The McGill Daily Vol. 111 Issue 04

Volume 111, Issue 4 | Monday, September 27, 2021 | mcgilldaily.com browsing r/fountainpens since 1911

The McGill Daily is located on unceded Kanien’kehá:ka territory.

Published by The Daily Publications Society, a student society of McGill University.

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table of Contents

September 27, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Table of Contents 3

editorial • Bill 96 and Medical Racism

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News

Laval Music Festival Cancelled by Police • Indigenous Awareness Weeks

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culture

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features • Gendered Discrimination in SSMU • Reproductive Health in Canada

+ tech 12 • SCILibraries and Technological Equity

• Book Review: Broad Band

by Claire L. Evans

AGM &

Call for Candidates All members of the Daily Publications Society (DPS), publisher of The McGill Daily and Le Délit, are cordially invited to its Annual General Assembly:

Wednesday, October 27th @ 6:30 pm Online event (via Zoom)

The presence of candidates to the Board of Directors is strongly advised.

The Daily Publications Society is looking for a Community Representative for its Board of Directors.

DPS Directors meet at least once a month to discuss the management of both Le Délit and The McGill Daily, and get to vote on important decisions related to the DPS’s activities.

They can also get involved in various committees whose purpose ranges from fundraising to organizing our annual journalism conference series.

To RSVP to the AGM and/or to submit en application, visit:

dailypublications.org/agm-2021

Questions? chair@dailypublications.org Application deadline: Friday, Oct. 22, 2021 @ 11:59 p.m.

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EDITORIAL

Volume 111 Issue 4

September 27, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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editorial board

3480 McTavish St, Room 107 Montreal, QC, H3A 0E7 phone 514.398.6790 fax 514.398.8318 mcgilldaily.com

Bill 96 Perpetuates Linguistic Colonialism

The McGill Daily is located on unceded Kanien’kehá:ka territory. coordinating editor

Pandora Wotton managing editor

Nicole Huang news editor

Abigail Popple Saylor Catlin commentary + compendium! editor

Vacant

culture editor

Olivia Shan Anna Zavelsky features editor

Emma Hébert

science + technology editor

Vacant

sports editor

Vacant

video editor

Vacant

photos editor

Rasha Hamade illustrations editor

Eve Cable

copy editor

Disha Garg design + production editor

Vacant

social media editor

James Cohn radio editor

Pilar Steers cover design

Eve Cable

contributors Lauren Armstrong, Emily Black, Eve Cable, Saylor Catlin, Hyeyoon Cho, Alice Finta, Disha Garg, Rasha Hamade, Viola Ruzzier, Pandora Wotton, Anna Zavelsky le délit

Philippe Bédard-Gagnon

rec@delitfrancais.com

Published by the Daily Publications Society, a student society of McGill University.

The views and opinions expressed in the Daily are those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of McGill University.

The McGill Daily is not affiliated with McGill University.

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Simon Tardif (Chair), Abigail Popple, Philippe Bédard-Gagnon, Kate Ellis, MarcoAntonio Hauwert Rueda, Asa Kohn, Thibault Passet, Boris Shedov, Pandora Wotton All contents © 2018 Daily Publications Society. All rights reserved. The content of this newspaper is the responsibility of The McGill Daily and does not necessarily represent the views of McGill University. Products or companies advertised in this newspaper are not necessarily endorsed by Daily staff.

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ISSN 1192-4608.

content warning: anti-Indigenous racism

T

he major consultation phase of Quebec’s new proposed language law, Bill 96, is taking place from September 21 to October 7. Since its introduction on May 13 by Language Minister Simon Jolin-Barrette, the bill has faced criticism as it claims to protect French as the official language of Quebec, thereby displacing non-French speakers – Indigenous nonFrench speakers in particular. Citing the “decline” of French linguistic and cultural presence in Quebec, premier and CAQ leader Francois Legault introduced the legislation as an ambitious upgrade to Bill 101 (the Charter of the French Language). Notably, Bill 96 further limits the accessibility of legal and healthcare services to non-French speakers.

Among other areas of concern, Bill 96 is another piece of legislation designed to perpetuate colonialism through linguistic assimilation and advance the strong sentiments of Quebec nationalism within the CAQ government.

Though Legault claims that the rights of English speakers will be protected under Bill 96, only three English organizations were granted the right to participate in parliamentary hearings. The Quebec Community Groups Network (QCGN), who organized a series of hearings for anglophone communities in response to this exclusion, outlined several reasons of concern: “[the bill will] hurt businesses; limit access to public services, education, and employment; [and] constrain expression in a variety of ways.” Alarmingly, the bill invokes the same notwithstanding clause as Bill 21. This notwithstanding clause allows the CAQ-dominated provincial government to override the provincial and federal charters of rights.

In doing so, the bill establishes a “hierarchy of rights” that prioritizes the French language over the fundamental rights of non-francophone minority groups.

To enforce these legislative changes, Section 111 of the bill would create designated “language inspectors” and provide them with the authority to “enter at any reasonable hour any place, other than a dwelling house, where an activity governed by [the Charter of the French Language] is carried on” without need for a warrant. The jurisdiction of language inspectors is so broadly and vaguely defined that the bill would provide them with even greater power than the police. Thus, Bill 96 would be another means of perpetuating the carceral system, as anyone caught breaking the law would be subject to the broken justice system. This sets a dangerous precedent: if the bill becomes law, abuse of this power could be extended to non-language related government agencies.

The existence of these language inspectors itself fosters fear. A major concern raised during the QCGN hearings was that healthcare and major public service employees would be discouraged from communicating with people in English for fear of being reported to language inspectors

and facing fines. Under Bill 96, the right to use the French language would “trump all other rights, including access to vital healthcare services.” The potential outcomes are disastrous if patients do not properly understand their diagnoses and treatments. Instances where informed consent is required for certain procedures could result in a heightened rate of medical malpractice. Medical racism is institutionalized in the healthcare system; this added communication barrier is troubling for the future of healthcare in Quebec. Nakuset, director of the Native Women’s Shelter, warns that “the passage of Bill 96 will lead to needless deaths of Indigenous people.”

The law, Nakuset explains, would further exacerbate existing structural barriers for Indigenous people to access legal and healthcare services. Many Indigenous communities adopted English as their primary European language following “the linguistic history of colonialism and religious missionary work that affected Indigenous people in this province;” many were sent to English residential schools. The Viens Commission, submitted in 2018 by the Coalition of English Speaking First Nations Communities in Quebec, provides an overview of the substantive obstacles for Indigenous communities to access health and social services. They face a “double barrier,” as francophone professionals are both unable to provide service in English and lack respect and understanding for appropriate Indigenous cultural protocols.

In touting French as the “official and common language of Quebec,” Bill 96 continues a history of assimilationist colonial violence as it privileges the status of settler language. While Legault and supporters of the bill claim to protect the “declining” French language and culture in Quebec, Nakuset argues that Indigenous communities have long since experienced linguistic and cultural loss: “what you fear is what we live, but it is not the same reality.” Indigenous youth are still being denied the right to speak their traditional languages – Legault cannot claim to protect and value culture as Quebec continues to block initiatives that favour reconciliation and Indigenous self-determination.

As many organizations have been excluded from the public hearings on Bill 96 that are currently taking place, the QCGN has called for individual submissions to the National Assembly’s Committee on Culture and Education. Additionally, the QCGN has created an online no2notwithstanding platform which will automatically generate and send letters concerning the bill to Legault, Jolin-Barrette, as well as your elected MNP and MP. Support and participate in Indigenous language revitalization initiatives, such as those offered by Native Montreal. You can also refer to the list compiled by the Foundation for Endangered Languages of programs and initiatives across Canada for language revitalization.

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September 27, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

NEWS

LVL UP Festival Cancelled due to “Security Concerns”

Experts say cancellation is indicative of anti-Black racism

making music and gaining recognition, shifting the genre.

“What happened at that point content warning: police was that we distinguished what brutality, anti-Black racism, was good hip hop and what was violent hip hop,” according to gun violence Néméh-Nombré, “What came arlier this month, musicians, to be violent was hip-hop that music fans, and organizers was produced by Black people, eagerly awaited the second mostly, but marginalized people annual LVL UP Digital and Music more broadly.”

Anthony Mclachlan, graduate Lab in Laval, an event held over the course of three evenings featuring student at Concordia University, digital art installations and also articulates the division of hip performances from hip hop artists. hop culture in Quebec into two Returning after a year-long hiatus, segments: “le Rap Keb” and street the festival was set to take place rap. Le Rap Keb is considered to from September 17 to September be “more white Quebecois” and 19. Quebec rappers Loud, Souldia, “cleaner and more polished,” and rap group 5sang14 were set to while street rap is considered headline the event, and innovative more “gritty” and most likely installations from artists such as performed by racialized groups, Max Boutin and Sabrina Ratté according to Mclachlan. were to be featured.

On September 9, however, it was announced that the festival would be cancelled at the request of Laval’s public security department. In a September 10 statement, Service de police de Laval (SPL) chief Jean-François Roussell defended the decision, claiming that artists at the festival were promoting “firearm culture” and attracting “criminal individuals from the street gangs.”

He claimed that there have been 32 shooting incidents this year in Laval, and didn’t want to incite “conflict between street gangs.”

Recent shootings, which have received a significant amount of attention in the media, have led city officials to grant the SPL an additional $1.2 million in funding.

The Daily spoke with several experts on the hip hop genre and its cultural context to understand Although symbolic, the greater implications of the this segmentation has dire festival’s cancellation. consequences for artists and their Hip Hop in Montreal and Quebec material survival. Néméh-Nombré Hip hop music and culture was explains that the difference introduced in Quebec in the late between “good” and “bad” hip ‘70s after its inception in the South hop determines which artists are Bronx, NYC. Quebec rap initially played on the radio, are invited to mimicked the style of American play shows, and so on. “Hip hop rap, but by the early ‘90s, Quebec artists who are considered street rappers had developed a style or violent do not get the same unique to the province that utilized kind of exposure and therefore both French and English and can hardly live off their music, heavily featured Quebec slang. In an as opposed to rap [musicians who interview with the Daily, Philippe are] now considered listenable.”

Néméh Nombré, PhD candidate in It is essential to examine the sociology at UDeM, explained that significance of race in LVL Quebecois hip hop and rap remained UP’s cancellation, according underground until the late ‘90s to Néméh-Nombré; hip hop is when artists like Sans Pression, seen as a “kind of music that is Dubmatique, and Muzion began to associated with Black people, [who] are [seen as] the de facto enter the mainstream.

Néméh-Nombré added that dangerous in so many ways.” artists of this generation dominated the genre until Policing and Surveillance of Hip fairly recently, but within the Hop Hip hop music and culture past decade there has been an inf lux of white hip hop artists has had a longstanding issue

Saylor Catlin News Editor

E

“What came to be violent was hip-hop that was produced

by Black people, mostly, but marginalized people more broadly.”

– Philippe Néméh Nombré

Alice Finta | Illustrations Contributor with law enforcement since its inception, explains Mclachlan. He elaborates that the justification for its policing is not grounded in the culture, music, or dancing, but the undesirable crowds and disorder the genre is perceived to attract. “A really good example is at the LVL UP festival,” he says, “In Laval there’s been an increase in gun violence, and as a result [...] Chief Jean-Francois Roussell felt that it would be good to shut down this festival just because some of the artists do promote gun violence in their lyrics.”

The lyrical content of hip hop music, he explains, is subject to a form of policing that no other music genre is. Hip hop lyrics are subject to judicial processes, such that they can be used to justify policing; they have been seen as a confession, threats, proof of gang association, and proof of intention, per Mclachlan. He states that other music genres, like country and emo, that dispel violent and misogynistic ideas aren’t subject to the same level of critique and surveillance.

In Quebec, lyrical content in hip hop has historically been seen as indicative of intent rather than artistic expression. Since its inception, the genre has been viewed as pathologically violent.

Mclachlan explained that in the early ‘80s in Montreal, there was an increase in violent, antiBlack groups (such as skinheads) and consequently many Black

communities organized themselves against these targeted attacks.

“These groups became labelled as street gangs” he says, which “engendered a latent long standing suspicion and fear of not the music created by the pioneers of the hip hop genre, but by the individuals, creators, and audiences themselves, which persists to this day as we can see from Inspector Roussell’s comments and justification.”

Policing of the genre in the province remains incredibly pertinent to this day. Famously, in 2012, The Pioneer bar in Pointe-Claire Quebec had its liquor license revoked and reinstated on the condition that they were not to hold any more hip hop concerts at the venue.

a “crisis narrative” – whereby the media exaggerates the extent of the problem, implies the problem is a crisis and necessitates immediate action, and consequently more resources are given to police to stop the problem in the short term. A crisis narrative benefits the police, he explains, because there’s an idea that police repression works immediately, as it often culminates in very visible actions like the cancellation of the LVL UP festival. He adds that we’ve seen this narrative play out, considering that both the Laval and Montreal police departments have received millions more in funding over

Hip hop lyrics are subject to judicial processes, such that they can be used to justify policing; they have been seen as a confession, threats, proof of gang association, and proof of intention [...].

The festival’s cancellation came at a time of alleged rise in crime and consequent media attention across jurisdictions in Quebec. Ted Rutland, associate professor at Concordia University, articulates this phenomenon as

the past months. “There are all kinds of things that can be done to [...] reduce violence in general and to reduce g un violence in particular, and it requires a whole series of things,” Rutland explains, “almost none of which involve the police.”

September 27, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

news

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10th Annual Indigenous Awareness Week Held Online Indigenous speakers reflect on colonialism, sustainability

Pandora Wotton Coordinating Editor

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cGill celebrated its 10th annual Indigenous Awareness Weeks (IAWs) online from September 13 to 24.

This year featured programming run by Indigenous knowledge keepers from across Turtle Island spanning a multitude of topics, including traditional medicines, wellness, environmental sustainability, reconciliation within post-secondary institutions, and the realities of Indigenous students in colonial institutions.

Many of the events focused on food sustainability and sovereignty, as well as connections to the land and what it provides.

Opening Ceremony and the Ohen:ton Karihwatehkwen

Niioie:ren Patton. “Humans, we need to take the fur of the deer to make clothing so we won’t get cold. We need to eat the meat of those animals so we can survive.

And on and on and on it goes, those are the things that they give us,” said Otsi’tsaken:ra Patton. “So when we talk of the opening, we give thanks to life, and all the things that give us life. We came from the earth, and the earth is our mother.”

The ceremony closed with artistic performances from two Indigenous artists. Beatrice Deer, an award-winning Inuk singer, performed her song “Takugiursugit (The First Time I Saw You).” Craig Commanda, an Anishnaabe multi-disciplinary artist – he works in beadwork, poetry, music and sound, and filmmaking – from Kitigan Zibi First Nation, performed a musical composition, “For the Children,” “in dedication to the spirits of the children lost to residential schools.”

The opening ceremonies began on September 13 with the Ohen:ton Karihwatehkwen (The Words Before All Else) by Kanien’kehá:ka elder Otsi’tsaken:ra Patton.

Medicine Walks and In a later event, the meaning Sustainability of the Ohen:ton Karihwatehkwen was explored further, as well as other cultural practices and Kanien’kehá:ka Knowledge teachings, by Otsi’tsaken:ra and Keeper Elaine Delaronde and

on September 20. It took place in the McGill-owned Gault Nature Reserve, similarly teaching uses for native plants along with historical context about their use. Both these walks took place on land owned by McGill University – it is important to note that the Gault Nature Reserve was not open to cultural use by the Abénaki people until January 2021. This action was taken to recognize McGill’s 52 Calls to Action, created in 2017 in response to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada; so far, only seven have been completed, according to the university’s call to action webpage.

On the subject of sustainability and the environment, Kanien’kehá:ka Faith Keeper Ka’nahsohon Deer gave a talk about Indigenous worldviews and the Seventh Generation Principle – a land stewardship concept that focuses on living life and preserving the environment for the benefit and protection of the next seven generations. Deer noted how colonialism and Christian spirituality negatively impacted human connections with the land, and how returning to Indigenous Another medicinal plant walk traditional knowledge is imperative was hosted by Abénaki lands to protecting the environment. manager Michel Durand Nolett Kanien’kehá:ka student Brooke Rice hosted a medicinal plant walk on MacDonald campus.

Delaronde and Rice provided recipes, medicinal uses, and personal anecdotes for each plant they found. Delaronde emphasized the importance of protecting the environment and the interconnected relationship between people and the environment: “We treat the earth like our mother. It grows everything. We have everything we need.”

When we talk of the opening, we give thanks to life, and all the things that give us life.

We came from the earth, and the earth is our mother.

Viola Ruzzier | Staff Illustrator

Roundtables

On September 14, a roundtable discussed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).

The panelists consisted of five Indigenous researchers and representatives from what are currently known as Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the US on how UNDRIP has been considered, implemented, and ignored in their respective communities.

Another roundtable for Indigenous students was the Student Health and Wellness Kitchen Table Conversation held on September 16. Current and former Indigenous students at McGill shared the highs and lows of their experiences at the institution.

Some shared that they struggled to adjust to university life, others that they felt isolated, especially as one of very few Indigenous students on campus. However, the panelists shared their positive experiences in rediscovering and embracing traditional knowledge, and reconsidering their perspectives

and ideas on education.

For Wahéhshon Shiann Whitebean, a Kanien’kehá:ka PhD candidate in Educational Studies and a Vanier Scholar, researching the impacts of Indian Day Schools for her thesis required healing. “It was the first time I was working on every level – mentally, emotionally and spiritually – at the same time.

I learned to value my family and community, in what we’ve been through and who we are, in a much different way.”

The Gault Nature Reserve was not open to cultural use by the Abénaki people until January 2021.

Closing Ceremonies This year’s IAWs closed with a virtual powwow, celebrating the 20th anniversary of McGill’s “First Pow Wow.” Although unable to come together in person, dancers were invited to share videos of performances.

Kanien’kehá:ka activist and artist Ellen Gabriel reflected on the organization of McGill’s first powwow, as well as her experience working at First Peoples House, 20 years later.

“When I worked at First Peoples House, I did my best to try and support the students who were attending McGill, and make them feel at home,” she said, adding that she wanted to create “a safe place [for students] to be who they were, and not as an object of curiosity which I think sometimes we [feel like] because we’ve been so researched to death.”

She also shared her thoughts on reconciliation in post-secondary institutions: “The way Indigenous people want to see change in these institutions, it has to come with education and dialogue and discussion and sometimes that change is not welcomed.”

Recordings of most of the events can be accessed on the IAW’s website (the National Building Reconciliation Forum Workshops were not recorded).

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September 27, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

CUlture

Counter-Narrating Technology

Claire L. Evans and the women who made the internet Hyeyoon Cho Culture Contributor

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n September 8, Claire L. Evans spoke at the Feminist and Accessible Publishing and Communications Technologies Speaker and Workshop Series, organized by Dr. Alex Ketchum from the IGSF institute at McGill. Claire L. Evans, a writer and a musician, kicked off season three of the speaker series with a talk on her book Broadband: The Untold Story of the Women Who Made the Internet.

Evans’ talk focused on women programmers and scientists who have often been excluded from making more visible contributions to the history of technology. During the event, she said that “every story we tell about the past implies thousands more” and emphasized that it’s important to investigate counternarratives, especially since the history of technology usually only narrowly celebrates the stories of white male entrepreneurs and computer scientists. She presented some case studies, starting with the history of human computers during the war periods (1890s-1940s) where women working at computational offices operated almost all

of the machines and formed the underlying computational infrastructure. Evans highlights that they were “quite literally making the connections by hands or forming the synapses of larger machines.” She mentioned the Eniac Six, a team of female programmers who programmed the first all-digital, generalpurpose computer for the United States Army in 1946, but who were also subsequently left out of the celebration over the computer, Eniac. Grace Hopper, who was one of the members of Eniac Six, developed COBOL – an Englishlike programming language still in use today. Hopper’s focus on access and democratization is ref lected in her programming language because “it became not only possible, but quite practical to have engineers, scientists, and other people actually programming their own problems without the intermediary of a professional programmer.” Evans also introduced more recent case studies, such as Stacy Horn, who made up only a small percentage started an online community of the online population. called Echo in 1989 before the emergence of the web. She developed her own bulletin board system (BBS) that was different from the cyber hippie culture of Silicon Valley, and created digital spaces hospitable to women, who

“When we don’t see the multiple histories of technology, we leave out a huge part of the story and we make it harder for the other versions of the history to work their influence on our world and make it better.”

-Claire L. Evans

Penguin Random House

It is equally important to recognize that the digital networks we inhabit are also composed of hierarchical, fragile, and overwhelming female and nonwhite labor and support. The development of technological sciences, and the labour needed for its development, was achieved through racialized and gendered labour. As many media scholars have examined, women of colour have worked as nodes of network infrastructure for a long time. It is their often exploited, cheapened

Lauren Armstrong | Illustrations Contributor labor which created the ideal conditions for “technological innovations” possible.

Behind the techno-political ideals of empowerment and innovation, there are also the hardwares, infrastructures, histories, and racial and gender formations of our digital culture.

In Lisa Nakamura’s article on the racialization of early electronic manufacturing in the 1970s, she investigates the history of Fairchild semiconductors made

by Navajo women. Nakamura problematizes that the Fairchild company ​​e xploited Navajo women’s labour as visual, symbolic and a material good by calling it “labour of love,” and depicted these women under the lens of certain mental and physical characteristics – such as docility, manual dexterity, and affective investment in native material craft. Hence, the incursions of Fairchild factories into Indigenous reservations was seen as a continuation of “traditional” Indigenous activities, and the existence of cheap female labour was taken for granted – as if it’s a precondition for digital production.

Above all, Evans emphasized that tech history is often told to us as narratives about one solitary genius after the other, but in fact these geniuses have been constantly surrounded by their teams and the ideas of others; her talk showed how technology does not operate in a vacuum, but instead emerges along the much larger continuum of ideas.

Hence, making technology requires communities. Indeed, programming languages as we know them today wouldn’t exist if it weren’t for the ingenuity of countless female

programmers in the 1950s. Social media wouldn’t exist without the decades of experimentation with online community building in the early internet age. Evans further notes, “when we don’t see the multiple histories of technology, we leave out a huge part of the story and we make it harder for the other versions of the history to work their influence on our world and make it better.”

Programming languages as we know them today wouldn’t exist if it weren’t for the ingenuity of countless female programmers in the 1950s.

All events of the Feminist and Accessible Publishing and Communications Technologies Speaker series are free and open to everyone. They are professionally captioned in English, and some of the event recordings are also available on their YouTube Channel. If you are interested in hearing more from scholars, creators, and professionals who work at the intersections of digital humanities, computer science, feminist studies, disability studies, communications studies, LGBTQ studies, history, and critical race theory, be sure to check out their events.

Features

September 27, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Sexism and Silence in SSMU

Gender-based discrimination goes unchecked and creates a toxic environment, sources say

photo by rasha hamade, photos editor

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Features

September 27, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Emily Black Staff Writer Disclaimer: though the majority of the people in this story identify as women, gendered discrimination disproportionately affects people that are roughly grouped into the category of woman, but includes other marginalized genders. In an effort to encapsulate these wide ranges of experience, behaviour that may usually be called ‘sexism’ or ‘misogyny’ will be referred to as gendered discrimination. *names have been changed to preserve anonymity “For every genuinely good idea that a man in student government goes public with, there were nine more terrible ideas he boldly threw into a room and would have acted upon had someone who wasn’t a man not painstakingly explained to him why they were terrible. For every project I completed that was specific to my portfolio, there were nine more fires I felt obligated to help put out that impeded upon my ability to do my own work.”

Though former VP University Affairs Madeline Wilson could have spent her year on the Executive team attempting to reform and rewire the social culture of SSMU through conscious efforts, she tells the Daily she knows better: “a man can take the whole thing down with his hubris in a week.”

Suspended in 2020 for using “profanity” during a Legislative Council meeting, Wilson is intimately familiar with the double standards present in student governance.

Not merely a leadership organization, but a workplace with dozens of employees, SSMU and other student governance organizations are rife with opportunity for discrimination.

“Student government, unfortunately, attracts a certain type of student,” says former SSMU President Bryan Buraga, “one that is more interested in cosplaying as their favorite politician and padding their resume than actively working for the benefit of their constituents and to dismantle the systems of oppression inherent in our university and student unions.”

Add mixed feelings, distrust and gossip to long (underpaid) hours with the same group of people and the resulting work environment is familiar, informal, and blurs the lines between work and personal relationships.

Feeding this social environment, students say, is an unfettered culture of misogyny. Speaking to the Daily anonymously, students involved with campus governance organizations shared their experiences with gender-based discrimination by their male peers, as well as the lasting effects of their environment.

“The issue with SSMU is that these feelings translate to a culture of gossip and toxicity. Word spreads quickly, and you’re either ‘in’ or you’re ‘out.’

This creates a culture of distrust and alienation.”

Rumours about this kind of culture come more in the form of a warning; “SSMU is a male-dominated space,” one student was cautioned at a SSMU retreat.

Sources tell the Daily they are left feeling without recourse for what they’ve experienced, and that discriminatory and abusive behaviour is excused, rather than acted on, by SSMU. What’s worse, current SSMU employees report that they were promised a “safe space” by their President; so far, they say, they’ve received the opposite.

The majority of these experiences are confidential, and can’t be shared publicly without risk to the individuals they are attached to – a feature of the many barriers that keeps workplace discrimination behind closed doors. *** In the last year or so, experiences reported to the Daily about men employed by SSMU range from insensitive comments to alleged harassment. Sources believe these patterns of discriminatory and harmful behaviour are indicative of deeper issues within the current executive team.

Sources shared concerns that some male executives attempt to manipulate procedure for their own gain and goals, even when doing this acts at a detriment to SSMU’s operations.

In a Legislative Council meeting taking place on October 8, 2020, one executive spoke against an increase of the SSMU Daycare fee. The fee increase, set only to 50 cents, would go towards the SSMUrun centre providing reducedcost daycare to students and McGill staff. The executive argued that “students who do not use the daycare should not have to pay for it.” However, according to several sources and councillors present at the debate, the fee renewal failing would likely cause the centre to close or reduce its lack of enrollment due to lack of funds – which was pointed out to the then Senator.

Linking this and similar behaviour across the year’s meetings to their interpersonal experiences, sources within SSMU told the Daily that the executive’s “indifference towards a service that is often seen as benefitting – if not solely – women and caregivers is indicative of his attitude towards female peers and subordinates.”

Later, in an AUS meeting on March 9, 2021, the same executive attempted to stall a motion concerning the adoption of a committee for the AUS’ Involvement Restriction Policy (IRP) to be established – motioning for it to be tabled indefinitely, citing concerns about “abuse of power.” The IRP policy allows survivors of sexual violence to safely and confidentially disclose the identity of their abuser, so that they will be banned from future campus drinking events; the motion was only appointing members to the committee, not to anybody that would have authority over cases.

Even after being told his concerns were not necessary, the then Senator proceeded with the motion, arguing that lawyers should look over it first – a delay of weeks, if not months. Despite several councillors advising against this – as a recently disclosed IRP case would also be pushed indefinitely as consequence – the Senator ignored their contributions.

An indefinite “investigation” into the “potential harm” of an abuse of power – especially as an association with a robust conflict of interest policy – is dangerous to weigh against the “actual harm, that is the delay this process would have on the [survivor];” a fact that, again, was explained to the then Senator.

Issues like these aren’t isolated to any one portfolio; the Executive team leads several committees and oversees dozens of staff each, a difficult

environment is near impossible to avoid. With the exception of the Board of Directors, all paid employees at SSMU are subordinates of the Executive team regardless of their portfolio, creating a strict hierarchy.

Multiple co-workers of one executive told the Daily his poor treatment of women and marginalized genders goes beyond difficult meetings, as he is known to micromanage and allegedly harass female colleagues and staff. Reporting feeling like they aren’t trusted to do their jobs, they note that this treatment is rarely extended to other men on staff.

“The rules [in SSMU] don’t apply to men, they never have,” one SSMU employee says; others agree that male executives almost never face consequences. Though suspensions are confidential, they can surface when details are leaked, usually as a result of a breach of confidentiality; campus outlets have reported on two suspensions in the last five years, and sources within SSMU disclosed another two – but none of the suspended individuals were men. *** Unfortunately, these experiences are not new, and in fact are part of a long lineage of overworked women fulfilling executive roles without respect or recognition. Double standards exist not just on the side of consequences, but on division of labour.

“I joined SSMU to lead and to work, I didn’t want to get a reputation. So I kept quiet.”

- Madison* Expected to take on traditionally gendered roles like administrative tasks, Laura* shared she would “often see my male coworkers ‘volunteer’ my female colleagues for certain types of labour, like communications, with little thought as to the amount of work a task necessitates or what other projects someone might have going on.”

The suspension of Madeline Wilson (VP UA) in 2020 raised several concerns about double standards of professionalism within student government.

Recalling the incident, former SSMU President Bryan Buraga tells the Daily that

“this pattern of tone-policing is not new, and past student politicians of marginalized genders have spoken out about this in the past.”

Female employees also report feeling higher expectations, or a greater pressure to prove themselves. Wilson says the emotional labour she undertook while on SSMU manifested in many ways, but one of the “most prominent and tiring aspects” that she felt was tied directly to her gender identity was the “expectation that [she] existed as a filter for men’s ideas.”

“Men who should have done their own goddamn research and ideas they felt they had to have to retroactively justify holding their position of power in the first place.”

“When men make mistakes, they’re given the benefit of the doubt,” Laura* says. “People seek to excuse their behaviour, even when it’s a serious incident or something that a woman has been suspended over. When women make mistakes, people jump to discipline them with little thought as to how it will affect the individual, SSMU, and its ongoing work. Men make the same mistakes that people of other genders make at SSMU, but no men have been suspended in recent history.”

As women, Madison* tells the Daily, there’s also a “heightened expectation to be emotionally invested in your work. This year, myself and a few of my peers have been very emotional in meetings following clear sexism from male colleagues. We have to set boundaries and be outspoken.

We have to call out our male colleagues on their sexist behaviour, which in itself is emotionally draining and not easy to do. At the end of the day, this is an unpaid extracurricular activity – it should not require the emotional investment and hardship that it does. For an organization which prides itself on equity and being survivor centric, it sure does treat its main workbase like garbage.”

This emotional labour, Madison* says, is “not recognized whatsoever” by men at SSMU. *** Several students came forward with experiences of being spoken over or interrupted during meetings – even having male colleagues claim their ideas as their own.

Because of the prevalence of this behavior, they say they’ve often avoided participating in meetings, knowing speaking up means being shut down or gaslit by male peers. Instead of

Features admitting mistakes or conceding to corrections, they say male executives discredit and contradict the contributions of their colleagues, often women.

The effects of this kind of behaviour reach beyond council meeting rooms, as the treatment they experience takes an emotional toll, weighing heavily on students’ mental health. “It’s frustrating,” one student tells the Daily, that her male coworkers act like the rules don’t apply to them, but will “aggressively enforce them on others.” According to sources, an executive has caused female peers to break down in tears during meetings multiple times, and has become hostile when confronted in the past.

“I feel like I have to be perfect and keep my head down, but men can do whatever they want and get away with it. My friends have lost income, time and opportunities and [men] just get a slap on the wrist.”

Often these consequences – namely suspension, like Wilson’s – result in loss of pay, and sources say, are detrimental setbacks to SSMU’s work. The effects of hostile work culture are also barriers to the organization’s efficacy, as sources report withdrawing from meetings, debates and activities that would be led by their male colleagues. Given the amount of committees and activities that fall under various executives’ portfolios, avoiding confrontations is near impossible.

One SSMU employee, Laura*, said she’s been unable to ignore the long-term effects of this behaviour after working with one executive for over a year. “I won’t speak up in classes with men now because I’m afraid of being harassed and treated the same way [this executive] treats me,” she shared with the Daily.

“I used to think of myself as an intelligent, driven, and valuable person that had a lot to offer, and now I can’t even speak in class without shaking.”

The other students echoed this, reporting their need to start or increase anti-anxiety medication to try to deal with the constant stress. *** However, the resources in place to deal with exactly these kinds of issues presents a dead end for employees looking for support.

One of the biggest barriers in the efficacy of SSMU’s Human Resources seems to lie in SSMU’s system of overlapping hierarchies. The Executive team supervises and

September 27, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily has authority over HR, making safe disclosures difficult; disclosing to HR raises issues with privacy, safety, and job security, defeating the department’s very purpose.

Laura* tells the Daily that “this places Human Resources in situations where they would be asked to reprimand their supervisors, which can be an uncomfortable dynamic. I disclosed experiences that I had faced to Human Resources, but I did not feel respected or listened to.”

effectively looks the other way: students say that despite receiving private messages from other male peers condemning their treatment, actual confrontations or gestures of support are rare.

When another student, Jasmine*, did receive advice from male colleagues, they suggested she wait to address it until he “snaps” or “gets physical.”

Students have tried to speak up themselves – but constantly calling out your peers is

“It’s difficult to capture these micro-aggressions and to be taken seriously about them,” Madison* says, “when most of the people in power are either men, people who don’t care, or both.”

“Many of the mechanisms in place, such as equity committees, are run by students as well,” Madison echoes. “This is problematic because you are essentially disclosing very personal events and emotions to a student who also goes to McGill, and probably knows all the people involved. It’s not really a safe space to speak freely and get justice.”

In her own experience with Human Resources, Laura* says she was talked out of filing a formal complaint; told that it’s “too difficult to see the shortterm effects of long-standing patterns of behaviour,” and there was nothing more to be done. “I was treated in a way that was not trauma-informed, and it was very upsetting to me.

A lack of confidentiality and professional behaviour means that people often don’t disclose to HR; I’ve had multiple people say to me, ‘I told them what happened but I know they won’t do anything.’”

According to the Daily’s sources, the executive in question has been made aware of how his actions hurt others.

Despite this he continues to claim that the staff who have come forward are lying and that he is the one being unfairly targeted, raising another barrier to the possibility of disclosure.

By the time of publication, at least four students involved with SSMU have confirmed speaking to SSMU Human Resources about a single executive’s behavior. None of the disclosures were followed up on properly, nor does it seem any action was taken. *** It’s not only HR that

difficult and emotionally taxing.

Madison* tells the Daily that, “Even when male colleagues see behaviour and agree that it’s bad, most won’t speak up until a woman speaks up first.”

“As in any situation, the burden of coming forward about a harmful experience or advocating for oneself often falls on those who are experiencing it themselves.”

“It’s emotionally draining and socially ostracizing to call out all the bad behaviour I see,” Laura* says, “and it’s not my job to educate my male peers about why their behaviour isn’t acceptable. I know I belong in my role and that I’m good at what I do, but I should be using my energy to focus on my job rather than on protecting myself from the very team members who are supposed to be supporting me.”

Further, much of the misogynistic behaviour and gender-based discrimination within SSMU manifests in ways that aren’t blatant or explicit, making it more difficult to recognize and address.

SSMU, faculty societies, and other student governance organizations seem to benefit from the relative privacy and anonymity that low voter turnout and confidentiality affords; the majority of the student body doesn’t have access to how executives act behind closed doors.

Discriminatory treatment of women and marginalized genders in the workplace is often interpersonal – meaning it’s more likely to be dismissed, and is difficult to see on an election platform.

“In many cases,” Laura shares, “it’s not one glaring

incident that you can label as blatant sexism. It’s a million different incidents where I’m not given the same basic respect or benefit of the doubt as my male peers.”

The majority of these experiences happen in confidential sessions that the rest of the student body will never see, or buried in minutes only a handful of people read. Without institutionally approved evidence, what can’t be found on paper may as well not exist. Information that is pertinent to McGill students, that raises questions about SSMU’s safety and efficacy, is privileged in a way that only serves to support the behaviour it engenders.

Though leaks are essentially the only way information deemed confidential gets out of SSMU, the cost for executives is high: a breach of confidentiality is grounds for suspension without pay.

Not being able to share all of her experiences, Laura* says “it becomes incredibly taxing to try to explain all the behaviour that happens in private to others. It’s so invalidating when men I work with have this totally progressive attitude in public, but won’t treat me with basic respect when we’re out of the public eye.”

Though several students shared stories of female peers staying behind in meetings to ensure no one would be alone with an executive known to be a problem, this kind of safe-keeping shouldn’t be necessary. While there may be important solidarity and support shared between women, there’s a need for these issues to be more widely addressed. Networks of information sharing are crucial in safekeeping practices across workplaces, educational institutions and communities, but they can only address the surface of issues that are perpetuated by a deeply rooted culture. *** The students who spoke to the Daily say that the persistence of gender-based discrimination can be credited to a skewed culture within organizations like SSMU, and a lack of willingness to call out or reflect on behavior.

“Men who behave this way are never reprimanded,” Laura* adds. “What happens at SSMU is a lot like what happens everywhere else – if men act like this with impunity, this behaviour cannot be expected to stop.

People bend over backwards to excuse men’s behaviour but

9

won’t make even the smallest effort to make sure women feel safe and comfortable.”

Madison* agrees, saying “there’s very much a ‘boy’s club culture and a culture of protection,” though she admits it’s not explicit. “I think that some men [...] refuse to believe their friends could be misogynistic.”

The pervasiveness of sexist behaviour and discrimination is worrying, and calls into question SSMU’s authenticity as an organization that supports survivors. Whether or not they are seen as such, organizations like SSMU are workplaces that can be the site of significant power imbalance, as well as wielding effective power of its own; both have the ability to make mistakes with detrimental consequences.

Of course, SSMU and faculty associations are institutions like any other, and their prejudiced roots grow deep.

Calling it a “deeply selfreinforcing structure,” Wilson says student governance “attracts the kinds of people who will uphold the systems and norms that it was built upon, and slowly breaks down anyone who seeks to change or upend it.”

“It also does not help that these systems foster a sense of discontinuity with the student body at-large,” Buraga says, “leading to the reinforcement (and perception) of our student governments as social clubs for a select few rather than as unions built on solidarity that works for the advancement of the interests of all students.” *** As for current SSMU employees, sources say the current environment isn’t sustainable – Laura* says she “can’t keep this up all year.”

Madison* shares Laura’s* weariness, saying that “if the learning process doesn’t begin soon, women will have no other option but to resign.”

The Daily has reached out to a member of the executive team for comment, but has not yet received a response.

If you have information about this story and would like to share a tip, please reach out to investigations@mcgilldaily. com or news@mcgilldaily.com.

If you or someone you know if experiencing gender-based discrimination or violence, you can reach out to the following resources for help: SACOMSS provides resources and support, as well as drop-in and phone services. They can be reached at (514) 398-8500.

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Features

September 27, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Reproductive Healthcare has a Long Way to Go in Canada Financial accessibility remains a barrier

Eve Cable | Illustrations Editor

Disha Garg Copy Editor content warning: Indigenous racism

R

anti-

ecently, a shocking law was passed in Texas banning abortions after the sixth week of pregnancy.

This means that abortions are practically entirely banned, because most people with ovaries do not even find out about their pregnancy until week six. The law not only gives citizens the right to sue those involved in an illegal abortion, but also incentivizes citizens to do so. Any plaintiff who reports a case of abortion after the sixth week, and is successful in their report, is entitled to $10,000 in cash with the addition of the defendant covering their legal fees. On the other hand, if the plaintiff ’s accusation turns out to be false, they aren’t expected to

pay the defendants’ legal costs.

Although those in Canada are provided with a much stronger sexual health system – including access to abortions – Texas’ move compels us to question the current and future sexual health policies of Canada.

Canada has a long history of unfair sexual practices which have enabled states to gain complete control over individuals’ bodies. Some of these policies – such as eugenics and abortion policies – existed until the early part of the 20th century, and some continue even today. The Sexual Sterilization Acts, passed in both Alberta and British Columbia in 1928 and 1933 respectively, garnered immense support from “progressive” Canadians.

According to these acts and their subsequent amendments, sexual sterilization of individuals was permissible

in order to reduce traits deemed “undesirable” by a “Eugenics Board.” The acts directly targeted mentally ill individuals in designated state institutions, allowing for non-consensual sterilization of these individuals, with most of them unaware of the changes being made to their bodies. Indigneous peoples were also targeted, and over 25 per cent of the sterilized population were First Nations and Métis people. In Alberta alone, over 2,800 individuals were sterilized as a result of the Act, with a staggering 4,800 being authorized for sterilization. Even after the repeal of sexual sterilization laws in the 1970s, Indigenous women were coerced, and are still coerced, into sterilization against their will. In fact, a Senate committee on human rights in Canada reported a case of forced sterilization of an Indigenous woman as

recently as 2019.

Abortion, too, was not always legal in Canada. Before 1969, abortion was a criminal offence, and people involved were subject to imprisonment ranging from two years to life. In 1969, the Criminal Code was amended to make abortions legal in accredited hospitals, on the condition that the pregnancy was a threat to the individual’s life or health. However, even then, abortions by choice were still considered illegal. It was only in 1988 that abortion was made legal by the R v Morgentaler decision, which stated that the previous abortion provision was unconstitutional and went against women’s rights.

Since then, abortion has been medically funded by the state under the Canada Health Act. However, abortion in Canada is still not as accessible as most people think, especially when taking into consideration

the discrepancies among provisions of different provinces.

Frédérique Chabot, health promotion director at Action Canada for Sexual Health and Rights claims that “[there’s] been very little progress done to make sure that abortion is actually, in fact, accessible to everyone in Canada equally.”

Funding, distances to abortion clincs, and lack of access to comprehensive knowledge form some of the many hurdles faced by women. While abortion is technically funded by the federal government, there are provinces that place limits on these fundings.

New Brunswick is one such province - abortion is only covered by insurance when performed at a hospital and abortions at private clinics are not insured. In an open letter to Letters4NB, an organization advocating for reproductive and trans healthcare, one

Features woman expressed her anger and wrote “I gave myself an abortion at home because I live in New Brunswick,” highlighting the extent to which safe abortion still remains completely inaccessible in certain regions. This problem increases manifold for people living in rural areas and reservations, most of whom, as a result of cycles of poverty, are BIPOC. Canada’s history of eugenics and abortions hence trickles down to today – BIPOC individuals’ bodies are still controlled, and are disproportionately affected by government policies.

September 27, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

orally, has become more widely available for use. However, discrepancies arise when provinces like Saskatchewan and Manitoba do not provide universal coverage of the pill.

Furthermore, some doctors are hesitant to even prescribe the pill, citing reasons such as having a “professional reluctance to be seen as an abortion provider and a perception that the pill is too complex to administer.”

The pandemic has only increased these barriers to sexual and reproductive health care. Clinics are facing a back log of appointments due to

Canada’s history of eugenics and abortions hence trickles down to today – BIPOC individuals’ bodies are still controlled, and are disproportionately affected by government policies.

In areas other than the urban hotspots, distance to clinics is also an issue. A chart by Action Canada highlights the number of abortion facilities in each province. Prince Edward Island, for example, has one abortion clinic, and even this is a recent development, the clinic having opened its doors in 2016.

Until then, people were forced to pay significant travel costs to go to neighbouring provinces to get abortions. Provinces also have differing gestational periods after which people are not allowed to get an abortion.

Some provinces, such as Prince Edward Island and Yukon, have gestational periods as low as 12 weeks. This becomes a problem as there are usually long waiting lists to schedule an appointment with a medical professional, rendering individuals ineligible for abortions by the time they are able to consult a professional.

Recently, Mifegymiso, an abortion pill that can be taken

limited capacities and hindered ability to provide in-person appointments. With health resources also being directed towards the pandemic, sexual healthcare has suffered a setback in resources, including the workforce which has been redirected to help with administering COVID-19 vaccines.

Even greater challenges to sexual health arise with most people going into isolation and the number of sexual abuse cases increasing drastically. Access to sexual health services is especially difficult for those in abusive relationships due to reasons

such as partners not “allowing” people access to birth control and such.

Another significant threat to accessible abortions is the presence of crisis pregnancy centres. These are antiabortion organizations, often operating under a charitable status, that attempt to dissuade people from getting abortions by providing them with false information. These practices go beyond misinformation – they also lead to unwanted child-birth through delaying the process, putting at risk both the parent and the child. Sadly, the number of crisis pregnancy centres currently outnumbers the number of abortion providers in Canada. Action Canada operates a campaign to put a stop to these “fake clinics” by providing a tollfree Access Line to people with questions about sexual health, planning to launch a texting service, and harnessing social media platforms to counter the spread of misinformation.

Should you choose, you can donate to their cause.

With the Liberals winning the recent Federal Election but failing to secure a majority, future directions for sexual health policies in Canada remain uncertain. In their campaign, the Liberals called for establishing “regulations under the Canada Health Act governing accessibility for sexual and reproductive health services so there is no question, that no matter where someone lives, that they have access to publicly available sexual and reproductive health services.

Failure on the part of a province to meet this standard would result in an automatic penalty applied against federal health

transfers.” However, their actual plans remain vague, and there are no set goals yet.

Moreover, as the Conservatives remain the main opposition, and considering the recent Texas law, there are possibilities of pro-life Conservatives influencing government policies to increase barriers to sexual health and abortions.

Although Conservative leader Erin O’Toole is pro-choice, he has also stated that he would “defend conscience rights for our incredible men and women on the frontlines of our health care system,” a statement that contradicts his pro-choice position. Furthermore, almost 68 per cent of the members of his caucus are pro-life.

This year, 81 of the members voted to increase restrictions to abortions and limit their legality to certain special circumstances only.

It is in our hands to secure a future with fair access to sexual health services. To stop the spread of disinformation about abortion pills, email Health Minister Patty Hajdu. Donate to the Norma Scarborough Fund through Action Canada. You can also become a member of Abortion Rights Coalition of Canada.

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September 27, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

sci+tech

Bridging the Digital Divide How libraries create technological equity

Anna Zavelsky Culture Editor

88 per cent provide some kind of formal or informal digital literacy programming, and 36.7 per cent have dedicated staff for he COVID-19 pandemic has digital literacy and technology Digital literacy exacerbated pre-existing programs. barriers to digital literacy, training ranges from one-onwith access to the internet and one help with general computer expensive technology becoming skills and internet use, to more important than ever as the coding and website development pandemic has played out. People classes. Further, libraries have without access to technology, a significant role in providing a reliable internet connection, access to employment resources, and digital literacy training online health resources, and language learning. are inevitably disadvantaged online in a world structured around However, the survey found online activity and technological significant resource disparities access, where the internet is between urban, rural, and an essential tool to acquire and suburban libraries – disparities exchange necessary information. include bandwidth capacity, Public libraries are important scope of available technology, community resources, bridging and staff. the digital divide by making necessary technology more widely accessible.

Libraries provide an expansive variety of technology resources: color printers, large format printers, 3D printers, copy machines, fax machines, scanners, laptops, tablets, video game consoles, VR headsets, early learning devices, e-readers, and assistive technology, among other things.

At BAnQ Grande Bibliotheque, the biggest library in Quebec, 532, 430 people access the internet each day, according to a 2018 survey – that is roughly 580 The Toronto Public Library per f loor each day.

In 2020, the Public Library (TPL) conducted a similar survey Association (PLA) surveyed of libraries in the territory the technology capacity, known as Ontario in 2016. TPL infrastructure, budget and staff wrote that “digital inclusion is of public libraries in the United now a stated part of Toronto States to get a better picture of Public Library’s mandate, one the library’s role in digital equity [TPL is] aiming to strengthen – a “launch pad for [...] exploring over the next five years, though technology application, services they’ve been providing access for and devices.” Their Public nearly as long as there have been Library Technology Survey publicly available computers.” 56 found that 32.6 per cent of per cent of survey respondents public libraries offer internet who otherwise would not have hotspots for loan, more than had access to technology used

T

Libraries have a significant role in providing access to employment resources, online health resources, and online language learning.

Tiana Koundakjian | Illustrations Contributor technology at the library, and 36 per cent of respondents who used technology services related to workforce development did so to develop job-finding skills.

The survey noted that broadband and connectivity issues are most disparate in rural regions and/ or for low-income populations, and specifically for First Nations communities.

First Nations Technology Council, a North Vancouver based non-profit, reports that only 25 per cent of Indigenous communities in BC meet the standard minimum high-speed broadband of 50 mbps download speed and 10 mbps upload speed.

Royal Bank of Canada records

Image from the PLA survey. The American Library Association (ALA) defines digital literacy as “the ability to use information and communication technologies to find, evaluate, create, and communicate information, requiring both cognitive and technical skills.”

similar statistics nationwide, reporting that only 24 per cent of households in Indigenous communities across Canada have access to quality, highspeed Internet. More than 500 First Nations, Inuit, and Metis communities within Canada also do not have access to a public library- of the 133 First Nation communities in Ontario, only 46 have public libraries. The libraries in communities that do have access are inadequately resourced, limited by a low budget. Unlike other libraries in Ontario, libraries in First Nations communities are not funded by tax revenue – library funds are instead taken from those allocated for ‘on-reserve’ education and are distributed by the provincial ministry of tourism, culture, and sport to existing libraries. Ontario region ‘on-reserve’ education receives over 30 per cent less funding than that designated for education ‘off-reserve.’ In 2017, the National Reading Campaign submitted a federal funding request to the Ministry of Finance to “establish and enhance libraries within Indigenous communities” the appeal was for “a threeyear, $90m fund to construct libraries, and an additional fund (approximately $6m/year) for operational costs.” The request was submitted under the context of the Trudeau government’s supposed $1.2 billion commitment to invest into social infrastructure in First Nations, Inuit, and Northern

communities – the plan outlined in chapter 3 of Budget 2016, and expanded to $18 billion in Budget 2021. The request submitted that the Ministry of Finance should support the Ministry of Indigenous and Northern Affairs in “an initial three year commitment [...] to build 10 libraries a year,” a “goal” that “would create 30 libraries, and as a result, an additional 15% of Indigenous communities would have access to a public library,” which would mean access to digital training and employment opportunities.

The PLA survey reported that when libraries were forced to close due to the pandemic, “many boosted their Wi-FI signals” and made technology available for loan. Likewise, TPL initiated their WiFi On Wheels program which “offer[ed] free WiFi from their bookmobile in parks in neighborhoods hit hard by the virus.” Choosing to attend school or work online is not an option without internet access at home, and so this service is essential for many of those at risk of severe COVID-19 symptoms.

Library technology services are essential for Indigenous, poor, and rural communities – and so libraries and digital equity initiatives should be expanded within these communities.

Initiatives such as Chicago Public Library’s YOUmedia lab, a learning space for teenagers to engage with graphic design, photography, video, music, 2D/3D design, and STEM.