The McGill Daily: Vol. 112, Issue 20

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Table of Contents

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3. Editorial Support for asylum seekers in Quebec

4. Food for Thought The food problem at Macdonald Campus

News ECOLE Project Turpel-Lafond degree revoked

Culture Review of X’s Pearl

Features Interview with Balarama Holness

Letter to the Editor Divest McGill on the Sustainability Report

Compendium Women’s History

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Léonard Smith

Care and Dignity for Asylum-Seekers

On February 21, Premier François Legault wrote an open letter to The Globe and Mail calling on the Trudeau government to shut down Roxham Road, an unofficial border crossing between New York and Quebec, in order to control the recent influx of asylumseekers to Quebec. Legault remarked that “this situation […] raises several humanitarian considerations, as it is becoming increasingly difficult to receive asylum-seekers with dignity.”

Legault’s letter responds to an influx of refugee claimants crossing the US border through various unofficial entry points since 2017. Quebec has received much of this surge. In 2022, the province received 39,171 of the 39,540 Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) interceptions in the country; these numbers represent the majority of asylum-seekers processed at unofficial border points. Of the total asylum claimants in 2022, Quebec processed 58,995 of the total 92,100 asylum claimants. This is a massive increase in the number of claimants compared to 2021, when pandemic restrictions were still in place. That year, Quebec only processed 10,085 of the country’s total 24,920 asylum claimants.

In the first two months of 2022, 4,500 people applied for asylum after crossing Roxham Road. Despite being an unofficial crossing, there is a semi-permanent RCMP post set up by the federal government along the road for police officers to begin processing asylum claims. Many migrants use this unofficial crossing under the Safe Third Country Agreement. The joint Canada-US agreement, which came into effect in 2004, states that refugee claimants are required to request refugee protection in the first safe country they arrive in. Yet the agreement does not address unofficial points of entry. While it is illegal for asylum-seekers to cross the border anywhere other than official points of entry, once in Canada, they are legally allowed to apply for asylum, which is a step toward refugee status.

and administrative delays within the federal asylum application process, would-be refugees are being pushed to access homeless shelters. These shelters are already overwhelmed in the winter. Sam Watts, head of homeless shelters with the Welcome Hall Mission, has reported a rise over the last few months in asylum-seekers looking for a place to stay. Watts also that homelessness is a relatively new phenomenon for the asylum-seeker population in Montreal. Jean-Sébastien Patrice, head of a community food service in the Côte-des-Neiges district, noted, “our services are stretched to the maximum. We are at 400 per cent of our capacity, without substantial funding to meet the needs.” The Centre de pédiatrie sociale de Saint-Laurent, a Montreal pediatric centre, has said that 90 per cent of their new applicants are asylumseekers.

The influx of asylum-seekers has affected public schools as well. In 2022, the Centre de services scolaire de Montréal received 1,500 new registrations in two months, with the vast majority of these being asylumseekers who require French language classes. To further complicate issues, fixed addresses are required for school enrollment, although a shortage of affordable housing continues to be an obstacle for many, and families may search for months before finding housing.

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Beyond closing Roxham Road, Legault and other politicians have been calling on Trudeau to renegotiate the Safe Third Country Agreement with the US. It is unclear whether these demands will be met or how effective they would be. In July, Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada began transferring migrants arriving in Quebec to Ottawa and Niagara Falls to reduce the strain on Quebec’s social services. Some advocates are questioning this decision, claiming that redirecting would-be refugees does not solve the problem. “What if some of these asylum seekers coming in have family here?,” asks Dina Souleiman, Executive Director of the Welcome Collective. Cities where migrants are transferred are also experiencing strains on their social services. The transferring of migrants outside of Quebec is not an adequate response to this influx. Rather, social services in Quebec and beyond need better funding and resources to treat would-be refugees with care and dignity.

Legault’s letter caused concern for the strain that such an influx has put on the province’s housing, education, and social services. Due to a lack of resources for organizations mandated to help asylum-seekers

Several community organizations across Montreal have formed a coalition calling on the provincial and federal governments to provide further funding to better assist refugees and asylum-seekers coming to the city. They have called for the lifting of regulations limiting immigration and asylum applicants’ access to services, including French-language classes, subsidized daycare, employment services, and legal support. Asylum-seekers are not eligible for the same aid as other immigrants, and waiting lists to get work permits can stretch to two years. Once in Canada, it can take five years or more to find out if one qualifies for refugee status, and even then only about 50 per cent of people are accepted.

The surge in refugees and asylum-seekers is not a global problem – it’s a global responsibility. It is imperative that refugees and asylum-seekers are provided with immediate humanitarian care as well as tools to flourish in their asylum countries. As the Quebec and Canadian governments continue to work toward a long-term solution to this recent influx, the well-being of asylumseekers must be prioritized. The government of Quebec has listed services and resources available for asylumseekers. Support organizations like Foyer du Monde, a Montreal organization offering temporary housing and support services to asylum-seekers, refugees, or those settling without status, as well as Welcome Hall Mission, the Welcome Collective, and the Centre de pédiatrie sociale de Saint-Laurent. Advocate for a comprehensive and inclusive regularization program that would reduce the barriers for undocumented migrants to obtain status by signing Migrant Rights Network’s petition. You can also attend an action organized by Solidarité sans frontières on March 18 to demand status for all.

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Food Access on Macdonald Campus Students say they lack adequate food options

Eva Elbert News Contributor

Food for Thought is a new column investigating food services at McGill and documenting the conversations happening on campus around food affordability and accessibility.

Macdonald campus, home to McGill’s Agricultural and Environmental Sciences, Food Science, and Nutritional Sciences programs, lacks adequate food access. Marché Richelieu in Sainte-Anne-De-Bellevue closed its doors in early January, leaving students and residents without access to a grocery store within walking distance. Café Twigs, one of the two eateries on campus, shut down on February 1 due to asbestos cleaning in the Raymond, Macdonald-Stewart and Barton buildings. Nearby Provigo in Baie D’Urfé, which previously provided a weekly shuttle for students, announced that they would close for 3 months at the end of March to convert into a Maxi.

Students living on-campus without a car must choose between ordering groceries online, taking transit to a grocery store further away, or using McGill’s grocery bus service. McGill currently runs two shuttles that leave from the Laird Hall residence at 6:45 p.m. to the Walmart in Vaudreuil and depart the store at 8:30 p.m. These departure times may interfere with students’ other commitments. In an interview with the Daily, Zell Song, VicePresident External of Macdonald Campus Students’ Society (MCSS), reported that they conducted a survey of grocery needs among the student population to see which times might work better.

“We didn’t get a lot of responses, but from those that we have, [we found that] most people are concerned about food access,” she described. “We suggest[ed] Monday 6-8 p.m. and also Thursday 6-8 p.m. [to the housing office] so it’s spread out over the week, but that’s something the school needs to negotiate with the bus company to see if it’s possible.”

These problems are not new for the Macdonald campus. Maya Côté, who studies at Macdonald campus, informed the Daily that Marché

Richelieu “didn’t have as many items as you could find in big Maxi or IGA stores, and [she] also felt like it was more expensive as well, so on a student budget, it’s really not convenient.”

She noted that the Provigo is also in the higher price range and that the weekly shuttle could be stressful. “I kind of like to take my time, look at the items, compare the value, the nutritional value, stuff like that. I felt like you couldn’t really do that,” Côté pointed out.

There are two eateries on campus, Café Twigs and the Ceilidh restaurant. Café Twigs is the second location of a locally-owned small business in Sainte-Anne and sources ingredients from the Macdonald Farm. While it has been closed due to asbestos cleaning in the Barton and Macdonald-Stewart Buildings, the buildings are currently set to open Tuesday, March 14. The Ceilidh restaurant is still operating and is fully run by the MCSS. According to a statement from McGill, the John Abbott College cafeteria next door is also accessible to McGill students and faculty.

Sam Liptay, another student at Macdonald campus, told the Daily

that Café Twigs and the Ceilidh are relatively affordable and healthy compared to the downtown cafeterias. “When I’m on campus here, I certainly don’t skip meals necessarily as much as I would downtown,” he said. Côté agreed, adding, “I really enjoy Twigs and the Ceilidh. But then again, they close at like, [3:00] p.m […] let’s say you have a class that finishes at 5:30. If you want to grab something to eat, everything’s closed.”

Students on campus are working to fill the gap left by the administration, but face a lack of institutional support. Côté is the co-president of Happy Belly, a volunteer-run organization that provides free vegan meals on Thursday mornings and gives out leftover perishables on-campus. “We can’t address the whole food desert problem because I feel like we’re just kind of a bandaid on a womb,” she expressed. “We only cook one evening a week [...] we can’t serve everybody on campus.” They cannot provide more meals because they rely on volunteers.

Liptay is a member of the Macdonald Student-Run Ecological Gardens (MSEG), a fully student-run vegetable farm that sells to hundreds of members of the McGill, Montreal, and Sainte-Anne communities, and experiences similar challenges. “It’s really hard, this choice between [...] not pay[ing] anybody enough money at the farm and also feel[ing] like we’re selling our vegetables for too much money,” he described. MSEG has

always provided a student discount and is offering five half-priced Community Supported Agriculture baskets this summer and fall in order to improve accessibility.

Finding a balance between eating sustainably and affordably is a common struggle at Macdonald campus. Marché Sainte-Anne is a year-round farmers’ market that students and residents can access, but maintains a higher price point. The Mac Market also sells produce from the Macdonald Horticultural Center from July to November.

Macdonald campus offers numerous classes on food topics. “A lot of people get more involved in food systems and realize how much work goes into making a good food system and paying more money for good food,” Liptay noted. “But there’s also this problem of food insecurity and people not being able to afford food and skipping meals.”

The academic focus on food security leads to many student-led initiatives, such as the Ceilidh, Happy Belly, MSEG, and Buy Your Own Bulk, which provides zero-waste dry food at an affordable price. However, much of this programming is unable to expand due to inadequate administrative support. Song explained that Ceilidh would likely be unable to increase its hours while covering costs and accommodating the student-workers’ schedules. Côté mentioned that she could not implement a composting project she was working on, expressing that “it’s always a lack of funding that kind of comes into play.”

“We don’t get any money from the university apart from the land [... ] So it doesn’t really feel like I’m running a lovely educational experience for students, which is kind of what you’d hope at a university,” Liptay added. “It feels like I’m running a business that also has to deal with [bureaucratic processes] from the university.”

Working to solve food access can be daunting for students both downtown and at Macdonald campus. “Students are organizing against the food desert situation in general, but then it’s really hard because it also involves the cities and municipalities and bigger scale governance,” Côté said. “Student groups and student organization can go a really long way in creating change, but I also know with the high turnover that there is in any university, it’s hard to maintain organization,” Liptay described.

Students in MSEG spend their first growing season as apprentices learning from the managers, then become managers their second growing season. This cyclical management system has allowed MSEG to continue running for more than 10 years. Liptay called for similar “institutional avenues of student participation in decision making and governance” at McGill.

He added, “The most important part for me is for McGill to allow space for students to be more directly involved in their food system and have the opportunity and be encouraged to operate student-run cafes, food spaces, and food systems.”

Students living on-campus without a car must choose between ordering groceries online, taking transit to a grocery store further away, or

Clement Veysett |Illustrations Editor

ECOLE Project at McGill Sustainability and community find a home on University Street

Maya Pack Staff Writer

The ECOLE Project, based out of the ECOLE House at 3559 University Street, is a student housing cooperative and “physical hub for the McGill and Montreal sustainablility communities.” It is currently home to eight ECOLE Facilitators –McGill students who organize ECOLE’s events and initiatives. Having reduced operations during the pandemic, ECOLE is now working to rekindle its presence on campus. This year, ECOLE members are focusing primarily on outreach and network-building, through space-booking and working with other McGill organizations to host events in the ECOLE House.

“We really want to put the social in social sustainability,” said Lake Liu, an ECOLE Facilitator. “We try to make this a space for people who are interested in sustainability, people who even have this inkling of desire to learn more about sustainability. If we can just get one person who might not previously be involved in a single activity interested to learn more, I think we’ve served our purpose.”

Common areas of the ECOLE House are available for booking, free of charge, by “any student or community group with a social or material sustainability mandate.” Available spaces include the living room, a meeting room, and a dining room/kitchen.

“For us it’s a little bit more intimate because this is an actual living space,” said Liu. “We’re inviting people from all these different clubs to come in, and we get to meet them, and we open doors for people when they come in. [...] We help them and they help us and that’s something that’s been really special.”

For their events, ECOLE does not exclusively collaborate with clubs that have a primary focus on sustainability; they

have previously worked with the McGill Student’s Culinary Society, Student Nights Against Procrastination, and more.

“We’re just trying to have a lot of different clubs collaborate, make partnerships with different clubs or outside of the sustainability sphere. And that way, if you don’t have a history of sustainable activism or if you don’t really have a lot of lived experience within the ecological sort of focus, we want to invite you. We want to just open our doors,” said Liu.

According to Liu, ECOLE’s goal in doing this is to increase interest in sustainability. They focus especially on accessibility, with the aim that students of marginalized identities or those without a background in student activism can participate equally in sustainability spaces. “I think there’s also this conversation of privilege that needs to be had within sustainability on campus and in the larger world,” said

Liu. “A lot of our events are targeted towards addressing these inequalities and promoting sort of more accessible forms of sustainability. It doesn’t have to necessarily be participating in activism; it could just be an everyday sort of living, just a little bit more sustainable sort of thing.”

As an example, Liu described the Kimchi making workshop hosted by ECOLE in collaboration with the Culinary Society: “While it’s not really something that I guess a lot of people would associate with sustainability, I think just teaching this sort of style of cooking and preserving vegetables [means that] in the future, if people end up with more vegetables than they can eat, they can do this sort of technique and make their own campaign. That intrinsically makes sustainability a sort of daily thing.”

“I met so many more people on campus this year at ECOLE events,” said Claire Xu, an ECOLE Facilitator. “It’s been really amazing to see so many diverse perspectives in one spot at once, and we’re just all enjoying each other’s company at potlucks or workshops or any events that are being held at ECOLE.”

She described a therapy dog session hosted by ECOLE in November: “It was just really wholesome watching people who hadn’t met each other form new friendships, hearing conversations. Everybody’s different and had something to say, and had something to add to that gathering, and that was just a lot of fun to be a part of.”

“My favourite part about being a facilitator is just the

we’re really trying to grow as an organization,” said Liu, mentioning their upcoming referendum (March 13–17) and facilitator hiring for the next academic year. The ECOLE Project is active on Instagram and posts updates about their events and other sustainability and student life events happening on campus. They also have a website, an email list, and a Facebook.

community,” said Liu. “As a student who’s not from Quebec, who doesn’t have family here, this has been like a home away from home. When I come back home, there’s always somebody to talk to, somebody to study with, somebody to eat a meal with. And that to me is just really sweet and heartwarming.”

“We have a lot of really exciting things happening and

“We try to make this a space for people who are interested in sustainability, people who even have this inkling of desire to learn more about sustainability. If we can just get one person who might not previously be involved in a single activity interested to learn more, I think we’ve served our purpose.”

- Lake Liu, ECOLE Facilitator

ECOLE Project | Photos Contributor

ECOLE Project | Photos Contributor

“[I]f you don’t have a history of sustainable activism or if you don’t really have a lot of lived experience within the ecological sort of focus, we want to invite you. We want to just open our doors.”

- Lake Liu

McGill Revokes TurpelLafond’s Honorary Degree

On February 24, Interim Principal and ViceChancellor Christopher P. Manfredi announced in an email to the McGill community that the McGill University Senate had voted to revoke the honorary degree granted to Mary Ellen TurpelLafond in 2014. The decision to revoke Turpel-Lafond’s Doctor of Laws (LLD) degree, honoris causa, was based on a recommendation of the Honorary Degrees and Convocations Committee (HDCC). An ad hoc subcommittee had been reviewing Turpel-Lafond’s case since November of last year, after a CBC investigation revealed factual errors in some of Turpel-Lafond’s claims about her Cree ancestry, her Treaty Indian status, the community she grew up in, and her academic achievements.

The HDCC subcommittee was advised by Professor Celeste Pedri-Spade, McGill’s Associate Provost (Indigenous Initiatives).

According to Manfredi’s email, it “carried out its work diligently” and “in accordance with procedural fairness.” In line with McGill’s role “as an institution of higher learning committed to academic integrity,” the subcommittee focused its review on questions concerning TurpelLafond’s curriculum vitae, but it did not ignore questions raised with respect to her Treaty Indian status. Subcommittee members communicated with Turpel-Lafond throughout the review process, and they examined documentation that Turpel-Lafond provided them. In the end, however, the subcommittee “found evidence calling into question the validity of information about academic credentials and accomplishments

appearing on Ms. Turpel-Lafond’s curriculum vitae.” It noted also that her claims to Treaty Indian status were “the subject of important questions.”

Concluding his email, Manfredi reminded the McGill community that honorary degrees are the university’s “highest honours, reserved for individuals whose achievements and values inspire our community.” He also reminded recipients of the university’s “duty to ensure accountability in relation to claims of Indigenous citizenship,” promising that McGill – under the leadership of Indigenous students and faculty and “with guidance from Indigenous community-based advisors” – would develop a policy on Indigenous citizenship claims.

The Indigenous Women’s Collective (IWC) formed after the CBC investigation was published last year and has been calling on universities and other institutions to rescind honours bestowed upon Turpel-Lafond ever since. This includes 11 Canadian universities that have awarded Turpel-Lafond honorary degrees as well as the Order of Canada, which granted Turpel-Lafond the country’s second-highest civilian honour in 2021. The IWC was pleased by the same-day decisions of McGill and Carleton University to strip Turpel-Lafond of her honorary degrees. In a press release dated February 27, the collective wrote: “We applaud this action and we believe this helps to eradicate the devastating silence that surrounds the colonial theft of our Indigenous identities.” The IWC added that Turpel-Lafond “is well versed in the history and manifestations of colonial harm” and that she should “begin the healing process with Indigenous people by apologizing for her conduct.”

Turpel-Lafond has yet to make a public apology. On March 9, the British Columbia Civil Liberties

Association voted to revoke the Reg Robson Award it granted to her in 2020 because its board members believed she had falsified her claims to Indigenous identity. Responding to a request for comment, Turpel-Lafond told The Canadian Press that she was surprised by the association’s decision to rescind the award without “basic fairness” – they did not, she said, give her a chance to defend herself – but that she was satisfied with her “past work, identity and selfworth.” Turpel-Lafond went on to express that she has “no emotional attachment to titles, honours or accolades.” In fact, she said, it feels “liberating” to be freed of them because it permits her to “focus on what really matters” in her life.

McGill, Carleton, and the University of Regina are the only schools that have stripped TurpelLafond of honorary degrees thus far. In a February 13 press release, the University of Regina stated that Turpel-Lafond’s accomplishments “are outweighed by the harm inflicted upon Indigenous academics, peoples and communities when nonIndigenous people misrepresent their Indigenous ancestry.”

Not everyone agrees. As reported in the Daily last fall, many individuals and groups have spoken out against the investigations into TurpelLafond’s Indigenous identity and

academic record. The University of British Columbia, for one, issued a statement to The Globe and Mail in October praising TurpelLafond’s accomplishments as the founding director of the university’s Indian Residential School History and Dialogue Centre. UBC has since apologized for its handling of the TurpelLafond allegations, saying its response “harmed its Indigenous community and Indigenous partners outside the university.” Some Indigenous groups have come to Turpel-Lafond’s defence as well. In October 2022, the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs said Turpel-Lafond has been a “fierce, ethical and groundbreaking advocate for Indigenous peoples for decades” and that genealogy is not always the best indicator of Indigenous identity. Chief Kelly Wolfe of the Muskeg Lake Cree Nation, meanwhile, has confirmed that Turpel-Lafond is a member of their community “and has been for 30 years.”

Earlier this year, TurpelLafond voluntarily relinquished degrees from Vancouver Island University and Royal Roads University upon learning that they planned to conduct reviews.

On March 8, Brock University also accepted a return from Turpel-Lafond. The IWC has condemned the decisions of these universities to accept TurpelLafond’s returns, arguing that

they “did not uphold academic integrity by making Ms. TurpelLafond accountable for her actions.” Tweeting on February 7, the IWC also wrote that TurpelLafond “must be investigated for Indigenous identity fraud and held accountable if her claims are unfounded. Stealing from Indigenous people should carry consequences.”

Catey Fifield

Copy Editor

In a February 13 press release, the University of Regina stated that Turpel-Lafond’s accomplishments “are outweighed by the harm inflicted upon Indigenous academics, peoples and communities when non-Indigenous people misrepresent their Indigenous ancestry.”

Clement Veysset | Illustrations Editor

“Stealing from Indigenous people should carry consequences,” says IWC

Turpel-Lafond went on to express that she has “no emotional attachment to titles, honours or accolades.” In fact, she said, it feels “liberating” to be freed of them because it permits her to “focus on what really matters” in her life.

Hollywood Fears Horny Women in Horror

An analysis of X , Pearl , and the snubbing of Mia Goth

Isabella Roberti Culture Contributor

For indie film snobs like myself, A24’s first big release of the year is practically a holiday; not only does it tell us what our Halloween costumes are going to be, the studio has become a favourite in the world of independent film. A24 has gained serious recognition in recent years, with the subversive studio becoming known for challenging the lens of white patriarchal cinema. So, when X , the studio’s latest slasher flick, came out on March 13 2022, it was completely fulfilling in its satire of horror’s conventional aesthetic. The film aimed to focus on horror’s approach to femininity in general. X was highly revered by critics, making it all the more shocking when Mia Goth, the star of the film, and director Ti West were absent from all award shows’ nominations lists.

The film and its prequel Pearl(2022), which was equally well-received, externalize female subjectivity and sexuality, in contrast to its usual function within the genre. These films use blood and gore to show this externalization, with Pearl constantly wielding some kind of slasher weapon in both films. With these films, West asks a question Hollywood has been dodging for decades: what do we fear more from women — violence or sex? The Academy’s response to the films — or lack thereof — delivers some clarity. It solidifies the film’s claim that although horror can have value in high culture, it still demands a tortured white male protagonist — not a sexually frustrated woman with an axe.

It is safe to say that every major cultural and political institution, Hollywood included, expects young women to relish in their beauty and sexuality, provided they do so passively, and that this will disappear as they age. The problems that arise from these expectations are completely exploited in X . The film takes these societal burdens and uses them to critique the horror tropes of the objectified “final girl” and the villainized childless older woman.

In the film, Maxine, a young porn star, is attacked by the villain, Pearl, not out of fear but out of resentment-Pearl has been stripped of her sexuality by society’s beauty conventions, and envies Maxine as a result. Maxine represents a cruel, unattainable desire for Pearl; this duality is furthered by the fact that the two characters are both expertly played by Goth. Yet to some degree, Pearl and her husband also represent repressive traditional values by hunting Maxine and her co-stars, showing that a fullfledged embrace of sex work was still

taboo for young women even following the sexual revolution of the 70s (when the film is set) and still is today.

In Pearl , we go all the way back to the year 1918, but the way traditional femininity burdens young women is still familiar. Pearl will do anything to get out

Olivia Shan | Managing Editor

of her rural environment and become “one of the pretty girls in the pictures.”

So, when she is eventually rejected, we understand the origins of her continued violence and its escalation as seen in X. It is all related to her self-image and sexuality-there are several interactions she has with Maxine throughout the film demonstrating her envy, and her unfulfilling sex life with her husband is also a major plot point.

It is Goth’s ability to self-awarely interpret the various kinds of female

subjugation that allows the films to triumph. In her connected but individually nuanced roles as young Pearl in Pearl , and both Maxine and an older Pearl in X, Goth delivers three highlight-of-the-year performances that she could have been nominated for. However, because all of these performances attack the exact image of femininity in horror that high culture cinema seeks to uphold, the Academy’s neglect of these performances is, as Mia Goth herself said in a recent interview for her new film Infinity Pool , “very political” and “not entirely based on the quality of a project per se.”

So, did Ti West really create a selffulfilling prophecy in this film and its prequel? The nominee lists for the most anticipated film award ceremonies of

the year makes it seem so. It’s not that the Academy is afraid of horror as a high art form—Silence of the Lambs took home five Oscars in 1992, including Anthony Hopkins for best actor in his portrayal of Hannibal Lecter. Even works of horror that were slammed by critics and viewers for their insensitivity, such as the controversial Jeffry Dahmer biopic series Dahmer-Monster: the JeffreyDahmerStory, were nominated for — and even won — at the Golden Globes this year. This show was rightfully deemed insensitive by many, as the families of the victims were not consulted prior to its conception and because it fed into the romanticized serial killer culture of American media. It completely failed in its postulated task of “decentralizing” the killer (which is difficult when the title — DahmerMonster: the Jeffrey Dahmer Story — has his name in it not once, but twice). These two instances thirty years apart both go to show that regardless of quality, entertainment organizations and award shows will always eat up the tortured male main character in horror, only serving to fulfil cinema’s patriarchal individualism complex.

With these egregious fumbles made by organizations like the Academy and the Hollywood Foreign Press

Association (HFPA) in mind, what silver lining can we extract from this all too familiar situation? This is not the first time stellar performances by women in horror have been ignored by award ceremonies; Toni Collette’s performance in Hereditary (2018) and Florence Pugh’s in Midsommar (2019) were two indie horror tour-de-forces snubbed from all major awards. This time, because of the multiplicity of Goth’s incredible roles and her direct response to this issue, it seems the conversation is being taken more seriously.

We can hope that critical acclaim online and collective outrage over this situation encourages films like X and Pearlto continue cutting their way into the mainstream. We should expect that in the future, horror films with more complex female stories and perverse themes will be recognized sooner, and not immediately relegated to cult classic status, as is often the case with these types of films. For now, we can eagerly anticipate the third installment in West’s trilogy, MaxXxine , which is set for a 2023 release, and hope that Goth’s performances, West’s stories and all those alike continue to accumulate credibility and crack the Academy’s stingy, patriarchal shell.

It is safe to say that every major cultural and political institution, Hollywood included, expects young women to relish in their beauty and sexuality, provided they do so passively.

“If You Want to Go Far, Go Together.”

An interview with Balarama Holness on his recently published memoir, Eyes on the Horizon

Balarama Holness is the founder of two grassroots political parties, Mouvement Montréal and Bloc Montréal .

In 2018, Holness launched a public petition named “Montréal en Action,” which forced the municipal government to launch a public inquiry into policies of systemic racism and discrimination by gaining the support of 22,000 signatures.

In 2021, Holness announced his run for mayor of Montreal under a new political party named Mouvement Montréal. With a platform focused on remedying violence and inequality through the investment of social infrastructure, Mouvement Montréal received around 7 per cent of the total vote.

On March 7, Holness published his memoir, titled Eyes on the Horizon , that recounts his journey from his childhood days in an ashram in West Virginia to his career in politics in Montreal.

This interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.

This aricle is not an endorsement on behalf of the Daily

Zach Cheung for the McGill Daily (MD): I imagine that writing a memoir is much like having a conversation with yourself. But as much as you have to listen to yourself, I can imagine that there’s going to be a lot of outside noise. So I wanted to ask you, how much of the news — Bill 96, Bill 2, the lead-up to the provincial election — did you have to tune out?

Balarama Holness (BH): So the big thing about this memoir is that it’s not a political manifesto. This memoir is me opening myself up to the world in a very vulnerable way. It’s a way of exposing my life story from the way my parents

met, to growing up in an ashram to arriving in Quebec, to finding myself through an identity crisis at a very young age, to living through referendums, to falling off track and finding myself once again through football, to then falling into a level of deep despair with the passing of my mother and then traveling abroad.

But when it comes to the important elements of politics and policy, the book more so explains why I care about these issues. It gives the reader an insight into why I do what I do. And from that perspective, even if Bill 96 never existed, the way that I was treated in the hallways during grade school is indicative of Bill 96. So there’s no surprise to me that Bill 96 has come into play or this linguistic fight continues to engulf the province because I’ve experienced this my whole life. So there was no sense of tuning out the outside noise, but more sense of rediscovering. It’s a conversation with yourself, but when you’re analyzing and looking back to your childhood, you’re

actually rediscovering elements of your life and finding common themes that you never even knew existed until you took the time to actually look and uncover, almost like an archaeological expedition into one’s life.

MD : How does the title of the book, Eyes on the Horizon , relate to how you stated that this memoir was an act of rediscovery?

BH : Yeah, Eyes on the Horizon , as a title, is interesting for multiple reasons. Number one, to give you a concrete example, when I announced the petition to require the city to have a conversation on racism, there was a lot of pushback. And because my eyes were on the horizon, I never really felt the negative influence of the people who were pushing back against you. Even when I was running for mayor of Montreal, all of the policies that I cared about were so important to me that my eyes were continuously moving forward. The immediate pushback, whether it was from the media or from critics, was water off my back because my eyes were

on the horizon, the vision being so crystal clear that I didn’t care

Sasha Onyshchenko | Photos Contributor

“[T]here’s no surprise to me that Bill 96 has come into play [...] because I’ve experienced this my whole life. So there was no sense of tuning out the outside noise, but more sense of rediscovering elements of your life and finding common themes that you never even knew existed until you took the time to actually look and uncover.”

-Balarama Holness

Zach Cheung Features Editor

“And when you look at what we built in terms of Mouvement Montréal — a political party that is a true reflection of Canada, of Quebec, of Montreal, that is what parliament should look like”

-Balarama Holness

about the immediate road bumps in front of me.

MD : You say in the book: “If you want to go fast, go alone; if you want to go far, go together.” Was there a single moment in time when you realized the need to organize collectively?

BH : Yeah, there’s this kind of conundrum between individualism and collective organization. I’ve always been an individual because I grew up solo. I had to survive individually if I wanted to be able to be able to function in this community without my parents. But you also have to understand that in the community organization realm and even politics, you need to be able to mobilize a collective. You cannot do it alone. And whether it’s the 22,000 signatures to require the city to have a consultation, or whether it’s Mouvement Montréal or Bloc Montréal, these are all done with a collective of people from all different backgrounds, faiths, ethnicities, skills, and careers. That’s what makes it enriching, and it’s something I’m very proud of.

And when you look at what we built in terms of Mouvement Montréal — a political party that is a true reflection of Canada, of Quebec, of Montreal, that is what parliament should look like. That is what the National Assembly should look like. The policies, more importantly, that we were invoking are what should be reflected in our democratic society, in our view. So it’s not just about the aesthetics of diversity, but it’s about the substance of the policies that’s critically important and that we’re still waiting to have come to fruition. And that’s why the journey continues.

MD : You often mention that education is a source of political empowerment. How do you think activists should use their education to hold institutions accountable?

BH : It’s not just about activists, it’s about minorities at large. And it’s not just about education equating to higher socioeconomic statuses, immigrants, and minorities do have equal, if not higher levels of education, but income is not always connected to that because of employment, discrimination and other factors.

Education should be a way to free yourself from the shackles of desire in this material world and to empower yourself and your consciousness. So it’s not just a question of activists, but it’s anyone who feels as though they’re marginalized or oppressed. It’s that love and that passion for education. It could be through a book, it could be through travel, it could be through conversations, it could be through conscientious awareness and developing that with other people. That is what’s going to emancipate the oppressed from the oppressor, as opposed to simply viewing education as an economic means for uplifting oneself.

MD : What do you see in the future of both Bloc Montréal and Mouvement Montréal?

leaders in their own perspective, whether it’s in tech, finance, or arts, whatever it may be. All the things that allowed me to be the person I am today, I hope that we can provide the same resources and infrastructure to the next generation so they could thrive and meet their fullest potential.

MD : There is a chapter in your memoir where you recount your travels. You mentioned in specific that you resonated with the idea of “investing in people rather than soldiers” when you learned that Costa Rica did not have a standing army. Does this have any parallels to what Bloc Montréal and Mouvement Montréal stand for?

BH : Yeah, 100%. I was very reticent to include in the book the fact that I distributed marijuana when I was younger. But the reason why I decided to put that in was because it shows that through investing in coaches, sports centers, mentors, and teachers, a productive member of society is able to influence society in a positive way. It’s proof that if we actually go into these neighbourhoods and provide quality services to people, to youth, that great things can come from that. And still, we continue to fight dejected youth with handcuffs as opposed to giving them pens, computers, and footballs.

experiencing similar things, we’ll all come together with proverbial pitchforks and torches, and we’ll come for you. And that’s what we’ve done. And we’ve turned it into a positive march. Empowered through my legal and educational training, that’s why I continue to be inspired.

MD : In leading this “positive rebellion,” did you feel like a political agitator when you entered the political scene?

Monde En Parle didn’t invite us onto their show. When we would send out press releases on our economic policy, it wouldn’t get covered. When we sent out a press release on a cultural general policy, it wouldn’t get covered. The media was extremely biased and it was hard for us to pierce through the Coderre/Plante battle. That’s where this idea of “rebellion” came from.

BH : Well, the next generation plays a large role in continuing the journey. And it’s my job now to stay on the front lines to instruct and guide the next change makers, to ensure a vision beyond politics: a vision of human dignity based on quality access. Similar to the green spaces that I grew up in, obviously we can’t recreate the Appalachian Mountains here in Montreal, we want green spaces in these low income neighborhoods. The sports centers that I used as harbour when I had fallen off track, I want those same sports centers for the next generation right here in Montreal. The same opportunities I had as a leader in a political party, I would hope for proper education to instruct the next generation of changemakers to be

So imagine if that police officer, when he handcuffed me because I was smoking marijuana, gave me a criminal record and wrote me up — my whole life would have been ruined. But a coach gave me a football, and a teacher gave me access to the computer lab at the University of Ottawa, and the rest is history. And it is my firm belief that the political class, whether it’s the municipal, provincial or federal government, understands very clearly what it would take to guide and instruct minority youth. The reason why there’s no support center in Montreal North, and I mentioned it quite often in the book, is not because there’s no money for the support centers. We live in a G7 country, we have the money. The reason why they don’t is because of explicit and implicit bias, prejudice, and hate towards these communities. For me, if there’s one point in the book that comes up time and time again, it’s that sports center that changed my life. And I think that similar opportunities can help a lot of kids in Montreal North.

MD : Is there anything you learned about yourself when writing this memoir?

BH : Well, it kind of reaffirmed within myself that if an individual, a party, or an institution is not going to offer me the same dignity as the next person, all hell will break loose. In my youth, all hell used to break loose with my fists. And that got transformed into a positive rebellion that is exemplified through community organization, politics, and law. But if I’m challenged, discriminated against, or disrespected, and I see that other people around me are

BH : I didn’t talk a lot about this in the book, but I think that why we may have been seen as more agitators than we potentially should have been is because democracy is not open and equitable. We had to fight to get on debate stages. The Chamber of Commerce didn’t invite us on the debate stage. Culture Montreal didn’t invite us. Radio Canada, a public institution, didn’t invite us on the debate stage. Tout Le

So what we had to do, in which we probably looked more like agitators than we would like, is that we had to fight back against the media and give them content. That would actually make them publish it, as opposed to us being able on face value, just to publish our platform and to get news based on that. So, we were not there to just agitate, but we were there to get candidates elected.

“When we would send out press releases on our economic policy, it wouldn’t get covered. When we sent out a press release on a cultural general policy, it wouldn’t get covered. The media was extremely biased and it was hard for us to pierce through the Coderre/Plante battle. That’s where this idea of ‘rebellion’ came from.”

-Balarama Holness

“And still, we continue to fight dejected youth with handcuffs as opposed to giving them pens, computers, and footballs.”

-Balarama Holness

“Education should be a way to free yourself from the shackles of desire in this material world and to empower yourself and your consciousness [...] That is what’s going to emancipate the oppressed from the oppressor, as opposed to simply viewing education as an economic means for uplifting oneself.”

-Balarama Holness

Letter to the Editor: The Latest Sustainability Report Released by the Board of Governeors Shows Need for a Democratic University

In December 2022, the Board of Governors (BoG) held a meeting about their latest report on “socially responsible investing.” It detailed how the Board succeeded in attaining and even surpassing eight recommendations pertaining to sustainability. However, this could not be farther from the truth, not to mention that this same report was created to quell the wave of fury from the McGill community following the BoG’s refusal to divest in December 2019. It was the third time in seven years. While being an outrageous act in the wake of cascading climate events in and of itself, it is but a symptom of the bigger problem of having an undemocratic body governing the whole university.

The Eight Recommendations and the Reality

Created by the Committee to Advise on Matters of Social Responsibility (CAMSR), these recommendations have never been anything more than filler corporate jargon intended to greenwash McGill’s public image for the benefit of profiting off of crises, including the climate crisis. Delay is the word.

Here we outline our report — the more truthful version — on McGill’s progress to achieve the eight recommendations contained in the CAMSR Report to the BoG:

1. Reduce Carbon Emissions

In pursuing decarbonization alone, McGill fails to take action against the companies doing the most damage to the climate and inflicting violence against Indigenous peoples, therefore remaining complicit in these activities. Decarbonization does not address the upstream sources of fossil fuels and emissions. Decarbonization describes efforts to reduce the carbon intensity of McGill’s endowment. No one opposes a reduction of the investment footprint, but that is insufficient on account of its failure to take a stance at a time when action is essential. It therefore does not address the root of the problem: the continued extraction, proliferation, and dependency on fossil fuels.

2. Invest in Low-Carbon Funds (Impact Investing)

McGill claims to increase investment in low-carbon funds and funds that contribute to decarbonization. However, they hide high-carbon funds by investing in banks such as the Royal Bank of Canada

(RBC). RBC is Canada’s largest fossil fuel funder and the 5th largest fossil fuel funder in the world, investing more than $262 billion CAD into fossil fuels since the Paris Climate Agreement was signed in 2016. Furthermore, footprint targets are fundamentally inadequate. We cannot prevent catastrophic climate change by only focusing on emitters, or, in other words, the demand for fossil fuels. We have been failing for decades to curb emissions by focusing on a demand that is entrenched across society. It is time to target the supply of fossil fuels by enacting policies that restrict exploration, extraction, distribution, and — in McGill’s case — investment in the industry. Of course, we will also need a fundamental societal change towards renewable energies to reduce the demand and thus stop being at the mercy of oil markets. Footprint targets are complex and uncertain undertakings.

They rely on emissions inconsistently reported by companies themselves, with data often missing. The target is forever moving, it has to be tracked indefinitely in a growing economy (a 30 per cent reduction can simply be regained over time).

3. ESG Integration

McGill increased the number of investment managers that have adopted an ESG (Environmental, Social, Corporate Governance) Policy or are signatories of the UNPRI (United Nations-supported Principles for Responsible Investment). However, the principles are ‘voluntary and aspirational’ — and they do not have minimum entry requirements or performance standards for responsible investment. Overall, the lowimpact investments are valued at $8M CAD as of June 2022. That is less than how much former McGill Principal

Suzanne Fortier, was likely paid throughout her tenure as McGill principal.

4. Engagement in SHARE’S UNIE Program

On behalf of the University Network for Investor Engagement (UNIE), SHARE is a company that engages with companies held in university endowments to (superficially) address climate risks. UNIE was created because major universities needed to band together to resist student and faculty divestment demands.

5. Negative Screening ESG integration does not remove the social license of the fossil fuel industry. For instance, Enbridge and TC Energy, two of Canada’s largest and most violently extractive fossil fuel companies are ranked 14th and 17th out of 201 in terms of ESG risk. You may have heard of TC Energy as the company pushing to construct the Coastal Gas

Pheobe Pannier | Illustrations Contributor

In pursuing decarbonization alone, McGill fails to take action against the companies doing the most damage to the climate and inflicting violence against Indigenous peoples, therefore remaining complicit in these activities.

Divest McGill | Commentary Contributor

Link (CGL) pipeline through unceded Wet’suwet’en territory without consent from hereditary chiefs (band councils, which were created by the Canadian government to prop up the few Indigenous people who agreed with it, only have jurisdiction on reservations, not on other territories). Enbridge has been in the news for funding police violence (including surveillance, harassment, physical torture, “pain compliance,” trumped-up charges, including felonies, and over 900 total arrests) against water protectors resisting Line 3 and Line 5. Further, companies under evaluation often provide their own figures, and there is no enforceable standard.

6. Present and Publish a Report on Socially Responsible Investing

This goal has been accomplished according to McGill because, in Spring 2022, the Investment Committee presented their 2021 report to the Board of Governors. What is more, the Board of Governors is not designed to respond to legitimate concerns regarding socially irresponsible investing, no matter how many reports they develop. McGill is controlled by senior executives from the Bank of Montreal (BMO), Power Corporation of Canada, the National Bank of Canada, Metro Inc., HSBC Bank Canada, and Redbourne Properties Inc. They all sit on the Board of Governors and represent their single largest voting bloc. They will continue to vote in their own best interests and against ours. In this case, that means maintaining the status quo. They continue to choose the most self-serving, profitable investments regardless of the violent ramifications.

7. SRI Review

Socially Responsible Investment (SRI) policies are non-binding and subject to considerable amounts of variation depending on the industry. Evaluating SRI practices every five years does

not level with rapidly unfolding social and ecological crises that result from continued fossil fuel extraction. Further, a review of the current SRI practices has been added to the Board’s calendar of business and is planned to take place in Spring 2025. What happened in the SRI review of Spring 2020 and why didn’t it lead to divestment from fossil fuels, defense contractors, and other harmful industries? Now, we have to wait until Spring 2025 just so a few CEOs can review the practices over coffee in a boardroom again. Coincidentally, according to the IPCC, 2025 is the same year during which global emissions must peak to achieve the Paris Agreement goal of limiting warming well below 2°C.

8. Institutional Leadership McGill says they take pride in their sustainability efforts and “leads dialogues” with other corporate bodies. We are not proud that our university contributes to the climate crisis and human rights abuses. This is not climate leadership.

The Board of Governors

The Board of Governors, the highest governing body of McGill, is structured in a fundamentally undemocratic way. It chooses its new members and forms its standing committees, including CAMSR. As of the academic year 20222023, 14 out of 25 of its voting members were not elected, but rather nominated. This might seem like an improvement from the previous 17 out of 25, but because the unelected members, who are heads of various corporations, still constitute the majority of the Board, they are able to nominate and instate new members with similar corporate interests regardless of what the elected members decide, thus perpetuating the problem. The vote of the elected members only matters in cases where there is dissent among the unelected members, i.e. for decisions that do not threaten

the decisional stranglehold of the unelected members.

Why You Should be Concerned:

You might wonder how this affects you directly. Climate change is akin to a very long train; it is difficult to make it accelerate individually, but it is also very hard to halt its course once it is going. While the situation might seem fine from its inside, the people who are desperately clinging on to it from the outside because they could not afford a ticket are already feeling the worst consequences of the train’s continual release of fumes into the atmosphere.

All of the data shows the negative consequences of a fossil fuel-powered society, yet the BoG refuses to recognize the social and environmental harm its investments in the oil and gas industry cause. These deleterious effects also comprise financial ones, as the disruptions caused by climate change will more negatively affect the economy than a swift transition to renewable energies. The university is thus jeopardizing the future of its students, many of whom come from countries that are already prey to the increasingly frequent and dangerous “once-in-a-lifetime” climate events. While McGill boasts about having achieved its sustainability goals, many other Canadian universities have divested, with the University of Montreal being the latest to follow suit after two students went on a hunger strike until they were hospitalized. We ignore what it would take for the BoG to have a change of heart and if an act of such magnitude would have an effect, but it is undeniable that students should not compromise their health in the hope that their university’s administration stops jeopardizing their long-term well-being.

The matter of divestment

is not the only issue on which the BoG is at odds with the majority of students and staff. And it is certainly not the only issue on which it forces its will simply because it can. For instance, one can think of how the university threatened to sanction the SSMU after the latter tried to adopt the Palestine Solidarity Policy, which obtained 71 per cent popular support in a referendum in March 2022. Let us not forget that while highranking staff in the McGill administration was doing a nice photoshoot last September 30 for the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation, the university was fighting tooth and nail in the courts against the Kahnistensera (Mohawk Mothers) to renovate the New Vic on potential unmarked graves of Indigenous children experimented upon as part of the atrocious CIA Project MKUltra. A hearing which took place on October 26 gathered a great number of supporters for the Mohawk Mothers, many from the McGill community. Thankfully, the Mothers won a temporary injunction, but the situation only goes to show that the McGill administration will only stop in the pursuit of its goals if it is forced to do so by an entity with more power... or if it affects their bottom line. Sooner or later, the BoG’s chickens will come home to roost, as the many scandals surrounding the university dissuade donors from giving to it again, and as the BoG’s blatant disregard for the well-being of its students affects the university’s ranking and enrollment numbers.

Food insecurity on campus is also an important issue. While global inflation may be at play here, McGill’s responsibility in rising food prices certainly cannot be overlooked. Indeed, per an inquiry with Student Housing and Hospitality Service (SHHS), McGill’s cafeterias have been struggling to turn a profit because they are not subsidized by the administration. We can

also blame, among many other things, the latter’s decision to overall and privatize the many student-run cafes since the early aughts and to implement a mandatory meal plan in the undergraduate residences. To go full circle, food insecurity will become even more prevalent as the climate crisis worsens and renders previously arable lands infertile.

In brief, whether you want to buy a protein bar at the cafeteria for less than $5.82 or want to divest from fossil fuels, we have one goal in common: the democratization of the university. Much in the same way that we believe that a democratic government is preferable to an autocratic regime, we believe that the McGill community should have a say in the way the university is run.

In brief, whether you want to buy a protein bar at the cafeteria for less than $5.82 or want to divest from fossil fuels, we have one goal in common: the democratization of the university.

[...] the Board of Governors is not designed to respond to legitimate concerns regarding socially irresponsible investing, no matter how many reports they develop. [...] They will continue to vote in their own best interests and against ours. In this case, that means maintaining the status quo. They continue to choose the most self-serving, profitable investments regardless of the violent ramifications.

WORKING WOMEN CROSSWORD

ACROSS

2. Honduran Indigenous environmental activist murdered for defending land from illegal logging and US military bases

5. Czech filmmaker known for the feminist film ‘Daisies’

6. Mexican socialist painter famous for her self portraits

10. Mathematician who worked on the first computer

12. Black feminist lesbian socialist collective whose famous collective statement introduced concept of interlocking oppressions

14. Prominent woman in the Bolshevik party, People’s Commissar for Welfare in Lenin’s government

15. Civil rights activist and investigative journalist who organized an anti-lynching campaign

16. Colour associated with abortion rights movement due to Argentinian feminists

17. Civil rights activist who wrote ‘Are Prisons Obsolete’?

21. Revolution that began with an International Women’s Day protest in 1917

23. First woman in space

24. Important Belgian filmmaker from the French New Wave

25. Tennis player who won the “Battle of the Sexes”

26. Mathematician Katherine whose calculations were essential in getting NASA to space

27. Union organizer in St-Henri’s textile factories

DOWN

1. Anarchist author known for writing ‘The Left Hand of Darkness’

3. Drag queen and gay rights activist who was one of the prominent figures in the Stonewall uprising in 1969

4. Type of labour that involves household and domestic work, generally highly gendered

7. Italian feminist who wrote ‘Caliban and the Witch’

8. Author Octavia mentioned in the Daily’s previous issue whose writings about environmental racism remain relevant today

9. Urbanist who wrote ‘The Death and Life of Great American Cities’

11. Marxist philosopher who pondered reform or revolution

12. Scholar who coined the term ‘intersectionality’

13. Chinese anarchist feminist who published ‘The Feminist Manifesto

17. French philosopher and feminist activist Simone

18. Black Panther activist who became one of the FBI’s most-wanted women

19. Group of Mohawk women who recently won a court case against McGill

20. First country to grant women the right to vote in 1893

22. German socialist who proposed idea of International Women’s day

LAST ISSUE ANSWERS

1. little burgundy

2. One Nnorom

3. Oliver Jones

4. Haitians

5. United Congregational Church

6. Tessa McWatt

7. Violet King

8. Oscar Peterson

9. Rockheads Paradise

10. Alphonso Davies

11. Harry Jerome

12. Africville

13. Angela James

14. Brandeis Jolly

15. Michaelle Jean

16. Nuits Dafrique

17. Charles Roach

18. Desmond Cole

19. Rosemary Sadlier

20. Dudley Laws

21. Carifiesta

22. Librairie Racines

24. Viola Desmond

25. Anne Cools

26. Black Theatre Workshop