The McGill Daily Vol. 112 Issue 3 by McGill Daily

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Published by The Daily Publications Society, a student society of McGill University.

Volume 112, Issue 3 | Monday, September 19, 2022 | mcgilldaily.com

10Culture News

Quebec Election Guide for Student Voters McGill’s Sports Science Institute 3Editorial Canada’s Anti-Indigenous Justice System

2 September 19, 2022 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Myles Sanderson’s Death in Police Custody

Table of ConTenTs

Review of There’s Something in the Water Vernissage for Ajuinnata at McGill Exhibition 4

6 Features

8Commentary

Syrian Refugee Crisis, 11 Years Later On Abolishing the Monarchy DEPUIS 1967 All members of the Daily Publications Society (DPS), publisher of The McGill Daily and Le Délit, are cordially invited to its Annual General Assembly: Thursday, October 27th @ 6:00 pm McGill University Centre, 3480 McTavish, Room 107 and on Zoom: The presence of candidates to the Board of Directors is strongly advised. The Daily Publications Society is looking for a Community Representative for its Board of Directors. DPS Directors meet at least once a month to discuss the management of both Le Délit and The McGill Daily, and get to vote on important decisions related to the DPS’s activities. They can also get involved in various committees whose purpose ranges from fundraising to organizing our annual journalism conference series. To RSVP to the AGM and/or to submit an a pplication, visit: dailypublications.org/agm-2022 Questions? chair@dailypublications.org Application deadline: Friday, Oct. 21, 2022 @ 11:59 p.m.

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The McGill Daily is located on unceded Kanien’kehá:ka territory coordinating editor

Reports” is their use by Corrections Canada “as evidence of an Indigenous offender’s likelihood to reoffend” and “as a basis to thus deny the offender early release,” often forcing Indigenous offenders to serve longer sentences than non-Indigenous offenders with similarFurthermore,convictions.Indigenous people are more frequently denied bail, which means they will be held in remand if they are an adult or pre-trial detention if they are a minor. They are also 33 per cent less likely to be acquitted than white people and 14 per cent more likely to plead or be found guilty; once convicted, Indigenous offenders are 30 per cent more likely to be imprisoned. Additionally, convicted Indigenous individuals are disproportionately sent to maximum security correctional facilities and are more likely to be placed in solitary confinement. As seen with Gladue, changes in the methods of sentencing have not provided an effective solution to the overrepresentation of Indigenous people in the justice system, and can instead increase the harm of the carceral system. It is therefore crucial to work towards a non-carceral model of community safety as anInalternative.Rv.Ipeelee (2012), Canada’s Supreme Court conceded that “Canadian courts have failed to take into account the unique circumstances of Aboriginal offenders that bear on the sentencing process.” The Court also declared that lower courts should consider this in sentencing Indigenous offenders. In 2015, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) called on all levels of government to “provide realistic alternatives to imprisonment for Aboriginal offenders” – such as the Indigenous Justice Program, which funds Indigenous-led community-based justice programs that use “restorative and traditional justice processes” rooted in traditional Indigenous cultures – and respond to the underlying causes of offending.” Although such programs are by themselves inadequate in addressing the high incarceration rates of Indigenous people, community-based programs are an important first step to take as an alternative to carceral systems of justice while simultaneously addressing the material conditions of Indigenous communities.

Published by the Daily Publications Society, a student society of McGill University. The views and opinions expressed in the Dailyare those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of McGill University. The McGill Daily is not affiliated withUniversity.McGill

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content warning: anti-Indigenous racism

erhaps the most glaring evidence of the persistence of colonialism and white supremacy in so-called Canada is the disproportionately high number of Indigenous peoples in Canadian prisons. In 1995, when Indigenous peoples represented only three per cent of Canada’s total population, they made up 18 per cent of Canada’s incarcerated population – a number which has only increased since. Last year, Indigenous people represented just four per cent of the country’s population but made up 37 per cent of the population in its prisons. The Correctional Investigator of Canada, Ivan Zinger, said in a release, “[t]he Indigenization of Canada’s prison population is nothing short of a national travesty.”

Support Indigenous-led initiatives focusing on offering support to communities and educating Indigenous youth on the criminal justice system such as First Nations Justice Strategy and Level’s Indigenous Youth Outreach Program. Call on the Canadian government to take legislative action that will ensure fairness and equality for Indigenous peoples in the justice system.

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3480 McTavish St, Room 107 Montreal, QC, H3A 0E7

Overrepresentation of Indigenous people in Canada’s prisons originates from a justice system rooted in colonialism and white supremacy. Yet the Canadian government’s “restorative justice” initiatives for Indigenous people in conflict with the law do not adequately acknowledge the underlying causes of the high incarceration rate. Instead, the pursuit of “restoration” with regards to Indigenous convicts is centred on rehabilitation after their sentencing. Without policies that acknowledge and attempt to repair the material conditions that drive high Indigenous incarceration rates, the Canadian government will fail to reverse the “Indigenization” of its prison populations. Systemic racism has kept Indigenous peoples in poverty and restricted their access to education, health care, and employment, and the disproportionate number of Indigenous people in the Canadian criminal justice system is a direct result of these conditions. Policing further perpetuates this cycle of incarceration as Indigenous people are often targeted by racial profiling. Once they’re in interaction with the court system, Indigenous victims are less likely to be afforded alternative sentencing options and more likely to have their requests for assistance ignored.

All contents © 2018 Daily Publications Society. All rights reserved. The content of this newspaper is the responsibility of The McGill Daily and does not necessarily represent the views of McGill University. Products or companies advertised in this newspaper are not necessarily endorsed by Daily staff. Printed by Imprimerie Transcontinental Transmag. Anjou, Quebec. ISSN 1192-4608. EDITORIAL September 12, 2022 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Indigenous women, transgender, Two-Spirit people, and youth are among those most targeted by the justice system. Indigenous women make up half of the women serving sentences in federal prisons. In Saskatchewan, Indigenous women make up 98 per cent of the women in custody. In the years 2014 and 2015, Indigenous young people comprised a third of federal admissions to custody while making up just seven per cent of the general population.

Emma Bainbridge, Hyeyoon Cho, Zach Cheung, Catey Fifield, Auriane Journet, Mikail Malik, Abigail Popple, LizleSinghd élit Philippe Bédard-Gagnon rec@delitfrancais.com

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The Supreme Court of Canada’s landmark decision in R. v. Gladue (1999) – a case surrounding the sentencing of a young Indigenous woman who pleaded guilty to homicide – advised lower courts to make sentencing decisions considering the background of Indigenous offenders based on section 718.2 (e) of the Criminal Code. The Supreme Court stated that the disproportionate number of Indigenous people in the justice system reflects “what may fairly be termed a crisis in the Canadian criminal justice system.” The Gladuedecision also resulted in “Gladue rights” for all persons who self-identify as Indigenous. These rights allow for offenders who identify as Indigenous to prepare a “Gladue report,” which may outline certain circumstances or ways they have been marginalized so that these may be considered in sentencing decisions.

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Canada’s Justice System Is Anti-Indigenous

Anna EmmamanagingZavelskyeditorOliviaShannewseditorsSaylorCatlinBainbridgeZoeListerRobertMuroni commentary + compendium!

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It is essential to recognize the systemic racism and material conditions that have allowed for the number of Indigenous people in prisons to increase drastically. The Canadian government must work to end the socio-economic marginalization of Indigenous peoples, starting with the Calls to Action of the TRC that outline improvements to education, health care, employment opportunities, and child welfare in Indigenous communities. These recommendations provide a path to begin to alleviate the “social and political inequalities, intergenerational trauma, and economic barriers” caused by colonialism that leave Indigenous people at higher risk of involvement with the legal system.

Despite this supposed advancement, the Indigenous population in prisons has been growing by about 44 per cent since April 2010, while the non-Indigenous incarcerated population has decreased by 13.7 per cent during that same period. In practice, Gladue reports may further entrench anti-Indigenous racism in the justice system. According to the First Peoples Law, one “sinister result of Gladue

Support abolitionist movements that promote non-carceral models of justice, such as the Saskatchewan-Manitoba-Alberta Abolition Coalition, Defund the SPVM, and Solidarity Across Borders. Get involved with local organizations that support Montreal’s Indigenous community, like the First Peoples Justice Center of Montreal, the Native Friendship Center of Montreal, and Resilience Montreal.

Catlin,

3480 McTavish St, Room 107 Montreal, QC H3A 0E7 phone 514.398.690 fax 514.398.8318

promise a rental price registry and more rent control. However, the PQ has committed to the construction of intergenerational housing, whereas the QS promotes the construction of 50,000 energy-efficient social housing units.

October 3 Provincial Election you should know as a student voter

Montreal has been hit the hardest by the providewithhousingnationwidecrisisanever-lowvacancyrateof3percentthisyear.Allpartiesofferdifferentsolutionstoaffordablehousing.

Quebec’s provincial elections have brought interest from the federal government and proved to be of nationwide importance – with a strengthened focus on some parties’ separatists tendencies, threatening national unity and generating tensions with the federal government.

the PCQ, 15 per cent for the PLQ, ten per cent for the QS, and seven per cent for the BasedPQ. on polling up to this point from Mainstreet Research and other firms, the CAQ has been leading polls. Québec Solidaire, however, is ahead among the younger voting demographic (18-34). Their agenda, which includes reforms like “surcharging SUVs and other polluting vehicles, creating new taxes on wealth and large inheritances, and a promise to buy 10,000 homes to resell at a discount”, reportedly appear to be the most appealing to young voters. These key promises directly target the youth’s main concerns, namely the economy, the environment, and housing. Yet, the

Auriane Journet News Contributor

What

What is at stake for this election?

News4 September 19, 2022 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

question remains on how to encourage them, who represent almost a third of the electorate, to cast their ballots on election day.

energy, and the CAQ reinforcing the shift to electric cars to reach its 2030’s target (which now also might not be sufficient to meet the deadline). On the other end of the spectrum are the Liberals, who have placed the environment as their main focus and offer a $100B plan to develop a green hydrogen industry. The QS and PQ both have similar ambitions when it comes to increasing protected areas and agricultural lands, along with plans to invest in public transit in the hope to reduce emissions by 50 per cent by Historically2030. an affordable province to live in, Quebec’s rents have been skyrocketing since December 2021. Montreal has been hit the hardest by the nationwide housing crisis with an ever-low vacancy rate of three per cent this year. All parties offer different solutions to provide affordable housing. On the one hand, the CAQ plans on investing $3.7 billion over six years to build affordable housing units (HLMs), and the QLP and CPQ aim to eliminate welcome taxes respectively for firsttime home buyers, and young families. On the other hand, PQ and QS both

Save the date! Election day is on October 3 from 9:30 a.m. to 8 p.m. Elections Quebec will notify you the address at which to vote via mail on election week. To ensure equal access to polls, McGill’s classes, labs, and examinations will be canceled October 3 in all faculties. Moreover, your employer must ensure that you have four consecutive hours to vote during this time range. You will also be able to vote in advance polls directly on campus at 680 Sherbrooke Street West, on September 23, 27 and 28 from 9:30 am. to 8 pm and September 29 from 9:30 a.m. to 2 p.m.

Currently, the National Assembly of Quebec is dominated by the Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAQ), led by François Legault, with a majority of 76 seats. The Quebec Liberals (QLP) have 27 seats, Québec Solidaire (QS) has 10, the Parti Québécois (PQ) has seven, and the Conservative Party of Quebec (CPQ) holds one seat.

What is the current state of the campaign?

Where, when, and how can I vote?

ho can vote?

According to a poll conducted by Mainstreet Research on September 12 on a sample of 1,529 citizens , the CAQ is ahead with 37 per cent of voter’s intentions, followed by 18 per cent for

Inflation in Quebec rose to 7.3 per cent in July 2022 and since then has generated debates between parties on how to alleviate the cost of living. The main divide in the race is between the PQ and other parties. While the PQ opted for progressive and temporary measures, such as one-time payments of $1,200 for people making less than $50,000, and $750 for those making between $50,000 and $80,000, most candidates have promised to cut down taxes. Economist Bouchard-StAmant pointed out the relevance and efficiency of the PQ’s plan, compared to the tax-cut approach that may come at the expense of Quebec and its future generations’ finances.

Hyeyoon Cho| Design Editor

The debate around bills 21 and 96, respectively targeting secularism laws and reinforcing rules around the use of the French language, has been prominent in this race. At the federal level, the bills raise the question of whether they undermine constitutional values, as stated in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom. Consequently, the debate further reinforces Quebec’s identity as its own nation, and thus shows its reluctance to conform to the federal legislature.Legault’s focus on increasing Quebec’s autonomy over the past few years has also been shown through his immigration policy, significantly diverging from Trudeau’s national ambitions. Legault set a limited “capacité d’accueil” of about 50,000 newcomers per year, mainly to protect the French language and Quebec’s culture. While he hopes to maintain this threshold, the Parti Quebecois aims for 35,000 a year, and other parties are proposing higher numbers. Regardless of his position as the middleman on this issue, Legault’s policy doesn’t match the increase in immigration targeted at the federal level, from 431,645 permanent residents in 2022, to 447,055 in 2023 and 451,000 in 2024.

Why is it also important for the rest of Canada?

The upcoming climate strike on September 23 demonstrates once again the public’s concern for environmental issues. As shown by a CBC survey, it is one of the Quebecers’ top priorities, with 31 per cent of respondents placing environment as the most important issue in this election. But just as the 2018 CAQ’s objective to reduce greenhouse gas emissions of 37.5 per cent by 2030 lacks an effective and viable set of measures, other parties are also reluctant in proposing tough policy changes. Measures that appear too costly (eg. gas taxes) or drastic (eg. shift in diet) for the electorate have led Quebec’s political parties to turn to long-term plans, despite the immediate climate urgency. On one end of the spectrum is the CPQ, who chooses not to set emission targets and rather reward customers for saving

To be an eligible voter, you must be 18 years of age or older, a Canadian citizen, have been domiciled in Quebec for six months, and must not be under curatorship nor have lost your electoral rights. Your name and home address must be on the list of electors. To confirm it is , you can check your registration or submit an online application.

While the Party Québecois has historically been in support of independence, it has recently been questioning its relevance due to a lack of popular support after two failed referendums. Appeal to the public opinion is essential for the National Assembly to represent our interests at best, and casting your ballot is indeed the best way to do so!

In a phone interview with the Daily, Engler explained that interrupting the funding announcement was both an attempt to attract media attention to McGill’s complicity in Israeli apartheid, and a way of demonstrating solidarity with Palestinians and pro-Palestine activists. According to Engler, media outlets present at the announcement ignored his interruption, highlighting that The Montreal Gazette’s coverage of the

However, pro-Palestine activists were quick to point out Adams’ history of supporting and financing pro-Israel initiatives. During a university-led event announcing the establishment of the SASSI, writer and pro-Palestine activist Yves Engler interrupted a speech by Principal Suzanne Fortier to denounce the university’s continued suppression of proPalestine activism on campus: “Madame Fortier, do McGill students have the right to oppose Israel killing Palestinian children? Do they have the right to oppose Israeli colonialism and apartheid?” He went on to reference the Palestine Solidarity Policy, the passage of which prompted Deputy Provost Fabrice Labeau to threaten termination of SSMU’s Memorandum of Agreement with McGill in May; ultimately, SSMU’s

The McGill chapter of Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) shared this sentiment: in a written statement sent to the Daily, they described the announcement of SASSI as “sportswashing,” a method of distracting from a country’s human rights offenses by drawing attention to sports enterprises. A journalist from The Times of Israel asked Adams about sportswashing in a 2019 interview, to which he Adams replied that “Haters gonna hate” and explained that he feels he is showing “the real Israel.” SPHR also pointed to a handful of interviews where Adams denied Israeli apartheid, characterizing Israel as a peaceful country despite the fact that Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have found that Israel is committing apartheid against Palestinians. The statement also alluded to the university’s response to the Palestine Solidarity Policy as an example of McGill’s typical response to “students’ activism against Israeli settler colonial apartheid,” writing

Hyeyoon Cho| Design Editor

In an email to the Daily, McGill’s Media Relations Office (MRO) emphasized the need for respect, empathy, and inclusion when debating on campus. “Robust debate is key to what we do and who we are as a University. However, such debate cannot be carried out at the expense of respect and inclusion,” the statement continued – almost a word-for-word reiteration of what Labeau wrote in his May 24 email regarding the Palestine Solidarity Policy. The MRO email concluded by inviting students to participate in the events and activities recommended in the Initiative Against Islamophobia and Anti-Semitism (IAIAS) report; while the iaias@ mcgill.ca email address is open for students to submit feedback, the statement did not specify whether this email would be an appropriate forum through which to present feedback regarding the SASSI.

Board of Directors decided against ratifying the policy, and it was not adopted by the Society. Engler’s video of his interruption – which has accumulated more than 100,000 views on Twitter – ends with shaky footage of attendees averting their gaze as he is escorted out, yelling, “Free Palestine! [...] You’re complicit in Israeli colonialism and violence!”

announcement wholly neglected to mention his comments at the event. Still, Engler succeeded in raising awareness of the university’s response to the Palestine Solidarity Policy and Adams’ pro-Israel involvement via social media, which he believes is an important consequence of interruptions like his: “You get a message out there, but also you’re trying to have a sense of, like, there is a resistance, right? [...] We don’t just allow these people in power to just get away with whatever they want to get away with.”

to divest from South African companies. Although universities may put on a “liberal facade” or “talk a decent game on the climate crisis,” university administrations tend to be conservative bodies that cater to fundraisers, he claimed. To illustrate this point, Engler brought up his own experience within the Concordia Student Union 20 years ago: when students protested an event where Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was scheduled to make a speech, the university had to “get the student activists in line, because there were donors threatening to withdraw their funds,” per Engler.

Abigail Popple Staff Writer

news 5September 19, 2022 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

n August 31, McGill announced the establishment of a new sports science institute, made possible with a large gift from a wealthy donor – “$29-million donation is largest-ever gift to a faculty of education in Canada,” the subheading of the press release boasted. Indeed, Sylvan Adams – the billionaire behind the eponymous Sylvan Adams Sports Science Institute (SASSI) – has spent millions of dollars on educational ventures in Israel and Canada over the past several years. In 2017, Adams funded a similar institute for Tel Aviv University (TAU): the Sylvan Adams Sports Institute. Both establishments tout innovative approaches to sports science, focusing on the study of “optimal health, rather than disease” and seeking to improve the performance of elite athletes. Researchers from McGill and TAU will partner with one another in collaborative research efforts.

When asked how he believed students should express opposition to the establishment of the SASSI, Engler said, “I think the most important thing is to protest, and what the actual mechanism of that protest is, is less important.” He added that increasing pressure from activist groups from outside the university would be key to furthering pro-Palestine messages on campus. SPHR indicated that a response from their organization is forthcoming: “rest assured that this initiative will not be left unanswered. Keep your eyes peeled because once again SPHR will not back down.”

In a September 1 blog post, Engler took issue with Adams funding the institute, writing that Adams has “plowed tens of millions of dollars into various sports and cultural initiatives explicitly designed to whitewash Israeli apartheid and violence.” For example, Adams organized Madonna’s Eurovision performance in Israel and helped fund a soccer tournament so that soccer superstar Lionel Messi could make an appearance in Tel Aviv. Engler told the Daily that these initiatives are “designed to basically whitewash Israeli colonialism.” Adams himself has admitted that he sees sporting events as opportunities to bolster support for Israel among those who are “generally apolitical,” and although he has described himself as Israel’s “self-appointed ambassador at large,” he claims that the work he does is not political. Engler also expressed concern over McGill’s readiness to please influential donors, remarking that universities will oppose any attempt at “meddling” in their financial investments, as has been the case with McGill’s refusal to divest from fossil fuels and its reluctance

Activists criticize donor for “sportswashing” Israeli colonialism

that McGill “runs to appease its donors while giving a big middle finger to its students.”

McGill Announces New Sports Science Institute

As of writing, the university has not publicly acknowledged or responded to Engler’s comments.

The investigation into Myles Sanderson’s death will be conducted by the Saskatoon Police Major Crimes Unit with a civilian organization known as the Serious Incident Report Team (SIRT) serving as an observational watchdog. SIRT is a relatively new project that has two staff members at present and as of July was not considered fully operational. The Saskatoon Police Major Crimes Unit has committed to sharing the results of its investigation into the Saskatchewan police’s management of the Myles Sanderson case with the Ministry of Justice and Attorney General. It is unclear whether there is a plan to make those findings available to

Myles Sanderson dies in custody under “medical distress”

parents pleaded for their son to turn himself in via the media. The chase ended when police forced Mr. Sanderson to drive off the road and into a ditch. Photos show Sanderson standing with his hands behind his back, possibly handcuffed, while being restrained by several RCMP officers. He was arrested on September 7 and was shown alive in photos posted that evening at 6:30 PM EST. His death was announced later the same day.

In Canada, people who have been accused of crimes and detained or arrested by police lose some rights but retain many others. These include the right to medical attention, the right to stand trial, and the right to not be killed by the state. As such, any death of a person in Canada while in the custody of the state merits investigation.

features6 September 19, 2022 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

At the time of his brother’s death, Myles Sanderson had been on the run for several days. His evasion of authorities ultimately culminated in a high-speed chase that led to his arrest. Sanderson’s

Various media outlets reported that Mr. Sanderson’s death was caused by a possible overdose or self-inflicted injuries. Officer Rhonda Blackmore, the spokesperson for the local RCMP who briefed the press, offered no official cause of death. However, Officer Blackmore did share that a knife was found in the car with Sanderson and that he went into “medical distress” some time after his arrest. Blackmore concluded

The term used by Officer Blackmore, “medical distress,” is not a clinical diagnosis. In the last eighteen months, an unnamed 35-year-old man in Alberta and another in British Columbia also went into “medical distress” and died while in RCMP custody. The same phrase was used to describe an incident in late 2021 when an unnamed woman “went into medical distress” while in the custody of the Saskatchewan RCMP. On August 4, 2022, just over a month before Myles Sanderson’s arrest, an unnamed 23-yearold man died hours after being arrested by Morse RCMP. Both incidents prompted an internal investigation whose results have yet to be released. These cases of apparent “medical distress” indicate a possible trend of RCMP personnel exempting themselves from assuming responsibility from medical deaths while possessing someone in custody.

Liz Singh Features Contributor

How the RCMP Perpetuates Canada’s Colonial Legacy

content warning: antiIndigenous racism

Myles Sanderson, a 32-yearold member of the James Smith Cree Nation, died in the custody of the Saskatchewan RCMP on September 7. He was accused of murdering ten people and of injuring another eighteen, most of them fellow members of the James Smith Cree Nation. His younger brother, Damien Sanderson, was accused of participation in the same crimes. Damien was found dead on September 5. Police did not give an official cause of death but said he had sustained injuries that did not appear to be selfinflicted. Myles Sanderson is being investigated as a suspect in the case of his death as well.

by saying that the results of his autopsy would not be released to the public as they were part of an ongoing investigation.

Zach Cheung | Features Editor

At the time of his brother’s death, Myles Sanderson had been on the run for several days. His evasion of authorities ultimately culminated in a high-speed culminated in a high-speed chase that led to his arrest.

federal, are figures of authority, their authority is limited and governed by the law. Equally, people who have been accused of crimes and detained or arrested by police lose some rights but retain many others. These include the right to medical attention, the right to stand trial, and the right to not be killed by the state.

the public. Federal Safety Minister Marco Mendicino said simply that the priority at the moment was “theWhilefamily.”police officers in Canada, whether municipal, provincial, or

His remaining family, mourn a man accused of a horrific crime and about whom little is known by the public except that he had black hair, brown eyes, and a troubled past. And that he, like too many Indigenous peoples in Canada, died while in the custody of the state and behind closed doors.

The Supreme Court of Canada ruled in favour of the survivors.

Myles Sanderson was born in 1990. The last residential school in Canada closed in 1996. Approximately 50 percent of all residential school survivors in Canada live in Saskatchewan, where he grew up. Court records show that Mr. Sanderson had a long and painful history of witnessing, experiencing, and participating in violence. During one of his few times outside of jail in recent years, he was on conditional release under particularly strict and isolating terms: no drugs, no alcohol, and no relationships with women without the permission of his parole officer. The Saskatoon police added via press release that “[t]his investigation is complex and there is no timeline for its anticipated completion.”

Many consider the scope of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to be too narrow. In terms of the calls to action, reconciliation refers only to reconciliation over the atrocities committed in the residential schools. There remain numerous past human rights abuses perpetrated against Indigenous people that are unaccounted for by the commission, such as forced sterilization and the Saskatoon

Canadian institutions, particularly those in which Indigenous peoples are taken into custody, have a long history of violence against Indigenous peoples. Though some truth and reconciliation commissions, such as South Africa’s, are initiated by the state, Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation process began as a result of a court case brought by a union of Indigenous survivors of Canada’s residential school system.

The system was created to bring to life Canada’s first prime minister’s vision of a European colony in the New World and to address the threat that millions of Indigenous peoples posed to that vision. The report goes into great detail about the lasting impact of these human rights

violations on Indigenous peoples in Canada, particularly to those who attended these institutions and their families. To refer to the victims and survivors of those schools as “students” would not be appropriate. The report itself states that the institutions belonged to an educational system in name only. Over four thousand Indigenous children died or went missing while attending residential schools. In many cases, their names were not written on their final resting places. They were buried far away from their families.

features 7September 19, 2022 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Canada’s residential school system, which began in the 1880s under Prime Minister John A. Macdonald and which existed until 1996, was a program of family separation and cultural assimilation that has become internationally notorious for its human rights abuses.

Canada’s treatment of Indigenous peoples has already been decried by several international human rights organizations such as the United Nations and Amnesty International. Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation process ended in 2015. The result was a series of reports detailing the various abuses perpetrated via the residential school system. These included, but were not limited to, physical and sexual abuse as well as the systematic torture of Indigenous children through separation from culture, language, and family. Residents endured physical suffering and humiliation at the behest of the state with the express and stated purpose of breaking their spirits. The report describes these actions in no uncertain terms as “cultural genocide.”

The Truth and Reconciliation report includes a section about the “long shadow” that the incidents described therein have had on the lives of Indigenous peoples and communities in Canada. The pain and destruction wrought by family separation, the attempted erasure of cultural practices, and the violence and isolation experienced by the children in the schools themselves is immeasurable and ever-present.

Police’s infamous Starlight tours. Nor does the publication of this report mean that Canada has changed its ways, which is why it is unsurprising that, as far-reaching as the scope of the commission may have been, Canada has yet to honour even these restrained commitments.

There are some clues as to why this may be the case. An investigation conducted by CBC into the deaths of 61 people who died while in custody after being arrested for public intoxication. They found that, of the cases they reviewed, many of the deaths could be attributed to the person having been left alone or their medical condition having not been addressed. They found that half of all those cases involved Indigenous peoples.

A report by the Office of the Correctional Investigator found that in a ten-year period between 2001 and 2011, 530 people died in federal custody from a range of causes, including natural death, suicide, accident, and homicide. Suicides accounted for 94 of those deaths, and another 29 were

homicides. The remaining 467 were ruled either natural deaths or accidents by the federally-funded investigation. The UN reports that mortality rates for people in prison are twice what they would be otherwise. Indigenous peoples constitute less than five percent of the population of Canada but 30 per cent of people in Canadian federal prisons. In women’s facilities, the proportion is even higher. Indigenous women constitute almost half the female prison population in Canada.

Any death of a person in custodywhileCanadaintheofthestatemeritsinvestigation.

Zach Cheung | Features Editor

Mikail Malik

Mikail Malik|

Commentary Contributor

The Syrian civil war has evolved into a frozen conflict, with Assad’s forces reclaiming over 65 to 70 per cent of Syria.

Commentary Contributor

After fleeing persecution and violence in their homeland they now experience economic subjugation and constant fear of deportation in their host country.

suffering they shoulder each day.

The normalization of the Assad regime in Syria is an abandonment of Syrian people like Bassam and their democratic aspirations. It is crucial that Western governments oppose such normalization and exert pressure on neighboring countries to push for a peace settlement that provides hope for millions of Syrians who fear reprisal if they were to return home. The Syrian refugee crisis will not end so long as the Assad regime remains unaccountable for its crimes against humanity. A UK-based monitoaring group

Before concluding our conversation, Bassam told me that he believes ‘the world has failed the Syrian people.’ His story is a testament to the colossal damage the civil war has had on ordinary people. He spoke teary eyed about not being able to support his mother and younger brother because of the plummeting economic crisis in Lebanon. His life in exile and as a refugee shows no end in sight - he hopes to leave Lebanon to a new place of refuge where he will be better able to support his family in Syria. The cycle of dispossession, exile, and persecution continues to permeate the lives of Syrian refugees who are sprinkled across the region and live in a constant state of fear. Where Bassam will go from here remains unknown, and the same goes for many Syrian refugees who have entered Lebanon since the war broke out.

11 Years On: Revisiting the Syrian Refugee Crisis in Lebanon

he condition of the Syrian refugee is bleak in Lebanon. Since 2019, the country has been hit hard by multiplying crises. The Lebanese currency has lost 90 percent of its value, pushing thousands into a dismal economic condition. Combined with this, there are over 1.5 million Syrian refugees who found their way into the small Middle Eastern country only to find a life equally destitute. Countries in the Middle East such as Lebanon have adopted an obstructionist approach for refugee protection since the beginning of the refugee crisis. This has included house demolitions, collective evictions, and a policy to expel Syrians who entered Lebanon informally after April 24, 2019. Furthermore, it is difficult to imagine Lebanon being a safe haven and place of opportunity for refugees since two-thirds of the population is experiencing abject poverty. Project Manager Lea Kouwatli who works at the Society for Social Support and Education based in Beirut, spoke to me about the difficulty in continuing to provide assistance to the 89 percent of Syrian refugees living in poverty when the Lebanese people experience similar conditions. Thus, refugees living in this small country are trapped in a quagmire. After fleeing persecution and violence in their homeland, they now experience economic subjugation and constant fear of deportation in their host Nine-year-oldcountry. Bassam Ali (whose name has been altered for his safety) is a Syrian refugee who fled the war-torn country in 2015 via smugglers. Bassam escaped to Lebanon in the hope of providing an income for his family who remained in Syria. His father, like many Syrians, was allegedly killed in an airstrike by Assad forces on December 10, 2016. Seven years later, Bassam sleeps at the restaurant where he has been working since 2015 and his prospects for economic mobility remain obsolete. Earning a mere $120 a month, Bassam is unable to pay for rent or a mode of transportation,

called the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) cited at least 159,774 civilians killed, with the Syrian government and its allies responsible for most of those deaths. The argument that Assad is the ‘better of the evils’ ignores the fact that the Syrian revolution’s sole objective was the removal of Assad and his apparatus of oppression. The children of the revolution remain in every street corner of the Middle East – whether in Syria, Lebanon, or Turkey.

and his third-grade level education means employment opportunities are negligible. He left Syria because he rejected the brutalizing and murderous regime of Bashar al Assad. He remains unyielding in his denunciation of the regime and will not return until Assad, who he holds directly responsible for his father’s death, is removed. Bassam is a reminder of the suffering and dispossession that the civil war in Syria created. Yet his generosity and compassion to me when I ate breakfast at his restaurant spoke to the kindhearted nature of defenseless civilians caught in between the crossfire of a war they had no part in creating but whose

Mikail Malik | Commentary Contributor

The Gulf countries’ attempt to rekindle their relations with Syria represents narrow, opportunistic geopolitical objectives based on realpolitik. However, in doing so, the Gulf countries are legitimizing a regime that is responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of 11Syrians.years on, Syrian refugees remain abandoned by their ‘Arab brethren’, and Western governments’ indifference to their suffering is equally worth noting. The war in Ukraine and the ensuing refugee crisis has revealed the double standard that exists for refugee protection. Western governments, especially in Europe, have embraced Ukrainian refugees with a humanitarian approach but the same cannot be said for their response to the Syrian refugee crisis. Apart from Germany –and to a certain extent Turkey –Syrian refugees have been left to fend for themselves in a region that rejects their presence and is dealing with a host of domestic issues. The only way forward is to place the Syrian people’s democratic aspirations at the forefront, and focus on an accountable and transparent peace process that is inclusive of all Syrians – whether in Syria o r in exile as refugees.

commentary

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Rebel forces have fragmented and have no unified command structure to hold on to resistance. Moreover, Arab countries like the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia have begun normalizing Assad who is known as the ‘butcher’ due to the regime’s barbaric attacks on its own people. The International Chemical Weapons Watchdog told the United Nations Security Council that its experts concluded 17 cases where chemical weapons were likely or definitely used against civilians.

visiting earlier this year. Many people in these countries are frustrated with the Royal Family’s refusal to apologize and pay reparations for slavery and other colonial crimes, leading to a desire to sever ties with theUnfortunately,monarchy. criticism of the Queen and the monarchy has been met with resistance from powerful figures and institutions. Dr. Uju Anya, a linguistics professor at Carnegie Mellon University (CMU), was attacked online for wishing “excruciating pain” upon the Queen given the crimes of the British government toward her family after her tweet was quote-tweeted by Jeff Bezos. CMU released a statement calling her words “offensive” and against the university’s values. While CMU claims to stand for “free expression,” tone policing survivors of colonial violence is antithetical to this value. In the UK, people have even been arrested for expressing anti-monarchist sentiments at public events under the new Police, Crime, Sentencing, and Courts bill. With powerful actors invested in maintaining

The Queen has been a staple of British life for several generations, but now that familiarity is gone, it’s a perfect time to interrogate whether the monarchy is really a constructive part of society. Abolishing an institution that’s existed for over a millennium is no simple task, but the Queen’s death means that change is already inevitable. The question is whether it will be for the better for the better.

Emma Bainbridge News Editor

Hyeyoon Cho | Design Editor

content warning: discussion of colonial violence and sexual assault

Lizzy’s in a Box — What’s Next?

Queen Elizabeth II’s death is the perfect opportunity to abolish the monarchy

In addition to colonial crimes, the Queen had recently been involved in several scandals at home that

challenges, taxpayer money will be used to pay for the Queen’s lavish funeral.Throughout Elizabeth’s reign, the relevance of the monarchy’s role in society, particularly outside of Britain, has always been debated. In Canada, especially, this change could be an opportunity to end the country’s constitutional monarchy. Although Prime Minister Justin Trudeau affirmed King Charles’s role as head of state, many Canadians don’t share this sentiment. In April, the Angus Reid Institute found that just over half of Canadians believe that Canada should not remain a constitutional monarchy, with 92 per cent of those respondents believing that it’s worth changing the constitution. The same survey revealed unfavourable opinions of Charles and Camilla and strong opposition to either as Canada’s head of state. Fifty per cent believe that the monarchy is no longer relevant to them, with 49 per cent believing it represents outdatedElsewherevalues.in the Commonwealth, opposition to the British monarchy is growing. Antigua and Barbuda recently announced a plan to hold a referendum as to whether the country should become a republic within the next three years. Other Caribbean countries have also expressed plans to remove the monarch as head of state. Among those are Jamaica and Belize, where Prince William and Princess Kate faced protests upon

While little material support has been provided to ease these cost of living challenges, taxpayer money will be used to pay for the Queen’s lavish funeral.

tainted her public image. A Guardian investigation discovered that the royal family has influenced British legislation in order to conceal their wealth and exempt themselves from government policies that hinder their private interests, such as paying inheritance tax. She continued to support her son, Prince Andrew, despite allegations that he sexually assaulted a teenage Virginia Giuffre at the homes of his friend Jeffrey Epstein. Her grandson Prince Harry and his wife, Meghan Markle, left the Royal Family after Markle endured racism from other royals. Even after her death, there’s outrage that many hospitals, supermarkets, and food banks are closing down or reducing services in mourning, preventing Brits from accessing essential services during a cost of living crisis. While little material support has been provided to ease these cost of living

Queen Elizabeth II leaves behind a legacy of upholding a violent colonial system and refusing to take responsibility for its crimes. She used her influence to protect her family’s wealth and status, putting her own interests above those of her so-called subjects. Instead of remembering her as an inspirational and benevolent figure, it’s important to recognize the true values and history that the monarchy as an institution represents, especially to people colonized by the British.

crown.Throughout her 70-year reign, Elizabeth never apologized for these crimes, nor did she ever attempt to pay reparations to those affected. Even if she wasn’t directly involved in these crimes, she represented the institution in whose name they were committed and profited off the wealth stolen from former British colonies. As Irish socialist James Connolly wrote about her grandfather, George V, “as long as he claims [his ancestors’] rights, by virtue of descent, then, by virtue of descent, he must shoulder the responsibility for their crimes.”

On September 8, Queen Elizabeth II passed away, concluding a historic 70-year reign. While mainstream media are mourning her death, many people on the internet and beyond are using this opportunity to highlight the ways the Queen and, by extension, the royal family, are active participants in colonialism. With the future of Britain and those in its sphere of influence uncertain, now is the perfect time to revisit the question of whether the monarchy should exist at all.

the monarchy’s legitimacy, abolition may be an uphill battle.

As Irish socialist James Connolly wrote about her grandfather, George V, “as long as he claims [his ancestors’] rights, by virtue of descent, then, by virtue of descent, he must shoulder the responsibility for their crimes.”

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For hundreds of years, the monarchy spearheaded British colonial ventures resulting in the creation of the British Empire, an entity built on the subjugation, and genocide of colonized people around the globe. Although many countries gained their independence from the British empire during Elizabeth’s reign, Britain didn’t let them go easily. The British brutally suppressed anti-colonial resistance such as the Mau Mau revolt in Kenya and Bloody Sunday in Ireland. Many of the Crown Jewels used in Elizabeth’s coronation in 1953 were even looted from British colonies, notably the Koh-i-noor diamond from India, which sits on top of the

Hyeyoon Cho | Design Editor

Culture10 September 19, 2022 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

n the documentary film

Hyeyoon Cho Design Editor

There’s Something in the Water insists that viewers take forms of violence seriously that have led to the gradual deaths, destructions, and violence over time. Indeed, it demands the viewers to look beyond the immediate, the visceral, and the obvious in the explorations of

content warning: racism, death, colonial violence

There’s Something in the Water (2019), Elliot Page brings attention to the injustices caused by environmental racism in his home province, Nova Scotia. Inspired by Dr. Ingrid Waldron, whose book addresses the systematic environmental racism that has led to health damages for Black and Indigenous peoples in Canada, the film follows Page as he listens to the Indigenous and AfricanNova Scotian women fighting against decolonization,Tuckactivistsfocusesrangeaccretive,violenceNixontheworks,Wayne(2009)’sborrowingonagainstresiliencetheenvironmentalfilmStewiacke.A’Se’kgrassrootsoffocusesandtheirenvironmentalgovernment-sanctionedracismtoprotectcommunities,theirland,theirfutures.Thefilmonthreedifferentsitesenvironmentalracismandactivism:Shelburne,(BoatHarbour),andAteachsite,thecapturesthehistoryofdegradationincommunityaswellastheofactivistsfightingtheharmsincurredtheirlandandwater.ByfromRobNixonandEveTuckandK.Yang(2012)’stheoreticalthisarticleexamineshowfilmtellsastoryaboutwhatterms“slowviolence”–thatisincrementalandplayingoutacrossaoftemporalscales.ItalsoonhowthegrassrootsinthefilmspeaktoandYang’spropositiononapracticethat

In addition to showing the effects of this site, the film listens to Delisle’s community and their concerns about the invisible health impacts this toxic site continues to have. For example, Page follows Delisle as she drives around the neighbourhood and shows the sobering cases of cancer rates in the community. At one moment, she stops at a house where the entire family living there died from cancer, all in the years since the dump opened. Delisle tells Page that the community believes the dump has caused this. In these poignant moments, the film alludes to what Nixon has termed “slow violence” – violence that materializes over more extended periods of time, quietly and modestly. The slow violence of water degradation presents the viewers with a geography of deferred environmental threats, where violence is outsourced to communities that have been

overflowing, the municipality burned the piles to make space for more waste. Delisle recalls the smoke, ash, and soot that filled the air whenever the dump was set afire.

The film opens with Dr. Waldron explaining how environmental racism is the disproportionate exposure of Indigenous, Black, and other communities of colour to environmental burdens, pollutants, and contaminants.

The film also discusses the slow response of the government to address these issues. In other words, where you live has bearing on your well-being. The first major location looked at is an area outside Shelburne, which contains Nova Scotia’s largest concentration of Black residents. Lousie Delisle, a local activist, tells Page about a landfill created in 1942 that served as the Shelburne Town Dump. This landfill has been located at the south end of Shelburne, right next to the Black neighbourhood. Since its creation, the municipality has dumped all garbage from the town, including hospital waste, shipyard and naval waste, animal carcasses, chemicals, and old car parts, into the landfill. Once the dump was

[T]he film tells a story about what Nixon terms “slow violence” – violence that is incremental and accretive, playing out across a range of temporalscales.

on the bodies of Black residents. Thus, Delisle highlights the representational stakes that the nature of slow violence presents; how do we make sense of longform disasters that do not display themselves in spectacular moments of terror as a single event but instead quietly accumulate their damage over time? She does this by taking the viewers to peoples’ homes and speaking to elders. Her witnessing of harms involves countless stories, so common in the residential area, of family members becoming ill and dying from cancer. These are the most intimate means of

historically marginalized. Just as Delisle is taking Page (a surrogate for the wider audience) to the residential area where a disproportionate number of cancer patients has been recorded among Black residents, it is the communities who are exposed to slow violence and are best placed to witness its gradual injuries. These scenes show that everyday exposure to the accumulations of slow violence is not necessarily a formless threat but often a tangible brutality. Although the source of these health threats cannot be grasped with our eyes, the toxic pollution manifests itself

Representing environmental racism and resistance

Fighting Slow Violence: A Review of There’sSomethingintheWater

starts with the land, as well as the subversion of the colonial powers controlling that land.

spill, the slow violence of environmental degradation exemplifies how discrimination predates disaster. It’s not about individual hostility and the bad intentions behind slow responses from the government, but one needs to look at the role of structural and hegemonic forms of racism in contributing to such inequalities.

noticing the slow violence of water degradation in a community, and the film poignantly captures them.

What is important is that Tuck and Yang highlight how moves toward decolonization require an understanding of settlercolonialism as it operates in the North American context from which they are writing. Drawing from the work of Patrick Wolfe, Tuck and Yang emphasize the distinct structure of settlercolonialism as being founded on Indigenous elimination and territorial appropriation. Because the land is the most essential aspect of settler colonialism – whether to extract its resources or to impose sovereignty over a delineated piece of it, decolonization starts with the land. decolonization is not a metaphor because colonialism is about the control of land, and conversely, decolonization requires the complete subversion of the power(s) controlling that land.

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Water grapples with the slow violence of environmental degradation and racism, which disproportionately impact Black and Indigenous communities in Nova Scotia. Nevertheless, the film’s mode of story-telling revisits the quotidian micropolitics of living and relating within geographies where extractive industries and state violence continue to leave a deep imprint. In doing so, the film sheds light on these lives that persist despite conditions of precarity.

exposure to social harms; it is also about uneven structures that allow such brutalities to gradually propagate in the first place. The film turns to the other two locations, both primarily inhabited by Indigenous peoples. In A’Se’k, or Boat Harbour, the Pictou Landing First Nation have been battling neglect and colonialism in their community around the site of a Pulp and Paper Mill. Furthermore, the film visits Mi’kmaw tribal lands, where a group of Grassroots Grandmothers is opposing a new threat caused by Alton Gas, a company that plans to release mass quantities of salt brine into the Shubenacadie River, an apparent violation of treaty agreements.

For example, the film’s Michele Francis-Denny, from the Pictou Landing First Nation, recounts a colonial history of deception and betrayal from provincial government representatives. When the Scott Paper Company opened the Pulp and Paper Mill in 1965 and proposed to pipe the effluent from the treatment plant to Boat Harbour for dumping, Chief Raymond Francis raised concerns about the environmental impact this would have on the water, especially how it would affect fishing. The Nova Scotia Water Authority approached the Chief and the Council and told them there would be no environmental impacts. However, one of the Water Authority members took her grandfather to a municipal water treatment plant instead of a mill treatment plant. After being shown this façade, the Chief accepted a $65,000 offer from the Water Authority, who had him sign a document stating the Pictou Landing First Nation relinquished their water rights in exchange for this payment. Within a week of the mill operating, masses of dead fish floated in the water along Boat Harbour. The community has also been hit with high rates of cancer-related death and suicide in the past fifty years. In these moments, the film takes seriously the knowledge claims of communities who live in toxic spaces, and in doing so it unravels the power structures and politics that perpetuate the uneven geographies of pollution.

In these activist spaces, the community activists anchor what Tuck and Yang conceptualize about decolonization. They explain that the language of decolonization has been subsumed into broader discourses on “social justice, critical methodologies, or approaches which decenter settler perspectives” without regard for the fact that decolonization is a distinct political project from these other forms of justice. Because metaphorical decolonizing discourses – usually led by nonIndigenous peoples – generally attempt to mitigate the effects of colonialism rather than strive for the complete abolition of

What becomes important later in the film is how communities themselves bear witness to slow violence, which questions the implicit invisibility of environmental injustices. By capturing moments of resistance against structural powers, the film highlights that slow violence is not simply about time and uneven

As Nixon states, adequate representation is needed to mobilize political will around violence that is not naturally spectacular. If slow violence provokes one to expand their definition of harm, There’s Something in the Water insists that viewers take forms of violence seriously that have led to gradual deaths, destructions, and violence over time. Indeed, it forces the viewers to look beyond the immediate, the visceral, and the obvious in the explorations of violence. Delisle argues that the effects of these spills span over a lifetime; they

in the area. There remains a constant worry about health in the A’Se’k community, but there are also concerns about the land. After approximately 27 million litres of effluent spilled into Boat Harbour in 2014, Pictou Landing First Nation occupied the area in protest. Francis-Denny explains that “we’re doing it because we need a future. We need to be connected to the land. We need to, you know, have sustainable environment for our kids, for our kids’ kids […] we are doing this because we’re meant to be here and do this.” Moreover, Page talks with various Water Protectors from the Mi’kmaq community, including the Grassroots Grandmothers, who have been protesting to prevent abuses of treaty rights and to prevent environmental harm since 2018. Just as in Shelburne and Boat Harbour, the thrust of activist work in Stewiacke is led by women who are water carriers and water protectors. The proposed deposit would be located in the Shubenacadie River, unceded land and a sacred site for the Mi’kmaq which acted as a superhighway that connected their territory. Refusing to allow the company to destroy the river, the Grassroots Grandmothers built a truck house on the river in accordance with article 4 in the 1752 Treaty and occupied the area along the Shubenacadie River. This began the site of near-daily resistance to government and corporations opening territory to development, breaking treaty rights. In April of 2019, three Grandmothers were arrested in what the water protectors call the criminalization of Indigenous peoples. The Alton Gas protests are ongoing in the Stewiacke area.

The dump permanently closed in July 2016, but fear remains about what’s buried underground and if it’s seeping into the water. The neighbourhood is not serviced by a municipal water supply, and its residents have no choice but to use well water from nearby streams, and they’re concerned that waste from the dump site has leached into water. Well tests have shown high levels of arsenic in the water as well as E. coli, coliform, and contaminated wells. Delisle has been fighting for an environmental bill of rights and for compensation for their community, but they continue to be ignored or silenced by local and provincial levels of government. Therefore, in Nixon’s account, “the failures to maintain protective structures, failures at pre-emergency hazard mitigation, failures to maintain infrastructure, failures to organize evacuation plans for those who lack private transport, all of which make the poor and racial minorities disproportionately vulnerable to catastrophe.” This points to the discriminatory logic under which environmental racism operates and, in the case of the Shelbourne toxic

Francis-Denny then takes Page to visit the effluent treatment facility, and viewers see the raw, untreated effluent coming directly into the mill as a ghostly vapour floats over the water

is also a shared responsibility. The women protestors, in condemning the actions of the government and corporations, argue that the irreversible damage to future generations’ land and water needs to be accounted for by settler-colonial and corporate institutions. Their concerns are made clear, over and over again, as protestors cite the necessity of protecting water for their children and/ or grandchildren. In doing so, the film shows how the communities are shifting toward their desire for an Indigenous future by acknowledging the legacy of exploitation, land loss, and cultural loss as well as the role of women in healing the community. The film is also quick to point out that it is not these damages that define the affected Indigenous communities; it is their resilience and continuing resistance. Indigenous resistance has consistently engaged with the impacts of capitalist violence and power within the context of settler-colonial Canada. Their critiques of such formations of colonial power are built around the conceptualizations of the future, which speak to the fact that decolonization is inherently about land and selfdetermination. Indeed, their protests against the extractive colonial power are forms of imagining alternative futures for their communities, which have the possibility to carve open spaces for more concrete enactments of decolonization and self-determination for Indigenous peoples and their future

colonial power structures, these moves ultimately serve to uphold rather than dismantle colonialism.

The women protestors, in condemning the actions of the government and corporations, argue that the irreversible damage to future generation’s land and water needs to be accounted for by settler-colonial and corporate institutions.

There’sgenerations.Something in the

[D]ecolonizing discourses– usually led by non-Indigenous peoples –generally attempt to mitigate the effects of colonialism rather than strive for the complete abolition of colonial power structures, these moves ultimately serve to uphold rather than dismantle colonialism.

are often attritional, disguised, and temporally latent.

What is important in these representations of Indigenous resistance against water degradation is that they first highlight the modalities of Indigenous land-connected practices and their longstanding experiential knowledge informs their ethical engagements with the land. Indeed, as the Grassroots Grandmothers tell the viewers, water is the source of life and water is a gift, but it

ednesday, September 8, marked the first day of Ajuinnata at McGill, an event series “highlighting Inuit excellence, achievement, and perseverance.” It also aims to facilitate a range of opportunities for the McGill and Montreal communities to engage with Inuit leaders, scholars, artists, and their work. Organized by the Office of the Provost and Vice-Principal (Academic) and the Indigenous Studies and Community Engagement Initiative (ISCEI), Ajuinnata at McGill will run until October 25 and will feature presentations by notable Inuit figures, including political leaders, health and wellness experts, climate change activists, artists, and curators.

The real star of the evening, however, was Inuk elder Reepa Evic-Carleton, who performed a ceremonial lighting of the qulliq, a traditional oil lamp usually made of soapstone and filled with seal oil or whale blubber. Evic-Carleton hails from a small Inuit village on what

Ajuinnata (“aye-yoo-ee-nahtah”) means “to never give up and to commit oneself to action, no matter how difficult the cause may be.” In choosing this name for the series, the Office of the Provost and Vice-Principal (Academic) writes, McGill seeks “to recognize the Inuit studying, researching, teaching, and working in the McGill community, who champion ajuinnata and help move McGill forward.”

You might have missed the opening ceremony and exhibition vernissage, but there’s still time to celebrate Ajuinnata at McGill. All members of the McGill and Montreal communities are invited to attend the following: a screening of the film Three Thousand and a Q&A session with the director, asinnajaq (September 20); a roundtable discussion on Inuit self-governance (September 22); an Inuit games demonstration (September 28); a talk by the curator and anthropologist Krista Ulujuk Zawadski (September 29); the Zacharias Kunuk Film Festival (October 4, 18, and 25); a conversation on Inuit health and wellness (October 17); and a Climate change presentation by Sheila WattCloutier. Members of the Indigenous community are invited to attend a niriqatigiit (“coming together to eat”) with Chef Trudy Metcalf-Coe on September 26.

The series kicked off with an opening ceremony and exhibitio vernissage at the MacdonaldHarrington Building, where the Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit: Art, Architecture, and Traditional Knowledge exhibition and the McGill Visual Arts Collection’s complementary Inuit art installation, Takunnanguaqtangit, remain on display. Professor Celeste Pedri-Spade, McGill’s first Associate Provost (Indigenous Initiatives), addressed a crowd of about fifty people, as did Interim Principal Christopher Manfredi and, via a somewhat off-putting pre-recorded video, Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations Marc Miller. Isabelle Laurier, the curator of Inuit Quajimajatuqangit, then discussed her goals of integrating Inuit artwork into architecture and of giving Inuit artists visibility in an exhibition that has visited venues across Quebec, Iceland, and Dubai in the last five years.

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were snow goggles, invented by the Inuit some eight hundred years ago to protect against snow blindness. “The Inuit were geniuses,” the man remarked. Although he used the past tense, it became clear to us both as we circled the exhibition room, continually raising our eyebrows in surprise as we drank in the written wisdom that accompanied the visual presentation, that the Inuit are geniuses still.

of Richard Budgell, an Assistant Professor in the Department of Family Medicine and an organizer of Ajuinnata at McGill, “It’s a beautiful term because it’s allencompassing.” Laurier’s exhibit celebrates the convergence of Inuit art and architecture in the construction of the Canadian High Arctic Research Station (CHARS), located in Ikaluktutiak (Cambridge Bay), Nunavut. A competition opened to Inuit artists across the Inuit Nunangat territory – which encompasses Nunatsiavut, Nunavik, Nunavut, and Inuvialuit – solicited drawings and a sculpture from seven artists: Victoria Grey, Ulaayu Pilurtuut, Timotee (Tim) Pitsiulak, Sammy Kudluk, Ningiukulu Teevee, Koomuatuk (Kuzy) Sapa Curley, and Bobby Nokalak Anavilok. The

artworks, digitally enlarged to cover the walls and floors of the research station, “illustrate the traditional Inuit knowledge’s contribution to the development of world-class science and technology, showcasing the past and present resourcefulness and inventiveness of the Inuit,” saysInuitLaurier.

Catey Fifield | Copy Editor

Quajimajatuqangit challenges the myth that Indigenous knowledge and traditional knowledge are incompatible with Western science. It recognizes Inuit ingenuity and the impact this ingenuity has on EuroCanadian enterprises in Canada’s Arctic. While I stood staring at a sunglasses-shaped diagram, a man approached me and asked if I knew what it was I was looking at. He explained to me that they

Ajuinnata at McGill Celebrates Inuit “Excellence, Achievement, and Perseverance”

Catey Fifield Copy Editor

is known as Baffin Island. When she was six years old, she and her family were forcefully relocated to “the South,” where she has lived ever since and where she once worked as a counsellor and program coordinator for the Ottawa Inuit Children’s Centre. Evic-Carleton may be far removed, by distance and by time, from her home in Nunavut, but she has fond memories of the qulliq. She explained to the audience the many uses of the lamp, among them lighting, heating, cooking, melting ice, and drying clothing. For Evic-Carleton, to feel the flames of the qulliq today is to recall a quieter, more tranquil way of life. “It’s soothing to me, and it’s grounding for me,” she Followingsaid.the opening ceremony, guests were ushered into the Exhibition Room of the MacdonaldHarrington Building to view the Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit exhibit and to enjoy hors-d’œuvres prepared by the award-winning Inuk chef Trudy Metcalfe-Coe. Having consumed far more than my fair share of feta cheese cups and blueberry-lemon parfait, I was ready to take in the stunning photos, videos, drawings, and sculptures capturing Inuit QuajimajatuqangitQaujimajatuqangit means “Inuit ways of knowing” and “Inuit ways of doing things.” In the words