his written response, Dyens said, “Asking for definite course syllabi nine to twelve months in advance of the start of the course would not allow most professors to include the most up-to-date research in their courses,” and would also prevent professors from incorporating student feedback from the previous semester into a revised syllabus.

“There may be so many things changing in the course outline, the

added value to the students would be much less than the detriment,” Dyens said.

Faculty of Education Senator Alenoush Saroyan added, “As a professor, I don’t think assessments should drive learning. Learning should be for the sake of learning. You also don’t want professors recycling outlines that are ten years old. Syllabi should be refreshed every year – I need to think about who my students are, and I can’t do that nine months in advance.”

In an interview with The Daily, Kpeglo-Hennessy said, “At the moment, students are forced to pick their courses largely based on the name of the course and a two -sentence description. That’s really not sufficient when you’re planning a degree.”

To Kpeglo-Hennessy, this is also a matter of increasing accessibility to courses. “At the end of the day, if we are able to pick and choose our semesters to understand the course loads that we’re putting ourselves into, students will be able to prevent some of the stress and inability to complete work that comes in the middle of the semester,” he explained.

PGSS Council confused over severity of deficit Deficit estimates range from $277,778 to $611,000 over seven-year period

Ellen Cools The McGill Daily

O

n February 17, the PostGraduate Students’ Society (PGSS) Legislative Council met, with eight announcements, eleven reports, three items for discussion, and four motions on the agenda.

AVEQ and UEQ presentations At the meeting, Association pour la voix étudiante au Québec (AVEQ) Internal Coordinators Marjorie CyrBeaudin and Sofia Guerrieri, and l’Union étudiante du Québec (UEQ) General Coordinator Caroline Aubry, and UEQ External Coordinator Guillaume Girard, spent fifty minutes presenting information regarding their respective student federations and answering questions.

The main difference between the two student federations is their voting systems. The voting system at AVEQ is based on the concept of one association, one vote, while the UEQ voting system is a double majority system.

UEQ’s double majority system consists of a two-part vote. In the first round of voting, each association gets one vote, while in the second round of voting, associations with a larger student population will have more votes than smaller ones.

Joseph Boju, Association des étudiant(e)s en langue et littérature

françaises inscrit(e)s aux études supérieures (ADELFIES) representative and a member of the Daily Publications Society Board of Directors, asked Guerrieri and CyrBeaudin why PGSS should join AVEQ. Guerrieri argued that the voting system was a drawback to joining UEQ, saying that “in decision-making, if you don’t have large numbers, you might be eclipsed.”

Cyr-Beaudin explained, “The anglophone association [Concordia Student Union] is [part of AVEQ] and [Students’ Society of McGill University] is having a referendum. So most of the anglophone associations will probably be in AVEQ.” PGSS Equity Commissioner Régine Debrosse asked Aubry and Girard what UEQ would do to adequately represent anglophones, considering the anglophone bent of AVEQ. Girard emphasized that documentation is sent to members in both languages. He also noted that member associations will receive documents 45 days before a caucus, which means “anglophones and francophones will be equally prepared.”

A date has not been set for when PGSS will vote on which federation to join.

PGSS budget PGSS Member Services Officer

Brighita Lungu presented a budget fact sheet to Council. In introducing this fact sheet, Lungu warned, “You’re going to hear two different opinions, one from me and one from the Financial [Affairs] Officer [Behrang Sharif ].”

Lungu reported that PGSS will have a $40,000 surplus by the end of this academic year. She added that she believes this surplus exists because “we’ve been hearing bankruptcy all year and that does not encourage anyone to spend anything.”

The Special Projects budget line is projected to have a running deficit of $277,779 by the end of this academic year. However, Lungu, claimed that this deficit was accumulated over seven years, and that, “that money was not lent so we don’t owe money to anybody.”

Sharif, however, responded by first declaring his opposing belief that the budget fact sheet was entirely inaccurate, remarking, “This sheet is not a fact sheet to my understanding of the budget.”

According to Sharif, PGSS is running a deficit of $611,000.

When councillors questioned where such a large deficit came from, Sharif revealed most of it came from a cheque written in 2015 for $523,000, “because of a legal case” between PGSS and the Canadian Federation of Students (CFS). The litigation was

PGSS Council.

Ellen Cools | The McGill Daily

part of a protracted struggle between the two entities, which eventually led to PGSS’s disaffiliation from CFS. Lungu also asked Sharif whether Thomson House runs a deficit of at least $10,000 every year, and whether the Society Activities Fund covers this deficit. After Lungu posed the question several times, Sharif revealed Thomson House does run a yearly deficit, which is covered by the Society Activities Fund.

In the end, Council decided to end the discussion due to time constraints, with a decision for the executives to formulate a report regarding these budget questions for the next Council meeting.

of two new gender-neutral washrooms in Thomson House.

Thomson House currently has gender-neutral bathrooms; however, there has been concern over these washrooms’ isolated location.

The new gender-neutral washrooms would replace the two existing washrooms on the main floor in Thomson House.

Debrosse introduced the motion, emphasizing, “Thomson House is striving to be a more inclusive space [and is listed] as one of the five or six buildings [on campus] that has genderneutral washrooms.”

The motion passed.

Gender-neutral washrooms A motion was brought to Council regarding the creation

An earlier version of this article was published online. The article was updated following the meeting.

News

February 22, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Jamaica Association of Montreal nominated for Black History Month

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Black history education extends beyond one month, says association president Grace Macewan News Writer

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his year, the Montreal Black History Month Round Table chose to nominate the Jamaica Association of Montreal as a laureate, one of the 12 associations to receive the honour this year.

The association was founded in November 1962, three months after Jamaica gained its independence.

According to its website, the association aims at “the social, political, economic, educational and cultural integration of the Jamaican Community and by extension the Black Community within Montreal, and the Province of Quebec.”

In an interview with The Daily, Michael Smith, president of the association, said that he hopes to encourage people “to be proud to be Jamaican; not to hide [their] heritage.”

The association celebrates contributions of the Jamaican community to Montreal and plans social events. It also offers community support programs.

The Au Futur program for young mothers is one of these programs.

Speaking to The Daily, Susan Hamilton, coordinator of the Au Futur program, cited racism, difficulty in finding jobs, and living in a Frenchspeaking province while not speaking French as some of the most common challenges faced by Jamaicans

in Montreal. According to Hamilton, young mothers face further challenges, one of which is isolation.

“Well, for any young mother, it’s challenging. I noticed there have been issues with the parents. Some of them have problems when their young daughters are pregnant.

Some are disowned, kicked out of the home. [This] makes it very difficult for the young mother who then becomes somewhat isolated and may end up in even more difficult situations, you know, without family support,” Hamilton said.

“I’m oftentimes uncomfortable in class because of something someone says or what we’re learning, and I don’t think that’s a reality for everyone.”

Brittany Williams, Law student The Au Futur program aims to address some of these problems by helping young mothers find jobs or

return to school, as well as by offering various activities such as group cooking classes, which teach practical skills in a social setting, and gatherings like reading circles.

Black History Month Speaking to the importance of Black History Month, Smith said, “The history books need to be rewritten a little bit more truthfully. [...] The way Canadian history books will present it, you’d think there was only slavery in the U.S.. [...] There needs to be a greater acknowledgement of the Black community or African community through history.”

McGill Law student Brittany Williams also spoke to The Daily about Black History Month, as well as about her experiences as a half-Jamaican, half-Trinidadian student at McGill.

Williams told The Daily in an interview that Black History Month is a source of inspiration and pride for her because she learns about new Black role models every year.

“I remember in elementary school and high school seeing those people, and not even the Martin Luther Kings and the Rosa Parkses, but hearing about people here, in the same context as you, who were doing amazing things. If they can do that, so can I,” Williams said.

Smith warned that learning about Black history, however,

Jamaica Association of Montreal. Kevin Tam | Photographer should not be restricted to a single month. During Black History Month, Smith said, “The focus is really on slavery, but there’s so much more to it than that, and you can’t address it all [in a single month].”

Williams added that Black History Month can be “a great time to start conversations.” While the conversations might be difficult or uncomfortable, Williams maintains that they are always worthwhile.

Speaking to her own experience at McGill, Williams said, “Sometimes [there are] ignorant people, sometimes naive people. I’ve never met anyone outright racist in school, but [it’s] just constantly having to teach people, or help people unlearn.”

Williams noted that intentionally acknowledging privilege can help. “I don’t know if a lot of my classmates who aren’t minorities consider the kind of work minorities have to do to be in a classroom that wasn’t really built for them. [...] I’m oftentimes uncomfortable in class because of something someone says or what we’re learning, and I don’t think that’s a reality for everyone.”

Williams gives McGill students this advice to avoid making racialized students uncomfortable: “Recognize the way that you think and how you grew up and how that might shape the way you interact with people” and “be open to difficult conversations.”

Petition asks for mandatory genocide studies Sixth grade students had no idea about genocide, petitioner says

Xavier Richer Vis News Writer

T

he Montreal-based Foundation for the Compulsory Study of Genocide in Schools is currently fighting for the provincial government to incorporate mandatory genocides studies in Quebec high schools.

Genocide is defined as the purposeful killing of a large group of people, particularly from a specific nation or ethnic group. Heidi Berger, creator of the foundation and an instructor at the Concordia Centre for Continuing Education, argues that too many secondary school students leave school with little to no information about genocides such as the Holocaust or Canada’s residential school system, as Quebec high schools do not integrate these histories enough into their curriculum.

To rectify this, the foundation has collected 1,245 signatures for a petition asking “that the National Assembly and the Minister of Education, Higher Education and Research act to make the study of genocide compulsory in all Quebec high schools as a means to creating a tolerant and peaceful society which is accepting of all cultures and religions.”

The petition also states that “racial and cultural intolerance and discrimination are the preconditions associated with the beginnings to genocide.”

Earlier this month, Liberal Member of the National Assembly David Birnbaum tabled this petition in the Assembly.

In an interview with The Daily, Berger emphasized that “recognition is so important, and not only for high school students. You have all these students in CEGEP and university

now who got the education and how important it is, that once they leave the university gates, that they themselves understand the stages that lead to genocide.”

Marcy Bruck, communications officer for the foundation, told The Daily, “[Berger] felt what was being taught wasn’t enough. [...] She felt that the emphasis on genocide was very sporadic and that some sixth grade students had no idea about these very serious issues.”

The provincial government’s most recent official position on this is that teachers should have control over their curriculum, and that they, not the government, should choose how to incorporate the study of past genocides into their lessons. According to the government, compulsory studies would only serve as an extra layer of government intervention that high school students don’t need.

However, Bruck said, “This is not a difficult change to make. Teachers’ unions have expressed interests in adding genocide studies to their curriculum, and now it just comes to trying to pressure the government to very seriously consider this.”

“This is the time right now, from a social point of view, for these kids to learn about this, and the government should have a part in making that happen,” Berger added.

Berger also argues that Canada’s long history of accepting refugees, including but not limited to Jewish, Rwandan, Congolese, and Armenian people, warrants the province considering the next step and denouncing genocidal practices by opening students’ eyes to the reality of how genocide occurs.

Tiffany Alves-Wallace, a former Dawson College student and current McGill student, told The

Daily, “Genocide was not a big part of our curriculum. [...] The only time that we actually expanded on genocide was in our last year of high school in our history class [...] when we discussed Rwanda.”

“I learned more about the Holocaust in CEGEP during my history classes, [specifically about] Germany due [to] my being in the language program and having mandatory classes for the country,” Alves-Wallace noted.

Alves-Wallace added that “We never really touched upon the impact of European influence on the Indigenous societies in Canada.”

The foundation has said in past interviews that the government has suggested they plead their case to the individual school boards of Quebec, but with seventy school boards in the provinces, that could possibly take years.

8

News

February 22, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Panel highlights solidarity between Quebec and Chilean social movements Chilean political refugees were crucial in Quebec socialism, say panelists

Vincent Simboli The McGill Daily

A

pproximately 250 people gathered at the Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM) campus on February 11 to attend a panel titled, “Réfugiés et immigrantes au Québec: une longue histoire de solidarité internationale à partir de l’experiénce chilienne” (“Refugees and immigrants in Quebec: a long history of international solidarity based on the Chilean experience”).

The panel was organized by the Comité pour les droits humains en Amérique latine (CDHAL) and various local liaison groups that support human rights, labour activism, and anti-imperialist activism.

Panelists Suzanne-G. Chartrand, José del Pozo, Clotilde Bertrand, Carmen Gloria Quintana, and Mouloud Idir devoted a significant portion of the discussion to ways in which the Chilean immigrant community had become an integral part of social movements within Quebec and elsewhere abroad. The panel also explained the legacy of Quebec socialist movements of the 1970s and 1980s and their equally important roles in removing the Chilean dictatorship.

Chileans began to arrive en masse to Quebec in 1973, following the coup d’état that ousted and killed the democratically elected president Salvador

Allende and installed General Augusto Pinochet for a 17-year military rule.

Del Pozo, a Chilean associate professor of history at UQAM, explained to the audience in French that Chileans integrated into Quebec society remarkably fast, indicated by the lack of a “Chilean ghetto” in Montreal, and the fact that “within one generation, Quebec began to see Chilean immigrants running for political office by 1990.”

Chartrand, a founding member of the Comité Québec-Chili (CQC), explained in French that a major part of the CQC’s activism at the time was informing and mobilizing Quebec’s unions and left-leaning political groups to take a stand against Pinochet’s regime by boycotting companies that profited from the disappearances and extrajudicial killings of the military dictatorship.

According to Chartrand, the Quebec political sphere was a space where “the word ‘socialism’ certainly existed in 1973,” with many syndicalist groups working together for “a national liberation in the context of a social, socialist transformation, and this was relatively close to the project of [Allende’s leftist coalition] Popular Unity.”

This, Chartrand argued, explains how Chilean immigrants who supported Allende would have integrated themselves with relative ease into Quebec’s labour movement.

Stephanie Ngo | The McGill Daily Chartrand also explained, however, that the CQC faced a challenge in terms of explaining to those mobilizing within Quebec that the problem was not just the coup d’état or Pinochet, but rather the complicity of “French, [...] Canadian, American, and Japanese multinationals” with “American imperialism.”

The panel also included discussion of the Quebec socialist movement’s involvement in the Chilean struggle after the coup. Bertrand, who was the Québec solidaire candidate for Argenteuil in the 2014 elections and the former coordina-

tor of the Centre internationale de solidarité ouvrière (CISO), spoke on the topic.

Bertrand explained in French that, just as Chilean immigrants to Quebec were willing to get involved with Quebec’s socialist political groups, Quebec socialists that supported “our grand comrade [and former president of the Confédération des syndicats nationale (CSN)] Michel Chartrand were eager to heed his call to help Chileans immediately following the 1973 coup.”

According to a 2002 study by the York University Latin American

Research Group, this support took the form of pressuring the Canadian government to consider Chileans fleeing the violence as refugees. The study noted that this sent a powerful message to the rest of the world that Canada, a major trade partner of Pinochet’s Chile, was willing to recognize the crisis and welcome Chileans seeking safety.

The CISO and other Quebec labour groups were grateful for Chilean immigrants’ contributions to their struggles, said Bertrand.

“The Chileans who came,” he concluded, “were a gift to Quebec.”

Concordia organizes Anti-Consumerism Week

Dumpster diving workshop introduces students to anti-capitalism and environmentalism Saima Desai The McGill Daily

F

rom February 15 to 19 Concordia held its AntiConsumerism Week, an event series aimed at “consuming less, [...] questioning the economic systems failing us, and inspiring our community to adopt a more self-sufficient lifestyle,” according to the event’s Facebook page.

Events included do-it-yourself (DIY) workshops to teach participants to make everything from kombucha to personal hygiene products, a clothing swap, and a farmer’s market. The dumpster diving workshop attracted hundreds of interested participants to its Facebook page.

The workshop, hosted by the Concordia Food Coalition, sought to teach participants how to dumpster dive safely and ethically, and also offered an excursion to Jean-Talon market where participants could try their hand at finding free food.

Jamie Klinger, Montreal community activist and veteran dumpster diver, told The Daily that he has

seen a growing number of students dumpster diving in recent years.

“That, I think, is more than just not being able to afford to buy food, but also that the culture of dumpster diving has become larger and more accepted,” Klinger said.

For many students on a budget, dumpster diving makes practical sense. “It could potentially be a really good way to feed myself and save money as a student,” said Melody Kwong, a U2 Environment student who attended the workshop.

“The element of mystery is something that really appeals to me – it’s exciting to not know 100 per cent what you’re going to get,” said Aidan Gilchrist-Blackwood, another workshop attendee and U2 Political Science and History student.

Asked whether employees at grocery stores and restaurants felt kindly toward dumpster divers, Klinger said, “You just have to be human with them – it’s really not more than that.”

“Tell them that you’re hungry, and that you’re going to feed a lot of people, and most of them are

going to want to help you,” Klinger emphasized. “It might be the upper management that’s going to be reticent if it’s a large corporation, but if we’re talking about a small, local fruit store that’s tossing out some old fruit, they don’t care. There’s not more value to them in throwing it in the trash than giving it to you.”

“I’ve seen so much perfectly good food just go directly into the garbage.”

Melody Kwong U2 Environment student Dumpster diving not only allows students to save money, but also has deep ideological roots in anti-consumerism and environmentalism.

Kwong explained that it was only after seeing the magnitude of food waste up close that she developed an interest in reclaiming some of it.

“I’ve worked three restaurant

jobs, and in the restaurant industry you really see food waste at a huge scale. [...] I’ve seen so much perfectly good food just go directly into the garbage,” said Kwong.

For Gilchrist-Blackwood, who is also an executive of McGill’s Plate Club, which lends reusable dishware to students to reduce the use of paper and plastic, dumpster diving is both an environmental and an anti-capitalist action.

“An important part of environmentalism is the question of why so much is needlessly produced, and then not used, and why we feel like we have to buy so many things, essentially. There is a direct carbon footprint attached to each and every one of our purchases,” GilchristBlackwood noted.

Klinger described his transition from dumpster diving out of necessity to dumpster diving as part of an ideological framework. “[We] needed food on the table, we went, we got it, we put it on the table. As I did it over a longer period of time, I started to see what we were doing in a larger scale of things,” he explained.

“We would take more than we needed so we could offer it out to more people so that we would build more of a community of people who would come and eat with us – [so] that we would have a greater number that would be spending less into the capitalist marketplace. [...] It became a post-capitalist action.”

Gilchrist-Blackwood warned against forgetting that dumpster diving started as, and remains, a fundamentally practical act for most people.

“I think it’s important to recognize that my ability to be excited about dumpster diving for the first time is at least partly contingent on me having the privilege to pay for food when I need it,” he noted. “Dumpster diving for some folks is a necessity, and I think part of anti-consumerism should also necessarily [...] involve recognizing that anti-consumerism isn’t a voluntary choice for everyone.”

“I wait for the day that dumpster diving is no longer even a possibility because we all have the food that we need and we’re not overproducing. That’s going to be a glorious day,” said Klinger.

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Commentary

February 22, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

10

Is there a ‘black vote’?

The reductiveness of the identity vote rhetoric Inori Roy-Khan Minority Report

“

Our people died for this.

Martin Luther King died for this. I’m behind anyone who’s going to listen and speak up for us – and I think we need to believe in a leader like Bernie Sanders.” With these words, Erica Garner, daughter of police brutality victim Eric Garner who was murdered by a New York City Police Department (NYPD) officer in 2014, publicly pledged her support for Bernie Sanders’s 2016 presidential campaign. Garner’s statments appeared in a February 11 advertisement from the Sanders camp, the first to explicitly link Sanders with the Black Lives Matter movement. The ad was oriented around Sanders’s advocacy challenging police brutality against black and Latino people in the U.S., and featured him saying, “I want to see an America where, when young black men walk down the street, they will not be harassed by police officers, they will not be killed, they will not be shot.”

The ad’s power lay in the fact that Garner, someone so close to the issue who has had to experience firsthand the devastation of losing a parent to racist police violence, expressed her steadfast conviction that Sanders would be the right candidate for president of the U.S.. So, if someone who stands at the centre of the Black Lives Matter movement has put their faith in Bernie Sanders, the conclusion to draw from the ad would be that the audience should, too.

If there were to be a mass black vote that promised the loyalty of every black voter in America, both Hillary and Bernie would stand a good chance of being the favourite.

On February 17, Hillary Clinton was joined at a Chicago rally by Geneva Reed-Veal, mother of Sandra Bland, whose alleged suicide is believed by many to actu-

ally have been murder at the hands of racist police officers. Reed-Veal expressed her support for Clinton, saying, “Here’s a woman who has shown time and time again, that she has the skill, experience, and staying power more than twenty years in.”

Clinton’s supporters at the rally expressed confidence that she would address the issue of racist police violence were she to become president. The same confidence that some members of the Black Lives Matter movement extended to Sanders had now been offered to Clinton, by other prominent activists whose voices have been considered equally as valuable. This divide within the Black Lives Matter movement, and to a greater extent within the black American activist and intellectual communities, has brought one difficult question to the forefront of the 2016 Democratic primaries: which candidate has secured the ‘black vote?’

The heavy discussion surrounding the ‘black vote’ is not unique to the 2016 elections – it was at the heart of the 2008 Clinton versus Obama primaries, and was even an issue when Hillary Clinton’s husband Bill Clinton was in office in the 1990s.

Rhetoric around the black vote has tested decades-old loyalties, and on occasion has been persuasive enough to make voters shift their allegiance from one candidate to another. At the heart of the discussion of the black vote, and to a lesser extent (although equally important) the Latino vote, lies the issue of identity politics – do people of colour have an obligation to vote for the candidate who is seen as the better candidate for people of colour?

In the past few months, several (white) feminists have pledged their support to Hillary Clinton in a manner so intense that they’ve condemned any woman who doesn’t do so as being inherently anti-feminist. Prominent feminist and former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright rather ominously declared that “there’s a special place in hell for women who don’t help each other!” at a rally in early February. In a similar manner, the politics of the voting tendencies of people of colour threaten to marginalize any people of colour who don’t support the popular candidate, perhaps casting them aside as being ‘bad’ people of colour – as if all people of colour have homogeneous voting practices that are decided en

Rahma Wiryomartono | The McGill Daily masse at a secret people of colour meeting every election season.

Reverend Al Sharpton, prominent black American civil rights activist and media figure, said recently that “no one can deliver the black vote. No one speaks for everybody in the black community.” And, considering the matter on even the shallowest level, he’s right – no one candidate can claim to have the entirety of the more than thirty million black citizens currently residing in the U.S. on their side.

Despite that, there has been heavy focus on the conversation around both candidates “pandering” to the black vote as the election season goes on. When Bernie Sanders brings up the epidemic of racist police violence in America, it’s “pandering.” When Hillary Clinton talks about ending the school-to-prison pipeline, it’s “pandering.” If that’s the case, then it seems like every American president preceding Barack Obama has been “pandering” to the white vote. But no one talks about it like that – because that’s just ridiculous.

If there were to be a mass black vote that promised the loyalty of every black voter in America, both Hillary and Bernie would stand a good chance of being the favourite.

The Clintons have been considered favourably by some in the black community since Bill Clinton’s presidency in the 1990s – that’s a twenty-year loyalty that may not likely be broken by the arrival of one new candidate. But on the flipside, Bill Clinton’s policies during his presidency were

considered by many to be devastating to the black community, with his ‘tough on crime’ measures disproportionately incarcerating black and Latino men, and bringing the school-to-prison pipeline to new heights.

“No one speaks for everybody in the black community.”

Al Sharpton, civil rights activist Hillary Clinton strongly supported and lobbied for these policies during her husband’s reign, even perpetuating the discourse of inherent criminalization of black youth. In her current campaign, she has made an effort to acknowledge and rectify the mistakes of her husband’s term in office, vowing to take action against the disproportionate incarceration of black people and to improve the living standards of poor black youth across the country.

Bernie Sanders, now 74 years old, was a prominent member of the civil rights movement during the time of Martin Luther King Jr. himself. At a recent rally, Sanders asked members of the audience whether any of them had participated in King’s march on Washington in 1963. When no hands went up, he said to the audience, “It makes me feel really old. I was there.” And he was there – he was a supporter of King’s non-violent means of

protest, and was an advocate for the desegregation of housing in Chicago as a student.

But while Sanders was very much present at the local, grassroots level, he hasn’t had the chance to build as much of a largescale alliance with prominent black politicians in America. Hillary Clinton has officially received the support of institutional leaders like the Congressional Black Caucus, while Bernie Sanders has been publicly supported by renowned black activists, union leaders, and intellectuals.

With this divide between Sanders’s and Clinton’s black supporters, is it fair to perpetuate the rhetoric of the black vote? At this point in the election, the truth may be that both Sanders and Clinton have facets of their campaigns that may be appealing and facets that could be considered significant drawbacks to black voters across the country. And of course, this isn’t even taking into consideration the very real fact that there are black Republican voters in America. Ultimately, when examining the complexities of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ identity politics in the 2016 election, it seems that discourse on a homogeneous black vote does nothing but detract from the real conversation about racial justice, reducing the complexities of black life in America to a matter of ballot.

Minority Report is a column that deconstructs racism through an intersectional lens. Inori RoyKhan can be reached at minorityreport@mcgilldaily.com.

Commentary

February 22, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

11

The colour of pot

Racism and ignorance are behind illicit drug prohibition Laura Xu Commentary Writer

T

he federal Liberal government’s campaign pledge to legalize marijuana has come under scrutiny as the long-standing debate over drug prohibition continues.

The focus of this debate is often on avoiding usage among youth, or on the health and social effects of cannabis. What is often overlooked is the racist roots of laws that prohibit the use of marijuana and other illicit drugs, which continue to disproportionately target poor people of colour both in Canada and the U.S..

In the U.S., the regulation of cannabis began in the 17th century, but it did not take the form of prohibition at the national level until 1937.

Many would probably assume that marijuana was made illegal through a thoughtful debate in Congress, where health experts scientifically evaluated the effects of the substance. However, that is not what happened; instead, the decision was rashly made based on unsubstantiated information. And, most importantly, there is good evidence that racism fuelled the move.

During the Great Depression, resentment toward Mexican immigrants soared as they were scapegoated for economic problems.

Mexican workers’ use of cannabis became a basis for discrimination and condemnation, and state after state outlawed marijuana, specifically targeting the Latino population. As one state senator said on the floor of the Texas State Senate, “All Mexicans are crazy, and this stuff [marijuana] is what makes them crazy.”

Harry J. Anslinger, the first commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN) for most of the Great Depression, transmitted the notion that marijuana users posed a significant danger to health and social order, targeting particularly Black and Mexican Americans. Using the mass media as his forum, Anslinger propelled the anti-marijuana sentiment at the national level. Using racial slurs in many of his statements, he wrote that the main reason behind marijuana prohibition was the substance’s effects on racialized people, as it made them “think they’re as good as white men.” He further insisted on using the Mexican Spanish word “marijuana” instead of a more common word like “hemp,” obscuring the natural origins of the substance and creating a pejorative, racist connotation.

After incredibly short congressional hearings, the Marihuana Tax Act (MTA) was passed in 1937. Looking back, the lack of scientific debate on the matter in Congress is aston-

ishing, with representatives relying mostly on racist anecdotes that Anslinger provided. As anticipated, violations of the MTA expedited the deportation of Mexican nationals, already increasing in the 1930s.

Prohibition acts for other drugs followed the same trajectory of targetting certain racial groups. Cocaine was associated with Black Americans, while laws prohibiting opium demonized Chinese railroad workers. Yet, opium had been widely used among the white middle class, especially women, for medical and recreational purposes without any racial associations being made.

Predating similar development in the U.S., Canada prohibited “nonmedicinal” uses of opium through the 1908 Opium Act, in the wake of white supremacist attacks on East Asian immigrants in Vancouver. Another racist drug panic over opium took place in the 1920s, leading to laws, such as amendments to the Opium and Narcotics Act of 1920, that not only mandated harsher sentencing, but made drug trafficking punishable by deportation.

What is similar across all these cases is that drug usage was conceptualized in different ways depending on the identity of the user. Drug addiction is a medical problem when the typical user of a drug is, for instance, a middle or upper-class white person, but it turns into a criminal justice problem when the average user is a poorer person of colour.

Since the origins of these drug prohibitions are racially driven, it is not surprising that in practice, the court system disproportionately penalizes the poor and people of colour. Michelle Alexander, in her book The New Jim Crow, reveals how the American court system disproportionately incarcerates Black people on drug charges. In some states, Black people have been sent to prison on drug charges at rates 20 to 57 times higher than those of white men, depending on the state. This stark disparity is especially worrying because research has shown that Black and white people use drugs at similar rates.

Stricter penalties for crack cocaine than powder cocaine, which many believe are two forms of the same substance, inevitably criminalize Black people at a higher rate, as poorer people are more likely to consume cocaine in the much cheaper crack cocaine form, and Black people are disproprtionately affected by poverty.

Both in the U.S. and Canada, the adoption of minimum sentencing, financial support from the federal government for anti-drug initiatives, and the ample discretion given to authori-

Lara Esrey | Photographer ties create a high risk of racial profiling in the investigation of drug crimes, influenced by prevailing racist stereotypes and biases. Once charged, poor people of colour are often provided with inadequate legal defence and pressured into plea bargains, lacking the financial resources and expertise to win in a court hearing.

Alexander concludes that the U.S. government uses the war on drugs as a tool to discriminate against and repress racialized groups, serving as a “racial caste system.” While some might argue that there are legitimate motives driving the war on drugs, which could have some positive effects on reducing narcotics addiction, the racial discrimination embedded in these drug prohibition efforts is often ignored. Indeed, if an incarceration rate similar to that among Black people in the U.S. had ever occurred among the white middle class it would have triggered a political backlash a long time ago.

The unaddressed racial injustice in the American criminal drug code shows systemic oppression based on race and socioeconomic status.

In both Canada and the U.S., the evolution of drug prohibition has elements of irrationality and discrimination. Moving away from it requires scientific and unprejudiced investigation. As the debate on marijuana legalization unfolds, it is important that the government take conscious steps to address the bias and inequality in current legislation and to avoid the danger of reintroducing such biases in its new policies.

Laura Xu is a U2 Political Science student. To contact her, email duo.xu@mail.mcgill.ca.

Smoking survey takes sides

Question design is crucial to meaningful results Marc Cataford The McGill Daily

W

hen I heard that the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) was conducting a survey on a smokefree campus in January, I was intrigued. The February 11 town hall discussing its results was of even greater interest to me. As a smoker currently working on kicking the habit and whose pet peeves include seeing cigarette butts littering public space, I dream of a hypothetical future where tobacco usage isn’t a thing anymore. Some will agree, some won’t – it’s beside the point, as I would never expect anyone to stop smoking against their will anyway. After all, smoking can be a great stress relief tool and a wonderful accompaniment to a stiff morning coffee.

What irks me is not the push for a smoke-free campus, but the means by which it has been brought about.

More precisely, my problem lies with how the survey used to probe public opinion was designed. It may seem inconsequential, but I think that if a measure as drastic as banning smoking on campus grounds is to be taken, we should make sure that the survey data we’re basing this decision on is as unbiased as possible.

The survey in question asked relevant questions, but what strikes me is that it left very little space for dissent and opposition.

It included questions such as “Do you support moving toward a smoke-free campus?” with both the question and the answers worded to make the opposition appear apathetic. You can “strongly support” the measure, but at worst can indicate “I do not support.” This option merely says that you are at best neutral or uninterested, and obfuscates any strong negative feelings you may have regarding the question.

Allowing the full spectrum of opinion, from “I strongly support” to “I strongly oppose” would have made for a fairer survey. This likely would have given results more representative of the range of views of the student population, and maybe the opponents of the initiative would have felt more present in the debate. It appears that this survey was designed to show exactly what those behind the initiative wanted: support for a campus-wide move, rather than the people’s opinion on the matter.

Marc Cataford is the Web editor at The Daily, but the views here are his own. To contact him, email web@mcgilldaily.com.

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Commentary

February 22, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Redefining anti-Israel

BDS could embolden anti-Semitic discourse on campus Tom Tyler Commentary Writer

N

oam Chomsky, the polemically far-left academic, recently resurfaced as one of the more surprising critics of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement – a grassroots anti-Israel movement with the stated aims of boycotting, divesting from, and sanctioning Israel. What followed was a predictable flurry of vitriol from some individuals claiming Chomsky had become an irrelevant Zionist sell-out, and others praising him as an unlikely defender of Israel.

Of course, both are incorrect; Chomsky’s anti-Israel track record is both substantial and well-publicized. There is something to be learned from this bizarre incident, however. The fact that Chomsky is even considered by some to be a defender of Israel is a testament to how much BDS has moved the goalposts when discussing the IsraeliPalestinian conflict in intellectual spheres. What we appear to have now is a situation in which anyone who disagrees with the premise of severing all ties with Israel – and purging its every mention save for use in political invective – becomes a defender of the country. As such, for disagreeing with some of the terms put forth by BDS, Noam Chomsky, a man who idolized the Venezuelan socialist and vocal Israel critic Hugo Chávez, is suddenly pro-Israel.

If that statement strikes you as absurd, it should, for it is an absurd situation. I cannot attest to being Chomsky’s greatest political disciple, but I have always regarded him as an admirably principled man.

When he warns of a movement that ostracizes even those with no connection to the occupation or the actions of the Israeli government, I believe he describes something that is well underway.

I also believe that most Jewish students on university campuses

Letters

Sarah Meghan Mah | The McGill Daily in the West could attest to this as much as myself. I highly doubt that my Jewish compatriots to the right are particularly fazed by what progressive and left-wing groups think of them; many of them are already quite convinced that the Western left is inherently anti-Semitic. Rather, those that feel threatened more than any are progressive Jewish students, feeling increasing pressure from their political affiliations to be the token ‘good Jew’ that is obliged to cut their every association with Israel so as not to be ostracized by their political communities.

Such a trend is plainly visible in the ongoing scandal regarding the allegations of “institutional anti-Semitism” at the University of Oxford Labour Club; among the grievances brought forward by the

Oxford University Jewish Society was the proposition that Jews at Oxford should be expected to disavow the ideology of Zionism, or the UOLC would not associate with them. In an even more brazen display of ethnically motivated ideological purging, students recently interrupted a faculty meeting at Brooklyn College to demand the ejection of “Zionists” from campus, accosting a Jewish faculty member as a “Zionist pig.”

To expand upon my own stance, it is not divestment from organizations directly involved in the occupation or based in the occupied Palestinian territories with which I, along with many other progressive Jews, feel uncomfortable. Rather, similar to Chomsky’s concern, it is the prospect of a blanket academic and cultural boycott of Israel as a

Submit your own: letters@mcgilldaily.com

Support pathways in the Faculty of Education Re: “Speak louder than racism” (February 8, Commentary, page 9).

The Faculty of Education is surprised and disheartened to read of this student’s experience. After verification, the Faculty confirms that this student did not contact the Internships & Student Affairs (ISA) Office, nor the Undergraduate

Program Director, the Department Chair, nor anyone in the Dean’s Office to seek support in this regrettable matter. Unfortunately, as the letter is anonymous, it is not possible for us to respond directly. If the student wishes to contact us and discuss this matter further, we encourage her to do so, and we will offer all needed support.

We will also confirm the very clear pathways that exist for students to follow in situations such as this.

—Fiona J. Benson, Director, Internships & Student Affairs Office; Associate Professor, Department of Integrated Studies in Education

whole (which is what BDS explicitly advocates), one that ignores each Israeli’s political stance. Of course, I do not believe that the events described above are in any way representative of the BDS movement, which is an amorphous, grassroots movement with no centralized authority and thus has no spokespeople as such. Nonetheless, I do believe that, if BDS is officially adopted by a student government, those who desire to behave in such a way will be emboldened to do so.

If any association with Israel, political or otherwise, is to be erased, then I fear that the natural result would be more such litmus tests of the ideological purity of Jews on campus, lest they reveal themselves to be undercover Zionists.

This kind of McCarthyism has shown potential to extend even further than campus. Matisyahu, an American Jewish singer who is neither a citizen nor a resident of Israel, was disinvited from a gig in Spain after he refused to issue a statement specifying his political position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The organizers subsequently apologized for their decision following public outcry from Jewish organizations and invited Matisyahu back to perform, stating that their hand had been forced by a “campaign of pressure, coercion and threats” from BDS País Valencià.

BDS has not been endorsed by the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU), and no motions to adopt it have yet been passed at a General Assembly (GA).

However, the newly formed McGill BDS Action Network will pres-

ent a motion to endorse BDS at the forthcoming GA on February 22. I’m sure that the moral and political arguments for and against a boycott of Israel as a country will be debated ad nauseam in the coming days, but it is important to understand the ramifications that an endorsement of BDS would have within the student body, as opposed to merely pontificating on the minimal outward impact that a student union’s political stance will have.

I am acquainted with many activists who support BDS at McGill. I know them to be intelligent, astute, and intellectually honest individuals who I am sure would not sully themselves with the reactionary invective I speak of. But the legacy of BDS will outlast their time at McGill. If BDS opens the floodgates for Jewish students who associate in any way with Israel (that is, Israel proper, not just the occupied territories) to be openly ostracized, one wonders if this will embolden a newer, more reactionary contingent of activists – the kind who characterize the Holocaust as “white on white crime,” or tell Jews they cannot claim anti-Semitism due to apparently not being “of Semitic descent,” as an ethnic studies professor argued at the University of Washington – and how the discourse will shift when they take the helm.

Tom Tyler is a U1 Psychology and Neuroscience student. He can be reached at tom.tyler@mail. mcgill.ca.

Features

February 22, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

13

Call me 'MOM' On the unequal burden of emotional labour

Written by Rebecca Scarra | Illustrated by Marina Djurdjevic

T

o my friends, I am, and always have been, “mom.” I take care of others, whether that means supporting them emotionally in a time of need, or just helping them when they are too drunk to function by themselves. Somehow, I still end up being “mom” when I am drunk myself – even when there are more sober people around me. I care deeply about those around me, whether about their emotional wellbeing or their safety. I enjoy helping others – I love it when I am able to give advice to someone or just to be present and listen to someone discuss their problems.

In her essay “Feeding Egos and Tending Wounds,” feminist theorist Sandra Bartky provides the language to aptly name what I have been do-

ing for years: emotional labour. This is the term that Bartky uses to describe the emotional work that women are often expected to do in their relationships with others. It can be seen as going the extra mile: keeping track of all the kids’ activities, thinking about what someone wants to eat when making a meal, or being a good listener and giving good advice.

All because “women are just good at that stuff.”

While being empathetic and attentive are good personal qualities to have, their exercise can be taxing for those who possess them, because they are qualities that best equip someone to perform emotional labour. I love to help others, but this makes me very susceptible to the emotions of others; if my friends are

sad or stressed, I can sometimes begin to feel that way as well. Further, although I often enjoy the supportive aspect of being the mom friend, I often feel obligated to fill this role, as if the wellbeing of those around me is my responsibility.

Sometimes I wonder whether I like to help others simply because it is an integral part of my personality and something I honestly enjoy, or because I was socialized to believe that, as a woman, I am naturally inclined and obligated to help others.

When I talked to friends of mine who are women, I found that this was a widely held concern.

U1 Sociology student Caroline Portante echoed the sentiment that, when caring for and supporting others, there is sometimes the potential

for damage to the person providing the support. When you are so concentrated on supporting another, it is easy to neglect yourself. “I wish it could just be something I chose to do, and not something I felt guilty about not doing,” Caroline said.

I have always felt as if helping others and offering advice was something that I loved to do and was naturally good at. But the first time I read Bartky’s piece, I began to question whether in some way or another I had been forced into that role. Would I still love helping others as much if it wasn’t expected of me?

This isn’t just about how I see myself, but how I see the other women in my life as well. In my relationships, my friends of all genders come to me for advice, whether that be

about life, school, family, or relationships of their own. However, I find that when I need advice, I gravitate toward my friends who are women – on some level, I must feel they are more apt for the job. Emotional labour is valuable and beneficial to those receiving it – it is labour, after all – but it also comes at a cost to those who provide it.

Socialized for care I asked two men that I know for their perspectives on how gender is related to emotional labour. A fellow firstyear student in my residence expressed the commonly held notion that this gendered difference is natural. “Usually it’s women, because men tend to not have that... I wouldn’t say ‘instinct,’ but... women are naturally that way.”

14

Features

February 22, 2016 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

The other, a floor fellow at New Rez, said that the idea of women being better at emotional labour “is socially constructed, and it comes from that idea of women being the natural caregivers of the home and the men going out and providing.”

The first perspective is likely the more widely held one on this issue.

However, rather than a result of “nature,” emotional skills indeed stem from the way that we are socialized.

It is a matter of who is raised thinking that they are obligated to help others, and is given the toolkit to do so. It is important to recognize that, if they are given the tools to do so and put in the necessary effort, people of all genders have the capacity to perform this type of emotional work. What we should analyze are the systems in place that steer women to be the most likely to do it.

Behavioural differences among family members can play an immense role in children’s development of skills (or lack thereof); this is clearly seen in the example of housework. My family is basically the archetype of the nuclear family, being composed of my mom, my dad, myself, and my younger brother and sister. Growing up, my dad was the one who made money while my mom was a stay-at-home mom. It was my mom who drove us all to school, our extra-curriculars, and our parties. My mom did everyone’s laundry and cleaned up after everyone. Not one of us ever really acknowledged it – she was merely doing what was expected.

As my siblings and I got older, we were asked to assist my mom more, usually with laundry or setting and cleaning up the table. Every evening after dinner my dad would say, “Let’s all help mom clean the table.” Then he would slowly walk away to watch TV or go to his office, leaving the rest of the family to actually do the work.

Even then, my sister and I were the ones who were expected to help the most. If my brother walked away, no one would ask him to come back.

When Caroline was growing up, her mother was the sole worker while her father stayed at home.

She noted, “There was some confusion on my part about why my mom wasn’t like other moms and why she didn’t stay at home. [...] I don’t think I really understood why women ‘should’ be doing [domestic work], but I knew someone should

and I didn’t know which [parent].”

Like housework, emotional labour is a skill that people learn to different degrees depending on how they are socialized into the gender binary, in order to conform to expectations of masculinity and femininity. From a young age, girls are socialized to perform work of support and care, which includes both housework and emotional work. We are often given dolls and kitchen sets when our birthdays roll around, while boys receive army toys, Lego sets, cars – anything that is stereotypically “tough.” In these toys and the way that we expect boys to play with them, there is no room for sensitivity, for emotional openness, for taking care of others. The chores given to boys, if any, contribute to the gendered expectation of toughness, whether that be helping dad fix the car or lifting heavy objects. We don’t often train boys in housework from a young age. As a result, there is a discrepancy when we grow older in the tasks we know how to do.

the cooking, cleaning, and other domestic work. Sometimes referred to as the “double burden” or “double shift,” this phenomenon of working mothers in heterosexual partnerships continuing to do the bulk of the housework is well-documented.

Domestic work, somehow, is not seen as real work, which makes it easy for many to ignore that the burden of it is disproportionately placed on women. The issue is the same with emotional labour.

Western masculinity is largely defined by the rejection of the feminine, and norms of masculinity dictate that men cannot be seen as weak (hence the popularity of phrases like “act like a man!” or the cissexist “grow a pair!”). In particular, emotions are seen as something innately feminine, and therefore a sign of weakness. While women are socialized to do this devalued work for them, men are raised to believe this work is beneath them even as they benefit from its provision.

The convenient conception that emotional labour is something that

The problem isn’t just that there is a gendered discrepancy in how people are socialized; it’s that there is also a gendered discrepancy in how these different skills and traits are valued.

The social perception of women as naturally better at caring for and keeping track of others arises from this kind of socialization. It’s important to disentangle gender from the provision emotional labour, just like housework. This connection is detrimental to people of all genders, especially women.

Devaluing care: why the difference matters Why does it matter that skills associated with care are socialized as a feminine trait? The problem isn’t just that there is a gendered discrepancy in how people are socialized; it’s that there is also a gendered discrepancy in how these different skills and traits are valued.

I always thought it made sense that my mom did all the extra work that she did – after all, she didn’t have another job. However, when I talked to my mom’s friends who worked full-time jobs, it became clear that they often still had to oversee all

women are “just naturally good at” results in women being expected to provide emotional support in their relationships, often without acknowledgement, thanks, or reciprocation. For women, the combination of a sense of obligation – common in the case of relationships between women and men – and a lack of emotional support, is draining. This can be negative when, in the act of supporting others, we forget to support ourselves.

This also affects the quality of relationships between men and women, whether platonic, romantic, or otherwise. A relationship where one person does all the emotional labour will not be fulfilling for that person if the care isn’t reciprocated.

There are also consequences beyond personal relationships. In the service industry, which has a high concentration of women, jobs like waitressing or secretarial work are often seen as basic, relatively “low-skills” positions, as the ability

to perform the personal interaction aspect of such work is considered more of a personality trait than a skill or action that takes effort.

This affects the rate of pay given to these jobs – vocations for which “feminine” traits are helpful are, not coincidentally, lower paid and less prestigious.

Fighting the emotional labour binary The fellow rez student I spoke to said that, as a man, there is a lot of pressure to hold in emotions. “It wouldn’t be as easy for a male to talk too much about emotions because it is often seen as a weakness.” He noted, however, that the expectation to express or not to express emotions depends on the person you’re talking to. A man “expressing his feelings” to his girlfriend or wife, for example, is not a sign of weakness.

Men don’t seek out women instead of other men for emotional labour just because they think women are better at it; it is also because they do not want to be perceived as anything but a man (particularly by other men). There often is a rejection of emotions in order to prove one’s masculinity, which can be taxing on one’s mental health. Further, I find that by not engaging in emotionally fulfilling relationships, we restrict ourselves from fully experiencing what it means to be human.

These social standards regarding emotional labour can thus also harm men. Psychologist James M. O’Neil first conceptualized the term gender role conflict (GRC) to describe the way men relate to the expectations of their gender. He defines it as psychological state “in which restrictive definitions of masculinity limit men’s wellbeing and human potential.”

One result of GRC is a standard of restricted emotionality and lack of room to freely develop how to express emotions and deal with them. This gives the appearance that men are naturally less skilled at giving advice, listening, or other personal interactions that require emotional engagement.

Supporting and caring for others, and being able to expect support and care from the people in our lives, is an incredibly rewarding part of human existence and something that we should all have access to regardless of gender.

There shouldn’t be negative repercussions for expressing emotions,

and people who provide emotional support should be acknowledged and respected.

Parents need to examine the gendered ways that they raise children – stop instilling girls with an obligation to always put others first. Teach them that “No.” can be a complete sentence. If we create a society in which children are raised the same way regardless of gender, then everyone will have the tools to be able to help and support others; it won’t fall solely on women.

By not engaging in emotionally fulfilling relationships, we restrict ourselves from fully experiencing what it means to be human.

However, there is also work that can be done in our own lives to develop more emotionally fulfilled, well-rounded relationships with each other.

As women, we should hold the people in our lives accountable if they benefit from emotional work we perform while offering little in return.

As O’Neil outlined, men and boys aren’t allowed to express their emotions and have them validated. Without expressing and understanding one’s own emotions, it’s unlikely that one will be adept at understanding and supporting someone else’s emotions. As the floor fellow I spoke with said during our conversation, “The people who want to support you don’t care [if you are emotional]. Those are the people that you should be going to for support, the people that are willing to not attach higher feeling to your gender.”

So, men, make an effort to provide that non-judgemental support for each other. Stop shaming each other with toxic language like “Be a man,” or “Don’t be a pussy.” The work of subverting hegemonic masculinity, what it means to ‘be a man,’ is emotional labour, and taking this on is just one way that you can help take the burden off the women in your lives.

We’re Looking for artists to Contribute to The Daily’s annual Art Supplement issue!

Interested in having your 2D artwork published? Send your pieces to illustrations@mcgilldaily.com for a chance to be featured in our March 14 Art Supplement issue!

Sci+Tech

February 22, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

15

Google’s AI triumphs in the world of Go Could this be the rise of the intuition machine?

Joseph Shapell Sci+Tech Writer

L

ast October, while you were probably busy studying for midterms or putting together a Halloween costume, Google was quietly running a new, selfteaching artificial intelligence (AI) program – the largest step in AI of 2015. On January 27, Google revealed that its Google AI, AlphaGo, had beaten a world-class master at the complex game of Go, a popular board game originating in East Asia. This discovery made waves across the world of technology immediately, spelling potential new steps in advancing AI performance.

Computers and our brain This news carries great weight because it challenges our understanding of the fundamental differences between humans and computers. Perhaps you may not have noticed, but compared to a computer, you are not very reliable. For example, you are unlikely to successfully perform the same minute task repeatedly. In contrast, the actions of a computer are not very adaptable.

Of course, it is clear that humans have found a mind-blowing range of tasks that computers can do, but any given program could only ever do exactly what it’s instructed to. Thus a distinction between computers and humans can be made: computers are good at completing repetitive tasks, while humans are good at creative problem solving.

This difference is at the very core of what a computer is. Underneath numerous layers of computational architecture, computers are simply machines that hold, access, and manipulate binary data in a series of 1’s and 0’s.

In fact, the majority of historical advances in computer hardware have, more or less, involved allowing machines to perform more of these functions and at faster rates, or performing simultaneous functions. This holds true from silicon technology to miniaturization.

That being said, viewing computers as just a jumble of 1’s and 0’s is clearly reductive. Computers’ software and machinery are very complex. Many of us struggle with McGill’s various computer interfaces, yet no one would be willing to entirely forgo them: they are clearly necessary.

Among the many impressive accomplishments that these 1’s and 0’s have under their collec-

tive belt is the ability to consistently beat any human at chess.

Go had however, until recently, been seen as an entirely different ball game.

The ancient game of Go Go is an immensely popular board game that has deceptively simple rules. Players aim to control as much of the board as possible by using their own pieces to surround those of their opponents. The complexity lies in the sheer quantity of different moves available to each player: an astounding 2.08×10 170 on a standard Go board. To put this in context, there are only an estimated 10 29 stars in the entire universe. Obviously, this number is so large that the human brain can only rely on metaphors in order to conceive of it. We simply have no frame of reference.

[There are] an astounding 2.08×10170 [possible moves] on a standard Go board. To put this in context, there are only an estimated 1029 stars in the entire universe.

Intuition and the art of Go The interplay between deceptive simplicity and inward complexity is perhaps part of the reason that Go has commanded the passion of billions for over two millennia. It is also perhaps why Chinese and Japanese thought often describes the playing of Go as an art.

Google, for its part in the announcement earlier this year, stated that intuition is the key for success in Go. This cuts right to the heart of the question that AlphaGo’s victory represents.

While nebulously defined, intuition clearly falls on the human side of the spectrum of abilities.

In fact, it could be argued that intuition is the marker for the human end of that spectrum, because it represents the elucidation of knowledge or understanding obtained without inference or the use of reason. There are no

Young Jin Cho | The McGill Daily 1’s and 0’s. Therefore, if AlphaGo used a form of machine intuition, this could be one of the first instances where artificial intelligence has crossed over the barrier toward human intelligence.

This begs the question, however: how did AlphaGo beat a professional Go player? Essentially, it did two things. It trained against recreations of moves and games that had happened in real life, using state of the art machine-learning techniques to improve its game. Specifically, it used an algorithm known as a Monte Carlo Tree Search (MCTS) which, at every turn, selects many moves at random.

It then follows the implications of these moves through an entire simulated game, using the results of those decisions to decide how to move in the actual turn at hand. This is more or less the process that Deep Blue, the AI that beat the then world’s champion in chess – Garry Kasparov – in 1997, underwent. This process builds up a store of possible moves within possible contexts that the AI can draw upon during any given game. Sophisticated as these algorithms are, the massive number of possible moves in Go rules out their use as the central strategy for an AI. Even a computer can’t be realistically expected to learn a number of moves so great that the numbers that describe them, over a googol (1×10100), sound more at home in

children’s games than in science.

In order to surmount this obstacle, AlphaGo also relied on neural networks to further improve its gameplay. These networks, inspired by the current understanding of the human brain, simultaneously select the next move from the repertoire the machine has built up. In addition, they also predict who the winner of the game will be. These predictions are updated every turn and are used recursively to select future moves.

AlphaGo also relied on neural networks to further improve its gameplay.

These networks [were] inspired by thecurrent understanding of the human brain.

This innovative approach is a step toward where Google claims that a mechanical intuition may be created. By analyzing an uncertain future, AlphaGo informs its present. This is something that we do every day without realizing it. We dress warmly in February

because experience has taught us to expect brutal winter chills. We binge-watch Netflix because we have learned that we can get away with it. But is this really what we mean when we talk about intuition? Probably not.

The essence of intuition Prediction can inform intuition and vice versa, but they are not one and the same. I can predict that tomorrow I will drink a cup of coffee, but it is intuition that tells me I will be tired and need a cup of coffee tomorrow morning.

In this sense, intuition in a machine has yet to be achieved.

The future still holds much excitement for AlphaGo and its team. In March, they will face off against Lee Se-dol, who is considered the greatest living Go player.

This will be a fascinating test of the extremely advanced and cutting edge AI technology that Google has created. It will not, however, drastically change what AlphaGo has to offer the world and will leave an important question unanswered – the uncertain future path of AI. Artificial intelligence is an uncharted field that will continue marching forward. What is unclear is if this progress will be made by replicating the human mind, as a machine capable of intuition would do, or if it will follow the trajectory of its own unique and heretofore unknown kind of intelligence.

Culture

February 22, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

16

Reflective technology

Anya Kowalchuk Culture Writer

Erin Gee interprets human emotion through art

C

onversations in Contemporary Art is a bi-weekly lecture series sponsored by the Studio Arts Master of Fine Arts program at Concordia University that provides a platform for artists to discuss their work and engage with the public about new artistic ideas.

Erin Gee, a Montreal-based artist, composer, and singer whose work primarily centres around human interaction with technological advances, hosted the February 11 session. Gee’s art has been widely successful, allowing her to travel to the University of Western Sydney, Australia to collaborate with performance artist Stelarc.

Notably, Gee’s use of experimental electroacoustics stems from applying sound technology to understanding human emotional expression. Her fascination with sound comes from her years of formal training as an opera singer.

Gee’s work emphasizes the ideas of communication, and, more importantly, miscommunication, which is ubiquitous in our period of absolute technological saturation. This was highlighted when, during the question period at the end of the lecture, an audience member asked a question that was not understood by the artist right away. “How we understand each other can only be as good as how we understand each others’ mediations,” Gee noted. This is why technological power is critical to the her artistic expression, because it can magnify the understanding we possess of our own bodies and alter our interactions with our surroundings.

“The destiny of a song is written in the performer’s understanding of

its score, or in the audience’s interpretation of how the score unfolds. [...] Maybe we need to understand our physical reality in a total other way in order to unlock different forms of being. The destiny of humanity could be written at least partially in our understanding of our bodies or even how we interact with our world,” Gee said during the lecture.

For Gee, this process of selfreflection through technology resonates with the work and writings of Rosalind Krauss, who described video and most of new media as inherently narcissistic in her essay, “Video: The Aesthetics of Narcissism.” During the lecture, Gee shared her wish “to complement that narcissism with the perverse pleasure of the digital echo.”

“The destiny of humanity could be written at least partially in our understanding of our bodies.”

Erin Gee, artist Attempting to explore the connection between human expression and technological capabilities, Gee brought to life a project called “Swarming Emotional Pianos,” inspired by her work with neurophysiologist Vaughan Macefield. The project involves attaching sensors to people that can identify shifts in nerve activity resulting from change in emotion. The sensors’ detection then determines the chamber music

Mariya Voloshyn | Illustrator played by attached robots. By giving the body a voice in this new way, Gee creates new forms of communication.

Gee’s “Swarming Emotional Pianos” made a particular impression on those who attended the lecture.

Na’ama Freeman, a U1 History student, told The Daily in an interview that Gee’s work develops open-mindedness in the viewer to understand innovative forms of art. “It was interesting how she was able to somehow attach [...] electronic wires to people’s nerves, so these machines were able to translate somebody’s emotion onto audio devices, [transforming] people’s emotion into music. [... You] would usually associate [emotions such as fear] with high-paced, anx-

ious-ridden melody, but when it was transmitted by signals emitted by the body it was more of a soft melody,” Freeman said.

Coincidentally, this theme of intersection between organic and artificial bodies hashed out in interactive art strongly resonates with a current exhibit displayed at the Montreal Fine Arts Museum. Similar to Gee’s “Swarming Emotional Pianos,” Céleste Boursier-Mougenot’s from here to ear installation examines the meeting point of the organic and the artificial through experimental electroacoustics.

By offering a potential for participation, works like Gee’s offer

an immersive experience to the viewer. Rather than using unidirectional video or audio recording, the artist creates an environment of electroacoustic experimentation, inviting the audience to partake in a conversation about artistic creation. Through art, not just lectures, Gee ultimately demonstrates that the powers of technology and sound manipulation can be used to decode human emotions and their inner meanings, which are otherwise often veiled.

The next session of Conversations in Contemporary Art will take place on March 3, and will feature Daniel Barrow.

Class divide, bras, and materialistic goods Sarah Mcfadden Culture Writer

O

The Merry Widow draws parallels of capitalistic ideals

n February 12, the McGill Savoy Society launched its contemporary rendition of Franz Lehár’s 1905 operetta The Merry Widow, ending its run on February 20. Revolving around a love story between Anna Glawari (Ana Toumine) and Count Danilo Danilovitch (Bruno Roy), the narrative is filled with unexpected twists. It is revealed early on that Glawari and Count Danilovitch have a romantic history and are forced to split, due to Glawari’s lower economic class. Since their split, Glawari has gone on to marry a very wealthy banker whose death has left her with millions. The play begins with its fictional country on the verge of bankruptcy, and with Baron Mirko Zeta (Jonah Spungin) insisting that

Danilovitch must woo Glawari and convince her to marry him in order to gain her riches.

The Merry Widow’s commentary on the value of materialistic goods in an unequal society is one that resonates with a modern audience.

Keeping Glawari’s wealth is the sole goal of Zeta, who is convinced that this is his duty as a national.

While Zeta is neglecting human feelings to enrich himself, Zeta’s wife Valencienne (Allegra Johnston) is having an affair provoked by his lack of attention to her. Exaggerating the passion for affluent living even more, two French suitors Vicomte Cascada (Xavier Gervais-Dumont) and St. Brioche (Didier Blach-Laflèche) dramatically fight each other for Glawari’s love, while both acknowledging that they are compelled by the millions the woman possesses.

Savoy’s production of this story

was infused with rich musical talent. Glawari and Count Danilovitch, expressed wonderful onstage chemistry in their harmonies. This was significant as their affection is vital to the operetta, showing the audience that they are willing to give up riches and titles for love. The show-stealing performance comes from Lindsay Peets in her role of Kromow. Peets’s presence was felt even when not the centre of attention. Her challenge of performing as one of the few nonsinging actors in The Merry Widow is further enhanced by playing a male part in the operetta.

The show’s director, Russell Wustenberg, adheres to the various political messages in The Merry Widow to preserve the original intention of the work.

Conversations of class and gender roles inform the storyline of a fierce pursuit of money. Wustenberg

provokes the audience’s reactions by portraying Glawari as a woman who lacks a distinct voice to decide her own fate in a world filled with contempt and disguise.

Danilovitch, meanwhile, is unable to say “I love you,” as it might threaten his manhood and control in the couple’s relationship.

Developing the theme of imposed gender roles and inequality, Wustenberg devotes a song to celebrating women’s rights, with female characters marching the stage and holding picket signs, umbrellas and bras. Bringing the image of women’s strikes to the forefront leaves the audience to ponder the struggle and need for women’s empowerment in our patriarchal society.

In addition to the overt focus on gender inequality, the operetta demonstrates the operations of class dynamics as well. Despite being set

roughly in the 1910s, as inferred from the costume design and set choices, the theme is one that still rings true to today. The widow, once rejected on the basis of her low economic class, now struggles to find love while skillfully dodging the suitors who throw themselves at her money.

The play ends with Glawari proclaiming her dead husband’s wealth would be stripped from her should she marry again.

Nevertheless, The Merry Widow’s ending is a happy one since Glawari and Danilovitch are willing to have less as long as they can be together. The finale leaves a strong message for modern viewers predisposed toward capitalistic ideals. No less powerful was the operetta’s brilliant set design and fantastic live orchestra, with the students showcasing their acting talents and impressive voices.

Culture

February 22, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

17

In battle with ignorance

Webster advocates curiosity through Black history and hip hop Louis St-Pierre Culture Writer Multimedia content can be found online.

A

ly Ndiaye, better known as Webster, is a hip hop artist and historian from Quebec City who has been a major contributor to Quebec’s rap and hip hop scenes for over 20 years. Webster started his rap career in 1995, inspired by the prominent influence of Black musicians in the media. Since then, he has focused on bringing back the impressive lyrical talent and powerful messages that made hip hop in the nineties so influential.

The artist weaves a multitude of themes and messages into his music, but devotes special attention to rapping about the history of Black, Indigenous, and other marginalized peoples in Canada. His advocacy is not limited to hip hop only. As a historian, Webster travels throughout Canada and the U.S. to speak to high school students about these issues.

In Qc History X, he gives listeners a history lesson right away by mentioning Mathieu Da Costa, the first recorded free Black man to have visited Canada. Da Costa was believed to be Samuel de Champlain’s interpreter in the navigator’s expedition from France to Port Royal in 1608. Originally from the Benin Empire, a pre-colonial African empire in what is now Southern Nigeria, Da Costa’s main role in the exploring party was that of translator. His knowledge of the local language was used to establish contact between European settlers and Indigenous populations. By embedding history in his songs Webster hints at the importance of acknowledging the past to construct a better social and artistic present.

Webster projects his wisdom through both his music and speeches, encouraging his listeners to transform the ignorance prevailing our society into never-ceasing learning. He was also one of the speakers of this year’s launch of Montreal Black History Month.

Webster spoke to The Daily about his career and his message.

Sarah Meghan Mah | The McGill Daily The McGill Daily (MD): How do you believe the hip hop genre has changed since you started your career?

Webster (W): Back [in the nineties], hip hop was closer to its literary roots. The text was important, the lyrics [were] important. […] But nowadays the hip hop that is commercialized is like pop music, you don’t have any substance, it’s kinda dull. It’s not interesting. [Back then, the artists] were singing something and they would sell a lot of albums, but today [...] there is a recipe where if you say something smart, you won’t sell anything.

MD: What do you think modern Canadians forget most about their past and their heritage?

W: I don’t like to put it like Black or white history because this is History, with a big H. But the thing is, in school, the history that is taught is white history. We don’t really talk about the Natives; we don’t really talk about the Black people, whether they are slaves or free men.

We don’t really talk about the Chinese who built the railroads.

Some might talk about it, but it’s not a known fact. That is what is important for me, all those facts which aren’t in books, they need to be known by everybody. [...] You’ll ask anybody on the street, and they will tell you, ‘Yes, there were slaves in the U.S.,’ but they don’t know that there were slaves here [in Canada]. This is why it needs to become a common knowledge.

MD: You started your career rapping in English. What made you switch to rapping in French, and how has your experience and message changed after making that decision?

W: Well, first of all, I started rapping in English because [...] my generation didn’t know that we could rap in French. [...] I thought that it might be better if I could rap in French, because this is my native tongue, this is what I speak. [...] When you’re a writer, you need to own the words, you need to have mastery of the

words, and I knew that I was better in French than in English.

The biggest enemy of society is ignorance. [...]

So if you learn, and if you stay aware, you might be able to see things differently.

Webster, artist and historian

MD: You also speak at schools, and to young students especially.

How does your music compare to speaking directly to your audience?

W: When I do music, it’s more poetic, you know? So you have better images, it’s nice to hear and the flow’s nice. But it’s not everybody that understands what I am say-

ing through metaphors and comparisons. But when I speak to the people, it’s easier for me to explain concepts, and it’s more direct [and] to the point. That’s why I like to do both, it’s like different sides of the same coin.

MD: So you get the best of both worlds.

W: Yeah, exactly.

MD: Lastly, what do you think listeners and students who are reading this interview can do to become more aware and supportive of your message?

W: Learn. Just learn, stay aware, stay curious, read books. [...] This is how we may grow as a society. I think the biggest enemy of society is ignorance, because ignorance brings forth racism and xenophobia. So if you learn, and if you stay aware, you might be able to see things differently.

So I think all people need to do is to be curious about history, about the people, and about the world.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

The Daily is publishing its upcoming annual Art Supplement!

Submit your 2D artwork (paintings, drawings, photography, mixed media) to illustrations@mcgilldaily.com for a chance to have your work featured in our March 14 issue!

Editorial

February 22, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

18

SSMU Winter 2016 General Assembly endorsements The Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) Winter 2016 General Assembly (GA) will take place today at 3 p.m.. Unlike the Fall 2015 GA, which saw no motions presented, this semester’s GA features a range of substantive motions. We welcome in particular the proposed increase in Indigenous content at McGill, as well as the continuation of the debate on Palestine solidarity.

Motion Regarding the Procurement of Products Containing Conflict Minerals by SSMU – YES Armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (the Congo) began in the early 1990s, and has heightened since the Rwandan genocide. The conflict has killed and displaced millions of people, and has involved extreme human rights violations, including sexual violence and the recruitment of children for armed warfare. The Congo is also a country rich in natural resources, such as charcoal and gold, and the illegal exploitation of these resources funds armed groups that instigate violence. Consistent with SSMU’s goals for sustainable and ethical practices, this motion asks SSMU and its Financial Ethics Research Committee to take the necessary steps to review its purchasing policy in an effort to stop the purchase of electronics made from conflict minerals, as well as to encourage electronics suppliers to make efforts to source conflict-free minerals in their products. The Daily endorses a “yes” vote on this motion.

Motion Regarding Support for the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Movement – YES

Motion for an Increase in Indigenous Content at McGill University – YES

In 2005, over 170 Palestinian civil society organizations initiated the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, calling on people and organizations around the world “to impose broad boycotts and implement divestment initiatives against Israel similar to those applied to South Africa in the apartheid era.” SSMU’s constitution states its commitment to leadership in matters of social justice and human rights; it is thus imperative for SSMU to support BDS campaigns on campus until Israel complies with international law by ending its illegal occupation of Palestinian territories, dismantling the West Bank wall, recognizing equal rights for Palestinian citizens of Israel, and respecting the right of return for Palestinian refugees. Further, McGill holds investments in at least three companies that profit from the illegal occupation of Palestine, thereby making us, as students whose tuition funds these investments, complicit in the occupation. We welcome a mandate for SSMU to lobby the Board of Governors and recommend full divestment from such companies. The Daily encourages students to say no to continued complicity in Israel’s colonial project by voting “yes” on this motion.

In the context of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which called for greater Indigenous content in educational materials, other Canadian universities such as the University of Winnipeg and the University of Regina have taken up the call and implemented Indigenous components in their programs, while McGill is lagging severely behind. If passed, this motion would explicitly mandate the SSMU VP University Affairs, in collaboration with the SSMU Indigenous Affairs Coordinator, to campaign for increased Indigenous content and representation at the university. This would include lobbying for increased hiring of Indigenous professors, and increased courses and course requirements, in consultation with Indigenous community members and elders involved in the design, planning, and implementation of Indigenous content and courses at McGill. The Daily strongly supports on-campus efforts toward decolonization, and as such, endorses a “yes” vote on this motion.

Web editor Marc Cataford and Copy editor Chantelle Schultz were not present for, or involved in, the discussion and editing of this endorsement, as they are involved with the McGill BDS Action Network. News editor Ellen Cools, Design editor Rahma Wiryomartono, and Sci+Tech editor Eric Sun abstained from this endorsement.

—The McGill Daily editorial board Commentary editor Igor Sadikov was not involved in the discussion of these endorsements, due to the suspension of his editorial duties for the duration of the Arts Undergraduate Society campaign period.

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February 22, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

McGill must confront anti-Black racism

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B

lack History Month is drawing to an end without McGill having made a single effort to honour it. At McGill, and in Canada more broadly, the history of slavery and anti-Black racism is often brushed aside or dismissed as minor in comparison to similar history in the U.S.. Canada has a sense of racial exceptionalism and presents itself as a post-racial, multicultural state; objections to racial injustices faced by Black people are often stifled and discredited. To combat racism and white supremacy, we, as members of the McGill community, must honour Black histories and challenge historical anti-Black racism at the university and beyond.

We must dispel the myth that Canada is a post-racial state. Racism, and specifically anti-Blackness, pervades much of Canadian society. Last year, Montreal’s Théâtre du Rideau Vert used blackface – theatrical makeup historically used to represent Black people in stereotypical and demeaning ways – to depict hockey player P.K. Subban. It was not until last year that the Quebec Toponymy Commission finally ordered the renaming of 11 Quebec sites that contain the n-word, and only after a petition was launched by Rachel Zellars, a PhD student at McGill.

Anti-Black racism also shows itself in more institutional ways, such as racial profiling by the police, restricted access to housing, employment, and education, as well as disproportionate rates of poverty.

The University’s silence regarding Black History Month is symptomatic of a broader erasure of Blackness on our campus, and education is needed on all fronts to combat this. Our university was founded with the wealth of a colonizer who traded in Black and Indigenous slaves.

Despite the University priding itself on supposed diversity, it continues to perpetuate James McGill’s colonial legacy. There are very few Black professors at McGill, and

with equity virtually non-existent in the university’s hiring procedures, racism continues to bar Black academics from creating knowledge and shaping discourse. Further, McGill offers no programs dedicated to Black studies, and classes in existing programs rarely engage with these topics. McGill must begin to centre Blackness by following the lead of universities like Dalhousie, which will offer a Black and African Diaspora Studies minor starting next year, and by implementing a concrete equity program that specifically addresses anti-Blackness.

As we fight various forms of oppression on campus, we must acknowledge and challenge anti-Blackness both within our own organizations and at the university level.

While incredible events to centre Blackness have been organized by student groups this month, such as the Black Students’ Network’s series, the labour of such efforts should not fall on Black members of the McGill community alone. Black History Month also honours a history of anti-racist resistance in Montreal, such as the 1969 Sir George Williams Affair, in which students occupied what is now Concordia University in protest against the administration’s dismissal of racist incidents. This resistance continues today. The McGill community as a whole must learn about and honour these histories, and work in solidarity to challenge the erasure of them. James McGill’s statue may stand at the heart of our campus, but the lasting white supremacy he represents has no place here.

—The McGill Daily editorial board Commentary editor Igor Sadikov was not involved in the discussion of this editorial, due to the suspension of his editorial duties for the duration of the Arts Undergraduate Society campaign period.

Errata 3480 McTavish St., Rm. B-26 Montreal, QC H3A 1X9 phone 514.398.6790 fax 514.398.8318

The article “Making space for Jewish resistance” (February 15, Commentary, page 9) incorrectly listed Yesh Din as an Israeli organization that supports BDS. In fact, Yesh Din has no official stance with regard to BDS. The Daily regrets the error.

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Compendium!

February 22, 2016 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

20

Lies, half-truths, and vox populi.

In search of democracy

Journalists perform excursion into depths of SHMU Herald of the Dark One The McGall Weekly

L

ast Friday night, The Weekly’s self-proclaimed ace reporter Djemme Arrikan and Grammerian 茶茶 were jolted awake from their production trance due to a sinister laugh emanating from the depths of the Shtaneer building.

As our readers may very well know, The Weekly’s office is located in a dark-damp corner in the basement of Shtaneer – but in an even darker-damper nook of this same building is the lair of the SHMUrsonalities, the occult cult that rules over all SHMUtizens with an iron fist.

Speaking to Arrikan, 茶茶 asked, “Yo did you hear that – a sinister laugh emanating from the depths of Shtaneer?” In response, Arrikan scoffed, saying, “Duh.” Gearing up, the two journalists-in-arms prepared for the

treacherous trek into the bowels of Shtaneer. After a two-day spelunk, the dynamic duo reached the SHMUffice mid-Sunday. Received at the lobby by the SHMUceptionist, the pair of reporters asked if they could do an interview with whoever was the source of the sinister laugh.

Speaking to The Weekly via the dyad of editors, the SHMUceptionist said, “Ah yes, the sinister laugh. It came from the office of the King.”

Baffled beyond belief, the doublet of newspeople ran inside, only to see an eldritch light emanating from the office of Abraham Kream, the Overburdened, King of SHMU, Lord of the Twelve Faculties, Protector of Social Justice, Lord Paramount of Arts, Eternal Sovereign of la Nouvelle Résidence, the Advisor on Matters of Social Responsibility, Conqueror of Climate Change, Great Restruc-

Crossword Katrina Kairys | The McGill Daily

GATES OF DEMOCRACY,” Kream said rudely (because he spoke before he was spoken to), but the double scriveners were nice enough to let Kream continue speaking.

“I SHALL DROWN THE SHMUTIZENS IN A FLOOD OF DEMOCRACY,” he expressed.

Smiling devilishly behind Kream, Trotsnik, Sorbet, and Diealik produced infernal pens from their pockets and began writing in perfect SHMUnison on a piece of paper in front of Kream.

“On Monday, February 22, let it be known that the SHMUtizens are expected to attend a General Assembly. All SHMUtizens are expected to be excited about this event,” they wrote.

And on top of this document, in large letters, with the first letter of each word larger than the rest, they wrote, “Bring Democracy to SHMU.”

turer, General Assembler, the Seventh of the Seven, and former Interim Carer of the SHMU Babies and Chairperson of the Council of Students’ Commissars of the Students’ Union.

Inside Kream’s office was a sight most marvellous. Three people stood around a desk, which was covered with a black cloth adorned with arcane runic symbols. Atop this desk, glowing like one of those ultraviolet mosquito traps, was Kream himself, muttering words in a long-forgotten language that scratched at the ears of the two holders of the press pass.

Suddenly, a silent explosion took place, shaking Shtaneer to its very core. When the partnersin-journalism shed their stupor, they saw Kream sitting at his desk, with VP Outermost Emilia Trotsnik, Librarian Extraordinaire Aaaron Sorbet, and VP

Bludgeons & Deliverance Killber Diealik standing behind the bedeviled SHMUrsonality.

Speaking to The Weekly, the three spellbinders obviously behind Kream’s reverse exorcism said, “We are pretty angry with the way things turned out, you know?”

Diealik said, “I really wanted to get some more money so I could spend all that on our precious SHMU bludgeons. But I can’t do that now.” Trotsnik continued, “All our hopes and dreams kinda failed because of that incident when the Anointed One turned off the floodgates of democracy on campus.”

During a “quorum love-in” last year, a student had become so attuned with Robert’s Rules that they were able to transcend the SHMUndaries of reality. Since then, McGall has been a dried-up desert, devoid of democracy.

“I WILL OPEN THE FLOOD-

Across

Down

1. Wheel and _____ 5. Cat in Callao 7. Frenzy 12. Tarnish 14. Central points 15. A summer cooler 16. Canadian kids’ channel 19. Backpacker’s abode 21. _____ alla vodka 23. Improved, in a way 24. Move 26. Burma’s neighbour 28. Event with steer wrestling 29. Soothe 32. Shock treatment: abbr.

34. Dies _____ (hymn) 35. Declare 37. Today’s Blockbuster 39. Models 40. Lament 41. Flavouring 42. Computing unit 44. _____ olympique 46. Spells 47. _____ the Great 49. Mens ____ (Latin) 51. All _____!

54. Angle 55. Taciturn 56. Tax 51. VW’s “_____ auto” 58. One, two, three

1. Dental degree 2. It can be served smoked 3. Aladdin’s sidekick 4. They can be batted 5. It spouts water 6. Bag 8. Final destination 9. Lunchtime 10. Pop _____ 11. Theatre 13. Display 17. Otherwise 18. Prefix for centre 20. Walked on 22. India Pale 23. They’re played on a piano 25. Looms 27. Bears linebacker 30. Web address 31. French secularity 33. No _____ (“No more” in Spain) 36. Approaching 38. Harbour helpers 39. Console 42. Encumber 43. Russian ruler 45. City in France, Germany, and Belarus 48. Lentil dish in Mumbai 50. Army rank: abbr.

52. A place for tulips 53. “I’m _____ boat”: song lyric

February 8 crossword solutions Across: 1. Halal 6. Can 7. Own 10. Alivans 11. Cro 12. Liver 13. Pram 16. Hit 17. Birds 19. Arti 20. OTs 21. BIN 22. Her 24. ESE 25. Getup 26. Ped 28. Toyish 29. RNA 31. S-s-s 32. -ior 33. Couth 36. Zoe 38. CNN 39. Animal 40. Hoff 41. Not in 42. Arf 43. Yet 45. Press 47. Psy 48. Harp on 51. Togo 54. Amie 55. Ness 56. Rican Down: 1. Hal 2. Alibi 3. Living 4. Aver 5. Lard 6. Carp 7. Ocho 8. Written on 9. Nots 13. Par 14. Ate 15. Mischief 18. Shuts 21. Ban 23. EPOS 26. Pricey 27. Darn it 30. Suit 31. Shanghai 33. Canapes 34. Ono 35. TMI 36. Zorro 37. Offend 40. Happen 44. EEGs 46. Stn 49. AMC 50. Ria 52. O’er 53. Ose