vol 101 issue 24

Volume 101, Issue 24

January 12, 2012 mcgilldaily.com

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News

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

3

McGill’s report on November 10 released

Invigilators enter arbitration proceedings with McGill

Principal declines to comment until next week

Michael Lee-Murphy

While you were away

The McGill Daily

Erin Hudson

M

The McGill Daily

D

ean of Law Daniel Jutras has called for McGill to review its Security Services’ standard operating procedures for campus protests, and to increase lines of communication with student groups.

The recommendations were made in a sixty-page report released on December 15. The report is the result of an internal investigation conducted by Jutras, after riot police dispersed a student demonstration on campus with pepper spray and tear gas while 14 students occupied Principal Heather Munroe-Blum’s office on November 10.

The report’s terms of reference, provided by Munroe-Blum, asked that Jutras “not make findings about or assign blame to specific individuals.”

Among the six recommendations are suggestions that the University “should revisit the standard operating procedures” of Security Services, and “the lines of authority, chain of command, and channels of communication between senior administration and Security Services.”

According to the recommendations, a key shortfall in McGill’s current Emergency Management Plan is the omission of framework addressing “protests on campus, other than in reference to ‘Animal Rights Events.’”

“People I spoke to at other universities have, for the most part, some framework, response, or some standard procedure that addresses civic protests,” Jutras told The Daily. “There are quite a few universities with fairly detailed

Victor Tangermann | The McGill Daily

Over 100 riot police descended on James Square. frameworks of this nature, but we don’t have anything of the sort.”

The report also recommends better communication between University administration, Security Services, and Montreal police regarding the role of police – in particular, riot police – as well as provision and participation in an open forum to discuss the rights to free expression and peaceful assembly on campus.

The report includes a detailed chronology of events, and draws upon 150 written submissions, over 45 hours of voluntary and solicited interviews, and other accounts in the public domain.

Munroe-Blum refused to comment on the report’s recommenda-

tions in a press conference held an hour after the report was released.

“The place for us to have a full debate and discussion on this is in our governing bodies and in fora of the University, and that is where we will do that in the first instance,” she said.

Students, staff, and alumni have raised objections to the investigation. A letter addressed to the chair of McGill’s Board of Governors, Stuart Cobbett, states that its 180 signatories and 11 signing campus organizations feel the investigation and report were “irreparably compromised” from the start.

“When events have been so damaging and continue to be so contentious, trust in the University as a

space of free expression and dissent can only be restored through a genuinely independent and external inquiry,” the letter states.

Joël Pedneault, SSMU VP External, also spoke to issues with the report.

“Something that I’ve noticed looking at the recommendations is that they don’t talk about some of the substantive grievances that people voiced on November 10,” Pedneault said. “They’ll be looking at sort of the processes in place for future protests, but not looking at the root cause of protests.”

—with files from Queen Arsem-O’Malley

cGill’s invigilators called off a strike vote after the McGill administration agreed in early December to enter arbitration proceedings.

Invigilators have been negotiating their first contract with the University since last March, after 80 per cent of them voted to join AGSEM, McGill’s teaching union.

There are around 500 invigilators unionized under AGSEM. The provincial government will assign an arbitrator, who will impose the terms of a legally binding resolution for the union’s contract negotiations with McGill.

According to AGSEM bargainer Molly Alexander, both the conciliator and the administration had been resistant to arbitration, but unrest among the union’s membership and the threat of a strike two days before exams changed their minds.

On December 5, the union and McGill both submitted requests for arbitration, to which the conciliator agreed. The union had been requesting arbitration since early summer.

Invigilators are currently paid $10 an hour and are seeking an increase of $5.25, according to members of the bargaining team.

McGill has thus far offered a 1.2 per cent increase, or 12 cents an hour.

Lerona Lewis, AGSEM president and a member of the bargaining team, said that the pay increase is reasonable, but that the union has seen no movement on the demand.

According to the union’s calculations, the provincial average for invigilators is $15.72 an hour.

Arbitration is set to begin in late January.

Senate to live stream discussion of Jutras Investigation Capacity of Leacock 232 to be expanded for all Senate meetings Henry Gass

The McGill Daily

A

fter months of scrutiny over governance transparency, McGill’s Senate, in its last meeting of 2011, voted to live stream its first meeting in the new year.

Scheduled for January 18, Principal Heather Munroe-Blum told media in December that the next Senate meeting would include a discussion on the findings of Dean of Law Daniel Jutras’ investigation into the events of November 10.

The decision to live stream a portion of January’s Senate meeting began with a question from Arts Senator and Anthropology

Professor John Galaty about increasing the accessibility of Senate.

Galaty asked whether the administration would “consider making Senate meetings more accessible through either a reconfiguration of the room…or through some method of media transmission for those potential observers who cannot access” Senate meetings, which is held in Leacock 232.

Galaty said his question was inspired by the “sense of distance between the University and the administration expressed in recent months,” as well as the “enthusiasm” he had perceived around the live stream of the November 16 Senate meeting.

In response, Munroe-Blum

announced that the physical capacity of the Senate room would be expanded from the current 135-person capacity to 165 people. The expansion will apply only to Senate meetings, not to other meetings or classes held in Leacock 232.

She also asked that live streaming be reserved for “exceptional cases.”

However, student senators were overwhelmingly in support of live streaming Senate meetings. SSMU President Maggie Knight described the openness of SSMU Legislative Council sessions – which allow recording – as “beneficial, not detrimental,” and a means for improving the accountability of representatives.

“From a student perspective it

could really increase the understating of how decisions are made [in Senate],” she said.

Munroe-Blum spoke to a “longstanding rule” prohibiting the recording of Senate, describing her experience as Vice-President (Research and International Relations) at the University of Toronto nine years ago, where such a rule was not in place.

“Routinely, people who were observers, and some members of the governing body, would record people as they spoke as a means of intimidation,” she said.“It was very, very difficult to get people to even participate at all in those proceedings.”

Faculty Senate representatives were divided over the issue.

Administrative and Support Staff

Representative Gregg Blachford said live streaming Senate meetings “would be a breath of fresh air… that we want to open and visible.”

Management Senator Hamid Etemad, however, said broadcasting of Senate could endanger McGill’s pursuit of research grants and other funding, as strategies would be visible to competing universities.

“At the end of the day we are very much a competitive institution, and every once in a while a little bit of secrecy should be taken into account,” he said.

A separate committee will be formed to report to Senate on possibly expanding the recording of Senate after more information has been ascertained.

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News

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

5

GA reforms fail at SSMU Council Independent Student Inquiry updates councillors on key findings Kallee Lins

The McGill Daily

students for recommendations.

The motion stated that “all reasonable efforts shall be made to live stream and film the General Assembly,” as well as subsequent procedures outlining that a motion may be put to an online vote with the support of two-thirds of the GA, and shall remain open online for no more than 48 hours following the close of the GA. There was considerable disagreement about the merits of allowing motions from the floor until the GA commences. SSMU President Maggie Knight argued that motions from the floor “may drive more people to show up to take part in their democratic processes if they don’t know what might happen.” Engineering Representative to SSMU Alex Kunev also highlighted the importance of addressing time sensitive issues that arise between the

deadline for approval by Council and the GA. Arts Representative to SSMU Isabelle Bi argued that the ability to bring motions from the floor could be exploited by special interest groups looking to introduce controversial motions, and that such motions could therefore escape the advanced scrutiny a traditional motion receives.

After debate as to whether motions from the floor should be subject to an online vote, or other systems of ratification before adoption, Council decided to informally consult with the Judicial Board about the constitutionality of an online vote for the GA. Voting on the motion as a whole resulted in nine votes for, nine votes against, and six abstentions, therefore failing to receive the majority required to pass.

Another close vote concerned

a motion to send a letter regarding Dean of Law Daniel Jutras’ investigation into the events of November 10. Jutras’ investigation was commissioned by Principal Heather Munroe-Blum, and stipulated that no individual blame be assigned for the events.

The letter, addressed to the Chair of the Board of Governors, Stuart Cobbett, voiced “serious reservations” regarding the investigation, and expresses, “not only that the current investigation lacks independence, but also that the prior constraints imposed on its scope and process will undermine its credibility in the eyes of the McGill community.” The motion failed with 10 votes for, 10 votes against, and four abstentions after moving to a role-call vote – in which councilors publicly declare their vote – for the first time this academic year.

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5810

T

he last SSMU Council meeting of the fall semester began with an update from members of the Independent Student Inquiry into the events of November 10.

The preliminary report, which addresses the Inquiry’s methodologies and data collection strategies, as well presenting a chronology of the events of November 10, was published on December 1.

The report’s key findings include misinformation passed throughout the night from McGill staff to students, and the actions of McGill Security to block access to Dawson Hall, where protestors could have escaped riot police.

Arts Representative to SSMU Micha Stettin announced his resig-

nation from his position. He cited the legislative body’s institutional structure as the foremost reason for his resignation. At next week’s Arts Undergraduate Society (AUS) council meeting, an interim Arts councillor will be elected from current departmental representatives by secret ballot.

In an email to AUS Council members, AUS President Jade Calver stated that, at the same council meeting, the AUS will decide whether it “deem[s] it necessary to hold an election for a new Arts Representative, or if the person we appoint at council will be able to serve in this capacity until the end of the winter term.”

A motion regarding reform of the SSMU General Assembly (GA) followed a review of the GA performed by the Bylaw Review Committee, as well as an online survey, and two town halls asking

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6 News

Tracing the

UNACA

“I have many members that are quoting Provost [Anthony] Masi, who’s walking through our [picket] lines saying, ‘Have a Merry Christmas,’” said Kevin Whittaker.

START

“We’re going to plan an action every single week. We have to let them know that they’re not alone, and that people in the McGill community are supporting them,” said Farid Attar, president of AMUSE. Photos by Victor Tangermann | The McGill Daily

Sept 1

Sept 8

Sept 15

Sept 16 Oct 4

Sept 22

Sept 14 Sept 19

Oct 20

Oct 18

Oct 26

Sept 23

Oct 6

Oct 17 Oct 29

Oct 27

Oct 13

Oct 22

Nov 26

Oct 11

Dec 1

Nov 11

Dec 5 Rebecca Katzman | The McGill Daily

“I’m 63 years old. I’ve never been arrested in my life, ever,” said Joan O’Malley.

“It’s the best we could have gotten at this point,” said MUNACA President Kevin Whittaker.

“Whether, if we had continued on strike, it would have been better, there’s no way to know. It was a very difficult fight just to get it to where we were today.”

FINISH

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

7

Strike Sept. 1

Oct. 17

Sept. 23

The MUNACA strike commences At the Desautels Faculty of at 6 a.m. on the first day of classes. Management Career Fair at Hotel OMNI, SSMU VP Finance and Operations Shyam Patel is denied entry because he refuses to remove a MUNACA button from his lapel.

Conciliation meetings between MUNACA and the McGill adminis- McGill wins a provisional injunctration begin. tion against MUNACA, restricting

Sept. 8

Sept. 14

the union’s picketing activity.

Brian Riordan, the judge who preMcGill Post Graduate Students’ sides over the case, is a McGill gradSociety councillors vote in favour uate and former McGill fellow in the of a motion to support striking Desautels Faculty of Management. non-academic workers’ negotiations with McGill.

Sept. 15 SSMU follows suit. The SSMU resolution states that “SSMU supports a speedy resolution to the current labour dispute between MUNACA and the McGill administration insofar as it favours MUNACA.”

Oct. 4

McGill is cleared of all allegations of using illegal replacement labour in a decision released by the Commission des relations du travail (CRT).

Oct. 6

The Macdonald Campus Students’ Society Council passes a resolution in support of “the right of Two weeks into the strike, around McGill workers to express themfifty McGill students and facul- selves through a peaceful picket ty joined a rally of hundreds of line.”

MUNACA workers a few feet from Roddick Gates.

The Engineering Undergraduate Society withdraws a motion to stand in solidarity with striking MUNACA workers.

After professor Michelle Hartman confirms she was teaching offcampus, Dean of Arts Christopher Manfredi contacts her saying that Strike organizer Joan O’Malley is the practice would not be tolerated, arrested and ticketed as MUNACA and that, if she continued, Hartman’s members take part in a disruption action outside the 42nd Annual salary would be in question.

Leacock Luncheon during McGill’s Homecoming weekend.

Sept. 16

Sept. 19

Oct. 11

Sept. 22

The Arts Undergraduate Society Council is evenly divided over a motion to support MUNACA in its negotiations with McGill.

MUNACA begins new striking strategies. The union pickets outside the workplaces of four members of McGill’s Board of Governors: Stuart Cobbett, Kathy Fazel, Martine Turcotte and Thierry Vandal.

Oct. 13

The injunction against MUNACA, previously renewed every 10 days, is extended to remain in place until January 21, 2012.

13 professors in McGill’s biology department sign a letter condemning the conduct of the McGill administration during the non-academic workers’ strike.

A letter obtained by the Montreal Gazette, from Associate Dean of Postgraduate Medical Education Sarkis Meterissian to Interim Dean of Medicine Samuel Benaroya, states that the consequences of the strike lasting beyond November 15 would be “catastrophic” for McGill teaching hospitals.

Oct. 26

Between 500 to 600 MUNACA workers picket morning rush hour traffic around exits from the Jacques-Cartier Bridge.

Oct. 27

On November 14, Principal Heather Munroe-Blum tells campus media the situation was addressed.

Over 500 people gather to rally with MUNACA on McGill College.

After speeches from students and members of other campus unions, demonstrators march to Occupy Montreal.

Oct. 18

Oct. 29

Munroe-Blum sends an email titled ‘We are all McGill’ addressing incidents that occurred throughout the Homecoming weekend.

Oct. 20

Two undergraduate students’ disciplinary hearing for alleged involvement in a Mobilization Squad (Mob Squad) demonstration in solidarity with MUNACA begins. The students were alleged to have disrupted traffic in a demonstration that took place on October 11 at the Y-intersection.

Oct. 22 With reports from McGill VP (Administration and Finance) Michael Di Grappa of 10 to 15 MUNACA members picketing outside his house, McGill wins its second injunction against MUNACA, restricting the union’s ability to picket outside of senior administrators’ homes.

A third injunction is won against MUNACA, after about 300 MUNACA members form a picket line at the McGill University Health Centre (MUHC) Glen Campus construction site. Workers at the site, members of Quebec’s largest labour federation, refuse to cross picket lines, effectively shutting down work at one of the largest work sites in Montreal.

The two undergraduate students are cleared of all charges.

Nov. 11

A group of history professors meet with Munroe-Blum to discuss the administration’s handling of the campus environment since the MUNACA strike began on September 1.

The provincial conciliator is assigned to oversee negotiations between McGill and MUNACA suspends negotiations.

Nov. 26

While Munroe-Blum speaks to some of Montreal’s biggest corporate stakeholders at a lunch and talk hosted by the Board of Trade of Metropolitan Montreal, eight MUNACA supporters individually rise to condemn her actions in the labour dispute.

Over 100 MUNACA strikers picket outside during the lunch.

Dec. 1

McGill announces a tentative agreement with MUNACA’s negotiating team has been reached.

Dec. 5

MUNACA members vote to ratify a new five-year contract with McGill after almost 11 months of negotiations and one semester on strike.

MUNACA’s new contract Last contract

Year 1

Year 2

Year 3

Year 4

Year 5

Wage increase (across the board for all members)

2% (annual 2.2% average)

1.2%

1.5%

1.7%

2.0%

Wage scale (annual increase)

1%

1.5%

1.5%

1.5%

3.0%

1%

Who won in the end? As with almost everything related to the MUNACA strike, it depends on who you ask.

On August 24, 2011, MUNACA members voted to go on strike after almost nine months of fruitless negotiations with the University over a new collective agreement.

The strike began a week later, on the first day of classes – the first of what would be several public relations coups for the union (not that the administration didn’t have a few of their own). It would take another three months for the MUNACA membership to vote to ratify a new collective agreement, which not even the union’s 11-person bargaining team was unanimous in bringing to their membership for a ratification vote.

To our knowledge, the MUNACA strike is the longest strike in McGill history (surpassing the 2008 TA strike by over a month), and its significance quickly extended beyond the union’s main demands. The strike became a conduit for the administration to opine about McGill’s underfunding, for students to condemn tuition increases, and for numerous NDP leadership candidates to promote their platforms.

Over the long, futile months, tensions escalated. A MUNACA member was arrested. McGill Security accrued hours of video footage of pro-union campus demonstrations. Students were threatened with funding cuts and non-academic probation for circulating petitions and breaking campus rules at protests they didn’t actually attend. A picketer threw an umbrella at McGill VP (Administration and Finance) Michael Di Grappa – and missed.

Principal Heather MunroeBlum released an email calling for campus unity, which had almost the exact opposite effect. While the union hosted an alternative convocation ceremony for graduating students, many students almost didn’t graduate thanks to the dearth of clerical staff across the school.

Finally, on December 5, 2011, MUNACA members voted to ratify a new five-year contract with McGill, officially bringing an end to one of the most bitter and divisive episodes in recent McGill history.

— Henry Gass

8 News

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

Accessibility

New research on

tuition and

per student in 2003

Evolution of Tuit io n fees in quebec $19,992

$24,074

$12,406

$11,866

$10,704

$14,014

in current Canadian dollars

annual spending on education per student relative to 2003 per capita GDP

$3793

$3468

$3143

$2818

$2493

$2168

$2068

$1968

$1868

$1768

$1668

Currently, tuition is $2,168 per year for Quebec residents, and protests against tuition hikes attract thousands of supporters.

The most recently announced set of hikes implemented by the Quebec government – aiming to get students paying “their fair share” for education – will amount to $1,625 by 2017. The province maintains that tuition increases will not impact enrolment in post-secondary education, citing past increases in other provinces.

Here, we present research conducted by numerous Canadian studies – including a 2011 report that the Quebec government, by law, must consult – explaining the history of tuition in Quebec, who has access to post-secondary education, and how investment in education is allocated.

20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 10 13 08 07 06 14 15 09 12 11 16 -1 -1 -9 -8 -7 -1 -1 -1 -1 -1 -1 1 4 5 7 6 0 3 2

66%

64%

40%

38%

compared to parental income

40%

Student enrollment

46%

less than $25,000 $25,001 to $50,000 $50,001 to $75,000 $75,001 to $100,000 more than $100,000

annual government expenditure on educatio n

compared to parental level of educati o n Denmark

Australia

France

US

UK

Canada

Division of public and private funding for post-secondary education in 2003

high school or lower

46% 38% 25% 23% 20%

32% 38% 38% 37% 29%

77% 76% 63% 60% 49%

50% 28% 17%

32% 40% 36%

81% 68% 53%

University

College

Total

University

College

Total

provin cia l policies in the last 10 years

certificate or post-secondary diploma

96.7%

81.3%

70.2%

Denmark

France

UK

university

48%

43%

Australia

Indexation of tax brackets (2000): $2 billion

US

that cost more than public education

Reduction of tax rates (2001): $1.2 billion Phasing out of capital tax (2007): $890 million

56.4% Tax cut (2006): $950 million

Canada

$700 million

Compiled by Erin Hudson Visuals by Alyssa Favreau

Quebec

Public funding

Private funding

Research compiled by the Comité consultatif sur l’accessibilité financière aux études avis à l’avis de la ministre de l’éducation, du loisir et du sport, September 2011

average tuitio n fees by faculty for full time undergraduate students across Canada Agriculture 1993-4: $2518 2005-6: $3643

Cost of free education:

67.8%

Arts 1993-4: $2533 2005-6: $3982

Average tuition by province for Canadian first-year students,

Dentistry 1993-4: $3164 2005-6: $13,033

Engineering 1993-4: $2661 2005-6: $4740

Law 1993-4: $2528 2005-6: $6904

in current dollars

Music 1993-4: $2482 2005-6: $3936

Average ancil ary fee 209

421

729 442

537

315

350 201

572

624

387

205

2910 1754 2497 2441 4946 2206 4792 2943 7143 2540 5889 5402 Architecture 1993-4: $2526 2005-6: $3610

Commerce 1993-4: $2424 2005-6: $3806

Education 1993-4: $2365 2005-6: $3277

Domestic Sciences 1993-4: $2519 2005-6: $3914

Medecine 1993-4: $2976 2005-6: $10,318

2000-01 Sciences 1993-94 1993-4: $2565 Ontario Nova Scotia 2005-6: $4219 Quebec BC

2006-07

Commentary

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

9

What’s in a mask?

How the fifth floor occupiers created a tense environment J. Griffin Durling Hyde Park

O

n November 10, 14 protestors “occupied” the fifth floor of the James Administration building on campus. As has been confirmed by both administration staff present in the building and the occupiers themselves, several of these occupiers covered their faces. In this context, this seemingly simple act is uncommonly powerful and exhibits a general naivetè on the part of the occupiers.

In “Letter from the fifth floor occupiers” (November 14, Commentary, Page 9), the occu-

piers claim to have had strictly peaceful intentions. Though it is far from improbable that some of the protestors were hoping their actions would escalate tensions, I’m willing to give them the benefit of the doubt in this claim.

Unfortunately, it is not intentions that matter, but how their intentions as protestors are perceived.

Their letter displays an ignorance of this fact. As evidenced by the response from staff in “We, too, are McGill” (November 21, Page 9), the perception of the 14 protestors by staff inside the James building was, at best, one of uncertainty. Staff admittedly felt “threatened” and “intimidated.” Whether or not the 14 choose to admit it, their occu-

pation was inherently violent and perceived as such.

A mask itself is a simple tool without any one purpose. Medical personnel and athletes wear masks for protection. Actors wear them in theatre and film productions. When worn in the context of violence, however, a mask takes on an entirely different meaning. From the bandana-clad faces of Libyan revolutionaries to classic stereotypes of ski mask-wearing bank robbers, contemporary culture often associates “face-masking” with violence, for better or worse.

Regardless of context, a mask helps sustain anonymity. When we rely so heavily on reading facial expressions to interpret

others intentions, restricting the ability to do so creates uncertainty. As someone who has stared down the barrel of a handgun, its wielder’s face shrouded by a bandana, I can attest to the potential that masks have in creating fear when used in uncertain situations. During a disruption of the status quo, masks might be worn for several reasons: to avoid identification, for protection, and to prohibit the intentions of the wearers from being known. The occupiers seem to have ignored the possibility that their use of masks would be perceived as anything other than an expression of anonymity and protection.

At best, the actions of the occu-

piers, including the decision to wear masks, displayed a childish naivete in assuming their use of masks would not induce fear.

At worst, their actions displayed a malicious intent to escalate the conflict. I sympathize with those set-upon by riot police, particularly those merely swept-up in the violence. But perhaps more blame ought to be placed on the occupiers who, regardless of their intentions, created a hostile environment.

J. Griffin Durling is a U2 Political Science and International Development Studies student. He can be reached at jacob.durling@ mail.mcgill.ca

Quebec tuition and inflation An economic analysis of historical tuition Carter Smith Soap Box

W

hen adjusted for inflation, McGill tuition declined every year from 1994 until 2010. That $1,700 fee actually buys fewer lecture, maintenance, and service hours every year. Annual inflation – or the overall percentage increase in prices over the course of a year – averaged 1.8 per cent per year over the past sixteen years. Whatever goods and services McGill could purchase with $1,700 in 1994 would cost $2,357 in 2011. Assuming 1994 tuition covered the cost of educating Quebec students, minus government subsidies, McGill has incurred a deficit per student of over $600. A Quebec student who graduates with a threeyear degree in 2012 will have cost McGill $1,156 in excess of tuition, in today’s dollars during his or her tenure. To cover this debt, McGill has several options: spend less, borrow more, or increase fees.

Even after two years of $100 increases, tuition actually remains lower in real value terms than in eleven of the past sixteen years.

The $2,550 cash (or in economic terms, nominal fee) paid in 2013 for yearly tuition will buy only as much as $1,750 did in 1994.

What McGill student wants the quality of his or her education to

Carter Smith for The McGill Daily decline? During my time here, I have seen fewer and larger class sections and increasingly limited access to conferences. Several of my Economics and Political Science professors have been forced to forgo TA led conferences due to funding cuts. The world-class education we were promised seems ever more elusive with the endless tightening of McGill’s purse strings. As the economy grows, prices almost invariably go up. For

this very reason, most union wage contracts are tied to inflation in order to hold constant the actual purchasing power of income. Why shouldn’t tuition rise with inflation as well? Whether you believe post-secondary education is every person’s right or a voluntary investment, it has associated costs and benefits to the student and to the university. McGill is a world-class institution because its students and professors are among the best and

brightest in Canada and the rest of the world. However, the goods and services that support McGill have substantial costs that must be covered somehow. We must accept these nominal increases as necessary to help bring McGill back to earlier levels of quality.

If you do not trust McGill to spend our tuition dollars prudently, there are more productive ways to resolve your grievances than protesting the increases. Fight instead

for accountability in governance.

Look into the McGill Governance Reform Project, which is working to provide student oversight in university decisions. Or lobby your député to index tuition to inflation, thus, fixing the school’s real purchasing power.

Carter Smith is a U2 Economics student. He can be reached at carter.smith@mail.mcgill.ca

10 Features

Jerson Ballena loses his j You get a cheap laptop Welcome to globalization, Philipp

by Tanya Bindra

All pho

W

hen I met him last summer, Jerson Ballena was thirty years old, a father of two, and worked on an assembly line in the Philippines for the Korean-owned company Daeduck Electronics. He was making Printed Circuit Boards for cars and other electronics. Jerson was also the treasurer of the Daeduck Employees Independent Union.

This got him in some trouble.

He told me that Daeduck management had recently written a memo, first suspending him for three days, then reinstating him, only to put him in an isolation room to spend the length of his working days. No one gave Jerson an explanation for the punishment, but, either way, he couldn’t afford to quit.

“They’re making me paranoid because for more than eight hours, every day, I sit in one chair, looking at the fluorescent lamp, counting insects… Sometimes I talk to myself.” He wondered what he had done wrong to the company for which he had worked for more than seven years and why manage-

ment had refused to respond to his requests asking for a formal job description of his new “position”. I later learned that Jerson had been dismissed after two months in the isolation room, along with nine other union officers.

I met Jerson at the Workers Assistance Centre (WAC). WAC has helped create workers’ organizations in the Cavite Export Processing Zone (EPZ) – where Daeduck operates – since 1995, training organizers, providing labour education, and advocating on behalf of workers’ rights.

The Cavite EPZ is located in Rosario, just 30 kilometres south of the capital, Manila. It was established in 1986, near the end of dictator Ferdinand Marcos’s reign, to promote economic development and bring in foreign direct investment and jobs. Now, four or five hundred such zones exist throughout the Philippines, playing host to nearly 2,000 companies.

Though many of the Philippine EPZ-based companies – from electronics and textiles to call centres

and processed foods – are Western (with garment factories producing brands like Gap, Ralph Lauren, Mossimo, American Eagle, and Ann Taylor), they are frequently subcontracted by factory managers from South Korea, Japan, and China.

Subcontracting allows big brands to keep a low profile. In Cavite, there are no logos on the factory walls.

Workers don’t work directly for, say, Gap. Instead, they make Gap clothes for the Chinese company subcontracted by Gap. Subcontractors and multinational corporations take advantage of several incentives offered by the economic zoning laws in the Philippines; for the first five years of operation, companies are exempt from corporate, export, and import taxes. Their payoff is so high that some simply opt to shut down production after five years and reopen under a new name.

Yet perhaps the chief motivation for foreign investors remains the availability of large, cheap, and exploitable pools of labour.

According to the CIA World

Factbook, nearly 33 per cent of the population lives under the poverty line in the Philippines. The International Labour Organization reports that more than 15 million, or 42 per cent, of the employed are susceptible to vulnerable employment. Though 11 per cent of the total population has sought work abroad, there are still plenty of people desperate for steady work. So they flood in to places like Cavite.

Of the more than 80,000 factory workers in Cavite, roughly 80 per cent are migrants, many of whom come from rural areas in the countries’ poorest provinces.

Jerson is one of these migrants.

He comes from Marinduque, a heart-shaped island. The son of farmers, he left in 1999 to look for a better job to support his family and send money back home. Arriving first in Manila, he and his wife eventually found work in the zone and settled with their children in Cavite.

While both now earn an income, it is still difficult to make ends meet.

Sometimes Jerson cannot buy food for his family because his wife needs

to buy milk for their baby first.

Although the zone is subject to Philippine labour law, the constant influx of job seekers allows managers to dispose of workers with impunity. Most workers in the EPZ earn a minimum wage of 315 pesos ($7.30) per day. This isn’t enough to cover the cost of living for a family of five, which WAC estimates to be 900 pesos ($20.85) per day.

What’s more, as workers are also commonly hired by recruitment and temp agencies as contractual employees, some are paid below minimum wage, with and given few or no benefits.

Furthermore, workers are overworked and chronically fatigued by an average 12-hour workday, and the number of work-related accidents and deaths in the zone is on the rise. In July 2011, 26-yearold Mark Anthony Doctolero died after working for more than 24 consecutive hours in a Taiwaneseowned steel factory in the Cavite EPZ, according to a WAC report.

The disregard of safety rules and labour regulations places an extra

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

job. p. pines style.

otos by Tanya Bindra for The McGill Daily

burden on female factory workers, who make up over 60 per cent of the workforce, especially if they are sick or have children to care for.

Pregnant women, for example, often work night shifts and are, at times, exposed to toxins that are potentially harmful to both mother and child.

Most workers live in squalor.

The boarding houses in and around the zones are cramped, lack privacy, have poor sanitation, and have inadequate lighting and water systems.

One neighbourhood where many of the zone workers live is affectionately named Dreamland. It is located on a garbage dump. People live there because of high rent in boarding houses elsewhere, and forced demolitions of residential areas as the Cavite zone expands.

Edwina Fabricante, 34, has six children and lives in St. Rose Village, colloquially known as Exodus. Like many in Exodus, her husband lost his job at the EPZ. He was later hired as a construction worker to build the zone expansion that would eventually demolish their home and force their family to relocate.

Often, employment is just as tenuous in the EPZ. To quell any potential resistance, companies harass, police, and threaten workers, preventing them from joining unions or protesting through an unwritten “no union, no strike” policy. Managers at EPZ companies often employ unionbusting techniques like firing union members, as in Jerson’s case. They have also been known to intimidate workers by posting heavily armed security at picket lines. The threat of violence is real: three union leaders have been killed in Cavite, one as recently as March of last year, and the chairman of WAC, 69 year-old Bishop Alberto Ramento, was found stabbed to death in his church in 2006. Prior to the killing, his name had appeared on a military “Order of Battle” hit list.

Despite this reality and the knowledge of increased surveillance and monitoring of union activity, Jerson and his union continue to organize. They’re planning to launch a strike any day now. They are demanding both the reinstatement of the nine union officers the company fired, as well as one month’s pay for each officer laid off. More fundamentally, they will be striking for the right to form an independent union.

As employees’ jobs are at stake, striking can be dangerous, especially with the knowledge that others are waiting to take their jobs, making employees hesitant to support or join the union.

Although in existence since 2003, the union at Daeduck only became independent last year. Until then, it had been part of the toothless federation of trade unions established and supported by Daeduck company management. Formally disaffiliating from the federation has brought on a host of legal battles against the union officers. The federation argues that independent registration constitutes the formation of a “new” union, conflicts with their Collective Bargaining Agreement as former federation unionists, and is therefore grounds for dismissal. Yet as Romeo Elcano, president of the Daeduck Employees Union, explains, Article 234-A of the Philippine Labor Code gives affiliate unions the right to disaffiliate from the mother union.

Unfortunately, siding with the federation and management, the local labour board is reluctant to bring the unionists’ case to a higher court or address their grievances.

The union has already held a few actions and picketed, but guards still refuse them access to the zone and other Daeduck employees.

Since his unlawful termination in October, Jerson hasn’t been able to work or receive pay. Finding another job within the zone is tough given his history as a union officer. His lack of income makes it difficult to pay rent, electric bills, or seek treatment for his child’s health problems.

The cost of living continues to rise. The salaries, benefits, and treatment of Daeduck and other factory workers remains the same. When we spoke, Jerson asked, “If we don’t unite the workers, if we don’t have a union, what will happen to us? Who else will protect us?”

11

12 Commentary

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

Don’t conflate Judaism and Zionism Jewish Tadamon! members reject Zionism

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ince the Zionist movement was founded in the late 19th century, many Jews have rejected this ideology and struggled continuously against the conflation of Judaism and Zionism. We have seen this conflation in campus debates surrounding QPIRG-McGill. We stand with Palestinians against Israeli apartheid, and give support to Tadamon! and Israeli Apartheid Week (IAW).

The Daily published the piece “Open the door to QPIRG” (November 14, Commentary, Page 10), in which Lily Hoffman Simon and Elaina Kauffman expressed their support for QPIRG-McGill but also their “discomfort” with Tadamon!’s status as a QPIRG-McGill working group, and with QPIRG-McGill’s support for IAW. They feel that these two projects are at odds with their “Jewish and Zionist identities.”

Amina Batyreva | The McGill Daily

We are Jewish members of Tadamon!, two of whom are McGill alumni and all of whom have been active members of QPIRG-McGill for several years. We are among the many people who were happy to see QPIRG-McGill’s mandate renewed via this year’s referendum, as we recognize the valuable contribution that it and its working groups make to the McGill community.

We must point out that Simon and Kauffman’s criticism of QPIRG is not necessarily shared by all Jewish students. Despite acknowledging the strong historical tradition of critical thought and discourse in Jewish communities, the authors seem to conflate Judaism and Zionism.

Zionism is a nationalist ideology founded on the principle that Jews require a state of their own. In order to make this a reality, the Israeli military systematically expelled 700,000 Palestinians and murdered hundreds of others when they founded the State of Israel in 1947-1948. The Israeli army further annexed Palestinian territory in the war of 1967, and Jewish settlers continue to occupy it illegally today.

Although Simon and Kauffman’s argu-

ment would have us believe otherwise, not all Jewish people are Zionists, and not all Zionists are Jewish (see Christian fundamentalists in the USA and Europe, including virulently anti-Muslim Dutch politician Geert Wilders). Simon and Kauffman would like us to believe an old lie: that the Israeli/Palestinian conflict is primarily about religion.

This conflict is about land. It is about colonialism. And it is about apartheid.

From the very beginnings of the Zionist movement in the late 1800s, there were many Jews who disagreed with this ideology. This critical, anti-Zionist Jewish viewpoint continues to be shared by many Jews around the world, including the authors of this article.

Today, this critical tradition of anti-Zionism is also found within Israel itself, where organizations such as Zochrot, an Israeli NGO, seek to educate Jewish Israelis about the Palestinian perspective on the events of 1947-48, which Palestinians refer to as the Nakba, or catastrophe.

We also find movements of Jewish Israelis who oppose Israel’s apartheid system, such as Boycott from

Within and Israeli Queers for Palestine.

Prominent Israeli scholars such as Uri Davis and Ilan Pappe also speak out against Israeli apartheid, as do North American Jews such as queer theorist Judith Butler and writer and journalist Naomi Klein.

From a similar position, we stand with Palestinians against Israeli apartheid. The United Nations International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (1973) defines apartheid as inhumane acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them: Standing with Palestinians

against Israeli apartheid means standing up against apartheid laws like the Law of Return (1948) and the Nationality/Citizenship Law (1952), which together grant automatic citizenship to any Jewish immigrant to Israel, regardless of whether or not they have any connection to Israel, while ignoring the right of return of the thousands of Palestinian refugees who were forcibly expelled from Palestine in 1948.

Against the Land Acquisition Law (1953), which confiscated the land of more than 400 Palestinian villages and permitted their use for military purposes and for Jewishonly settlements.

Against roads designated specifically for Jews-only and for Palestinians-only in the West Bank.

And against government policies within Israel itself which, for example, designate an average of US $1,097 per year per Jewish student versus US $191 per year per Palestinian student.

These are just a few examples of the Israeli apartheid system. We refuse to stand silently by while such laws and policies are used to oppress Palestinians in our name.

We would also like to ask: how alienated and uncomfortable do Palestinian or other Arab students feel when their school takes overtly Zionist positions? How does a student from Gaza feel when McGill formalizes an exchange program with Technion University? This Israeli university worked with weapons manufacturer Rafael and the Israeli military to create technology for unmanned aircrafts used in the 2009 invasion of Gaza.

Simon and Kauffman assert that we should not use the term apartheid because it “alienates” people. We would like to draw a distinction between the system of Israeli apartheid itself, on the one hand, and people’s emotions ,about Israeli apartheid on the other.

We do not argue with the fact that Simon and Kauffman feel uncomfortable with or alienated by the term apartheid – this seems to be normal for someone who identifies as Zionist. But this doesn’t change the fact that Israel is an apartheid state.

Signed by Tadamon! Collective members Sam Bick, Amy Darwish, Freda Guttman, and Claire Hurtig, along with McGill Students in Solidarity Daniel Wolfe, Micha Stettin, and Niko Block.

Commentary

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

13

A summer of learning

Amina Batyreva | The McGill Daily

The real nature of unpaid internships

Amar Nijhawan Soap Box

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t the beginning of every school year (and all year round in IDS conferences), you are bound to hear the following: “I spent my summer in [insert developing country or posh metropolitan city], interning with [grassroots NGO or multi-million dollar conglomerate]. It was soooo rewarding.”

The unpaid internship is a staple of many university students’ lives. Instead of partying away your summer or working to pay for tuition and basic provisions, many take their four months of freedom to gain the most coveted thing that no amount of class can seem to provide: applicable life experience. What is often seen as extremely useful in the long run, however, produces ridiculous short term consequences: you are literally paying to volunteer. While there may be multiple shelters, food banks, and firms in your hometown, you opt to spend thousands jetting halfway across the world to volunteer in

an orphanage instead.

I speak as one of many students who chose to do this. I decided that I was going to break my pattern of weird summer jobs (including working in a cheese department of a grocery store and a Liz Claiborne outlet) to get some work experience that I was not embarrassed to have on my resume. I also wanted an opportunity to travel, so I decided to barrage my extended family for accommodation. I found myself an internship with a small, local human rights NGO in New Delhi. I justified my lack of income by telling myself that, with this experience, I could get a paid internship next summer. I constantly reassured myself that even if I had to live off Ramen noodles for a year afterwards, I would be gaining invaluable life experience and that fighting off food poisoning for a summer would build my character and connect me with my roots.

The following is a generalized, however realistic, list of the outcomes and situations many students face in their unpaid internships. These were inspired by my own experiences, my friends, and

my facebook newsfeed: 1) You wash away your white guilt by taking copious amounts of pictures with orphaned minorities. You re-think your materialistic, western life and vow to spend that extra money on the fair trade blend the next time you are at a Second Cup. 2) You go to a war-torn conflict zone and find that you can’t actually leave your house without fear of getting entwined in some of said ongoing ethnic conflict.

3) You inadvertently violate labour laws by working fifty hour weeks, reading and prepping 77 pages per day, and end up doing work that your unprepared PHD supervisor claims the credit for in a group meeting.

4) You live in a house with other foreign volunteers and have various, out-of-Africa inspired flings in between your community development planning.

5) Most commonly, you put your expensive and overworked degree to good use by spending your days photocopying things, wasting hours on stumbleupon, and going on coffee runs.

While these seem to be the

cynical, stereotypical outcomes of many experiences, the right kind of internship can also prove to be worthwhile. With a good internship, you may experience the world and the life described in your stacks of readings. After years of being taught about organizations, places, and issues, you can finally experience them in real life.

You can meet like-minded people from around the world with similar ambitions, goals, and lifestyles.

You have the flexibility to travel and explore the city and country you are working in – something you wouldn’t necessarily have the time do to on a paid job (which is more likely to be achieved by venturing out of the token ex-pat ridden cafe in your area and meeting locals). You may even get the chance to travel with your organization as well and do field work.

You may also make invaluable contacts with people you work with, who can help you acquire those coveted letters of reference (which is good if you are like me and go to the departmental “meet your professors” wine and cheeses just to eat the cheese).

And when you get back to the

gloomy halls of the library and crack open that 500 page course pack, suddenly statistics won’t feel so static. Your papers on the topic will feel personal, knowledgeable, and you will actually find yourself enjoying writing them. You can narrow down your interests and specializations, and you may even have some idea of what you want to do at the scary moment when you graduate. Finally, you will actually have the opportunity to feel interested and passionate about your degree after midterms and exams make you hate and resent it for most of the school year.

They may appear pretentious, they may be exploitative, and you will probably be out of cash come September. It’s probably smarter to spend your summer making money, but if you choose them well, unpaid internships can amount to a completely different kind of value.

Amar Nijhawan is a U2 Political Science and International Development Studies student. You can reach her at amarnijhawan@ gmail.com.

Health&Education

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

14

The before you, and the after you Examining the long-term effects of PTSD

Amina Batyreva | The McGill Daily

Sohyun Lee

Health&Education Writer

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e’ve all seen it in the movies: a returning veteran suffering from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), who loses a sense of normalcy, becomes dependent on alcohol or drugs, and puts themselves and their family into danger. While movies depict some aspects of PTSD, they often present simplified accounts of what is a highly nuanced syndrome. It is time to disabuse what is popularly understood about having PTSD. According to Alain Brunet, Director of the Psychosocial Research Division at the Douglas Mental Health University Institute and Professor in the Department of Psychiatry at McGill, PTSD affects 10 to 15 per cent of the population.

These statistics can be interpreted in two ways. First, not everyone exposed to a traumatic event suffers from the disorder. Second, how one develops the disorder depends on the intensity of the trauma, the appraisal of the event, and the experience of distress and dissociation during the event.

Brunet’s personal anecdote

about John* demonstrates the importance of appraisal in the syndrome. It was like any other day for John when it happened.

As a bus driver, he was driving his route when he noticed that a man was sexually assaulting a girl. Afraid to intervene, he let it slide. However, John felt guilty for letting this happen to a girl who seemed close to his daughter’s age. Waking up in the middle of the night with nightmares for months, he repeatedly said to himself, “Had it been my daughter...” A direct experience like John’s is not the only factor that determines a trauma. It is the combination of personal history, an individual’s specific reaction to a particular event, and other factors that lead to trauma formation.

In PTSD, there is a “before you” and an “after you.” It is a forever life-changing experience, often making recovery seem insurmountable. Though different types of trauma lead to different processes of recovery, the catholic way of recognizing improvement is in the capacity to put trauma behind oneself and cultivate personal growth.

It is important to note that most people do recover from traumatic incidents in due time. Contrary to

common belief, PTSD is resolvable, though the timing varies depending on the severity of the case. With that being said, it is important to note that a substantial number of people do not fully recover.

The most well known method of recovery from PTSD involves Cognitive Behavioural Therapy (CBT) coupled with an anti-depressant. But many who suffer from PTSD do not get effective treatment. Some are unaware of the existence of psychotherapy for their disorder, while others are unable to pay the high costs of therapy or feel ashamed to admit to having PTSD. What are the ways to help someone suffering from PTSD? Brunet recommends three things. The first thing to do is to stop giving negative support – telling the person to snap out of the situation and giving “I told you so” comments. Though the intention may be good from the other person’s perspective, it is detrimental for those suffering from the mental disorder. Second, be an active listener. Encourage the person to talk about trauma, and remain impartial and non-judgmental about what is being said.

Forcing a person to talk could have deleterious effects, thus, patience and careful attention are required.

Lastly, monitor how the individual is doing over time. If there is no gradual improvement, seek help on behalf of the person. This is generally recommended several months after the initial trauma.

Of the three clusters of PTSD, which include intrusion, avoidance, and hyper-arousal, John’s case corresponds to hyper-arousal.

It is characterized by an individual being hyper vigilant, easily startled, irritable, and lacking concentration. Intrusion and avoidance are similar; those with either tend to avoid other people, places, or anything that reminds them of a traumatic event. The fundamental way in which intrusion is unique, is that it involves imagery relating to the trauma constantly popping into a person’s head.

The most easily identifiable symptom of PTSD is nightmares similar to those John had. Other common symptoms include avoidance of places, situations, people, and topics, symptoms of hyperarousal and hyper-alertness, lack of concentration, and flashbacks, and hallucinations. Having these symptoms for more than a month is considered PTSD. For those who believe they qualify for PTSD or know someone

who does, it is worthwhile noting that there is a free PTSD clinic at Douglas Hospital, where an individual can obtain a free complete assessment by certified psychologists. There is also an ongoing project examining the individual differences in recovery process and the effectiveness of new treatments. Thus, an opportunity is open to participate in research for those diagnose.

At the end of a nearly twohour interview with Brunet, he remarked, “what is not well known about PTSD is that the traumatic events happen all the time. Trauma is all around us. Most of us will experience at least one – or several – in our lifetime. No one is protected. It’s not something that happens to the others – the soldiers or people who were walking alone at night. Trauma can strike anybody, good or bad. Life can be very unfair.

This is something that we should be prepared to deal with.” *Real name has been changed To schedule an assessment visit for the PTSD clinic, please contact Raymonde Lemieux. Tel.: 514 7616131, extension 3430 or raymonde. lemieux@douglas.mcgill.ca.

Health&Education

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

15

Advocating for invisAbilities Ethan Yang discovers how we can accommodate people with “invisible” chronic illnesses

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hoever created the idiom “never judge a book by its cover” probably didn’t realize the truth it carries for those suffering from what are known as “Invisible Disabilities”. The illnesses classified under this umbrella are of enormous range, and include cancer, chronic fatigue syndrome, migraines, fibromyalgia, irritable bowel syndrome, arthritis, Crohn’s disease, connective tissue disorder, and diabetes – among others.

Now known as Invisible Chronic Illnesses (ICI) and informally as “InvisAbilities,” these illnesses share the following characteristics: invisible, chronic, and not yet curable. Most include pain and fatigue that are both clinically hard to define and to diagnose, and can be misconstrued as normal pain.

To make things more complicated, many who have ICI have multiple disor-

Am ina B

aty rev a

| Th eM

ders that are difficult to treat.

The term was brought into wide use in 1997 by the Invisible Disabilities Association (formerly The Invisible Disabilities Advocate) following a 1994-95 US Survey of Income and Program Participation that revealed 74 per cent of those living with “a severe disability do not use such devices [such as a cane, crutches, or walker].”

Since then, in the words of the Invisible Disabilities Association (IDA), efforts have been made to raise awareness for “listening with our ears, instead of judging with our eyes,” as those who appear “able” may actually be “unable.” Efforts have also been made to provide aid to people with both visible and invisible disabilities. Ricky Buchanan, an Australian woman with multiple invisible disabilities, began many projects that brought together those suffering from similar symptoms and enabled them to voice their feelings. In one of her blogs, called Not Done Living, she writes an open letter “To Those Without Invisible Disability or Chronic Illness,” reiterating the need to understand before attempting to help.

Last year, Rest Ministries, a non-profit organization in the United States, worked with other sponsors to raise awareness about ICI through Invisibility Week (September 12-18).

The Invisible Disabilities Association offers awards for those promoting the education

cGi ll D aily

of invisible disabilities. Scholars, mostly psychologists, have written about these dysfunctions as invisible chronic illnesses. This awareness movement, however, has remained mostly in the United States, relating to the middle-aged and the elderly. According to Alexandra Tighe, the founder of the McGill club InvisAbilities, a chapter of the same club of at Queen’s that aims to raise awareness about invisible physical medical conditions, this stigma has yet to be changed; people still adhere strongly to the notion that youths our age are “too young to look sick.”

Tighe, a U1 psychology major, suffers from a complicated connective tissue disorder that was so specific that it she found it easier to tell her friends that she simply had “knee problems.” She even kept it a secret from her best friend until after they came to McGill last year and roomed together. Even then, Alexandra recalled holding back from explaining the situation to Erin until a few months later.

During an interview with The Daily, Alexandra expressed that while she looked normal, she really needed help with medication.

Invisabilities are often genetic; multiple studies have proven that chronic fatigue syndrome, asthma, and even migraines all have genetic basis. In this circumstance, DNA analysis can aid the proper diagnoses. For those whose disabilities are not genetic, most doctors will wait an average of four years before diagnosing patients as “chronically ill.” That would be equivalent to living through your entire college life between pain and fatigue and the supposed “prime time of health.”

As Tighe states, “We all have a distorted image of how a person with disability should look.

We’ve all gone through the situation when someone just takes the elevator one floor and thinks to ourselves, ‘Gosh! Why can’t this person just take the stairs?’ But this person might have arthritis or asthma. People may need help for a real reason.”

In fact, even accommodations

for these sufferers are invisible.

Though McGill’s Office of Students with Disabilities does accommodate those with “invisAbilities,” there is no clear social construct set to acknowledge their existence.

It’s not that advocates for people with InvisAbilities are demanding elevators specially catered to the “InvisAbles,” but, as Tighe says, they are calling “[to] reconstruct our image of what a disability is and remind ourselves that maybe something is going on.”

The reason for coining the term Invisible Chronic Illnesses, according to Tighe, is to create a community that can bring together those suffering from the same societal challenges. Some of these diseases are so rare that no one would care to take notice and provide adequate support to these sufferers. Grouped together, these people will gain access to resources and be empowered to voice their concerns as would individuals with any other diseases.

Julie Harmgardt began InvisAbilities at Queen’s University four years ago, striving to raise awareness in Canada. Since then, it has gained momentum; in 2010 she began a national association known as InvisAbilities Canada. Tighe sought to realize her vision through the founding of McGill’s chapter last semester, as a place for those with invisAbilities to discuss.

Many members, however, don’t have ICIs. Erin, a U1 Psychology Major and Alexandra’s best friend, joined the club because she wants to help out. Laurie, a psychology exchange student from University of Edinburgh also joined the club, because she believes in the cause, and wants to increase awareness.

Ben, a Computer Science major from Carleton University, also came to help out on a visit to Montreal.

The club held a bake sale at the Burnside basement in November with a poster detailing the definition and purpose of “invisAbilities.” I sat in the bakesale, and it was shocking to note that many passersby simply gaped, expressing the sentiment: “I never knew that.”

There is also a Facebook page and a newly created website detailing the ideals and aspirations of the club – at the very least, compassion and understanding for the continuous physical excursion people with invisAbilities live by.

“You never forget,” Alexandra says. “It’s an issue that you have to deal with for the rest of your life.”

Culture

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

16

My Mama always told me A daughter’s reflection on home away from home The McGill Daily

W

hen you kiss your parents goodbye and leave for school, time after time, it’s difficult to imagine what happens. How life goes on in our humble abodes. Besides the Sunday phone call ­­­– “How are things at home?” – it feels like our parents’ lives remain unchanged. Italian food on Tuesdays, new episodes of Curb Your Enthusiasm, et cetera.

Christmas and Thanksgiving are like stagnant commercial breaks, allowing you some time to close your eyes before your made-for-tvmovie of university life swings back into action. And then it’s the New Year, and you kiss your parents goodbye once again.

Being the selfish twenty-yearold I am, I’ve always been quite content with this glossed-over version of Colizza family life, of brie in the fridge, of clean sheets. Before break, Mom made sure our creaky New Jersey house looked impeccable, taking the liberty to replace Radiohead posters with Grandma’s tulip paintings.

Yet this new, polished version of 3 Hillside Court felt like a museum of what our house once was.

My mother, god bless her, had curated the perfect home in an attempt to not deal with the lessthan-perfect present.

“I’m not good with change.

I should have never even left Montreal. And now you’re all gone too,” she said sauteing mushrooms, too focused on her words to cry. My parents ended up in New Jersey, wide-eyed and in serious debt.

In typical Canadian fashion, they found Americans closeminded, bereft of good French fries, and self-interested. But with the help of family friends the Thoresons and the Maniscalcos, my parents managed – also in typical Canadian fashion – to make the best of it.

Originally New Yorkers, suburban New Jersey felt like a maze of social protocol for their families. So, along with my family, they wandered together through hockey games, Thanksgivings when they had no one else to spend them with, and parenting in the strip-malled pressure

cooker of suburbia. With the help of one another, they adapted, and no one ever knew that we, all 12 of us, didn’t really belong.

Parc-Ex, Brooklyn, and Queens only poured out with wine and laughter in our often- cluttered kitchen.

The kitchen was spotless and cold the morning I left to head back to school. Mr. Thoreson had tragically passed away a year earlier, and Mrs. Thoreson hasn’t smiled since. A day prior, the Maniscalcos had told my parents that they had already bought a new house, and were moving in the spring. My mother, much like our house, was creaking and crumbling. The structure that built our house was gone, and the weight of 17 years of memories rested solely on her shoulders.

My mother has taught me many wonderful lessons: to remember where you come from, to appreciate oneself, to saute mushrooms. Yet she never taught me how to accept change, mostly because she herself never has. Some lessons, however, are no longer theirs to teach you. New books, new classes, new friends, old heartbreaks. A new year.

Amina Batyreva | The McGill Daily

Christina Colizza

Attempt and Failure Towards a Northern Renaissance Triptych The City I take myself so foolishly. Like for instance when I’m minding my own business building “Lexical Pyres” with Celia, a couple of dead souls come up to us and say hey you two what’re you doing. They see marbles in our hands. I’m about to throw some more when Celia vomits onto the circle. My hand drops the marbles. It was my hand not me you see, I would never drop good aggies in someone’s puke, not even Celia’s. Celia’s face was burning around the lips and down the throat so I had to do the talking. Knowing this, I finally looked at them. Their torsos took on these rings of Saturn. I always thought of those rings as, maybe, an Above. I told you I take myself foolishly. So their bodies were obliquely attractive but I couldn’t tell if they were boys or girls yet so I held that thought firmly to myself. I couldn’t tell because they had on these hoods tapered over their foreheads and ears. I’d always been told gender’s in the ears. I spoke up, “What kind of portent is this?” They knelt in the shrubs of the surrounding moorland like crepuscular hedgehogs and made soapy mouths. One threw a marble into the vomit. I saw that it was a cat’s eye, black azure, as it rolled in the puke’s cording waves. Celia still couldn’t talk, but I thought I could do all the talking for her. I thought I was doing a fine job. I told you I take myself foolishly.

— Ryan Healey

Inkwell

Culture

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

17

The Empress may or may not strike back Kaj Huddart investigates the continuing question of an NDG landmark’s future

Hera Chan for The McGill Daily

I

n a city of many abandoned buildings, the Empress Theatre is unique. A grand five story structure that faces Sherbrooke in Notre-Dame-de-Grace (NDG), just west of the Décarie expressway, the Empress is both aesthetically and historically intriguing. The faux-greystone façade of this former theatre and cinema is adorned with numerous Egyptian motifs: pharaohs, goddesses, hieroglyphs, and winged deities. The effect is gaudy, bizarre, and impressive all at once.

The theatre’s appearance, a little out of place in the NDG neighbourhood, can be explained by its origin. It was built in 1927, when Egyptian pastiche was very popular.

Tutankhamen’s tomb had been discovered five years prior, and it captivated the world with the Pharaoh’s burial mask and spectacular treasure trove. The images and symbols in the Pharaoh’s tomb were co-opted by the Art Deco style of the day, and found their way onto the front of theatres across North America. Hollywood still has one; there’s one in Boise, Idaho; and another in Park City, Utah, which is a favorite of the Sundance Film Festival. The Empress Theatre is the last Egyptian-style movie palace

remaining in Canada.

For much of the twentieth century, the Empress enlivened the stretch of Sherbrooke west of Décarie with live performances and movies. The area now houses little more than the small venues of a handful of cafes and bars.

From 1927 to the 1960s, the Empress showed silent movies, vaudeville, and films. Then, in 1962, it reopened as a supper club called “The Royal Follies” that featured a “bacchanalian” atmosphere. This was not to last, however, as the Empress was re-inaugurated in 1968 as the “Home of the Blue Movies”: “Blue Movie” is an old-fashioned term for porn.

Having descended several rungs on the perceived cultural ladder, it soon regained some of its old respectability when it became Cinema V, an arthouse and repertory affair remembered fondly by many local residents.

That ended in 1989, when Cinema V became a Famous Players franchise, intending to show a more mainstream catalog. Unfortunately, a fire gutted the theatre after a year, and the Empress was abandoned.

Twenty years after the fire, little has physically changed at the Empress – it remains in disrepair.

While numerous community groups

have attempted to organize a restoration of the burnt-out structure, all these efforts have failed due to a lack of funding and political support. The most recent attempts were spearheaded by The Empress Cultural Centre (ECC), which consists primarily of interested community members. The group has partnered with big-time developers Phil and Anthony O’Brien – the founders of real-estate company Devencore – and Talia Dorsey, a young architect who recently established her own practice after working at Rem Koolhaas’ Office of Metropolitan Architecture in Rotterdam.

The ECC originally accepted a sixty year lease on the Empress, with the intention of developing the building on behalf of the community. However, citing the lack of progress on the part of community groups, the city of Montreal decided to unequivocally revoke the lease in August 2011, and the ECC, which had formerly occupied a small room on the main floor of the Empress, was effectively evicted. The ECC claims that they “outlined a proposal” for the Empress to borough mayor Michael Applebaum, who rejected it, despite the involvement of the O’Briens – a

significant private sector partner.

According to Paul Scriver, a representative for the ECC, their goal is to “revitalize Sherbrooke Street by developing the theatre for multiple users”. Their plan proposes a symbiotic relationship between the businesses and cultural activities that would coexist in their model for the redeveloped theatre. One key element would be an “accessible, high quality restaurant” with street-front presence. However, the ECC has not yet made public exactly “who the specific partners would be”, said Scriver.

When asked by The Daily, the city administration claimed that only a vague outline of the ECC’s plan was ever shown to the municipality.

Stéphane Plante, director of the local borough, told The Daily that the city removed the ECC’s lease in order to allow other possible developers to submit a plan. The ECC, the borough administration, and the Montreal Gazette have all mentioned the interest of another party, rumoured to consist of the developers of the Beaubien cinema in Rosemont, and local film producer Kevin Tierney.

The Daily has been unable to contact this group, reportedly operating under the moniker Cinéma NDG.

This group would theoretically compete against the ECC for the right to develop the Empress theatre. Paul Scriver mentioned that the ECC has tried to reach out to Cinéma NDG, but that any hope of collaboration “hasn’t worked out yet”.

Plante explained that the city plans to declare an Appelle de Projet Publique: a ninety-day period during which the city will accept proposals to develop the structure. A seven-person jury, composed of both community members and experts, will judge the proposals. Plante noted that the city would prioritize a cultural vocation for the Empress, but that any project must be financially self-supporting, and expect no help from the city government. Furthermore, Plante expressed doubt that the Empress can be supported by cultural activities alone. So far, only Cinéma NDG and the ECC have expressed interest in responding to the Appelle de Projet Publique.

It remains to be seen exactly when the ECC and Cinéma NDG will submit their proposals to the city. Plante claimed that the Appelle will take place in 2012 – and, with these developments, this year may mark a new beginning for the historic NDG landmark.

C o m p e n d i u m!

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

Lies, half-truths, and party chinchillas

18

Looking to bone in the boonies Michel Fuck-O

The McGill Daily

I

t’s an undetermined day in the month of December. The centerpiece of my rural existence, a street called Baker, is shrouded in the fog of winter and masked by an innocent, festival appeal. It whispers, “This is a time for excessively self-medicating with spirits and eggnog. Go ahead, make bad decisions, fuck what little there is to fuck.” Returning as a new-found fucker, I reply; “There’s nothing I’d like more.”

I plan my attack. I break out the calculator.

Approximately 10,000 people live here. My status as a male and a homosexual is factored in. If I’m generous with statistics, that leaves

about 500 potential gays, about half of which are viable options in my pursuit of sexual validation.

Okay, now to consider age differences. I have standards, so I’ll limit it to under 35 and over 20 (anything younger and I risk embracing the sexually-suffocated and bed-awkward). Given age distribution, an estimated 22 candidates remain.

Relationship statuses are irrelevant.

I have seven days of home-time to get in one of 22 pairs of pants.

If I’m lucky, most of these people aren’t social recluses and may even make appearances at one of three local bars.

Here’s the game. Step one: prowl every bar, every night, looking for the least-conformed dresser, or, for that matter, the most. Step two: engage in aggressive eye contact whilst posting at counter. Step

three: after adequate intoxication, approach said prey; brace for likely rejection. Side-note: Too much tang and you might scare the fish away.

The odds of coming within seeing distance of a potential suitor are slim, so if you do, fucking run with it. Dazzle them with your cosmopolitan experiences and intellectual freedoms.

Ignore their friends, their hesitating wayward looks and their hunched posture. Maybe they’re straight after all. Then again, does it really matter? You’ve got nothing to lose.

Alas, no success. I leave empty-handed. No new notch on my childhood bedspread, just a long plane ride lamenting the difficulties of getting laid in a small town.

And believe me, city slickers, it’s fucking hard. Haarrrrrrdddddd.

SONG SEARCH: THE HITS OF 2011 New Year’s! Let’s take a look back at the year that was in terms of pop music. This word search I made challenges your musical memory from all sorts of genres, including latin, R&B, country, and alternative.

Directions: Each of these clues is a name of a song that was released in 2011.

Figure out which singer or band played each song, and then find their names in the grid. If there is a star next to the song title, only the last name of the artist is included in the grid. The 27 leftover letters will spell out a quote about music.

The full solution will be posted in the next issue.

Note: You’ll soon discover something important that will help you solve this puzzle. And yes, I did that on purpose!

Beyonce and Jay-Z produced a child. At a few days old, the child has already recorded a song.

PLUS 300

Chinchillas are party animals.

PLUS 45

I’m going to Igloofest for the first time ever tonight.

PLUS 30

American presidential candidates are hilarious.

PLUS 43

We got family time over the holidays!

PLUS 50

Family time ended and we got to come back to our friends!

PLUS 25 EVEN

School restarted.

Bookstore lines.

MINUS 24

TOTAL

PLUS 469

Someone Like You Sail Never Say Never * Aberdeen Mr. Know It All * You Make Me Feel Paradise Don’t Wanna Go Home * In the Dark I’m On One I Need a Doctor Crazy Girl Rope Love You Like a Love Song * Without You * Stereo Hearts I Like How it Feels * Price Tag Last Friday Night Just a Kiss Born This Way What the Hell * She Will Party Rock Anthem On the Floor * Moves Like Jagger The Lazy Song * Super Bass * When We Stand Together Taboo * Give Me Everything We Found Love Help Is on the Way Motivation * Promise * Honey Bee * Hold It Against Me * Mean * Just Can’t Get Enough Lonely Boy All of the Lights * No Sleep Knee Deep

FUCK SNOW I don’t care how fucking pretty it is. This city doesn’t know how to clean shit up. People are doing fucking pirouettes over giant slush puddles and dirty snow. Water is seeping through my motherfucking waterproof boots. Yeah motherfucking. And fuck you people who wished this shit upon my head. You want to get sick? You want to walk up icy stairs with the fear that you’ll fall backwards and break your skull? That’s all good and well but you can keep your sick twisted fantasies to yourself. And going down the fucking hills in this fucking city? I might as well use a bobsled because it’s better than sliding on my ass.

PARTY CHINCHILLAS

CAME TO PARTY

The McGill Daily | Thursday, January 12, 2012 | mcgilldaily.com

volume 101 number 24

EDITORIAL

editorial 3480 McTavish St., Rm. B-24 Montreal, QC H3A 1X9 phone 514.398.6784 fax 514.398.8318 mcgilldaily.com coordinating editor

Joan Moses

coordinating@mcgilldaily.com coordinating news editor

Henry Gass news editors

Queen Arsem-O’Malley Erin Hudson Jessica Lukawiecki features editor

Eric Andrew-Gee commentary&compendium! editors

Zachary Lewsen Olivia Messer culture editors

Christina Colizza Fabien Maltais-Bayda

science+technology editor

Jenny Lu

health&education editor

Peter Shyba sports editor

Andra Cernavskis photo editor

Victor Tangermann illustrations editor

Amina Batyreva production&design editors

Alyssa Favreau Rebecca Katzman copy editor

Vacant

web editor

Shannon Palus le délit

Anabel Cossette Civitella rec@delitfrancais.com cover design

VIctor Tangermann Contributors Sam Bick, Niko Block, Hera Chan, Amy Darwish, Flora Ourum Dunster, J. Griffin Durling, Freda Guttman, Joseph Henry, Ryan Kaj Huddart, Claire Hurtig, Sohyun Lee, Kallee Lins, Michael Lee-Murphy, Amar Nijhawan, Benjamin Poirier, Carter Smith, Micha Stettin, Daniel Wolfe, Ethan Yang

An inadequate investigation On November 11, Principal Heather Munroe-Blum called on the Dean of the Faculty of Law, Daniel Jutras, to write a report that would review the events of November 10 and make recommendations regarding future practices, processes, and policies at McGill University in order to avoid a repeat of similar events.

The report included some positive aspects. For example, it contained testimony from the fifth floor occupiers who identified themselves publicly, and it called for the University to “revisit standard operating procedures with a view to articulating clear directives or frameworks in relation to demonstrations, protests and occupations on campus.”

However, the terms of reference set by Munroe-Blum demanded that there should be no findings regarding individual responsibility or disciplinary action. These parameters rendered the report toothless and somewhat futile.

In addition to Munroe-Blum giving inappropriate parameters for the report, she also designated the wrong person to write it. While Jutras has an excellent record as a distinguished academic and member of the Quebec Bar Association, these qualifications do not necessarily designate him fit to undertake the investigation. As a dean at McGill, he has a vested interest in maintaining the reputation of McGill and its administration. His position creates a conflict of interest that undermines the report.

Someone from outside the University could have produced a report untainted by questions of possible bias.

The report’s flawed design was made in some of the findings. Most glaringly, some of Jutras’ statements appeared to have a bias. For example, regarding allegations of police assauling protesters with their bicycles he states, “I find somewhat unlikely that six or seven police officers violently charged their bicycles into a crowd of several dozen protesters, given the risk at which they would have put themselves in doing so.” This willingness to trust the police rather than students’ statements indicates a troubling tendency to put faith in authority figures such as police. Jutras should have cast a skeptical eye on the testimony of police as well as students rather than blindly accepting either side’s account. Further, Jutras’ personal opinion regarding the credibility of testimonies should not have been included in the report, as it not a factual finding.

Moreover, Jutras drew a seemingly inaccurate conclusion in at least one case.

When discussing the police gathered in front of the James Administration building, he declared that “Six or seven police officers on bicycles moved in the direction of the crowd gathered in front of the James Building”, despite YouTube evidence that suggested there were many more officers than that. This apparent willingness to make declarative, factual statements about ambiguous situations casts doubt on the veracity of the report’s findings.

As a result of the flaws in the terms of reference of the Jutras investigation, students started their own investigation on November 11. This investigation will offer a different viewpoint than that of the Jutras report, and may potentially reveal facts that the Jutras report did not. The Student Inquiry’s Preliminary Report is now available; however, a final version is forthcoming, pending the return of access to information requests. Students should make sure to inform themselves of both points of view, and to be as educated as possible about the realities of what happened on November 10.

Professor Jutras’ Report of the Internal Investigation into the events of November 10 can be found at http://www.mcgill.ca/dean-jutras-report/. The November 10 Student Inquiry’s Preliminary Report can be found at http://independentstudentinquiry.blogspot.com/.

The Daily is published on most Mondays and Thursdays by the Daily Publications Society, an autonomous, not-for-profit organization whose membership includes all McGill undergraduates and most graduate students.

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ISSN 1192-4608.

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