The McGill Daily - Vol104Iss14

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Volume 104, Issue 14 Monday, January 12, 2015

QUEBEC GOVERNMENT POLICY HARMS TRANS PEOPLE

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NEWS

The end of the CFS saga? Decolonizing academia at McGill Bureucratic delays harming trans people

January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Grad students to vote in longawaited disaffiliation referendum Strict referendum regulations partially suspended after court challenge

Tuition hikes for French students SSMU executive reviews PGSS executive reviews Council stands against police brutality Late withdrawal policy withdrawn

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COMMENTARY

How austerity policies promote military research Fortier has not lived up to her promises The Readers’ Advocate takes The Daily’s coverage to task

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FEATURES

Indigenous people seek solutions for food insecurity

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SCI+TECH

How scientific research shapes elections

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Cem Ertekin The McGill Daily

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he Post-Graduate Students’ Society (PGSS) Council endorsed a “no” vote on the upcoming referendum regarding the society’s continued membership in the Canadian Federation of Students (CFS) on January 7, at a special session held to discuss this issue. The PGSS executive, which unanimously endorsed a “no” vote on January 5, brought the motion to Council, where it passed with 44 votes in favour and a single abstention. The court-ordered referendum, which will be held on January 15 and 16, is the outcome of a legal battle between PGSS and CFS that began after CFS refused to recognize the result of a disaffiliation referendum held in 2010. A majority “no” vote will end PGSS’ membership in CFS, provided a quorum of 10 per cent is met. “The process to leave CFS is very difficult,” chair of the “no” committee for the referendum and former PGSS Secretary-General Jonathan Mooney said at Council. “We have a chance next week to do it, but we have to meet quorum. [...] Graduate students [at the University of To-

SPORTS

Cem Ertekin | The McGill Daily was adjourned. The Court ruled that the prohibition on reference to legal action, as well as the prohibition on campaigning in locations operated by PGSS and in locations where alcohol is served, were an abuse of the CRO’s powers and a violation of freedom of expression. The relevant parts of the regulations have thus been suspended for this referendum. CFS representatives did not respond to a request for comment. Regardless of the Court’s decision, any campaign materials, in-

cluding Facebook posts, tweets, posters, t-shirts, and verbal statements must still be approved by the CRO before they can be made public, according to “no” committee members who spoke at Council. The CRO will arrive on campus on January 14 to physically oversee the conduct of the referendum. On January 15, PGSS will also hold a special general meeting where the endorsement motion that was passed at Council will be presented to the general PGSS membership for a vote.

Indigenous Studies program officially launched

Can Canadian university football teams compete in the U.S?

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ronto] voted in a CFS referendum in November 2014; there were 16,000 eligible voters, and they missed quorum by seven people.” CFS requires that the vote be held by paper ballot. Campaign materials, which fall under a set of CFS campaigning regulations, must be approved by a Chief Returning Officer (CRO) from CFS. “If there is material [distributed] that is not approved, it can disqualify the referendum,” said Mooney. “Deviating from [the CFS rules] is very dangerous,” PGSS External Affairs Officer Julien Ouellet told The Daily. “We are trying to check with the CRO every time to see if it’s okay with the CFS whether we can say things or not.” The document outlining the regulations also states that the CRO “will not approve materials that [...] refer to legal or quasi legal action/s before the courts that relate to the Referendum, or to other legal or quasi legal actions.” Mooney told The Daily that he tried to challenge this regulation at the CFS Appeals Committee, where it was upheld. The case was then brought to the Superior Court of Quebec, whose decision arrived on January 7 minutes after the Council meeting

CULTURE

Minor a first step in decolonizing McGill

New exhibit remakes superheros Problematizing the millennial label An inside look at Montreal’s alternative English theatre festival What to check out this week

22 COMPENDIUM! The Dark One whispers And your favourite crossword returns

23 EDITORIAL Quebec government policy harms trans people

Hera Chan The McGill Daily

T

he Indigenous Studies program launch brought a little taste of what decolonization could look like to the Faculty Club at the tail end of last semester, on December 10. The program, which will be housed under the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada (MISC), officially launched its interdisciplinary minor program to the rites of formal celebration after many years of students and advocates bringing Indigenous issues to the forefront of McGill’s imagination. New academic associate of the program and emcee of the launch Allan Downey of the Nak’azdli First Nation described it as “really a historic moment for McGill.” McGill

Institute for the Study of Canada (MISC) Director Will Straw cited the program as a result of “research, reflection, and activism that’s been going on for many years on the part of students at McGill and the Indigenous communities on campus.” According to its description, the minor program will investigate “historical, social, and cultural dimensions of Indigenous life in Canada.” Courses will look at the treatment of Indigenous life, the experience of Indigeneity and gender, Indigenous resistance to the Canadian government, and other topics. In future years, the idea is for the program to expand to include a major option, and many have hopes for an institute on campus one day. The celebration of the program launch included introductions by

Dean of Arts Christopher Manfredi, Straw, Downey, and Elder Jean Stevenson of the Peguis First Nation – all of whom acknowledged the Haudenosaunee land on which McGill continues to be housed, the same land on which this article was written. Performances by the Buffalo Hat Singers and Kahnawake rapper Will E. Skandalz graced the Faculty Club, along with a speech by former student Pamela Fillion, a key player in pushing forward the program. According to the Indigenous Education Advisor at the Social Equity and Diversity Education office (SEDE) Allan Vicaire, talk of an Indigenous Studies program at McGill can be dated back to the 1980s, when former student and now professor at Yale University Ned Blackhawk put out a callout for one. In

a document entitled “McGill Community Vision for an Indigenous Studies Program: Forum Report,” put together by Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) student researcher and Métis person from Manitoba Brett Lamoureux in 2013, the earliest attempt of establishing a program is cited as dating from the early 2000s. *** Downey, in a preface to the telling of one Haudenosaunee creation story, described the “colonial dust” that has clouded the senses of academic institutions and Canadian society at large. The legacy of McGill, its founder James McGill and his role in colonialism, the placing of the Hochelaga Rock, and what

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it means to decolonize a space like McGill remain contested topics. “I’ve learned over the years that for many, the idea of Indigenous Studies as a separate program can be controversial because of how it contains Indigenous knowledge, history, and politics as something separate from what is considered foundational in a university education,� said Fillion in an interview with The Daily, adding, “One of the things that I think would be important for decolonizing McGill is to have Indigenous content in every department, in every faculty. This is why the interdisciplinary aspect of the minor program is so important.�

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“By recognizing that Indigenous knowledge offers legitimate ways of understanding the world, we have an opportunity to accept that Western ways of knowing are not the fundamental truth.� Allan Downey, program academic associate A phone interview with Straw brought forth similar conclusions. To him, “decolonizing McGill means that [decolonization takes place] in every discipline and in every field.� He described how “that’s starting to happen and it’s way too slow. It’s way too slow at McGill, but there are courses now on Indigenous literature, Indigenous art, obviously history, and so on. Those just have to be a much bigger part of the things we learn here.� The minor, which all speakers said would not have been possible without the strong student push and collaboration with Indigenous groups at McGill and at large, serves as a first step to Indigenizing these spaces. In his speech, Downey said that “by recognizing that Indigenous knowledge offers legitimate ways of understanding the world, we have an opportunity to accept that Western ways of knowing are not the fundamental truth.� On reflecting on his research experience, Lamoureux said in a phone interview with The Daily, “Like many other students, I found that there was a lack in integrating the Indigenous knowledge in the university setting, and a lot of it isn’t taken seriously by academics yet,� and that at McGill, he was “pleasantly surprised how non-Indigenous people wanted to study Indig-

The progam logo. enous perspectives and knowledge.â€? In the Forum Report, 70.45 per cent of those polled indicated it was “very importantâ€? to have First Nations, Inuit, MĂŠtis, and Native American community leaders as course instructors. Zero per cent indicated that this was “not very important,â€? or “not important at all.â€? When asked if there would be preference given in hiring practices to Indigenous course instructors, Straw said, “Clearly, we want to say that we want people who understand the issues the best and have the appropriate level of education. And I think it’s important at McGill that we have Indigenous faculty and teachers.â€? The Forum Report also indicated that 80.95 per cent of those polled indicated that it was “very importantâ€? that the program offer language learning courses in First Nations, Inuit, or MĂŠtis languages. Currently, the minor program does not offer language courses, but Straw is supportive of the idea as a future development of the program. *** Establishing the minor program was no easy task, as issues arose regarding its housing location, the cost of establishing a standalone department, and program advocates not having enough supporters within the University’s bureaucratic system to get things moving forward. “It took a while for me to figure out the process of how programs actually go through beyond the straightforward process on paper,â€? said Fillion. “I wasn’t a student politician, I was a student,â€? related Fillion, describing how the minor had to come into fruition sooner or later with all the work done around it – including the 2009 establishment of the KANATA Indigenous Studies community, which also produces an academic journal. KANATA made a formal recommendation and submitted a proposal, with faculty and staff support, for the establishment of the program to the Principal’s Task Force on Diversity, Excellence, and Community Engagement in the winter of 2010.

Marcy Maracle | Illustrator The Aboriginal Affairs Working Group, made up of faculty and staff, also presented to the Task Force, recommending a minor program. “The administrators have the power, and they need to be using that power. As a student who wasn’t a Senator nor a representative of a student union, I definitely got a really good, and at times confusing, taste of the McGill red tape when I was working on this,â€? Fillion said. “When we talk about processes that aim to be democratic – there are built-in structural barriers to stop people, even with strong numbers, from getting what they want,â€? Fillion added, expressing hopes that what she considers a belated response to the demand for the program will not be replicated in the future. *** U4 Science student and designer of the program logo Marcy Maracle wrote in an email to The Daily how she conceived of the design. “[Geese are] a Canadian symbol, as well as a prominent animal in many Indigenous stories,â€? Maracle wrote, going on to outline that the three geese represent the three major Indigenous groups in Canada – First Nations, MĂŠtis, and Inuit peoples. “Notably, it is part of a wellknown creation story, where a woman who lives in the sky world falls through a hole in the clouds. It is a goose that saves her from falling into the water, and helps her rest on the back of a turtle, which eventually becomes earth.â€? Embedded in the logo is the same story that Downey told the crowd gathered at the Faculty Club for this “historic moment.â€? “I can assure you that we are more than feathers and sashes and inuksuks,â€? Downey concluded at the end of his launch. Fillion, in comparing the conversation on campus to other Canadian university campuses, said that there were students she had met who believed that Indigenous peoples existed only in the past. “We can’t have students leaving McGill who still believe this,â€? she said.

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January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Over a year later, Bill 35 remains unimplemented Trans activists argue proposed implementation still harmful AUDIO T EN CONT E! ONLIN

Peter Zhi News Writer

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n December 17, the Liberal government drafted regulations to put Bill 35 into effect, more than a year after the bill was passed into law by the Quebec National Assembly on December 6, 2013. Bill 35 struck down several requirements of the Quebec Civil Code for trans people who wish to legally change their gender marker on official documents. Prior to Bill 35, legislation required a person who wanted to change the gender markers on their official documents to publish their old name, new name, and civic address in a local newspaper and the official Gazette of Quebec, and to undergo surgical gender reassignment. While Bill 35 legally eliminated these requirements, they are still effectively in place pending the implementation of new regulations – and these newly-proposed regulations still pose challenges to individuals wishing to change the gender markers on their official documents. The new regulations require that an applicant for a gender marker change must declare that they have “lived under the appearance” of the gender they want reflected on their documents for at least two years,

and have this corroborated by an affidavit from a person who has known them for at least two years. Further, the application must also include a letter from a physician, psychologist, psychiatrist, or sexologist that “confirms that the change of designation is appropriate.” According to Gabrielle Bouchard, Peer Support and Trans Advocacy Coordinator at the Centre for Gender Advocacy (CGA), these new regulations pose serious harms to trans people. “The government is essentially saying that we promise you two years of discrimination before we will allow you to change your gender marker. It means that trans people will be the only group in Quebec that will be forced into a gender norm, forced into a femininity and masculinity,” said Bouchard in an interview with The Daily. Bouchard also noted that the requirement to have an affidavit from someone who has known the applicant for at least two years could be difficult to satisfy or even unsafe for some trans people, who often cut ties with people in their lives who do not accept their transition. “Now the government is saying that you’d better stick to people even if they are not nice to you, because if you don’t stick to them,

then you won’t have anybody proving that it has been two years. And your two years will be delayed until you are actually in a place in your life where you can actually have this person that will be willing enough to find you worthy of their affidavit,” said Bouchard.

uments, or student permanent code. “[The regulations] will force people to live under the appearance of a gender without being able to defend their identity with a document. These people are exposed to harassment and violence,” said Caroline Trottier-Gascon, founder

“People just coming out of school are trained to believe that trans issues and trans lives are pathologies. So how can we think that those people will actually be there to help trans communities, to give them possibilities to have legal status?” Gabrielle Bouchard, Peer Support and Trans Advocacy Coordinator at the Centre for Gender Advocacy Furthermore, the requirement for a person to explicitly present themselves as a gender that does not match their documentation for two years poses its own difficulties. Not having a gender marker changed on one’s birth certificate means that one cannot have access to one’s right gender on Medicare cards, drivers’ licences, school doc-

of the Groupe d’action trans at Université de Montréal, in French in an interview with Metro. Trottier-Gascon noted that having documents that do not ‘match’ one’s appearance can make finding housing and employment particularly difficult. Bouchard also pointed out that the medical professionals autho-

rized by the legislation are trained to believe that being trans is a medical condition. “Now there are some people who are trying to deconstruct this knowledge. But people just coming out of school are trained to believe that trans issues and trans lives are pathologies. So how can we think that those people will actually be there to help trans communities, to give them possibilities to have legal status?” Particularly frustrating to members of trans communities has been the unfruitful dialogue with the government. “A year ago they [the government] came to us with those ideas [in the proposed regulations], and we told them what was wrong with it. They’ve known for a long time, yet they have decided not to listen,” Bouchard told the Daily. In order for the new regulations to be put into effect, they must be published in the Gazette of Quebec for 45 days, during which time the public can raise any concerns they have with them. Bouchard pointed out that the new regulation to Bill 35 was published during the holidays, when news like this tends to go under the radar. “We are in a crunch right now. We have between now and January 31 to make our voice heard. We need all the support we can get.”

French students to pay Canadian tuition rate Terms of France-Quebec agreement to change following negotiations Marina Cupido The McGill Daily

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or over three decades, French students at Quebec universities have been exempt from international student fees, paying the same tuition rate as residents of the province. However, in light of ongoing negotiations between the Couillard government and the French state, this special status is about to change. The current tuition regulations are the result of a bilateral agreement reached in 1978. In recognition of the profound cultural and historical ties between Quebec and France, French students pay an annual tuition fee of only $2,200 – the same as Quebec residents – rather than the tuition paid by most international students, which varies between $12,000 and $30,000 de-

pending on the program. This arrangement has been subject to increasing criticism in recent years, however, as the number of those benefitting from it has risen dramatically. During the Fall 2014 semester, roughly 8,000 French students attended Quebec institutions, representing an increase of 90 per cent since 2006, while around 1,000 Quebec students attended French universities. This past autumn, Premier Philippe Couillard began negotiations with French president François Hollande to reform the 1978 agreement. Although the details remain under discussion, La Presse reported that a mutually agreed-upon solution has emerged: French students will be subject to the same tuition fees as Canadians from out of province. They will retain a unique status as citizens of France, but this

tuition hike of roughly $4,400 is meant to help to ease the province’s financial burden. Brice Letcher, a third-year Biology student at McGill from Rhône-Alpes, France, commented on the financial drawback for French students. “I think for the French it’s a bit of a blow, obviously, and it’s going to restrict the [influx] of French students.” However, Letcher ultimately expressed approval of the proposed reform. “All the arguments in favour of the raise, I think, are more than fair,” Letcher told The Daily. “Philippe Couillard made a promise to Hollande and held it, namely, French students will keep on paying a preferential fee. It’s still a little bit above half the price anyone from anywhere else than Canada is having to pay. So the entente franco-

québécoise is still very much alive.” According to Vice-Principal (Communications and External Relations) Olivier Marcil, this reform will be a positive development for the University, and is expected to increase revenue. “We think this is a reasonable point of view for the Couillard government to take,” he explained in an email to the Daily. “We think it’s fair for a student from Paris, France, to pay the same as a Canadian student from Paris, Ontario.” Addressing the unique status of French students at McGill and in Quebec as a whole, Marcil said, “It’s important because of the historic relationship between Quebec and France, and to help strengthen the French language, which is a minority language in North America. We agree that French students

should have a special status compared with other international students, and even after the new fee is set, students from France will still enjoy an advantage.” In response to concerns that the tuition hike will negatively impact French enrollment, Marcil remained relatively optimistic. “We believe there won’t be a dramatic [effect] in either direction,” he said, noting that until negotiations end and the reform is finalized, it will be impossible to know for certain. When it does take effect however, the new policy probably won’t apply to those currently enrolled. “The common view among Quebec universities, including McGill, is that current students should be grandfathered, so they would not pay the new fee once it is established.”

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January 12, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Midterm reviews: SSMU executive This year’s Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) executive has shown itself to be more politically involved than its predecessor. Under this leadership, the society has strengthened its commitment to issues of climate justice and equity, and has seen engaged discussions both at Council and at Senate. The Fall General Assembly (GA) was remarkably well-attended, but also brought to light the necessity of fostering an understanding of SSMU’s political mandate among the student body. Councillors and executives alike have a role to play in this regard. –Photos by Tamim Sujat

Courtney Ayukawa – President With its huge turnout, the GA was a highlight of Courtney Ayukawa’s first semester in office. Ultimately, despite some initial problems and delays, she was able to handle the challenging logistics of the GA. As President, Ayukawa made progress on the review of outdated bylaws, partially prompted by a Judicial Board case against SSMU which she helped to resolve. She also oversaw the successful hiring of a new General Manager for SSMU. For the most part, Ayukawa’s enthusiasm for sustainability, as highlighted in her campaign platform, has not yet translated into tangible improvements. However, she has undertaken consultation efforts with respect to a new sustainability policy. Although Ayukawa regularly intervenes in defence of students’ interests at Senate, she has been less visible at the Board of Governors, finding her role as the sole SSMU representative there challenging. Ayukawa has attempted to open negotiations over SSMU’s Memorandum of Agreement, which outlines its legal agreement with the University, hoping to avoid timing and transparency issues, but the McGill administration has not been receptive to her efforts. She has also begun planning a joint summit with PGSS, which would determine budget priorities in light of recent provincial cuts and present the results to the administration.

Kathleen Bradley – VP Finance & Operations Kathleen Bradley’s term started off on an uncertain footing, with the previous SSMU executive’s failure to pass the SSMU building fee leaving the Society’s budget at risk of devastating cuts. According to Bradley, working around this uncertainty to pass a new building fee was both one of the most serious challenges and one of the greatest accomplishments of her term. While the new fee was unpopular with some, it has allowed SSMU to continue to operate effectively and meet its mandate to students. Another of Bradley’s significant projects has been The Nest, the student-run cafe which opened last year. As could be expected of a new business, The Nest has been operating at a loss, with its main priorities – providing food that is both lowcost and locally-sourced – appearing to conflict. Despite this, Bradley told The Daily that budget projections for the cafe are better than originally expected. Bradley has also made a commendable effort to communicate important information, such as clarifications regarding the budget, to both the press and the student body as a whole.

Claire Stewart-Kanigan – VP University Affairs Claire Stewart-Kanigan has shown exceptional initiative and leadership in her mandate so far, consistently supporting and advocating for students through a range of channels. She has overseen the successful launch of SSMU’s new mental health department, including the hiring of a coordinator and the planning and execution of Mental Health Awareness Week, and has been heavily involved in the student-led effort to draft and implement a sexual assault policy at McGill. Stewart-Kanigan has assumed a strong leadership role in the SSMU Senate caucus, helping to make it a vocal, coordinated, and effective team that consistently advocates for students, and submits at least one question to a member of the administration at every meeting. She has also made an effort to pressure the administration in other ways, notably by bringing to light student funding of 24-hour library access. Within SSMU, Stewart-Kanigan has made an effort to incorporate equity into event planning, and has begun a process to revisit SSMU’s equity policy. She has also held a public forum on weapons development, and will continue to work to extend and solidify SSMU’s policy on military research.

Daniel Chaim – VP Internal As VP Internal, Daniel Chaim oversees communication and events for SSMU. Frosh, one of his main portfolio items, was a success, and missed breaking even by a marginal 0.35 per cent of its $250,000 budget, a substantial improvement over last year’s $21,000 deficit. Chaim has also been receptive to concerns about equity at Frosh: Frosh and Orientation Week staff saw enhanced training on alcohol and consent, and Frosh coordinators also underwent equity training. Chaim noted a significant effort to mitigate the strain that Frosh puts on the Milton-Parc community’s relationship with McGill, although he recognized a need for continued improvement. He was pleased with this year’s 4Floors event, and with the effectiveness of SSMU’s costume campaign in particular. The Old McGill Yearbook, which has been costing SSMU roughly $20,000 annually in recent years, due to declining sales, will pose a challenge to Chaim this semester. Emphasizing the historical importance of the yearbook’s continued publication, Chaim has suggested the implementation of a publications fee to support it. He also hopes to facilitate communication within SSMU through the recently created ad-hoc Communications Committee, and to improve the structure and timing of Orientation Week planning.

Amina Moustaqim-Barrette – VP External In her first semester as VP External, Amina Moustaqim-Barrette reinvigorated the position with increased political involvement. She made climate change action a priority, taking a leading role in the Étudiant(e)s Contre les Oléoducs (ECO) coalition after SSMU passed a motion to join it at the GA. The External portfolio has provided support and funding for the ongoing Divest McGill campaign, and Moustaqim-Barrette was also involved in organizing the Fossil Free Canada climate convergence. While her dedication to the issue of environmental justice is admirable, we’d like to see Moustaqim-Barrette broaden the focus of her mobilization efforts, especially in the context of a growing province-wide movement against austerity. MoustaqimBarrette has made some progress in solidifying SSMU’s relationship with other Quebec universities through involvement with ECO; however, the fact that SSMU has remained an independent student union since leaving the TaCEQ student roundtable last year may have hindered collaboration and mobilization efforts. To counteract the backlash from those students who don’t see SSMU as a political body, Moustaqim-Barrette has indicated to The Daily that she intends to better communicate the purpose of the External portfolio to students this semester. She also aims to propose an alternative to TaCEQ by the end of her term.

Stefan Fong – VP Clubs & Services Occupying the Clubs & Services position for a second consecutive year, Stefan Fong has had the opportunity to continue working on his longterm projects, although progress on these has been relatively slow. Two significant endeavours – the reorganization of the fourth floor of the Shatner building and the creation of a club management portal known as the Club Hub – are currently stalled, as it is unclear what clubs’ precise needs are. A comprehensive survey has been designed, and will be distributed to clubs early this semester. Focusing on data collection for the moment, Fong aims to leave concrete action plans for his successor. In day-to-day operations, Fong has put greater emphasis on workshops for clubs, which have seen increased attendance. The construction on McTavish created difficulties for Activities Night, due to fire safety regulations, but no major problems arose aside from a lack of volunteers. Fong told The Daily that, due to high demand, responding to clubs’ inquiries in a timely manner remains a challenge – a fact that he hopes to address by giving clubs more autonomy when the Club Hub project comes to fruition.

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Midterm reviews: PGSS executive So far, the Post-Graduate Students’ Society (PGSS) executive’s greatest achievement has been the resolution of the long-drawn-out legal battle with the Canadian Federation of Students (CFS), which began in 2010. Although its confidence in Secretary-General Juan Camilo Pinto appeared low after the PGSS Board of Directors passed a motion of censure against him on December 3, the executive appears to have restored its cohesion to a working level. –Photo by Tamim Sujat

Juan Camilo Pinto – Secretary-General

Gesa – Internal Affairs Officer

Juan Camilo Pinto has prioritized the updating of PGSS bylaws and governance documents, notably implementing a reform of the PGSS Judicial Board. He has also helped to move the CFS case forward, and has worked on student life initiatives such as the development of an intramural sports grant and the revamping of the Post-Graduate Student Life Fund. Pinto has not been very active on the Board of Governors or at Senate, although he contributed to the passing of a set of regulations on graduate student advising and supervision, which clarified the student-supervisor relationship. Pinto indicated to The Daily that he has “started a conversation” with members of the administration to defend graduate students’ interests in the event that the university acquires the Royal Victoria Hospital. The PGSS Board of Directors’ censure of Pinto was a major drawback to the fulfillment of his mandate, and points to a broader dissatisfaction with his leadership. For example, some PGSS councillors have expressed concern that Pinto had signed a statement on behalf of PGSS without consulting Council or the executive.

Gesa’s term as Internal Affairs Officer has been a busy one so far. He told The Daily that the PGSS Internal Affairs Committee, over which he presides, has doubled in size compared to last year. This has provided the opportunity to plan a dense social calendar for PGSS members, including upcoming trips to Ottawa and Quebec City, a widely-anticipated laser tag event, and a love and sex week in February with events such as queer speed dating. Like some other PGSS execs, Gesa mentioned CFS troubles as one of the main challenges of his term so far. Noting the lawsuit which he filed as an individual against CFS and won, Gesa expressed regret over the energy that often had to be diverted toward CFS issues instead of other initiatives. However, Gesa is hopeful that, pending the results of the upcoming disaffiliation referendum, the resolution of PGSS’ legal and financial disagreements with CFS will liberate resources and allow him to expand the implementation of his portfolio.

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily

Nikki Meadows – Financial Affairs Officer

Julien Ouellet – External Affairs Officer

Jennifer Murray – Academic Affairs Officer

Brighita Lungu – Member Services Officer

According to Nikki Meadows, changes to the Post-Graduate Student Life Fund are among her most noteworthy successes. These reforms allowed the numerous departmental associations, as well as postdoctoral fellows, to access their own finances and budget with less oversight from PGSS as a whole. Changes to the grants program, emphasized by Meadows and the rest of the slate during last spring’s campaign period, have also been implemented. These include the removal of minimum and maximum grant amounts, as well as the creation of a more impartial grant allocation process. One of Meadows’ main challenges has been dealing with PGSS’ various legal entanglements with CFS, and the substantial legal costs they incur. While such costs are all but unavoidable, and are, in fact, critical to PGSS’ ongoing struggle to leave CFS, Meadows expressed regret that the money involved could not be used to fund other deserving projects. Meadows has also been closely involved in lease negotiations with the administration for Thomson House. While there has been no sign of major discord in the negotiations so far, Meadows and the rest of the PGSS executive have insisted on keeping them confidential. A lack of transparency could severely harm student trust, as was the case with the SSMU building lease last year.

Julien Ouellet has been very active at the level of the Fédération étudiante universitaire du Québec (FEUQ), with which PGSS is affiliated. He has contributed to FEUQ’s lobbying efforts for cheaper international student health insurance, and has also worked on co-hosting the GU15 forum of pan-Canadian graduate student associations. Additionally, he promoted FEUQ’s campaign to reconfigure the provincial student loan program for increased accessibility. Ouellet told The Daily that lobbying the provincial government for changes has been particularly difficult, given its emphasis on austerity measures. In this context especially, PGSS would stand to benefit from increased mobilization and activism beyond the relatively narrow framework defined and endorsed by FEUQ. Ouellet has, however, worked with graduate student associations outside FEUQ, and he plans to increase collaboration with Concordia during the semester.

As Academic Affairs Officer, Jennifer Murray has strived to represent graduate students’ interests on University committees and at Senate. For example, she assisted PGSS members in bringing their concerns to Senate regarding the move of the Research Institute of the McGill University Health Centre to the Glen site superhospital. As a member of the Senate Nominating Committee, she also contributed to the addition of another Senate seat for PGSS. Improving graduate supervision has been a priority for Murray. She contributed to the reforms, passed at Senate in October, that increased accountability in graduate supervision. As a result, said Murray, this issue should be taken more seriously by the administration and by faculty. She also collaborated with Pinto in reviewing PGSS’ activities manual and bylaws. Murray noted that reaching the entire PGSS membership had been a challenge for her, as the graduate student body is not entirely concentrated on campus.

As the Member Services Officer, Brighita Lungu has maintained mental health as a high priority for PGSS through active involvement in Mental Health Week and the Students in Mind conference. Lungu has also pushed for new mental health initiatives, including the development of a services map in conjunction with the PGSS equity committee to help students access mental health resources more easily, and the production of a testimonial-based mini documentary about grad students’ experiences with mental health, which should be completed this semester. Given that roughly 1,000 PGSS members have children, childcare has been another priority for Lungu. PGSS currently offers monthly “Study Saturdays,” providing babysitting services, snacks, and activities for members’ children, giving the parents time to study. Lungu is also seeking government approval for PGSS to open a private daycare, but her efforts have so far been unsuccessful due to the low zoning priority given to childcare services in the downtown area.

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January 12, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Council takes stance against police brutality

News

ECOLE project gains access to potential fee levy with new status Lauria Galbraith The McGill Daily he Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) Legislative Council convened for its final meeting of the year on December 4. Council granted ECOLE independent group status, discussed ways to engage constituents with SSMU, and passed a motion against police brutality and racialized law enforcement in solidarity with the protests in Ferguson.

project,” said Arts Senator Kareem Ibrahim, a member of ECOLE’s board of directors, in an email to The Daily. Ibrahim, along with two other councillors, abstained from the vote due to involvement with the ECOLE project. Ibrahim also noted that this new status would allow ECOLE to secure funding through a fee levy when its current funding, provided by the Sustainability Projects Fund (SPF), ceases at the end of the academic year.

Independent Student Group status for ECOLE Council passed a motion giving the ECOLE project Independent Student Group status, and thus an official tie to SSMU. ECOLE is a community and research centre that aims to promote sustainability and to be a model for sustainable living, according to ECOLE facilitator Emily Boytinck. SSMU helped to set the project in motion last year, and ECOLE’s new status will help solidify its relationship with SSMU, Boytinck told Council. “Institutionalizing ECOLE’s relationship with SSMU was crucial to the long-term sustainability of the

Inviting constituents to Council Several councillors brought forth a motion to ask that representatives invite their constituents to certain Council meetings, so that students could take part in discussions and engage with SSMU. “Most students don’t know what SSMU Council is or what it does,” said Ibrahim, one of the movers. “[Students] should come to SSMU Council in a proactive way, rather than a reactive way.” However, other councillors were critical of the motion. “I don’t see how students sitting and watching us talk for four hours is really an active, engaging, two-way communication relationship,” said Arts and

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Science Senator Chloe Rourke. President Courtney Ayukawa argued that the motion was unnecessary, as encouraging students to attend Council meetings was already in councillors’ mandates. Medicine Senator David Benrimoh contested, “There is value in reminding people, look: this is your legislative body, we are here for you, if you would like to see our deliberations, how we work and how we make decisions that affect your daily lives, you’re welcome [here].” The motion failed. “If most of the public doesn’t know what SSMU Council is or how to access it, we’re far from fulfilling our roles as representatives and informants,” Ibrahim told The Daily, expressing disappointment with the outcome. Police brutality and racialized law enforcement In the context of the grand jury decisions not to indict officers for the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson and of Eric Garner in New York, and the growing number of black deaths at the hands of the police, Council voted to condemn the decisions, as well as police brutality and racialized law enforcement, and to work with the Black Stu-

Lauria Galbraith | The McGill Daily dents’ Network (BSN) to release a statement on the issue. “This is something that does affect our student body,” said VP University Affairs Claire Stewart-Kanigan. “It is not a neutral act to remain silent.” Ayukawa took issue with the fact that BSN had not been consulted in the drafting of the motion. “I’m uncomfortable with a room full of people that do not seem visibly black passing this motion,” she said. “[It would have been] ideal to consult the BSN in writing this motion, but given the time constraint, consultation was only had with the

SSMU Equity Commissioners,” Ibrahim, one of the movers, told The Daily in an email. Halfway through the discussion, BSN representative Élie Lubendo came to the meeting, having being informed of the motion by a councillor. After consulting other BSN members, he voiced support for the motion despite the lack of consultation, and proposed an amendment to include the deaths of other black civilians, to show that this was an issue “all across ages, all across genders.” The motion passed.

Senate fails to vote on late withdrawals policy Provost warns to expect additional cuts in 2016-17

Igor Sadikov The McGill Daily

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n what Principal Suzanne Fortier called “a full experience of our Senate,” the December 3 Senate meeting saw some confusion over rules of procedure in the discussion of a proposed policy on late course withdrawals in exceptional circumstances. Provost Anthony Masi also gave a presentation on budget planning for 2016-17. Policy on late withdrawals Associate Provost (Policies, Procedures & Equity) Lydia White moved to approve a policy on late course withdrawals as part of the report of the Academic Policy Committee (APC). With the goal of setting “accurate, fair and compassionate guidelines to address difficult situations,” the proposed policy would allow removal of the courses and grades for an entire term from the official transcript if the student withdrew from all classes under ex-

ceptional circumstances. A lengthy discussion ensued, in which numerous student senators emphasized the necessity to similarly allow for removal of individual courses from the official transcript, as a student under duress may wish to concentrate on one or two classes instead of withdrawing the entire term. White indicated that the APC had decided against extending the policy to individual courses, as “it would be very difficult to determine on what basis one should be allowed to withdraw from some courses and not others.” Students raised concerns that this ‘all-or-nothing’ approach would create a difficult situation for students wishing to partially withdraw from a term. “I fear that this [policy] might be harmful, because we’re telling students, ‘You can lose all the work you’ve done, or accept the Ws,’” said Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) Medicine Senator David Benrimoh. Arts Faculty Senator Catherine

Lu argued that “manual curing” of the transcript could jeopardize its credibility, and that grades of W don’t necessarily penalize the student in admissions. “[The presence of Ws] indicates that the student had a legitimate reason to withdraw, and that actually makes us discount the [other] lower grades that the student received in that term,” said Lu. Dean of Students Andre Costopoulos countered that Ws are in fact harmful for admissions, especially in medicine and law. While a W is not defined by McGill as a punitive notation, “in effect, we have seen over the years that it has become punitive,” he said. SSMU Law Senator Dan Snyder shared his experience of facing invasive questions from employers after taking a term off for health reasons and receiving Ws. “Putting people on the spot for future employment again and again, that’s something we need to avoid,” he said. Seeing no consensus, White in-

dicated that she had “no objection to withdrawing the motion.” With consent from Engineering Faculty Senator David Covo, who had seconded the motion, it was withdrawn. Benrimoh, who had attempted to put forth an amendment moments before the motion was withdrawn, then moved to suspend the rules and reconsider the motion in order to amend the policy to include a mandatory review clause. The vote, which required a threefourths majority, failed, but the reconsideration motion will be voted on again at the next Senate meeting on January 21. “I was shocked, frankly, that the motion was withdrawn,” Benrimoh told The Daily in an interview. “[The motion] doesn’t quite go far enough, and it does present certain difficulties, but not enough that it’s worth completely shooting down.” “We were really disappointed,” added Benrimoh. “To have [the motion] withdrawn showed an unwillingness to have open and honest de-

bate in Senate.” Budget planning, new provost In giving the budget planning presentation, the first of three this year, Masi emphasized the continued uncertainty of government funding, with about $20 million in provincial cuts having been announced mid-year. An additional $5 to $6 million in cuts are expected for 2016-17 based on preliminary indications, Masi said. Noting that “austerity measures will not lead to successful future for McGill and its community” in the presentation, Masi indicated that community consultation will be required to perform “strategic cuts” weighted more heavily toward certain units. In her opening remarks, Fortier indicated that the Board of Governors had approved the appointment of a new provost at its December 2 meeting. Current Dean of Arts Christopher Manfredi will replace Masi in the role effective July 1.

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Commentary

January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Austerity and the war machine Cuts lead to more military research and a ‘brutalist’ university

Jasmine Wang | The McGill Daily Rachel Avery & Mona Luxion Commentary Writers

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ast semester, the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) adopted positions of solidarity against austerity and in opposition to the development of harmful military technology on campus. Though presented as separate motions at the October 22 General Assembly, the issues are in fact closely linked. The connections between universities and the war machine are not new, especially at McGill, but austerity policies breathe new life into those ties. Austerity is a political approach that prioritizes a balanced budget (in Quebec, “déficit zéro”) over social welfare, using cuts to social programs to offset the lost revenue caused by years of tax cuts for corporations and wealthy citizens. As Quebec’s funding for universities is repeatedly cut, McGill’s administration increasingly advocates corporate research partnerships as the solution. The pressure to seek external funding for research has led professors and graduate students to forge close ties with military contractors and even Canadian and foreign military agencies. Austerity further subjects university activities to the logic of the market, reducing claims of academic freedom and ethical research to empty words.

While university funding is gutted, defence budgets remain nearly untouched by austerity policies. Though the federal government aims to cut $90 billion (nearly one third) of its budget between 2010 and 2017, the Department of National Defence has only reduced its overall spending by two per cent to date. Researchers seeking partnerships are thus in-

The connections between universities and the war machine are not new, especially at McGill, but austerity policies breathe new life into those ties. creasingly pushed to get funding by conforming to the agendas of funding entities, including the military. This is exacerbated at McGill, where the office of Research and International Relations provides additional support to those projects most likely to bring in external funding.

It is no surprise that defence budgets stay high. Austerity costs jobs, increases inequality, and attacks government commitments like social safety nets, health and environmental regulations, as well as Indigenous sovereignty. The justified anger and resistance these measures bring about make an austerity budget impossible without increased surveillance and repression. Research at McGill helps police forces and domestic surveillance agencies use drones to more effectively surveil Canadian residents, and network analysis to better control social media and social movements. As some faculties and programs adapt to the new economy, reconfiguring their program as uncritical jobtraining and their students as unpaid workers in the military-industrial complex, others will be starved and discounted until they have to close their doors. Universities around the world are already showing a trend of favouring certain programs, especially applied sciences, engineering, and business, over disciplines with fewer direct ties to industry, especially the humanities. Where does this leave education? What remains is only what cultural critic Henry Giroux calls a “brutalist” and “pragmatic” university that positions students as cogs in a wheel rather than critical participants in

society – let alone as curious and caring people who build knowledge as they build lives and communities. This functionalist model that is the product

Austerity costs jobs, increases inequality, and attacks government commitments like safety nets, health and environmental regulations, as well as Indigenous sovereignty. of austerity and militarization does not even ensure financial stability for the students involved, with research jobs outsourced to universities, the corporate sector can afford to make fewer and more temporary hires in-house. Faculty too are increasingly insecure, as tenured and tenure-track positions evaporate, and ever more courses are taught by precarious, poorly-paid contract workers. How do we escape this agenda

and reclaim education and the university from the gears of the military capitalist machine? Quite simply, we must refuse and resist to be made its subjects. Student resistance has begun strongly and must continue to grow. But the involvement of faculty is essential. In the interests of their students, of their disciplines, and of the world we are shaping, faculty must resist the lure of military funding: the strings attached pull their teaching and their students out of an educational environment and into a precarious, for-profit system. Faculty in disciplines outside the scope of the military-industrial reach are also integral to this struggle, as the same logic cuts funding to their departments – at McGill, this includes reducing academic and administrative positions, refusing to buy print materials for the libraries, and making access to the basic requirements to do their jobs contingent on external research funding. Austerity budgets and military collaboration are presented as inevitable. But with the commitment of faculty and students, we can resist both and build a community that values learning over profits. Rachel Avery is a PhD student in Musicology, and Mona Luxion is a graduate student in Urban Planning. To reach them, email m.luxion@gmail.com.

Commentary

January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Sustainable for whom? Critically assessing Suzanne Fortier’s conception of ‘community’ Ella Belfer Commentary Writer

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he inauguration of Suzanne Fortier as McGill’s new principal in September 2013 was to mark the beginning of a new era, one in which the administration strove to be open and accountable to the community. Unlike her predecessor, Fortier makes a point of emphasizing her role as a megaphone for the community, a “reflection of [McGill’s] collective vision.” After a year in office, Fortier says, in an article in The McGill Reporter, she has begun to “crystallize the hopes, the goals, and the ambitions of this community.” Yet the University’s ever closer ties with industrial interests suggest otherwise. The past two years have also marked a new era in sustainability at McGill with the launch of Vision 2020, a long-term sustainability strategy for McGill. The project, sponsored by the McGill Office of Sustainability, brought over 1000 stakeholders together to draft long-term goals and concrete actions for promoting sustainability in McGill’s research, governance, administration, connectivity, operations, and education. Following the widespread expression of community interest in ethical investments by groups such as Divest McGill and the McGill Office of Sustainability, the Board of Governors’ (BoG) Committee to Advise on Matters of Social Responsibility (CAMSR) – responsible for assessing the “social injury” caused by McGill’s investments – undertook a BoG Terms of Reference review with community consultation for the first time. As a result, the Terms of Reference were amended to include “grave environmental damage” as one of the criteria to consider in proposing changes to McGill’s financial holdings. Bowing to unprecedented interest from the community, CAMSR revised its role, acknowledging it ought to be more proactive. Before, it would simply make recommendations regarding petitions without conducting meaningful research. In the words of Fortier herself, “Sustainability is a priority at McGill.” It is tempting to link these two phenomena; a new principal, determined to base her platform on the community’s needs, and a new wave of sustainability at McGill. Accepting this narrative, the increasing ‘greenness’ of our campus seems inevitable. To many students, it seemed that the cogs of the bureaucratic machine were turning at last. But a shift in language is only as valuable as a corresponding shift in

Suzanne Fortier speaking to campus media on November 12. action. Many students interpreted Fortier’s ‘community-driven’ platform as a promise not just to listen, but to act on the demands voiced by the students at McGill, the voices least represented at the governance table. Students would welcome such a platform, in a school where the average student is unable to even speak or ask questions at BoG meetings (held in a room with extremely limited capacity for audience attendance), and where student engagement with the administration is limited to one of three options: send an email (or ten) and await an unlikely reply; hope that the two student voices on a board of 25 will bring up the issue; or protest, hoping to create enough pressure so administrators can no longer ignore the issue. Even when student voices are heard, and their initiatives are considered, the administration is very reluctant to implement them fully. For instance, Vision 2020 originally began as a truly collective grassroots vision, before facing significant barriers from the administration. The McGill Office of Sustainability was forced to substantially reduce the ambition of the document before the BoG would approve it. Sustainability initiatives at McGill have all followed the same process: dedicated students do the labourintensive research, campaigning, and legwork, often mobilizing student funds in the process, at which point the University green-lights a less ambitious incarnation of the project, co-opting it as yet another example of

how sustainable McGill really is. It’s important to remain critical of just who is actually being consulted as Fortier’s ‘community.’ When members of Divest McGill met for the first time with Fortier this summer, presenting a vision of a university that does not invest in corporations directly responsible for causing social injury and the destruction of the planet, and asking about the Principal’s stance on fossil fuel divestment, Fortier refused to even put forward a presentation in front of the BoG or a meeting with the Investment Committee. Given the chance to prioritize the voices of students, and to address demands being made by members of the McGill community, Fortier refused to promote open dialogue between students and relevant decision makers. The McGill administration historically has had trouble defining ‘community.’ Take the most recent joint BoG-Senate meeting, closed to the public, whose theme of “community engagement through research and innovation” was no more than a presentation of how industry might best leverage our community to maximize its profit. Last year, a conference was hosted by the Institute of Canadian Studies, purporting to discuss whether Canada is a petroleum economy. Although it was promoted as a balanced discussion by relevant experts, the conference featured a presentation from the vice president of Canadian oil company Cenovus Energy, John Brannan, and an appallingly racist and sexist

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily speech by media personality Ezra Levant, while leaving little time for voices from frontline communities. Both Fortier and the McGill administration have a history of prioritizing corporate interests over student voices, with the replacement of Tim Hortons with Prèmiere Moisson as a recent example. Not to demonize all such decisions, but one has to ask: whose voices are truly being heard? The fossil fuel industry has done everything in its power to dominate the conversation on sustainability. From the involvement of Suncor and Syncrude in the redesign of Alberta’s kindergarten-to-third-grade curriculum to the success of oil and gas corporations in lobbying Ottawa against greenhouse gas regulations, corporations are using their financial clout to leverage national politics. At McGill, one of the major partners of the Trottier Institute for Sustainability in Engineering and Design (TISED) is Total E&P, a company dedicated to promoting the “sustainable development” of the tar sands. According to a study published just this week, at a very conservative estimate, no more than 15 per cent of Canadian oil reserves can be used by 2050 if we have any chance of limiting global warming to 2 degrees Celsius, assuming technology develops to make tar sands extraction cleaner than it is at present. The study also emphasized the limited impact of carbon capture and storage technologies, which are at present just becoming commercially viable but remain both energyintensive and expensive.

Students campaigning for sustainability initiatives face hurdle after hurdle at multiple levels of the administration. Time and time again, student activists are told, “Be patient, change takes time.” Asked by campus media on November 12 how McGill’s investment choices will mirror community opinion as widespread support grows for fossil fuel divestment, Fortier responded, “You start getting there into the zone of evaluation of what is the impact and at what point is it important to take serious action, it’s not a simple thing.” Which raises the question, important to whom? The science is clear, and the call for serious action has been made time and time again. McGill, as an institution for higher learning, has an instrumental role to play in fostering a new culture of sustainability. The McGill community – students, staff, faculty, alumni – has made clear time and time again the importance of sustainability. While Fortier presents a new image of McGill’s administration, the underlying attitudes, structures, and barriers remain unchanged. The goals of McGill’s sustainability community, largely elucidated in Vision 2020, are truly a “collective vision” of what McGill could, and ought to be. Now, it’s up to Fortier to honour her commitment to reflect our vision. Ella Belfer is a U2 Joint Honours Economics and Environmental Studies student and a member of Divest McGill. To contact her, email ella.belfer@mail.mcgill.ca.

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Commentary

January 12, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Daily news inside the ‘bubble’ Let’s start talking about Printemps 2015 Hera Chan Readers’ Advocate

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o far in this school-year cycle, The Daily’s news section has struggled to burst the McGill ‘bubble’ and relate issues at home with the greater context of Montreal, and in some cases, Quebec. The Daily, as written for its readership by members of its readership, is not fulfilling its mandate of reporting genuinely on issues of social justice and alternative views on politics. There has been strong and – dare I say – nuanced coverage of the Post-Graduate Students’ Society (PGSS), the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU), the progression of the Indigenous Studies program at McGill, the Redmen sexual assault case, and so forth. Coverage of McGill issues has been strong, but could benefit from a greater scope. The news articles this year have a focus on what happened, not on what those events mean. Many of the political underpinnings of policies and motions passed during those PGSS and SSMU meetings could benefit from greater analysis, and a drawing of the bigger picture. The articles that do extend beyond the McGill bubble tend to be more social justice-oriented (I write that positively), and the political news has mostly been relegated to the discussion on the provincial budget cuts. The cuts are hitting the Arts Internship Office. The cuts are creating a hiring freeze. We, the students, are all disappointed with the administration’s reaction. Yet beyond coverage of widespread and general disappointment, another possible direction to take while discussing austerity measures should

Alice Shen | The McGill Daily be actual actions being taken against them that are not mere expressions of a vague insular emotion. In the article “Thousands in the streets against austerity,” dated November 1, 2014, The Daily reported that at least 82,000 CEGEP and university students had gone on a oneday strike. Yet, talk on our campus of a potential strike and the Comité Large Printemps 2015 has been limited to instances where groups outside of McGill organize demonstrations. Any form of direct political action, sanctioned (such as a vote to strike) or not, is an option incubated by small, committed groups of people, and by The Daily. Talk of strikes

doesn’t just happen at McGill; the discussion must be brought forth. The Daily editorial board is made up of McGill students, and its pages are filled with writers, photographers, illustrators, and designers who are McGill students. The voices of The Daily hold the ultimate privilege in being able to have a platform to articulate grievances, beliefs, and ideologies, in a way that is legible to the public, yet they do little to address the position of being a member of a purportedly elite institution of higher learning. At McGill and at The Daily, it is easy not to participate in Montreal and Quebec affairs. It is easy

not to learn about anti-oppressive practices and other forms of social organization, because why search for an alternative when the McGill hierarchy prioritizes your voice anyway? Why check your own privilege when you have so much of it? In writing news, why take action beyond writing about disappointment, a passive approach, if you don’t feel personally affected by the austerity measures? To be more frank, I am suggesting that The Daily’s editors, news writers, and contributors make more of an effort to question their own positionality and privilege, to contextualize news events and

McGill happenings in the greater context of Montreal, and to bring in Quebec politics. McGill students are also members of the Montreal community and it is time that The Daily’s news coverage reflected that. This spring, we might be witness to another printemps érable, another #ggi, and maybe, The Daily doesn’t have to just play witness, but it can play participant. Readers’ Advocate is a twicemonthly column written by Hera Chan addressing the performance, relevance, and quality of The Daily. You can reach her at readersadvocate@mcgilldaily.com.

The Daily endorses a “no” vote on next week’s PGSS referendum, meaning that PGSS would leave the Canadian Federation of Students. Check out mcgilldaily.com for the full endorsement.

Features

January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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FOOD FOR THE NORTH

Indigenous people in Northern Canada face severe food insecurity written by Joelle Dahm illustrations by Joelle Dahm and Lia Elbaz

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anada hides under a blanket of good marketing and public relations that actively cover up the various human rights abuses undertaken by the federal government. Especially when it comes to the treatment of the Indigenous people whose land it has stolen, the Canadian government has a lot to learn – as

can be seen by the little to no regard paid to the thousands of missing and murdered Indigenous women across Canada. The Canadian government’s historical treatment of Indigenous people has been abhorrent, be it through the mass exploitation of unceded Indigenous land, forced assimilation, residential schools,

etcetera. But another issue – one that many people in the Canadian South might not be familiar with, due to the difference in infrastructure and living conditions – is the disproportionately high and continuously increasing level of food insecurity among Indigenous communities in the North, which mostly affects Inuit.

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Features

January 12, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Experiences with food insecurity Claire*, a single mother of two, lives in a 400-person community in northern Nunavut, and shared her experience of facing challenges to acquire fresh and affordable food with The Daily. “I mostly try and eat country food [items in the traditional diet of Inuit and other Indigenous people in northern Canada, such as caribou, fish, or whales], but my children love to eat store-bought food. So I try to buy store food. There are hot dogs, flour, cereal, lard, milk, [and] bread [at the store]. We always run out of bread and milk and other things. There are hardly any fresh fruits and vegetables here, when they finally come in from Churchill, Manitoba, the [transportation company] lets them sit outside in winter. By the time they get up North, they are frozen [and/or spoiled], and still they are so expensive. So we hardly get a choice of vegetables and fruits.” “I grew up in the North so there were times when we weren’t starving, but we were hungry as kids,” Leesee Papatsie said in a phone interview with The Daily. Papatsie is one of the founders of Feeding My Family, an organization that started by establishing a Facebook group for people in remote Canadian areas to communicate and organize around the excessively high food prices in Northern regions, especially in Nunavut. The Facebook group allows people to share information and to coordinate dialogue and action, but also to create a coherent institutional memory of food prices, as members will share pictures and posts about food prices in their area. The compiled images of overpriced items and the large number of people in the group talking about their experiences paint a picture of the lack of food security in Canada. The World Food Summit of 1996 defined food security as “when all people at all times have access to sufficient, safe, nutritious food to maintain a healthy and active life.” This includes access to culturally relevant foods (food items that might be specifically desired

the experiences of Claire and Papatsie are part of a larger, more systemic problem with food insecurity in Canada. Causes of food insecurity Canada faces some specific issues in terms of geographic location, climate, and low population density, with settlements spread far across the country. Due to these circumstances, transport of food and other items into Northern communities is difficult. Papatsie emphasized that the issue is much more severe in smaller, more remote communities. “In smaller communities it’s still quite common to see [expired] food. Part of it too is that the stores have to buy their food and their dried goods once a year, and have them brought in by ship or barge in the summertime.” Being able to order food only once a year, due to climatic conditions and immensely expensive transport, leaves people in these regions often without an efficient food system. George Wenzel, a professor at McGill’s geography department, has been working with Inuit people for over forty years. In an interview with The Daily, Wenzel explained that only a very small number of people and businesses are actually involved in the process of getting food into the North. “It’s a monopoly situation, at the retail end, at the transportation end. There are only two airlines going up into the North, and only one of them really services most of the communities.” According to a fact sheet compiled by Feeding My Family, two main retailers hold a virtual duopoly in the North: Arctic Co-operatives and the North West Company. In addition, many communities only have one or two stores, which control a large amount of the prices. Feeding My Family states that food prices in Nunavut are about 140 per cent higher than in the rest of Canada, while the revenue is much lower than the Canadian average. To Claire, these are familiar issues. “We [have to] to go out and buy things [quickly], because they al-

“Inuit were pretty good living off of the land before settling into communities. Back then, the federal government promised the Inuit that they would get their free education, free housing, and that they would not have to worry about hunger anymore.” Leesee Papatsie,

founder of Feeding my Family within a certain cultural group), and the ability to make these choices appropriate to dietary needs and personal preferences. In Canada in 2011, an estimated 12.2 per cent of households experienced some extent of food insecurity, as stated by PROOF, an interdisciplinary, internationally-based group of food security policy researchers. This was a significant increase from the 11.3 per cent of households in 2007. Moreover, according to the Council of Canadian Academies, “Food insecurity presents a serious and growing challenge in Canada’s northern and remote Aboriginal communities. In 2011, off-reserve Aboriginal households in Canada were about twice as likely as other Canadian households to be food insecure.” It is therefore clear that

ways run out of things, like milk products, really fast. But then I get $600 a month, and the $600 I spend is three days worth of food. And we’re out of food already. [...] It makes me feel sad. The kids are hungry.” Papatsie explained that this is not the same for all communities. “We’re pretty lucky with that because we have different stores, [but still] with the food pricing we can spend anywhere between $500 to $600 per week on food, and that takes a big dent on your paycheck. But we’re lucky because we work, both my husband and I, but for people who don’t have proper employment, they’re the ones that have a hard time. Some people struggle from meal to meal sometimes.” Wenzel thinks that the blame for this issue

should not be placed on the business owners alone. “The business of business is profit. The higher the profit the better the business. [...] Their job is to sell things and maximize profit; I certainly don’t condone it. If there was more competition there would be a difference, but not that much of a difference.” While more competition could help in bringing prices down and move against the monopoly situation that is prevalent in many regions in the North, it still wouldn’t present a solution to the initial problem, which is the reliance on subsidies. The introduction of capitalism in these regions left wounds that are still not healing. When profit is valued higher than human rights, it opens the way to exploitation and oppression, as was the case during the colonial period. In the 1950s, the Canadian government began centralizing Indigenous communities under the pretense of bringing them similar services as in southern Canada, such as healthcare and education. However, the result of this was the displacement of Indigenous people, resettlement into communities that were more manageable for the Western colonizers, and forced introduction to Western ideas at the expense of Indigenous culture. The latter took place in residential schools, in which thousands of Indigenous people were physically and psychologically abused, until the schools were closed in 1996. Even now, colonial power structures still exist and are clearly visible in the much smaller percentage of money allocated toward Indigenous schools, compared to public schools, the lower quality of healthcare provided to Indigenous communities, and continuous disrespect of Indigenous land by the Canadian government. Wenzel highlighted that another part of this colonial legacy was established within food security. “When you brought together what had been, let’s say, a population dispersed in eight communities into one place, it meant you had a higher density of hunters and that meant you began to have a problem with local populations of animals.” Papatsie emphasized that “[the legacy of colonialism] still has an effect today among the Inuit. You know, the federal government basically wanted the Inuit to live in communities, their main reason was so that there’s no starvation. But Inuit were pretty good living off of the land before settling into communities. Back then, the federal government promised the Inuit that they would get their free education, free housing, and that they would not have to worry about hunger anymore.” In retrospect, the disaster the Canadian-imposed school systems inflicted is very clear, as is the evidence that the Canadian government did not keep its promise of providing food security. Even more than that, by rounding people up together, many lost their livelihood and are in a constant state of unemployment. Claire’s community consists about 400 people, slowly growing. She says, “There is no employment, but there is some construction going on finally. So there is a bit of work for a few months. There are a lot of people who always get hungry and we have to give ourselves assistance.” Wenzel highlights another problem with unemployment in the region. “Money is such a scarce resource, you have an incipient two-class society. People with regular jobs who get reasonable pay, and a larger group of people

[who] live on transfer payments, like family allowance, welfare, social assistance, pensions, and so on, which is not a lot of money given the relative cost [of living].” Failed government initiatives The colonial legacy of Canada is responsible for many, if not most, of the issues Indigenous people are facing today. The Canadian government tried to take some responsibility by establishing subsidy programs such as the Nutrition North program in 2011. This federal freight subsidy program, which replaced the Food Mail program, has a fund of more than $60 million, and is supposed to subsidize selected food items in specific Northern communities. Food Mail used to subsidize the transport of the food; however, only certain companies were subsidized, which meant that the consumer did not necessarily see a benefit. The new Nutrition North program subsidizes the retailers so that prices at which the retailers sell their produce will change. According to CBC, however, many retailers are making profit from the subsidies rather than using them to make the products more affordable. This comes as no surprise as five out of the six members of the Nutrition North advisory are Conservative donors, as stated by the CBC, with “at least three board members [who] appear to be involved with organizations or businesses that have received federal government funding, either directly or indirectly.” Tracey Galloway, an assistant professor in the anthropology department at the University of Manitoba, recently published a report called “Nutrition North Canada retail subsidy program meeting the goal of making nutritious and perishable food more accessible and affordable in the North?” in the Canadian Journal of Public Health, claiming that there is “little evidence that Nutrition North is meeting its goal of improving the availability and affordability of nutritious food.” Galloway told the Globe and Mail that “there were two significant issues: first, a lack of transparency in how the subsidy rates for each community [are] determined – what information is collected, how often is that information reevaluated, how the subsidy level is actually calculated for each community. [...] Second, there’s a lack of accountability for demonstrating just how the value of the subsidy is passed on to consumers in the form of lower retail pricing.” Both Claire and Papatsie describe the program as ineffective. Claire says that she didn’t see any decrease in grocery prices in the last three years. Many Inuit and others affected by the high food prices were getting more and more distressed with outrageous situations, in which people had to pay $28 for a head of cabbage, or $99 for a whole fish, according to Feeding My Family. Papatsie was involved in the organization of protests against the lack of support and accountability of the government in food matters. She told The Daily, “The first protest was in June 2012. That one got a lot of attention among the Inuit, because generally Inuit never protested against anything. It’s the Inuit way to get along with one another, and that’s from the historical part. When the Inuit lived in camps they had to work together to survive. There was not even an actual word for protest. [...] In the beginning when we were organizing the protest, we got a lot of, ‘This is not the Inuit

Features

way, what are you guys doing?” While the protests are unprecedented in Inuit communities, and therefore have brought widespread attention to the topic, little has happened since then. Many people in Nunavut still do not have enough food. This is also partially due to the lack of support in form of social assistance and child support payments. Claire explained that she’s disturbed by the apathy of the government. “I’m not receiving support right now, no child support payments. I went to a court and I kept calling the Nunavut government offices, but they don’t pay child support. And we struggle with no food.” Papatsie makes clear that this is not an uncommon situation, “We’ve heard lots of comments on the social assistance not being enough. When [people] get their social assistance, within a week they have no more food in the house. The social assistance is only a band-aid solution for a week.” Country food and other solutions The completely ineffective assistance that the Canadian government provides to Indigenous communities is a symptom of their lack of concern for and ignorance of Indigenous rights and needs. Some people in the Feeding My Family Facebook group argue that self-sustenance in the form of greenhouses, a step towards country food, and less dependence on the specific freight subsidies might be beneficial. In a paper called “Conceptual-

January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

izing food security for Indigenous people in Canada,” Elaine M. Power argues “that cultural food security is an additional level of food security beyond individual, household and community levels.” Cultural food in this case describes traditional food resources, which are also called ‘country foods.’ Papatsie underlined the benefits of country foods in Inuit communities. “Its very common for Inuit to share whatever they’ve caught. That’s always been the Inuit tradition. A lot of it comes from years ago, when there used to be starvation among the Inuit, so the Inuit have always helped each other with hunger. [...] Inuit share their food, what they’ve caught. It’s a very common tradition in the North, and I think that is part of the reason why there’s no starvation now[...] There are a lot of family members feeding other family members, not just with country food. If a person didn’t have [food] at home, they would go to their cousins, who would have food, and they would share whatever they are eating.” Claire added that the sharing is not just common between family members, but that hunters, after a successful hunt, “call radio or post on Facebook [and tell others] to come get caribou meat.” The only problem with this is that transportation between communities is sometimes difficult, so some of the meat might spoil. Hunting in order to get country food is, like most things in this region, quite expensive. Due to the centralized settlements,

technology is needed to hunt more effectively and to cover a larger territory. Hunting gear and transportation, such as snowmobiles, are pricey, and not many people can afford the maintenance. Wenzel told The Daily, “[A snowmobile] is like a car: once you drive it off the lot, it also depreciates by a quarter. [...] You’re putting in several thousands of dollars in repairs plus fuel in the first year, and then it gets worse after that.” Many stores don’t keep replacement parts for older models, so Inuit have to invest in new vehicles on a constant basis. While Canada’s 1998 action plan for food security – a document that was drafted in response to the World Food Summit action plan – includes a whole page on traditional resources, there hasn’t been much visible work on part of the government in this area. According to Wenzel, “There is no substantial support for producing traditional resources, traditional food.” Papatsie adds that, “Another thing is that when you do go hunting, it’s a skill that not everyone up here has anymore. And if you do go hunting you know it’s not guaranteed that you’re going to hunt something.” Claire proposes that “[the government] should help more with country food, so that it can be available every week. They should hire a couple of hunters who can go out every week or twice a week. [The government should] give to community, and not just limit it. One caribou is not enough

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for a lot of people here. [They should] hire a couple of hunters to go hunting for the local people who can’t go hunting, who don’t have the transportation.” A higher focus on country foods and a subsidization of the gear needed for hunting methods would require understanding and support of Indigenous needs and practices by the Canadian government. History has shown that the government largely fails to empower Indigenous people and to serve them efficiently by creating an environment in which self-determination and reliance can even be possible. It becomes more and more visible that programs such as Nutrition North are not completely altruistic, and benefit the buisnesses, instead of people affected by food insecurity. By introducing systems that leave many Indigenous people in poverty, unable to feed their children, the government is reinforcing colonial, imperialist power structures. The Canadian government owes Indigenous people not only to work with them, but to efficiently work for them in the same way that they would for anyone else in the country: by enabling self-determination and by reinforcing practices and a socioeconomic system designed for these areas, and asked for by the people living in the North. * Name has been changed. — With files from Ralph Haddad

On The staff of

Thursday, January 29 will elect the rest of

The McGill Daily

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Sci+Tech

January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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The research behind the ballot How science can (and should) shape the vote Christopher Cayen-Cyr SciTech Writer

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ne of the leading hot topics for the coming year is the impending federal election, the first in four years since the Conservative Party won a majority of seats back in 2011. In total, Prime Minister Stephen Harper has been at the helm of the government for eight years. More than ever, the place of science in present and future government policies is among the main issues all Canadian political parties must consider, and scientists are pushing to have a place in the minds of voters. The Harper government has been accused in recent years of “scientific muzzling,” where scientists are prevented from sharing their findings and conclusions. It is also a term used by the non-profit organization Democracy Watch Canada in its campaign to advocate for the right for publicly-funded researchers to freely address the media and share their findings without censorship. The situation has also attracted the attention of comedian Rick Mercer, who spoke out about it on his CBC show, the Rick Mercer Report, last year. “For a long time, there were very active scientists advising the government,” says Catherine Potvin, a professor in McGill’s Biology department who specializes in neotropical ecology. “We now feel there is this vacuum of scientific advice.” Some notorious cases of alleged muzzling include Kristi Miller, who was prevented for months from discussing her sockeye salmon research with journalists, and David Tarasick, who had to wait two weeks before addressing his work on ozone loss in the Arctic. Miller’s case generated considerable controversy. Her findings brought significant insight into the crash of salmon populations on the West Coast, and were significant enough to be published in the peerreviewed research journal Science in 2011. However, Ottawa officials denied her the permission to speak on the subject for an extended period of time, resulting in the government being heavily criticized by the scientific community. The challenge for many researchers now is not only to deliver results, but also to be heard and to bring attention to the information they provide. Government-funded scientists are left attempting to connect with the taxpaying citizens, who have provided the mon-

Christopher Cayen-Cyr | Illustrator ey used to conduct their research. Potvin emphasizes the importance of such an exchange: “Scholars should share information with the public. People have invested in me and my colleagues, and I consider it is the time I give back by sharing my information.” The situation does not only concern Canadians, as it has also attracted the attention of the international scientific community. Last October, 815 scientists from 32 different countries signed a letter addressed to Stephen Harper, bearing the headline, “Earth to Canada: Science Needs You,” in an effort to advocate for more freedom for scientists receiving funding from the government. This highlights the need for a worldwide mobilization of scientists to solve modern problems faced by the planet: a spirit of collaboration that can be hindered by political intentions. At the forefront of the science in politics debate is the topic of environmental protection, since Canada’s actions against climate change have been less-than-stellar from an international perspective, following its withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol and its continued development of the Albertan tar sands. As the next meeting of the United Nations (UN) Framework on Climate Change Convention conferences in December approaches, Canadian environmental policies over the next year will be

crucial in defining the image the country projects in the international fight against global warming. Climate change activists hope to

“It is often assumed that only federal action matters to fight climate change, which is not the case. Environment needs to be addressed by all levels of government – municipal, provincial, and federal.” Catherine Potvin,

professor of biology at McGill see a change of approach in Canada’s position on the environment following the elections, before the meeting takes place. In an interview with CBC last month, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon himself encouraged Canada to take

a more proactive role, citing the need to seek an economy relying on cleaner energy resources. “We are currently very far from the leadership position,” said Potvin. “In the late 1980s and the early 1990s, Canada has been a leader, notably around the Rio Convention, with Canadian Maurice Strong being a most important player. Now, we are left to catch up with the middle group.” Strong, a businessman from Canada, took on numerous UN appointments at that time, including a position as the Secretary-General of the Earth Summit in 1992. Thanks to his work, the environment was put on the international agenda at the UN. When asked if there are any Canadian climate change policies on the right track, Potvin makes a distinction: “It is often assumed that only federal action matters to fight climate change, which is not the case. Environment needs to be addressed by all levels of government – municipal, provincial, and federal. Vancouver, Toronto and Montreal, Canada’s major cities, have several good policies in place, and the Quebec and British Columbia governments are also making progress. As for the federal government, changing regulations for fuels used by cars and trucks was a step in the right direction, although small. The most needed change in the future is to put a price on carbon.”

Voters may be left to wonder how to consider issues like environment when election time comes. The first move is to consult the appropriate resources. “The Conservatives currently have no climate change policy. The [New Democratic Party] does have one, elaborated by Jack Layton, and the Liberals are in the process of developing it. Voters should read policies by all parties,” Potvin says. To make sense of those, comparing them with the opinions of experts may be a good approach. “My colleagues and I will propose a climate change action plan in March, to the best of our knowledge, which can become a tool to use as a benchmark comparison before people make up their minds.” Beyond the struggles over current federal policies, the media coverage received by science issues during electoral campaigns can be vital for the information to be shared properly. “There is currently a large interest from the media in climate change,” says Potvin. The 2015 race is therefore an opportunity to put the spotlight on why science ultimately matters by engaging everyone in the conversation. Time will tell if science gets its shining moment in the electoral race, but once the polls are closed, one challenge will remain: can political ambitions be put aside to truly pay attention to what our experts have to say?

Sports

January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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American vs. Canadian football Could Canadian teams compete in the U.S.? Tanner Levis The McGill Daily

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uring my first week at McGill, I remember walking down University with a new friend from the U.S. in an attempt to find somewhere to buy groceries. We both had no idea where we were headed, and we were bound to have an adventure. On our way down the hill, we passed by Percival Molson Stadium and heard a roaring crowd. She asked me what the noise was, and immediately I replied, “The Alouettes…,” as if she should have known who that was – and well, she was oblivious. For some reason, many of my American and European friends that I have met in my first semester at McGill were initially unaware that Canadian football was a sport. It might be different than American football, but yes it is a sport. The first difference you will notice between Canadian and American football is the size of the field and the number of players. In Canada, the field is ten yards longer and wider, and each end zone is also ten yards longer. In order to compensate for the larger field in Canada, the game is played with one extra player, allowing 12 players per team on the field at once (as opposed to 11 in the U.S.). Another important difference to note is the number of downs, or attempts the offence has to move the ball ten yards, resetting the play. In Canadian football, a team only has three attempts, which makes the passing game more dominant, as opposed to the running game. This is because the ball is more likely to travel the ten yards needed for a first down with a pass. However, despite the differences in rules and style of play, there is still a large amount of potential for Canadian players and teams to compete in the American system. In May, the NFL hosts its ‘Draft Day’ at the Radio City Music Hall. The majority of the players that are drafted over the span of three days come from collegiate level-football in the U.S., called the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). Most ‘upand-coming’ football players play at this level. This is where athletes are able to develop to the best of their abilities, which could earn them a spot on a professional football team. The NCAA is so large that it not only provides the NFL a bountiful pool of players to

Jonathan Reid | The McGill Daily choose from, but it also provides CFL teams with the same option. The reason that Canadian players make the jump over to the NCAA is because the sheer size of the program allows for more options for scholarships and visibility to NFL scouts. The CFL draft also draws players from Canada’s collegiate division, the Canadian Interuniversity Sport (CIS). The CFL has rules based on the eligibility of players on their respective teams. Since the CFL is allowed to draw players from the NCAA to their teams, the league has implemented a rule on how many non-import players need to be part of the 41-man roster. A non-import player is simply a Canadian citizen, and there must be 21 of them on the team. The majority of these players will come from the CIS. The CIS is separated into four divisions that are divded by geographical area. In the middle of Canada, we have Ontario University Athletics (OUA) which consists of 11 teams. A little to the east we have the Réseau du sport étudiant du Québec (RSEQ), which consists of six teams. Further east there is the Atlantic University Sport (AUS), which consists

of four teams, and all the way to the west we have the Canada West division, which also has only six teams. The CIS is represented by a total of 27 Canadian teams spread across four divisions, which is much smaller than the NCAA, which has over 600 teams spread out over 67 divisions. Is it possible that a CIS football team could compete in the NCAA? The simple answer is yes. The caliber of football is generally based on the division, where Division I is the highest. Simon Fraser Univeristy (SFU) was initially a part of the NCAA up until 2001. In 2002, SFU transferred into the CIS. For six out of eight seasons in CIS play, SFU was unable to make it to the playoffs and overall had a record of 16 wins, 47 losses, and two ties. Now, since transferring back to the NCAA, playing in Division II, SFU holds a record of 13 wins and 33 losses. Depending on the NCAA division, there is potential for a few CIS teams to actually compete in the U.S.. The majority of CIS teams could play competitive football against certain teams in Division III, but for the most part, there are only a few teams who have shown they could compete in

the higher-level Divisions I and II. In the last 12 years, three CIS teams have dominated the league, making multiple appearances to the Vanier Cup. These teams include McMaster University, the University of Calgary, and the CIS powerhouse, Laval University. I strongly believe that all three of these teams could make a large impact in Division II of the NCAA if they were ever given the opportunity to do so. I also believe that Laval has proven itself good enough to be able to compete in Division I of the NCAA, having made eight appearances to the Vanier Cup in the last 12 years, and having won seven out of eight times. Aside from CIS teams being able to compete in the NCAA, the CIS itself has developed individual players who have gone on to have successful NFL careers. Last year,Laurent Duvernay-Tardif, an offensive lineman from McGill, was drafted to the Kansas City Chiefs 200th overall. Not only was he drafted to the NFL, but he also earned a spot on the the Chiefs’ dress roster, and has seen action on the field. In 2001, Randy Chevrier, a long snapper from McGill who won the J.P Metras Trophy (the

award for the most outstanding lineman in the CIS), was drafted to the NFL by the Jacksonville Jaguars in the seventh round of the 2001 draft. He later moved on to play in the CFL where he earned the Tom Pate Memorial Award (an award for outstanding sportsmanship and community contributions) in 2014. Of course the majority of players in the NFL are from the U.S., but there are currently 17 Canadian athletes on their dress rosters. This statistic goes to show that there is always potential for Canadian athletes to make it to the ‘big leagues.’ Canada has played host to its fair share of talented football but overall, both games are completely different. The games differ in the rules, number of players, field size, and most of all, the size of the sport in its respective country. The U.S. is always thought of as the football nation, but interestingly enough, the first ever modern game of football was played between McGill and Harvard in 1874, showing that Canada has deep football roots as well. Yes, football is much smaller in Canada than it is in the U.S., but you wouldn’t guess it by the sound of the cheers when the Alouettes are in.

Culture

January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Behind the mask

“Superheroes” exhibit remakes and reveals popular figures Joseph Boctor Culture Writer

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hile you can always expect to find some form of creativity in a tattoo parlour, Montreal’s Galerie Abyss takes the meaning of “tattoo art” to a whole other level. The tattoo shop doubles as an art gallery, inviting local artists to display their talents. Its newest exhibit, “Superheroes,” offers reinterpretations of popular comic book characters. Abdala Kaufmann, owner of Galerie Abyss and host of the exhibit, has a degree in fine arts and has been tattooing for several years. She identifies her space as a vehicle, not only for showcasing her own abilities to tattoo, but also for promoting an “alternative” side of Montreal art, with the goal of becoming a “hotspot for Montreal artists.” In “Superheroes,” Kaufmann remains true to this alternative, local mandate, featuring 21 Montreal-based artists, each given an equal amount of space, and thus equal value, in the exhibit. The diversity in artists creates an expansive range of styles and treatments of the superhero theme. The pieces vary from seemingly straightforward and typical portraits – such as a large Catwoman piece and another Venom portrait – to more serious and sombre black and grey pieces. The exhibit also offers satirical and even subversive representations of the familiar characters, best exemplified by a series of portraits which depict famous su-

perheroes indulging in sexual acts (such as the Ninja Turtles seducing April O’Neil). The series subverts the typical conception of superheroes and their conventional heroic personae by exposing the characters as less than pristine. Though this was an interesting spin on the classical superhero, there were perhaps a few too many of these sexualized pieces. In addition to depicting aspects of superheroes that often escape the spotlight, like their sexuality, many pieces took on the task of reinventing what it means to be a superhero. Some pieces put a contemporary spin on the classic comic book theme, expanding the traditional superhero canon by choosing Disney’s Darkwing Duck, or a broad landscape from the contemporary animated show Adventure Time. This reinvention used humour more often than not, such as the depiction of Robocop (who is shown to be stealing Shrödinger’s cat, proclaiming he is taking the cat “dead or alive”) painted by David Merk. Merk, an American-born, Nova Scotiaraised artist, explained that his “witty” style is made possible by alternative, open-ended exhibits such as “Superheroes,” which allowed him to take a humorous spin on Robocop. Other artists in the exhibit riff on the superhero trope by removing the heroic imagery from heroic personae, such as in a smallpainted series of pieces depicting Captain America, Nightcrawler, and Ghost Rider as miniaturized and heavily obese, and another

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily depicting Joker and Batman as children on a bench eating potato chips (Batman munches on salt and vinegar while Joker opts for ketchup). Instead of celebrating the hero, these pieces examine superheroes by taking away their key features: strength and public personae. Melsa Montagne does this in a striking (and very Hitchcockian) manner by depicting Catwoman as she turns into a bird. Montagne uses her abstract style to tell the story of a strong character being turned into something she does not want to be-

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily

come, mocking the characters in this exhibit in a serious manner. Montagne agreed with Merk that this exhibit was different in the sense that she had the freedom to produce something she didn’t necessarily know a lot about, saying, “I had to do a lot of research […] because I’m not a superfan of superheroes.” Many of the artists in this exhibit are not particularly specialized in comics and comic book heroes, but that is what gives the exhibit its relevance. These artists that come from highly different backgrounds in training and style combine their individuality with an average popular knowledge of superheroes, taking these common icons and giving them new meaning. In a similar vein of removing key character traits, Marie Chantal Le Breton’s piece features a Batman-esque silhouette but with sexualized women inhabiting its empty spaces, homage to a rising artist who makes collages of superhero comics and feminized figures. Le Breton’s piece takes away the hypermasculinity of the male silhouette and replaces it with a feminine aura instead. Again, the artist reshapes the commonly accepted viewpoints, whether humourously (like Merk) or with more of a message-driven and abstract style (as with Montagne and Le Breton). While the exhibit certainly showcases a great deal of superheroes and does so very diversely,

those looking for traditional comic book art might be disappointed with the gallery’s open-ended and artist-motivated approach to these characters. This seems to be the all-encompassing idea of both Galerie Abyss’s ideology and this exhibit specifically. The point is not so much whether the superheroes are mocked or depicted as idealized figures, but rather that they are placed within the hands of the artists who paint or sculpt them, completely on their own terms. The approaches to the theme are so varied that they do not showcase superheroes as a theme per se, but rather showcase the artists who, through their own interpretation, undermine and rewrite the superhero stereotypes. This expansion on the superhero is a welcome addition, and a necessary one too if comic books and other superhero mediums are to be kept as participatory culture. Thus, as Le Breton puts it, these thematic events allow for one to differentiate the “artist from the artisan,” the latter of whom would fall into some kind of predetermined, day-to-day routine in terms of creative production. The exhibit allows for both character and artist to embrace the presence of the brush and reveal their hidden alter-ego, as any superhero must do at some point or another. “Superheroes” runs until January 25 at Galerie Abyss (1520 Notre Dame West).

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Culture

January 12, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

What’s a millennial? A closer look at the ‘me’ generation and its stereotypes Audrey Carleton Culture Writer

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magine a young person, somewhere between the ages of approximately 18 and 34. Having grown up in the digital era, they are addicted to technology, and probably never let their smartphone out of their sight. They are somehow both overly ambitious and unmotivated, as they’ve been raised to believe that they can do anything, but are not used to working hard because of their easy access to information through technology. They are likely in massive debt from student loans, or will be soon enough, upon graduating from college. They may still live with their parents, and are probably struggling to find a job. Throw in a few hashtags and Instagram filters, and there you have it: the pictureperfect image of a millennial. Or a millennial in the eyes of Western society, at least. Countless published criticisms of today’s young adult population accuse our generation of falling victim to the digital era – resulting in the lazy, distracted, self-absorbed, and entitled “millennials.” I have heard these accusations, among others, thrown at my age group more times than I can count. Statistics Canada’s 2011 Census determined that 9.1 million people (that is, 27 per cent of the population in 2011) fall into the “Generation Y” age range. Aside

The image of a twenty-something with a BA still living at home, for example, excludes those who cannot afford university in the first place. from how difficult it is to name any single characteristic that unifies all millennials, the boundaries of this age range are fuzzy, making it unclear to whom exactly these generational criticisms are directed. Stamping generic labels upon every individual around this age treats “Generation Y” as one cohesive unit. To ignore individual variations in race, gender and sexual identity, class, personal history, and other key aspects of

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily one’s identity is to make unfair generalizations based on a loose age grouping. I was raised Unitarian Universalist – a liberal religion that focuses on tolerance and the human right to spiritual autonomy – and despite how comfortable I grew in my congregation, I frequently felt a divide between the youth and adult members there. Though the leadership made attempts to involve youth in congregational happenings, I regularly felt as though our presence at services and events was a disruption more than everything else. During youth group meetings, we regularly had mature and insightful discussions on anything from ethics to politics to sexuality. I often wished more adults in our congregation had been able to sit in on these conversations to witness what us young people were capable of and interested in. Rather, we only felt like an underrepresented, even underprivileged, demographic within our own congregation, only known to the older group as rambunctious and apathetic teenagers. While there are certainly aspects of the millennial ‘type’ that resonate with me, these stereotypes, for the most part, seem to indicate what my life looks like, not who I am. I’m certainly familiar with the recent graduate stereotype, someone faced with crippling college debt as well as fierce

competition for low-paying entry jobs. I am from the U.S. – the land of exorbitantly-priced higher education – so I am no stranger to the realities of today’s college market and its repercussions for students. Growing up in the suburbs, I knew lots of neighbouring families with children five to ten years older than me. While I was making my way through elementary school, one by one, they all began to leave home for university. And four to five years later, they each started to return home, jobless and in debt. This focus on the plight of the millennial, however, occludes the real issues – like what brought about this stereotype of the twenty-something who moves back home. The popular concern is over whether we will get jobs, not why there are no jobs for us in the first place. The argument that we millennials are harming our own professional careers with our characteristic laziness and entitlement suggests that professional success results solely from hard work and dedication – the age-old myth of meritocracy. The notion of meritocracy, which is particularly (though certainly not exclusively) popular within right-wing economic circles, fails to get at the truth of the matter. The millennial stereotype often ignores the experiences of marginalized communities – the image of a twenty-something with

a BA still living at home, for example, excludes those who cannot afford university in the first place. Not only is this generational caricature inaccurate, but in ignoring socioeconomic backgrounds, it allows for pundits to ignore social context and place the blame on us. In today’s job market, class, race, gender, and sexual identity (among other key factors) all have the power to hold a person back from the success their hard work deserves – no matter what generation the individual belongs to. The generational label, and all of the implications that come with it, ignore the experiences of underprivileged demographics and obscure the effects of other sociological factors on personal and professional development. As time moves on, the conversation is shifting away from millennials and toward Generation Z, those currently under the age of 18. Labels like ‘apathetic,’ ‘attention deficit,’ and ‘overly preoccupied with social media’ have all been slapped onto this age group. Do these criticisms sound familiar? These newfound denunciations of the up-and-coming Generation Z are a mere repetition of those faced by millennials. Throughout history, most young generations have engaged in a kind of cultural rebellion against their parents’ cohort in an attempt to declare independence.

Millennials are subject to criticism from older generations for our reliance on technology just as baby boomers were heavily criticized for Woodstock and their hippie tendencies – every generation feels anxious about the next. Living arguably right in between two generations, I cannot say I identify strongly with the labels placed on either. As an 18-year-old, I can arguably identify as a member of Generation Z as feasibly as I could a millennial, proof of the arbitrary construction of generations. As a McGill student, I am part of the privileged community to whom the “millennial” label exclusively refers. Though my life is undoubtedly shaped by my era, these effects are not unique to me, nor to anyone in my age range. There is no “one millennial,” but there are certainly issues that all millennials will have to face – climate change, a harsh job market, and the pressures of globalization. If a generation must be defined, it cannot be by a set of stereotyped personality traits, but rather the set of social, political, and historical conditions it is faced with – and how it handles them. So while baby boomers will continue to lament our Instagram accounts and Tinder dates, shallow criticisms of the millennial generation are nothing compared to what we are about to take on.

Culture

January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Montreal theatre gets wild What’s in store for this year’s Wildside Theatre Festival Connor Spencer Culture Writer

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nglish-language theatre in Montreal is alive and kicking; such is the message which Johanna Nutter, the curator of this year’s Wildside Theatre Festival, is hoping to convey. As a theatre enthusiast and creator, I most certainly felt otherwise when I first moved to Montreal two years ago. I’m interested in theatre that pushes boundaries, theatre that is innovative, immersive, physical, and undeniably human. I arrived in the city with the assumption that the French theatre scene had much more to offer in that regard than its English counterpart. And, unfortunately, nothing proved

Nutter is making the mission of pushing conventions in English theatre very clear with her eclectic lineup of shows. This year, the Wildside shows promise to shock curious attendees with mature content portrayed through not so mature perspectives. With shows ranging from an epic rock opera (Johnny Legdick: A Rock Opera) to hypnotic poetry and dance (Coming and Going), Wildside brings something new to the local scene. The idea of community is key to Nutter’s vision of the festival. A theatre creator herself, she found while touring her work that in places as close as Winnipeg and as far as Brussels, there was not a knowledge of the English-speaking theatre scene in Montreal. It became a personal

The Wildside Art Exhibit Festival. me wrong – nothing until I stumbled upon the Wildside Theatre Festival last year. Presented by the Centaur Theatre Company, Wildside is a festival that aims to put on out-of-thebox English-language creations from emerging artists and companies. Curating the festival’s 18th year,

explained to The Daily. Wildside is showcasing many local talents with shows from comedy troupe Uncalled For, homegrown dance collective For Body and Light, local creator Leslie Baker, and upand-coming production company Playwright Hero. Stéphanie MorinRobert, choreographer of Coming and Going – For Body and Light’s blend of dance, light, and spoken word – emphasized the importance of collaborative opportunities within the festival. “My cross-disciplinary [and] cross-generational collaboration with spoken word artist and musician Ian Ferrier has been an extremely enriching experience. [...] Our company aims to not only break the boundary between physical and

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily

mission of hers to create a dialogue about this scene, first within Montreal itself and then at an international level. “It was frustrating. [...] I want to [create] bridges – have people from different arts and groups come together and get to know each other’s work and support each other,” Nutter

verbal expression by colliding both into a show, but it also [attempts] to push the approachability of both disciplines by making them accessible to all types of audience members.” Wildside is giving artists from local, national, and even international (UK’s The Way You Tell Them) levels

a chance to get familiar with each other’s work. The sense of comraderie, both between the artists and between the artists themselves and the audience, was palpable on opening night last Wednesday. In the audience you feel as much a part of the event as the performers. Most of the seven shows at Wildside this year are also collective creations rather than plays, which means they are able to constantly evolve in a way that many plays written by a single writer cannot. As Nathan Howe, co-creator, director, and composer of Aiden Flynn Lost His Brother So He Made Another told The Daily, “It is very refreshing to find different audiences in different centres. It really changes the show on the go.” What the festival’s shows all have in common is that they invite us to join this community of artists in reflecting on our modern existence in strange and unexpected ways. “I like to think of [the festival] as a banquet, or a big family dinner,” Nutter told The Daily. A personal must-see is Coming and Going, which I caught at the Victoria Fringe over the summer. Morin-Robert described her poetry and dance show to The Daily as being “for anyone willing to set sail and float away on an unforgettable ocean dream. […] For anyone willing to just be.’” When I saw the show, I was sucked into the sensorial world of subtleties between light and darkness, sound and silence, movement and stillness. While the plays are promising, the festival does not stop at theatre this year. The Offside Festival, now in its second year, is the wilder side of Wildside. It begins at 11 p.m. every night except for Sundays. Several young artists have been commissioned to create pieces in a limited

amount of time, such as an improv slideshow. The Offside will also include an open mic night, and two Tom Waits tributes. Aside from the performances, The Offside provides a chance to connect with Montreal’s theatre community – to chat over drinks with other theatre-makers and theatre-lovers. Lastly, the Wildside Art Exhibit, a ‘first-come-first-serve’ gallery, keeps true to the theme of unconventionality. For all ten days of the festival, Centaur’s Seagram’s Gallery will be filled to the brim with as much art as it can handle. All name-dropping is pushed aside in a defiance of general gallery convention. The first people to sign up in December now have their art on the walls, no fancy credentials required. Under Nutter’s direction, Wildside is again fulfilling its vision of cultivating homegrown theatre in Montreal. However, we should keep in mind that there is perhaps too much comedy in the lineup to fullheartedly back the festival’s claim of producing all ‘risky’ theatre – some of the shows may go for the laughs above innovation. But even if not all performances are challenging boundaries, they are uniquely theatrical. The shows won’t let you sit back comfortably and tune out, pushing the audience to be active participants. In the age of Netflix, theatre has been given up by some as a dead art. But by supporting emerging artists who revitalize archaic conventions, Wildside is helping to bring the art form back to life. Wildside Theatre Festival runs from January 7 to 11 and 13 to 17 at the Centaur Theatre (453 rue Saint Francois-Xavier). Student tickets are $12.50 and a Student Superpass offers 4 shows for $40.

Bouge d’ici dance festival and Sweet soirée at chez boris Rosie’s Pick: Bouge d’ici Dance Festival Kick off the year with Bouge d’ici, Montreal’s annual festival of contemporary dance. Founded in 2009, the two-week festival is a showcase for up-and-coming dancers facing a lack of opportunities to break into the mainstream scene. But Bouge d’ici isn’t only for dancers – the festival offers a range of performances and activities that

are worth checking out even for those of us with two left feet. This week’s events are “So You Think That Was Dance?” where performers are invited to share innovative works of ten minutes or less (and discuss them afterward over drinks), and the festival’s main showcase, “Common Space.” Also not to be missed is the closing night cabaret and party – that’s when the real dancing begins.

Niyousha’s Pick: Sweet Soirée at Chez Boris Donut cafe Chez Boris is inviting its neighbourhood dwellers to enjoy more than just delicious pastries this Friday night. The cafe is hosting its own neighbourhood cabaret, Sweet Soirée at Chez Boris, which will feature established and emerging artists alike. Drag performers, burlesque dancers, and trans artists will all take to the stage.The event promises to be a

cozy celebration of gender, sexual, and body diversity. What better way to celebrate on a Friday night? (Or any other day of the week really.) Plus, all profits from the event go directly to the artists. Step in from the cold, curl up with freshly fried donuts and homemade apple cider, and enjoy the show. “So You Think That Was Dance?” is Friday, January 16 at

10 p.m. at MainLine Theatre. Pay what you can, $8-10 suggested. “Common Space” runs January 14 to 17 at MainLine Theatre. Tickets are $12 for students. Cabaret Bouge d’ici is Saturday, January 17 at 8 p.m. at MainLine Theatre. Tickets are $10 for students. Sweet Soirée is at at Chez Boris, 5151 Parc. Doors open at 8:15 p.m. and the show starts at 9 p.m. Pay what you can, $5 suggested.

Compendium!

January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Lies, half-truths, and... in stranger aeons even death may die!

Weekly to undergo drastic change Whispers of the Dark One tell the truth

Herald of the Dark One The McGall Weekly

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ollowing significant research on journalism ethics, criticism by avid and loyal readers, inspiration from the university, and the direct influence of the Dark One, The McGall Weekly has finally decided to reform its journalism techniques. “We take criticism very seriously,” said one Weekly editor who wished to remain anonymous. “And we hear these criticisms every day. Usually in the form of really loud screaming, but sometimes I do hear voices, whispering to me in my nightmares.” In weirdly scribbled pamphlets distributed all across campus, The Weekly declared that it would move all of its content online. “It has come to our attention that we are not using our website properly. Following the examples of such great websites as answers.com, we have come up with a revolutionary idea that will surely drive you insane! (To read our articles that is),” says the pamphlet. Each paragraph of each article will have its own individual webpage, complete with thousands of irrelevant pictures, and deviously misplaced links to guarantee maximum ad revenue. Furthermore, the articles will be more heavily edited for clarity, and each sentence will

have at least nine buzzwords. An editor of the Totally-OneHundred-Percent-Objective Opinions section argued that the decision to make The Weekly into a profitmaximizing, viewer-exploiting, and socially-oblivious publication was heavily inspired by the style of “the glorious admin of McGall.” “Sure, we could follow our own Declaration of Prinzips, but as a publication whose main audience is the students of McGall, it is our duty to please the majority and flow with the mainstream. Surely, that is also what the Dark One wants,” the editor said in an interview with The Weekly. Speaking to The Weekly, Howard Lovecraft, a U3 student double-majoring in Interdimensional Development Studies and Eldritch Sciences, said, “This was to be expected. Theosophists have guessed at the awesome grandeur of the cosmic cycle wherein our world and [the] human race form transient incidents.” “Given that, why declare that objectivity is dead? Objectivity is transient, objectivity is truth; because objectivity is science! And science is the word of the Dark One! Research, produce, consume, conform!” Lovecraft declared to a lunatically gleeful crowd that gathered as he answered The Weekly’s questions. The Weekly was also able to obtain some inside information

[=_=|||] | The McGall Weekly on the content that will appear in the future issues of The Weekly. Some titles include, “What a beautiful post-race paradise we live in,” “What privilege? Let’s talk about my GPA,” “Conservatives were actually right,” “How military investments saved me and my multimillion dollar corporation,” and “32 cat gifs proving environmental degradation is totally a lie.” Sending a lengthy letter mostly

consisting of congratulatory adjectives and affectionate adverbs, and written on what seems to be processed human skin, Principal Suzie Forte declared how delighted she was that The Weekly decided to follow the path of objective journalism and The-Dark-One-Who-Sleeps. “The closer you swim to the mainstream, the better you will see the truth! What a brilliantly wonderful decision that The Weekly has

made! I would like to cordially invite you all to my domain where free soup and breadsticks will be served. Glory to the Dark One,” Forte wrote in the letter. Other editors for The Weekly were unable to comment. However, from behind the closed door of Shtanier B-24, where the Weekly is located, raspy, gurgling voices chanting the words, “Cthulhu fhtagn” could be heard.

Crossword: neologisms Across 2. 4. 9. 11. 13. 14. 16. 17. 18. 20.

Like a cigarette, but for pretentious snobs Facebook turned this noun into a verb Smartphones heralded this photographic revolution Socialist Obama’s gift-money to free-riding slackers, yuck The internet gave this conjunction new meaning, because laziness Like what Anonymous does, but ten times more lazy The two most populous countries in the world, referred to in one word Patronizing men explain For people born in the digital era Manipulate photos

Down 1. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8. 10. 12. 14. 15. 19.

An expression of disbelief, shame Crappy European economies – the swine You laugh, but you don’t really laugh Like a small bird Like a seminar Serial is one This is what Anonymous does An extension of the smartphone photographic revolution A visual arts technique; combines sex and plot; think Game of Thrones A verb; to quest for knowledge An initiate, typically in computer games; derogative

Editorial

volume 104 number 14

editorial board 3480 McTavish St., Rm. B-24 Montreal, QC H3A 1X9

January 12, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

The Quebec government is failing trans people

phone 514.398.6784 fax 514.398.8318 mcgilldaily.com coordinating editor

Dana Wray

coordinating@mcgilldaily.com coordinating news editor

Janna Bryson news editor

Igor Sadikov commentary & compendium! editors

Cem Ertekin Emmet Livingstone features editor

Joelle Dahm

Alice Shen | The McGill Daily

science+technology editor

Zapaer Alip

sports editor

Drew Wolfson Bell culture editors

Niyousha Bastani Rosie Long Decter multimedia editor

Alice Dutrut photo editor

Tamim Sujat illustrations editor

Alice Shen copy editor

Molly Korab design & production editor

Vacant

web editor

Vacant

community editor

Rackeb Tesfaye le délit

Joseph Boju

rec@delitfrancais.com cover design Alice Shen contributors Rachel Avery, Ella Belfer, Joseph Boctor, Katherine Brenders, Audrey Carleton, Christopher Cayen-Cyr, Lia Elbaz, Lauria Galbraith, Tanner Levis, Mona Luxion, Rachel Nam, Kristian Picon, Jonathan Reid, Connor Spencer, Jasmine Wang, Peter Zhi

T

he passing of Bill 35 in December 2013 eliminated the requirement for trans people to undergo sex reassignment surgery before being able to change their gender markers on legal documents. However, over a year later, the government has failed to provide the regulatory framework required to implement legal changes, meaning that the surgical requirement is still effectively in place. This requirement is harmful to trans people, and as long as it remains in place the Quebec government is perpetuating transphobia. Further to reinforcing the arbitrary societal link between reproductive organs and gender, reassignment surgeries are risky, expensive, and can lead to sterilization. Many trans people have no desire for these surgeries in the first place. Currently, without reassignment surgery, people must possess identification documents that do not correspond with their gender identity. Incorrect documents can reveal trans identities in any situation where ID must be shown – schools, places of work, even the SAQ. The very slow process is not just a bureaucratic annoyance – as long as the bill is delayed, trans people remain in danger. On December 17, the government published regulations that put forward new requirements to replace those struck down by Bill 35. The new requirements state that those wishing to change their gender markers must live under the appearance of their requested gender for two full years, and that this must be cor-

roborated by someone who has known them for those two years. These regulations have been heavily criticized by members of the trans community, who argue that to force people to live under a certain gender full-time without having the paper documentation to back up their identity would put them at increased risk of discrimination and violence. The regulations also stipulate that the person must be evaluated by a physician, psychologist, psychiatrist, or sexologist who can confirm that their gender identity does not correspond to the gender that appears on their legal documents. This reinforces the notion that a person’s gender must conform to a binary standard set by medical professionals, but also that trans identities are medicalized illnesses or disorders. Changes need to be made in order to allow trans people to change their gender markers without undergoing surgery, but the current changes proposed still create a number of hurdles that harm trans people. Identification documents should reflect our identity, a privilege that right now only applies to cisgender people. The proposed regulations threaten trans people, forcing them to conform to the appearance of one gender or another in a constructed opposition. No one should have to fear violence and discrimination when they present an ID card.

—The McGill Daily Editorial Board

3480 McTavish St., Rm. B-26 Montreal, QC H3A 1X9 phone 514.398.6790 fax 514.398.8318 advertising & general manager Boris Shedov sales representative Letty Matteo ad layout & design Geneviève Robert

Mathieu Ménard Lauriane Giroux

dps board of directors Joseph Boju, Juan Camilo Velásquez Buriticá, Alyssa Favreau, Ralph Haddad, Hillary Pasternak, Dana Wray

All contents © 2015 Daily Publications Society. All rights reserved. The content of this newspaper is the responsibility of The McGill Daily and does not necessarily represent the views of McGill University. Products or companies advertised in this newspaper are not necessarily endorsed by Daily staff. Printed by Imprimerie Transcontinental Transmag. Anjou, Quebec. ISSN 1192-4608.

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