The McGill Daily Vol. 111 Issue 10

Volume 111, Issue 10 | Monday, November 15, 2021 | mcgilldaily.com consequently subsequently since 1911

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table of Contents

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Table of Contents 8 3 4

editorial • Iqaluit’s Ongoing Water Crisis

News • • • • •

Bill 2 Faces Resistance OSD Dysfunction SPHR’s BDS Week Return to Campus 2021 Column Protest for a Free Palestine

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culture • Interview with Organizer of Korean Film Festival Canada • Flashback: Mean Girls

sports • Racism and Misogyny Within the Phoenix Suns

compendium!

• Horoscopes • Comic

EDITORIAL

Volume 111 Issue 10

November 15, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Iqaluit’s Water Crisis Demands Action Now

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n October 12, the city of Iqaluit, Nunavut declared a state of emergency following the discovery of fuel contamination in their water supply. A full month later, the city remains in a water crisis, with little indication as to when the water supply will be back in service. The Canadian Armed Forces have been enlisted for an indeterminate period of time to provide potable water to residents. This indefinite military presence in the city is disturbing – the government is forcing citizens to depend on the armed forces for drinking water, a basic necessity. As a city with a large Inuit population, the crisis in Iqaluit highlights the federal government’s continued disregard of Indigenous peoples and their health. According to Lorraine Rousseau, Public Service Alliance of Canada North Regional Executive Vice President, this represents “decades of broken promises and ongoing inequalities that Inuit and Indigenous communities face.”

This is the fourth water crisis that Iqaluit has faced in four years, as the municipal government lacks appropriate services and provisions for a city of its size.

According to former Deputy Mayor Janet Pitsiulaaq Brewster, the crisis is a result of this “aging and crumbling infrastructure.” This is in part due to decades of budget cuts at the federal and provincial levels. Iqaluit is suffering from a “municipal infrastructure deficit;” the city simply does not have enough money to make necessary upgrades to water and waste infrastructure.

More than $50 billion is needed for the upgrades that would prevent future contamination of the water supply.

In addition to the near constant water crises, the city of Iqaluit is currently facing a housing crisis – it needs around 1,400 new homes to account for the growing population. However, the ability to build new homes is limited as the old infrastructure “doesn’t have the capacity” to accommodate new-build structures. The increasing population further strains the city’s already fragile pipe system. This makes fixing the city’s poor infrastructure even more crucial, as more people will be relying on Iqaluit’s pipe system to provide potable water.

The lack of infrastructure maintenance fosters poverty and sickness in communities. As Brewster notes, Iqaluit is home to a large Indigenous population, with Inuit people making up 53.6 per cent of the city.

Brewster draws attention to the systemic consequences of continued water crises on Indigenous peoples in Iqaluit; “It’s the Inuit that live here that are most at risk of suffering due to this water crisis, because of their baseline health status and levels of poverty.”

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In 2015, Justin Trudeau’s liberal government promised to end the water crises faced by Indigenous communities by March 2021. Iqaluit is one of many places that has faced immeasurable harm from the lack of commitment to that promise. As of now, 33 First Nation communities still live under a boil water advisory, with 73 per cent of First Nations’ water systems at high or medium risk of contamination – the same type of crisis Iqaluit is facing. Despite this, the Liberal government has started prioritizing public-private partnerships as a solution to water crises, instead of funding infrastructure development and initiatives in communities most affected. These partnerships mean that private entities are tasked with the provision of water to communities, which ultimately costs more overall and leads to the privatization of water. This asserts illegitimate settler colonial authority under which the state commodifies and subsequently restricts access to natural resources. As such, Indigenous people do not have access to the basic necessity of potable drinking water.

The Trudeau government’s neglect is extending water crises, and prioritizing the interests of private companies over the lives of Indigenous communities.

Although Trudeau proudly touts budget allocations for failing infrastructure projects in First Nations communities, these funds are insufficient, as they only comprise around a tenth of what would be required to repair infrastructure across so-called Canada.

Despite the ongoing problems faced by Iqaluit’s population, social media and news coverage on the city’s water crisis has dwindled, putting Indigenous communities in danger and allowing the government to avoid addressing the issue. To improve conditions for those living through water crises, it is imperative that this momentum is not lost: for settler readers, continue speaking about injustices faced by Indigenous communities and put ongoing pressure on all levels of government to enact change. Engage with and amplify social media content that talks about the water crisis in Iqaluit, such as the Twitter accounts of Iqaluit city council members, and TikTokers @candyinuk and @annieneevee. Contact the office of Justin Trudeau, engage in political protests, and sign the Council of Canadians petition to end drinking water advisories in First Nations communities. If you are able, donate to organizations working with Indigenous communities to resolve local water crises such as Water First and True North Aid.

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November 15, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

news

Proposed Bill 2 Faces Resistance

“This bill is a step backwards,” LGBTQ+ advocates say.

Emma Bainbridge News Contributor

content warning: transpohobia, mention of genital mutilation

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n January 2021, the Quebec Superior Court gave the province until the end of the year to rewrite several sections of their Civil Code that discriminates against trans and non-binary people. Last month the province released its proposed changes, but for many trans and non-binary people, this is a step back. Since Bill 2” was first proposed by Justice Minister Simon Jolin-Barrette, it has met fierce resistance from community organizers who believe that this legislation will only further endanger the communities it claims to protect.

Bill 2 would add an additional category to identification documents for people’s “gender identity” which would be separate from the “sex” category. While people are able to put their preferred gender under the “gender identity” category, they would only able to change their sex if they receive gender-affirming surgery. In an interview with the Daily, Celeste Trianon from Concordia University’s Centre for Gender Advocacy (CGA) explains that this is harmful, as “all transgender (including non-binary) people having not obtained (sterilizing) gender-

affirming surgery can easily be ‘outed’ as trans if that is the case, since their ID documents will show a ‘gender identity’ marker distinct from the ‘sex’ marker cisgender persons will have.”

The province has also created an “undefined” sex designation for intersex people, which Trianon says “encourages parents (and doctors) to force intersex infants and children to undergo intersex

“All transgender (including nonbinary) people having not obtained (sterilizing) gender-affirming surgery can easily be ‘outed’ as trans if this is the case, since their ID documents will show a ‘gender identity marker’ distinct from the ‘sex’ marker cisgender persons will have.”

- Celeste Trianon Since 2015, trans people have been able to change the sex designation on their IDs without undergoing surgery.

Not all trans, non-binary, and intersex people can or want to have surgery, per Trianon. As they told the Daily, the surgery is inevitably sterilizing, and forcing individuals to undergo surgery in order for their gender to be recognized is a violation of bodily autonomy according to the Yogyakarta Principles.

The Yogyakarta Principles are a compilation of legal standards for human rights relating to sexual orientation and gender identity.

genital mutilation, a procedure meant to make their genitals conform more with ‘binary’ genitalia, but often causes permanent physiological harm, sterility, and trauma.”

Although this bill was supposed to make it easier for trans and non-binary people to change their IDs, it seems to have the opposite effect. As advocate Daphne Barile from Action Santé Travesti(e)s et Transsexuel(le)s du Québec (ASTTeQ) tells CBC, “They decided to make it easy to change [...] this new category of a gender identity, and then create all of these new barriers to

Eve Cable | Illustrations Editor

changing one’s sex designation, which was the only thing that existed before.”

LGBTQ+ communities have been vocal in their opposition to the bill. Ever since the Bill was announced, resources and petitions have been circulating around social media. Trianon has created a legally binding petition against Bill 2 which clearly outlines its harmful characteristics. They explain that the CGA is engaging in many actions to oppose the bill, such as “vocally opposing Bill 2 online, coordinating with other trans and LGBTQ+ organizations on their actions, and preparing to deliver a brief and a spoken statement on Bill 2 as soon as parliamentary commissions open up.”

written by Olé Oléolé and translated

by Amy Bergeron, provides recommendations to improve the Bill. “In order to meet the objective of equality as a fundamental value of Quebec society, I suggest: the possibility of changing the sex designation on the birth certificate without the addition of a gender identity category; the possibility of changing the sex designation to gender ‘X’ (as provided for gender identity in section 253 of the present bill); the possibility of removing the sex designation.”

Barile also reminds us that the Bill is taking away rights that transgender people have had since 2015. She believes that “trans communities in Quebec are calling for a withdrawal of all of those provisions from the

Trianon has created a legally binding petition against Bill 2 which clearly outlines its harmful characteristics. They explain that the CGA is engaging in many actions to oppose the bill, such as “vocally opposing Bill 2 online, coordinating with other trans and LGBTQ+ organizations on thier actions, and preparing to deliver a brief and a spoken statement on Bill 2 as soon as parliamentary commissions open up.”

Trianon advises students wanting to get involved in opposing Bill 2 to contact their lawmakers as well as sign the aforementioned petition. They also add that there are many volunteering opportunities and grassroots movements that people can get involved in, such as protests. Spreading awareness and donating to organizations supporting the communities affected also helps, they said.

Jolin-Barrette has said that he is open to possibly modifying the Bill in response to the mobilizations from LGBTQ+ activists. He claims that “we are confident that we can find a solution with LGBTQ+ groups, and if there are improvements that can be made, they will be.’’ In fact, it was recently announced that the surgery requirement will be dropped from the bill. One widelyshared template to oppose Bill 2,

bill and keeping essentially the system as it has been, which [has] allowed us to change our sex designation without having to undergo that surgery or have it affirmed by a doctor.”

During this difficult time, there are several organizations in Montreal providing services for transgender, non-binary, intersex, and gender non-conforming communities. Queer McGill offers many services for McGill students.

The CGA provides genderaffirming gear, and harm reduction/ safer sex supplies. ASTT(e)Q offers counseling, educational workshops, and health services among many other services. AGIR Montreal offers programs and services specifically directed towards LGBTQ+ migrants. Aide Trans au Quebec also offers general resources and services for trans people in Quebec.

November 15, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

NEWS

Accomodations and the OSD

Zoe Lister Staff Writer

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ore students have allegedly been requesting academic accommodations from the Office for Students with Disabilities (OSD) due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In an email exchange with the Daily, Teri Phillips, Director of the OSD, could not confirm that the increase in requests is due to the pandemic but does acknowledge an increased number of students registering for services this Fall. The office adds that this increase follows the trend of more requests for services yearly.

A student can register with the OSD if they are experiencing academic or physical barriers and have a documented disability, mental health disorder, chronic illness, or other impairment. This does not apply, however, to a student who has contracted COVID-19. If a student needs academic accommodations solely based on concerns regarding exposure to COVID-19, they are to submit their request via Minerva; it is then processed by the Office of the Dean of Students. If a student struggles with long term effects after contracting COVID-19, registration with the OSD may be a possibility. The OSD emphasizes that accommodations are awarded on a case-by-case basis, depending on the student’s situation and medical documentation.

The wait time for an appointment is less than four weeks and is usually closer to around two

Saylor Catlin News Editor

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weeks, per the OSD. Students can decide between booking an inperson appointment and an online appointment – according to the OSD, students generally prefer online appointments. Already registered students are eligible for a same-day drop-in appointment they can book on the booking page.

The OSD acknowledges that email response times are longer this year, as the Exam Centre has recently adapted to offer both in-person assessments and remote assessments which require coordination with instructors.

Typical accommodations the OSD provides can include exam accommodations, note taking support, learning resources, peerto-peer supports, and assistive technology. The university has made significant cuts to the OSD’s budget, leading to changes related to the accommodations. Since the winter of 2019, students participating in note taking for other students are no longer compensated financially, despite the work being up to ten hours a week.

The OSD has chosen to reward these students with volunteer hours and an entry into a draw for one of several gift cards at the end of the semester.

Because of this change, there is an alleged shortage of note takers.

Since the OSD is responsible for academic accommodations, the Office of the Dean of Students

makes a point to emphasize the use of “academic considerations” as opposed to “accommodations” to differentiate between the roles of each office. As opposed to the OSD, the Office of the Dean of Students does not require medical documentation to receive academic considerations.

According to the Office of the Dean of Students, the student may be “academically considered” with a flexible grading scheme, audio and/ or video equipped teaching rooms, zoom recordings, past year recordings of classes, withdrawal from a course or courses, an “incomplete,” or a Leave of Absence. However, with the university reporting 85 per cent of classes being held in person, it remains unclear what percentage of these classes are being recorded. The Office of the Dean of Students cannot guarantee these academic considerations, but notes that they are flexible and other options may be considered.

McGill has set these academic considerations in place for the Fall 2021 term but has not confirmed a plan for the Winter 2022 term. The University writes that if a plan is needed, it will be developed closer to the start of the term. However, in McGill’s response to questions from the Daily, the university discussed the launch of the Ad-Hoc Advisory Committee in early October. The Committee is mandated with advising the university on

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Tala Iskandarani | Photos Contributor COVID-19-related decisions that affect academic planning and policies, focusing heavily on the Winter 2022 term.

Though there are offices responsible for handling different matters in regard to academic accommodations and/or considerations, students are allegedly being falsely directed in some cases. Student employees often face difficulties extending

academic accommodations to their work, and McGill’s Human Resources has been known to direct student employees to the OSD, though its purpose is for academic accommodations. This lack of consistency of where student employees should go for work accommodations has yet to be addressed by the university or its offices.

SPHR Hosts BDS Week

rom November 8 through November 13, Students in Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) McGill and SPHR Concordia hosted a series of events for Boycott, Divestments, and Sanctions (BDS) week.

The week’s events started on Monday evening, with a screening and discussion of the film Grey, Black and Blue by Karam abu Ali. The screening was held at J.A. de Sève Cinema at Concordia University.

The following evening, organizers from SPHR McGill, SPHR Concordia, and Palestine Youth Movement led a “Palestine and BDS 101” workshop at Concordia University. Presenters organized the workshop into four sections: (1) defining concepts, (2) the region’s history, (3) contemporary oppression of Palestinian people, and (4) forms of resistance. Attendees were encouraged to ask questions, share ideas, and learn from one another.

In defining concepts, presenters highlighted the importance of looking at Palestine through a conceptual framework.

Specifically, they emphasized that individual atrocities

must be examined as part of the larger system of settler colonialism, occupation, and apartheid.

Presenters further outlined the importance of language in discussing Palestine – terms like “conflict” and “occupation” used in discussion fail to recognize the unequal distribution of power between Palestine and Israel.

Describing Israel’s violence as an act of “ethnic cleansing” and “settler colonialism” is more appropriate, according to presenters.

Presenters also discussed historical and contemporary definitions of “Zionism,” highlighting the ways in which the ideology is inextricably linked with settler colonialism. In the creation of Israel in the late 1940s, presenters said, evidence of imperialist efforts to select land show a clear intention to dislocate Arab people. They highlighted that this is in line with settler colonialism’s logic of elimination (via confrontation, carceration, and assimilation), which ultimately dispossesses Indigenous people of their lands.

Presenters then dived into Palestine’s history, starting with the 1947 Partition Plan, which called for the partition of Palestine into Jewish and Arab states, and the 1948 Plan Dalet which outlined

a plan for the ethnic cleansing of Arab people in the region. Nakba Day in 1948 was then discussed, the day that the state of Israel declared their so-called independence. The “nakba,” Arabic for catastrophe, refers to the consequent ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from the land and the destruction of hundreds of Palestinian towns and villages, as outlined by presenters.

They pointed to a clear difference in the Israeli narrative vs. the Palestinian narrative that resulted from the state’s creation; the former frames the events as a civil war that resulted in independence, while the latter views the events as catastrophic nakba that resulted in ethnic cleansing. Discussion was also prompted by attendees concerning the importance of seeing Nakba not as a historical event, but recognizing that settler colonialism in Palestine is an ongoing process; the nakba continues to this day.

The presenters then outlined the 1967 war between Israel and neighbouring states, the subsequent Intifadas, and the Oslo Accords.

Next, presenters delved into the contemporary systems today used to stifle Palestinian voices and threaten their livelihood. Apartheid,

which describes a system of racial dicrimination, is used in the state of Israel to deny Palestianians of many rights. Presenters highlighted the use of checkpoints, which impose control over Palestinian movement; settlements, through which Palestinians are violently expelled in favor of new development; the wall, which separates the east and west bank; and incarceration, which targets specific individuals and systematically denies them of autonomy.

Lastly, presenters outlined forms of resistance to the Israeli settlerstate, primarily the BDS movement.

Part of a long heritage of non-violent Palestinian resistance, the BDS movement is borrowed from the South African model of the ‘80s and ‘90s. Presenters also highlighted the importance of academic boycotts, which for students means boycotting university exchanges, relationships, and joint research with Israeli institutions. Next, McGill’s investment in the Israeli state was discussed, specifically its investment in RE/MAX and Oshkosh, its memorandum of understanding with Technion, and its exchange programs with four Israeli universities. Pro-Palestine activism at McGill is often met with resistance and roadblocks. Notably, last winter

the proposed Motion Regarding the Adoption of the Divest for Human Rights Policy was very divisive within SSMU; many were reluctant to pass the motion, seeing as it outlined divestment from many companies profiting from Palestine’s occupation.

In a legislative council meeting discussing the motion, it was implied that SSMU cannot support BDS as it is allegedly a “fundamental violation of SSMU’s commitment to leadership in matters of human rights and social justice.” After the presentation, attendees were invited to ask questions and participate in discussion.

The week concluded with the “Students Speak-out for Palestine” event; see page seven for coverage of this demonstration.

Eve Cable Illustrations Editor

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November 15, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Return to campus 2021

Instruction in AFC, Transition from EOC, and Rapid Testing

Saylor Catlin News Editor

As McGill prepared to return to campus earlier this year, it became increasingly clear that guidelines given by the administration did not particularly favour the wishes of students and faculties. Several weeks into the semester, these concerns continue to develop. This is the third installment of the Daily’s recurring column exploring the relationship between McGill administration and the broader McGill community.

Mode of Instruction in the Faculty of Arts n late October, a motion was passed in the Faculty of Arts council affirming the faculty’s authority to determine the mode and method of instruction. The motion was authored by Rine Vieth, the Arts Faculty Council’s (AFC) Post-Graduate Students’ Society (PGSS) Representative, and was first presented to the faculty council on September 28.

It specifically concerns “whether Arts Faculty Council shall affirm and exercise its jurisdiction to oversee the content and method of delivery of its courses, including through hybrid, blended, and alternative means during the COVID-19 pandemic.”

In the background and rationale of the motion, Vieth highlighted the August 29 memo from Provost Manfredi and its problematic implications of mandating faculty to teach in person. Additionally, the motion cites faculty and students’ concerns about the implementation of McGill’s health measures, including but not limited to “a lack of vaccination or testing mandates; inadequate ventilation; inadequate contact tracing; overcrowded classrooms; and planning and scheduling which has made hallway distancing impossible.”

The motion further reasons that neither the Statutes of McGill nor the relevant Senate regulations (found in article six of the Statutes) provide the Dean or Provost of a faculty with independent jurisdiction over the content or mode of instruction of courses. Instead, writes Vieth, Article 7.5 of the Statutes gives the Faculty Council the authority to “control the courses of study and the academic work of the faculty, and provide rules governing the arrangement of its timetable and examinations and the conduct of its meetings.”

The motion, now passed, resolves that the Arts Faculty council has jurisdiction to “oversee the design and mode of delivery of

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Eve Cable | Illustrations Editor courses by recognizing instructor discretion to teach through various modes, including hybrid, blended and alternative methods, during the COVID-19 pandemic.” As of now, the Faculty of Arts is the only faculty to affirm its jurisdiction to do so.

The motion additionally outlines the creation of an ad hoc committee within the AFC, composed of representatives from the Arts Undergraduate Society, graduate student representatives from the AFC, and professors.

The role of the committee is to establish guidelines for any courses delivered through hybrid, blended, and alternative modes of instruction, and to ensure that student and teaching staff needs and concerns regarding COVID-19 are properly addressed.

Transition from Emergency Response to Recovery and Resumption On November 1, an email sent to McGill staff and students announced that the University’s COVID-19 response would no longer be coordinated by McGill’s Emergency Operations Centre (EOC), and instead will now be coordinated by the Recovery and Operations Resumptions Committee (ROR).

The EOC has been activated since January 2020 to navigate the university through the pandemic.

The committee is a component of McGill’s larger emergency management framework. It was originally designed to coordinate the university’s response to emergencies spanning over a period

of days or weeks – not a monthslong pandemic. The committee was spearheaded by Fabrice Labeau, Deputy Provost and planning chief of the EOC. The EOC reported directly to Policy Group, a subset of the senior leadership to the university, and was responsible for communications, including regular Media Relations Office emails and updates to McGill’s Coronavirus website.

As of November 1, all COVID-19related issues and initiatives are led by the ROR. The new committee will be co-chaired by the Deputy Provost (Student Life and Learning) and the Associate Provost (Teaching and Academic Programs), who will oversee “decentralized functional groups.” According to the November 1 email, “these groups, with leads assigned based on their regular roles within the University, will be responsible for specific areas of expertise to help make decisions to move our campus forward.” Within the new ROR structure, co-chairs will report jointly to the Provost and Vice-Principal (Academic) and the Vice-Principal (Administration and Finance), who will report to the Principal and Vice-Chancellor.

In the November 1 email, university administration stated that McGill’s current status of emergency was changed due to several reasons; they cited the announcement that Quebec will lift its state of emergency in early 2022, “a more stable epidemiological situation in Quebec in general,” low case counts on campus, high vaccination rates, and the “successful return of academic

activities back to in-person.”

The email stressed, however, that this does not mean McGill is returning to normal. “The COVID-19 situation can change very quickly, and our continued vigilance is critical to ensuring the stability of the situation across our campuses,” they wrote. Since the announcement, ten new cases have been reported on campus, compared to zero reported cases the previous week.

“I am generally in favour [of the transition] but do not find it goes far enough,” wrote Richard Gold, Professor in the Faculty of Law and the Faculty of Medicine, in an email to the Daily. The mandate to turn decision making over to the EOC at the beginning of the pandemic was rushed and not adequately advised; the EOC had no expertise in public health, and largely ignored experts with which it consulted, Gold alleged.

While the end of the EOC’s management represents a return to collegial governance, Gold still has reservations. “I worry that the ROR seems, in many respects, to be the EOC under a different name,” he wrote, “Time will tell if this is the case.”

COVID-19 Rapid Testing Project On October 29, McGill announced its voluntary COVID-19 rapid testing project for asymptomatic people. As of November 8, any asymptomatic McGill student, faculty, or staff member will be able to receive a rapid antigen detection test. Participants perform the swab test themselves

with guidance from trained staff, and receive results within 15 to 20 minutes.

According to the press release, there will be the capacity to conduct between four to eight tests per 20-minute period. They underline that “there is a higher likelihood of false positive results” from rapid antigen tests, therefore test results from this pilot project cannot be used as proof of a negative test result for travel or other purposes; no paper or form with results will be given to participants to walk away with. Following any positive result from the rapid antigen test, participants must agree to get a PCR test from an authorized testing site and to self-isolate.

The project is being implemented months into student demands for increased safety measures on campus, namely an implementation of a vaccine mandate and rapid testing infrastructure on par with other universities. Communications state that “this pilot project is not intended to replace existing health measures for McGill, such as masking and distancing.”

This testing initiative is open to anyone on campus who is asymptomatic but wishes to be tested. The press release stresses that “anyone displaying COVID-19 symptoms must follow public health guidelines and should not be coming to campus.”

Testing is available from Monday through Friday, 12:0017:00 in the cafeteria of the Trottier Engineering Building.

news

November 15, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Students Speak Out for Palestine Abigail Popple Coordinating News Editor

Free, Free palestine Despite the rain and cold on Friday, November 12, students and activists gathered at the Roddick Gates in a rally concluding BDS (Boycott, Divest, and Sanctions) Week, hosted by the McGill and Concordia chapters of Students in Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR). Demonstrators spoke about the ongoing occupation of Palestine, chanting,“Free, free Palestine.”

All Photos by Abigail Popple

Organizers from Palestinian and Jewish Unity (PAJU) distributed pamphlets detailing the purpose of the BDS Movement.“Resist the systemic inequality and discrimination of Israel Apartheid,” the cover read, alongside the slogan “Boycottons Israël!” The BDS Movement aims to put financial pressure on corporations involved in the occupation of Palestine.

Holding universities accountable

Sabine Friesinger, who was president of the Concordia Student Union when Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of Israel, was invited to speak at the university in 2001, attended the rally.

“Public institutions should be held accountable for their [financial] ties, and if they have ties with apartheid regimes like Israel, they should cut those ties in solidarity with the Palestinian people,” she said.

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culture

November 15, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Korean Film Festival Canada 2021: Art as Resistance An interview with Director Mi-Jeong Lee

Hyeyoon Cho Culture Contributor

Montreal. That’s how I contacted Cinémathèque Québécoise and we started to showcase Korean l he Korean Film Festival films. I realized I cannot do all Canada (KFFC) is an artistdriven and artist-collective organization based in Montreal. This year the KFFC had its 8th anniversary, held online from September 30 to October 30. It presented film screenings, seminars, workshops, artist talks, and publications. I spoke to director Mi-jeong Lee and we talked about the history of the film festival and its mandates, as well as reflected on this year’s program and theme: women’s perspectives.

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Hyeyoon Cho for the McGill Daily (MD): Could you tell us about how the film festival came about?

Mi-jeong Lee: Actually, this film festival never planned to make an organization at all. So in 1996, while I was a masters student in film studies, I noticed there was a lack of visibility and an understanding of Korean cinema, both in academia and in broader

[W]e wanted to feature films that amplify the voices of women, who still want to talk despite the archival and institutional silence.

this by myself so I invited a couple of other students and we made a collective, which was like an Asian cinema club. In 2013, we started to have the first edition of the Korean Film Festival Canada.

Before that, I was also working for the Fantasia Film Festival

and when we made a spotlight on Korean cinema, it was centered on genre films because what Fantasia is looking for is very particular. So the type of films we present now in KFFC, I couldn’t present them at Fantasia. This is why I thought, “genre films are fine, but other kinds of Korean cinema need to be showcased.” So that’s how in 2013, the Korean Film Festival Canada was born.

MD: Was there a reason why you chose “women’s perspectives” as the theme for this year’s KFFC? Lee: Yeah, actually, this is the second series of that theme.

Last year we started to focus on women’s perspectives because they are less heard, especially in Korean cinema. Recently, Korean women directors have been in the spotlight but their works have been disregarded in the past. And I thought it’s the right timing to bring this up and that’s how we started last year, under the theme of “women’s perspective beyond borders.”

This year, we expanded the theme and featured a wide range

Olivia Shan | Culture Editor

of films that are not exclusively made by women directors. For example, we highlighted women’s labour in the category “Warzone Bodies.”

This highlighted narratives about comfort women and featured three films: I Can Speak, Murmuring Voices II and The Apology. Comfort women were abducted by the Japanese army during Japanese colonialism when they were very young. They had to serve male soldiers. After the war, their stories got lost; whether they are alive or dead, it doesn’t matter whether they were able to come back to their own country afterwards. However, this sense of loss and trauma affected them their whole lives. But this kind of life and memories, I don’t know, how can I say, they cannot be archived, right? It cannot be archived, it’s not a tangible object to put in the archive. So we wanted to feature films that amplify the voices of women, who still want

what was the programming process like?

Lee: Yeah, I think time travel is very important because the past always informs the present, but the present also reflects the past.

They are almost mingled in a way.

So in that manner, I think bringing back classic films points us to look at what was there at that time, and how they are also reflected in today’s narrative.

Also, contemporary cinema borrows from the formal and aesthetic languages that were invented by classic films. So this time travel is interesting. When I study art, I’d like to go back. I make genealogical connections, and I adopt a kind of archaeological approach. I love that personally.

So I thought it’d be interesting to bring different temporalities and times. And we also have a new section called Zainichi Korean living in Japan. And we see a lot of Zainichi diaspora becoming

Identity means that it’s not a fixed form but fluid. It fluctuates, depending on the environment you’re in. Why do people look at me as a token of cultural diversity?

Why do they say to me, you are part of the minority group or visible minority? All these questions make me want to express something. So I think, this film festival is a kind of a social intervention, done through artistic form. to talk despite the archival and institutional silence. That’s why we emphasize war zone bodies.

MD: I find that this year’s program reflects on the genealogy of women directors and the works they crafted, but it also features films that capture the vantage points of women in contemporary Korea. It is almost like they are speaking to each other. I wonder,

artists in Japan. Why? Think about it. When there is pressure, then there is also the emergence of creative resistance, right? So I think that’s the way I see the art form as a way of expressing resistance. This Korean Film Festival in Canada is also a form of resistance that speaks to our lived experiences in Canada. We don’t need to make another commercial

culture film festival, because there are already so many.

MD: This year, films such as The House of Hummingbird, Our Body, Our Home, directed by women filmmakers, were featured. They also show a revival of women’s narratives by the new millennium directors. What are your thoughts on this revival, and do you think it is significant?

Lee: I don’t think these artists necessarily showcased their works as films made by women; I think they just wanted to express themselves as artists. So when we look at those films, of course, there are some differences. For example, Our Home sees the world from the children’s eyes. I want them to be perceived as artists.

The reason that we emphasize women’s perspectives for the film festival is because films are rarely looked at from women’s perspectives. It is very maleoriented, and it exclusively props up narratives about masculinity.

So we were trying to look at these works again, and re-discover their narratives from an alternative vision.

MD: What’s the driving force that makes you do this work? And why is it important for your team as well to sustain this film festival?

Lee: I never, ever thought I would be continuing to do this. But it has become a way to express my identity and to look at it. Identity means that it’s not a fixed form but fluid. It fluctuates, depending on the environment you’re in.

Why do people look at me as a token of cultural diversity? Why do they say to me, you are part

November 15, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

9

Luca Ifill | Illustrations Contributor of the minority group or visible minority? All these questions make me want to express something.

So I think, this film festival is a kind of a social intervention, done through artistic form. This

Olivia Shan | Culture Editor

is one way of doing the Korean Film Festival with my colleagues, because I know that I cannot do it by myself. So therefore, I have some sort of anxiety towards this kind of, I don’t say discrimination, but it’s just some divisions that are always putting us outside [the mainstream]. It was very natural for me to keep on doing this work. For me, it’s not about how many tickets we are able to sell. If people learn about Korea through these films and appreciate the visual languages, this is what we care about. We also express ourselves through these types of films. We also showcased not only Korean movies, but we were able to touch on this diasporic sensibility by including films situated in AsianCanadian context. So that’s why the festival is no longer a National Cinema festival.

I also believe KFFC must be a playground for artists, and also for our team members too.

I think it’s very important that our team feels that they belong here. When you are always seen as an immigrant coming from the outside world, there is a sense of emotional detachment.

So there’s this kind of a barrier that’s hard to break through.

But I want KFFC to be a space for these youths, and I’m slowly stepping down from leadership roles. And I really hope this next generation takes the lead. So that’s how we are shifting right now. Since this year, we’ve been treating KFFC like an artistic playground, where we fall, make mistakes, will get hurt, but it is also much more creative and safe for us. We can always adjust,

hit, we shifted the format of the festival and our working environment from offline to online. Somehow it was very, very successful, but much more successful this year. Since it’s held online, viewers based in Korea could also watch the films and interact with Montrealers or people from elsewhere. It was an amazing experience we had, especially when we had

It was very natural for me to keep on doing this work. For me, it’s not about how many tickets we are able to sell. If people learn about Korea through these films and appreciate the visual languages, this is what we care about. both internally and externally.

And that’s what I want to make.

It takes time, but it’s okay.

MD: How has conducting the festival’s activities online impacted you and your team’s experiences?

Lee: Last year when COVID-19

the opening reception. Over 20 people participated as a guest speaker, as well as 57 people showing up to the meetings. It was really wonderful.

This interview has been edited for clarity.

10

November 15, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

culture

Girl World

American Imperialism in Mean Girls Disha Garg Copy Editor

M

ean Girls was a phenomenon that took hold of our generation, so undoubtedly so that it has become part of our cultural lexicon. A review by the Guardian labels it the “most referenced cultural product of all

and popularity? As a teenager growing up in India, Mean Girls was more than a film – it began to represent a desire, a longing; the glorified version of the US high school experience became my innocent version of the American Dream.

The high school world built in the film was unreal to me: no

As a teenager growing up in India, Mean Girls was more than a film, it began to represent a desire, a longing; the glorified version of the US high school experience became my innocent version of the American Dream. time,” competing with the likes of Friends and The Simpsons . Who doesn’t know of the “Plastics?” To what extent has the film, and in fact, the genre of American comingof-age comedy- dramas, shaped our outlook on student life

uniforms or dress-codes, teachers lacking in authority, school dances and house parties, glamour.

The film distinctly highlighted American and non-American disparities, the non-American always lacking in front of the

American. Consequently, I felt as if I was lacking, as if I was missing something in my student life. Like Cady, I did eventually come of age. But when this happened, I questioned where my desire to be an ideal American teenage girl came from. As an audience, we see the Mean Girls from Cady’s perspective – the outsider who grew up in Kenya and has come to a US high school for the first time. Cady must adjust to this new world and become more like the students at the school; specifically, more like the girls at this school.

Often in the film, Cady compares certain high school scenarios to the so-called “animal world,” enabling a highly reductive portrayal of the entire African continent as the monolithic land of animals. In his famous essay titled “How to Write about Africa,” Binyavanga Wainaina writes that Africa is usually portrayed through cliches in literature, and arguably, in other forms of media as well.

With strong overtones of sarcasm and irony, Wainaina writes, “In your text, treat Africa as if it were one country,” and while

African characters should be “colourful, exotic, larger than life – but empty inside,” “animals... must be treated as well-rounded, complex characters.” Indeed, there are no mentions of many human characters from Africa (except Cady’s childhood crush who rejected her). All of Cady’s childhood pictures portray her standing in a grassland with animals – an elephant, a snake, giraffes in the background – as if Africa constituted only of grassland and animals.

What’s more harmful, though, is that this reductive image of Africa is frequently compared with the “girl world.” This is especially prominent in one scene where there is a passiveaggressive encounter between Regina and Cady in the cafeteria.

Regina attempts to provoke Cady by flaunting Aaron – Cady’s love interest and Regina’s former boyfriend – and get a reaction from her. Cady immediately thinks of how this situation might be resolved in the “animal world,” and the scene cuts to Cady’s imagination, in which she attacks Regina, and everyone in the cafeteria becomes an animal.

Kate Sheridan | Illustrations Contributor

However, Cady holds herself back on the grounds that this is the “girl world,” where things can’t be resolved using physical force. She resigns to a passive stance, giving

Even though towards the end Cady realizes that there is more to life than popularity and fitting in, the film inherently perpetuates a distinction between American and non-American­ – one is, while the other is simply not. in to Regina’s whims.

American high school culture is thus the “girl world” where conflicts and arguments are handled in a civil manner, while Africa is deemed an “animal world” where savagery is the first and last resort. The “girl world” is where Cady aspires to be, in order to be accepted by her peers. The “animal world – ” or any world other than the ideal American society – is what she desperately tries to escape because she will simply not be accepted. Even though towards the end Cady realizes that there is more to life than popularity and fitting in, the film inherently perpetuates a distinction between American and non-American – one is, while the other is simply not.

It was perhaps this false sense of security and acceptance provided by American imperialism that invoked in me the desire to be like the mean girls.

I look back at Mean Girls with a lot of endearment, because after all, the film did give me the perfect escape.

I could relate to these teenagers on screen as I felt out of place in school, a misfit who desired to be part of the popular clique. But I also look at it with caution, reminding myself of what some of its aspects stand for.

Not only was it not my reality, but it was probably not most American students’ reality either.

November 15, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

sports

11

Discriminatory Practices in the NBA ESPN report details rampant misogyny and racism within Phoenix Suns organization

Emma Hébert Features Editor

O

n November 4, ESPN writer Baxter Holmes published an article exposing a toxic culture of racism and misogyny within the National Basketball Association’s (NBA) Phoenix Suns organization. The article features interviews with over 70 current and former Phoenix Suns employees who testify to the racism and misogyny rife in the organization, and points to the franchise’s owner, Robert Sarver, as the main perpetrator. Sarver, who made his fortune in baking and real estate, purchased the Phoenix Suns – and its sibling organization, the Phoenix Mercury of the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) – in 2004. Both organizations were purchased for 401 million USD, a then-record price for a franchise, but testimony from employees reveal how Sarver’s 17-year tenure as owner has institutionalized a sinister history of blatant and subtle racism, misogyny, and harassment.

Earl Watson, a former Suns and current Toronto Raptors coach, is one of the individuals named in Baxter’s article.

According to Watson as well as several other sources, Sarver frequently used the N-word to refer to players, justifying his use with the fact that he had heard Black players and staff use it previously. When staff, such as Watson, called Sarver out and explained that his use of the N-word was unacceptable, Sarver brushed them off and continued nonetheless.

Incidents like these were common throughout Sarver’s 17year tenure as owner. Watson and other coaching staff also testified to Sarver’s constant beration of Black coaching staff: Sarver was known to aggressively confront coaches in intermissions and after games, clearly stepping outside the regular jurisdiction of franchise owners. Assistant coach Corliss Williamson said that an older, white male owner aggressively confronting him, a Black man, in the coaches room carried explicit racial connotations.

Sarver’s behaviour set the tone for the rest of the organization – non-executive employees also testified to how Sarver created a workplace where racist abuse was encouraged and protected.

In another incident, a white executive repeatedly called

a Black employee “Carlton” (referring to the character in The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air), despite being told to stop several times by said employee. Even though racism was rampant within the organization, employees were left with little recourse in the face of such harassment. A former Human Resources (HR) employee detailed how workers were specifically told not to file complaints, and often feared retaliation from the organization if they did. On multiple occasions, including a complaint of racial discrimination raised by a Black employee regarding promotions for white colleagues, employees who raised problems with HR were soon told that they “no longer fit the [Suns] organization.” The standard consequence for reporting discrimination within the Suns was retaliation in the form of being fired, creating a place where employees’ safety, particularly the safety of Black employees, came secondary to maintaining the public image of white executives. When legal action was instigated against the organization, the Suns would settle – a former employee recounted how executives were mainly concerned with the potential of “bad press,” rather than the issue of racism itself.

Baxter’s report also provides numerous examples of an unchecked culture of misogyny within the Suns organization, enabled and enforced by Sarver.

Women within the organization often either witnessed or were themselves subjected to verbal “barrages” from male executives, including an incident where Sarver berated a woman so heavily she broke down in tears.

In response to this incident, Sarver only asked: “Why do all you women around here cry so much?” Many women spoke about being entirely resigned to being sexually harassed within the Suns organization, chalking it up to a feature of the work environment. This caused longterm psychological damage to the women on staff, resulting in increased anxiety, depression, and thoughts of suicide.

Perhaps one of the most alarming elements of Sarver’s behaviour is how he figures himself as the team’s owner.

According to one female employee, Sarver would

frequently use language such as “Do I own you? Are you one of mine?” when speaking to employees. This was a welldocumented occurrence among staff, with several testifying to Sarver’s repeated use of the word “inventory” to describe staffers and players. Another former staffer said “[Sarver] likes people to know that he’s in charge.

He wants control. He wants control of every situation and every person.” Sarver’s racism and misogyny go hand in hand, allowing him and his organization to assert control over those in the franchise and dehumanize staff and players while simultaneously profiting off of their labour.

This should be situated within a larger understanding of the relationships between players and franchise owners in the NBA – as journalist Jesse Washington pointed out, this is a league where a group of nearly all-white team owners act with impunity while profiting off majorityBlack players. Black players make the NBA and its teams what they are, generating fan involvement and billions in league revenue, all while white franchise owners create environments that encourage racist and sexist abuse of staff and players.

This isn’t the first time an NBA franchise owner has been exposed for racism and misogyny; in 2014, then-owner of the Los Angeles Clippers, Donald Sterling, was recorded on

a racist and explicitly anti-Black tirade to his then-girlfriend, V. Stiviano. Sterling, like Sarver, accumulated his wealth through

to do so, commissioner Adam Sterling sided with players and unilaterally banned Sterling from the NBA for life.

Black players make the NBA and its teams what they are, generating fan involvement and billions in league revenue, all while white franchise owners create environments that encourage racist and sexist abuse of staff and players. real estate, and previously had a racial discrimination lawsuit launched against him by former Clippers general manager Elgin Baylor in addition to several federally prosecuted housing discrimination lawsuits. TMZ’s leak of the tape with Sterling’s racist rant, in which he ordered Stiviano not to associate with Black people, resulted in widespread outrage from both the Clippers players and the league at large. NBA players threatened to boycott playoff games if the NBA commissioner didn’t remove Sterling from the league quickly. Despite resistance from other white franchise owners, who could have kicked out Sterling if three quarters of them had voted

The NBA has the power to take action against franchise owners who are racist, misogynistic, or otherwise discriminatory. Since the publishing of Baxter’s ESPN report, the NBA has asked a law firm to investigate the Phoenix Suns organization. The WNBA and NBA Players Association have also reviewed the allegations made against Sarver, with the WNBA opening up an investigation of their own. All that remains to be seen is whether or not these investigations result in concrete action, or a further denial of racist and misogynistic abuse. The NBA cannot continue to profit off the labour of Black staff and players without addressing and persecuting racist franchise owners.

Tiana Koundakjian | Illustrations Contributor

November 15, 2021 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

compendium!

12

HOROSCOPES Aries

Taurus

(Mar 21 Apr 19)

(Apr 20 May 20)

just making sure you don’t f i t in is a full time job. i get it.

if you commit to that podcast, make sure your co-host’s voice is easily distinguishable from yours.

Cancer

Leo

(Jun 21 Jul 22)

(Jul 23 Aug 22)

it’s ok to give yourself a fake name at the cafe for fun. you don’t have to have a reason.

Libra (Sept 23 Oct 22)

revisit your throwback playlist. it’ll be good for you.

Virgo (Aug 23 Sept 22) if you’re feeling particularly combative this week, just let yourself go. you’ll win.

(Oct 23 Nov 21)

(Nov 22 Dec 21)

Capricorn

Aquarius

Viola Ruzzier | Staff Illustrator

home is a much warmer place than you’d expect. really, check your thermostat.

Sagittarius

wednesday will be a big day. it’s up to you whether this is optimistic or ominous.

no noise november. let’s all just stop.

(May 21 Jun 20)

Scorpio

on behalf of the rained-on maple leaf that has been stuck to your shoe your entire way home, i apologize.

(Dec 22 Jan 19)

Gemini

(Jan 20 Feb 18) EVERYTHING IS BOTHERING YOU BUT YOU’RE BEING REALLY BRAVE ABOUT IT. BRAVO.

jokes are the most serious thing in the world. please remember that

Pisces (Feb 19 Mar 20) stop getting second-hand embarrassment. other people’s humiliation doesn’t need to involve you.