The McGill Daily - Vol104Iss15

Volume 104, Issue 15 Monday, January 19, 2015

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Published by The Daily Publications Society, a student society of McGill University.v

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NEWS

Principal visits SSMU Council A social front against austerity Floor fellows walk out of collective agreement negotiations

January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Council moves to democratize Nominating Committee Winter General Assembly pushed to March

Fourth AUS executive resigns Advocates decry low welfare indexation Drama at Concordia’s TA union Talking Black to Canada

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COMMENTARY

Employees in Quebec shouldn’t have to hide their sexuality Divestment from tobacco sets precedent for fossil fuels Charlie Hebdo shows how social isolation can be dangerous

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FEATURES

Is racialized police brutality only an issue in the U.S.?

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SCI+TECH

Science explained using the 1,000 most used words Why what you eat influences your mood and thoughts

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SPORTS

Revealing the different forms of athlete activism

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CULTURE

Dicsussing cultural diversity in Montreal’s art scene New releases from Viet Cong and Dan Magnan + Blacksmith Montreal’s new female DJ collective What to check out this week Examining the power structures behind the English lit canon

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EDITORIAL

On media reactions to Charlie Hebdo murders

20 COMPENDIUM! FSC gets real for some students Crossword answers

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Jill Bachelder The McGill Daily

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he Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) Legislative Council saw discussion on austerity and changes to tuition rates with Principal Suzanne Fortier at its first meeting of the Winter semester on January 14. Council also approved changes to bylaws regulating the SSMU Nominating Committee, and President Courtney Ayukawa announced the hiring of a new General Manager.

Nominating Committee less “executive-heavy” Ayukawa brought to Council a set of changes to bylaws regulating the Nominating Committee, which oversees the hiring of Elections SSMU staff and Judicial Board justices. The changes were originally intended to be part of a bigger set of changes to presidential portfolio regulations, the drafting of which has not yet been completed.

The motion will change the structure of the nominating committee to consist of four councillors and four members-at-large, compared to the previous composition, which had six executives and three councillors. It will also be chaired by the General Manager, a permanent, non-student position, instead of the President.

VP University Affairs Claire Stewart-Kanigan said that the changes were meant to increase the objectivity of the committee. “We were looking to shift away from

this extremely executive-heavy nominating committee, since these positions are supposed to be very distanced from SSMU, given that they [involve] elections and Judicial Board justices.”

Winter GA pushed back one month Ayukawa announced in her report that the Winter 2015 General Assembly (GA) will be held in March, the week following reading week, as opposed to the originally scheduled date of February 11. This, she said, is intended to put the GA during the SSMU Winter referendum and election campaign period – which runs from March 9 to 20 – when students are more passionate about SSMU, and to allow more time for SSMU to find a space to accommodate a large turnout of students.

“I have heard that there is likely going to be another very controversial motion coming to the GA,” said Ayukawa. A Palestine solidarity motion was responsible for most of the turnout to the Fall 2014 GA, which saw 800 students attending.

The date for the Winter GA will be announced at the next Council meeting.

Ayukawa also informed Council that a new General Manager has been hired and will begin work in February.

VP Clubs & Services Stefan Fong notified councillors that the SSMU building, along with other buildings on campus, is facing a mouse outbreak, noting that it was “not surprising” due to the amount of

Andy Wei | The McGill Daily construction that has been taking place outside the SSMU building and throughout campus.

Principal talks austerity, tuition Fielding questions from councillors, Fortier reiterated her position that she does not oppose the government’s austerity measures.

She said that she is in favour of capping the ‘clawback’ of international student tuition by the government in times such as these, when government contribution to the university is lower.

One councillor voiced concerns that with the proposed deregulation of out-of-province and international tuition, McGill might become a university for the financial elite, to which Fortier responded that the administration will do its

best to keep McGill a university where admission is based solely on academic achievement.

Citing the high success rates of the Arts Internship Program, Fortier said that she is making the funding of student internship opportunities a priority, and that certain donors may create endowed funds to support these opportunities for students.

A common concern with some at SSMU has been with the legitimacy of McGill’s supposed dedication to community engagement. In response, Fortier listed instances of community learning in curriculums and student-led initiatives as examples of this dedication manifesting in real life, adding that that her main concern is being able to better communicate these initiatives to local community leaders.

Grad students vote overwhelmingly to leave CFS Legal dispute over membership dues to continue into 2017

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embers of the Post-Graduate Students’ Society (PGSS) voted to leave the Canadian Federation of Students (CFS) on January 16 after a disaffiliation referendum five years in the making.

Over 2,000 graduate students cast ballots, more than doubling the 10 per cent turnout required for quorum, with 2014 students voting “no” to continued membership and 56 voting “yes.” The vote must now be ratified at a general meeting of CFS member unions, as mandated

by CFS bylaws, after which PGSS will be officially decertified from CFS starting June 30.

In 2010, PGSS held a disaffiliation referendum in which 86 per cent of members voted “no”; however, CFS did not recognize the results of the referendum. This prompted PGSS to sue CFS, asking that the federation acknowledge the validity of the referendum.

This year’s referendum was ordered by the Quebec Superior Court last September after PGSS Internal Affairs Officer Gesa successfully sued CFS for the right to hold a disaffiliation referendum. Gesa filed his case after CFS failed to acknowledge a petition submitted earlier in 2014 with over 20 per cent of PGSS

member signatures, which requested that CFS permit PGSS to hold a disaffiliation referendum.

According to CFS bylaws, PGSS had to pay all its outstanding membership dues to hold the referendum, which amount to over $300,000 since 2010. Thus, despite the result of the vote, the case over the 2010 vote is still ongoing, as PGSS seeks to recover the fees for the period since the last referendum.

Jonathan Mooney, chair of the “no” committee and former PGSS Secretary-General, told The Daily in an email, “Now the case about the 2010 vote is mainly just about

the question of these dues.”

A court hearing is expected for 2017.

In an email to The Daily, CFS National Chairperson Jessica McCormick commented on the results.

“The Federation respects the right of individual members to vote on the question of continued membership through the democratic processes set out in the Bylaws. The outcome of the vote will be put before the voting member local students’ unions at the next national general meeting pursuant to the Bylaws.”

—Janna Bryson

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January 19, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Unions, communities unite against austerity Busy spring looms as activist groups multiply

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far-reaching social movement is taking shape against expansive funding cuts to public institutions in Quebec. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s [only] the beginning,â&#x20AC;? Quebec Premier Philippe Couillard said in French last April, announcing that $3.7 billion in cuts to public institutions would be made in 2014-15. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re at the beginning of an action that will be spread out over an entire [electoral] mandate.â&#x20AC;?

With the goal of balancing the budget by 2015-16 and running a surplus in 2017-18, the Liberal government has imposed severe cuts to education, healthcare, community organizations, and other public services.

The Liberalsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; austerity measures drew the ire of a large portion of the population, with tens of thousands taking to the streets on October 31 and November 29. The movement is renewing its struggle with increased vigour in 2015 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the past few months have seen activists organize in interest-, institution-, or region-based ComitĂŠs printemps 2015, or Spring Committees. The ComitĂŠs are open to all, decentralized, and loosely coordinated through a â&#x20AC;&#x153;ComitĂŠ largeâ&#x20AC;? that meets every few weeks in Montreal. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve been very active in supporting local picket lines of clinics and hospitals that are under attack recently,â&#x20AC;? said Richard St-Pierre, a Centre-Sud resident involved in the neighbourhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s autonomous popular assembly, of the work of the ComitĂŠ large in an interview with The Daily. Along with several unions and community organizations, the neighbourhood assembly regularly sends representatives to meetings of the ComitĂŠ.

The ComitĂŠ large had its first meeting of the year on January 12. â&#x20AC;&#x153;We just voted to start our 2015 campaign in January with support for daycare services in Quebec, [which] are under serious attack,â&#x20AC;? said St-Pierre. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Through the years [since the 1970s], the struggle [for accessible daycare in Quebec] has continued to the point that we have the least expensive daycare services across Canada,â&#x20AC;? St-Pierre continued. St-Pierre also noted that the newly announced modulation of rates for daycare services imposed according to parentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; revenue will only serve to reduce government subsidies.

The daycare workersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; collective

A daycare downtown.

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily

agreement will come to an end on March 31, along with that of most public sector workers in Quebec.

Many activists in the ComitĂŠs printemps are hoping for a general strike in the public sector once the collective agreements end.

Various community organizations are also associated with the ComitĂŠs printemps. On November 19, hundreds of these organizations across Quebec closed for 225 minutes in protest, to symbolize the $225 million in funding they lack to be able to provide adequate services. â&#x20AC;&#x153;We had a promise from [the last Parti QuĂŠbĂŠcois] government â&#x20AC;&#x201C; they promised $120 million of [additional] money for these organizations,â&#x20AC;?

SĂŠbastien Rivard, coordinator at the Regroupement intersectoriel des organismes communautaires de MontrĂŠal (RIOCM), told The Daily in an interview. â&#x20AC;&#x153;We [had] been waiting for at least ten years for new funds, and the Liberals, the first thing they did â&#x20AC;&#x201C; they cut [those] new funds.â&#x20AC;? â&#x20AC;&#x153;[Underfunded groups] cannot provide the services they should to people, so, in the end, itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s people [who] are the victims of these austerity measures,â&#x20AC;? added Rivard.

Beyond austerity At Collège de Maisonneuve, teachers and students alike have taken action to protest the Liberalsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; particularly severe cuts to CEGEPs across the province. In November, the teachersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; union â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the Syndicat des professeures et professeurs du Collège de Maisonneuve (SPPCM) â&#x20AC;&#x201C; collaborated with the student association to stage a picket line.

In an interview with The Daily, SPPCM President BenoĂŽt Lacoursière described the austerity program as a political choice. â&#x20AC;&#x153;There is plenty of ability to implement creative solutions to increase revenues from elsewhere,â&#x20AC;?

Lacoursière said in French. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Many budgetary problems arise because the government doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t want to tax big businesses.â&#x20AC;? â&#x20AC;&#x153;I think this movement [the ComitĂŠs printemps] is very important. [...] We have to stop [the cuts], and we have to do it this year,â&#x20AC;? he said, pointing to the fact that funding cuts are set to continue indefinitely.

According to Rivard, the RIOCM is planning a new strike day this spring on May 1. â&#x20AC;&#x153;We could do otherwise â&#x20AC;&#x201C; reject the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;there is no alternativeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; argument [...] and realize that there could be other choices,â&#x20AC;? added Rivard.

Justin Irwin, president of AGSEM: McGillâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Teaching Union, put forward alternatives to austerity in the McGill context. â&#x20AC;&#x153;One of the challenges that we face is that there is a real willingness on part of both the government and public opinion to see these constant cuts and austerity as being something inevitable,â&#x20AC;? Irwin told The Daily. â&#x20AC;&#x153;McGill wants to tell us that they are in dire economic straits all the time, but in fact, in some respects, their finances are more healthy than they like to present,â&#x20AC;? continued Irwin. For example, McGillâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s budget projects an increase in net assets of almost $90 million for 2014-15, he said.

Ultimately, St-Pierre emphasized both the necessity for local organization and the global nature of the struggle. â&#x20AC;&#x153;The solution, to our leaders, so far, is easy â&#x20AC;&#x201C; itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s not up to them to pay for the crisis [of capitalism],â&#x20AC;? said StPierre. â&#x20AC;&#x153;If we donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t accept that logic, and I donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t think we should, the only alternative we have is to take the struggle into our own hands and say â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;no.â&#x20AC;&#x2122; And if this â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;noâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; represents a call for a new society â&#x20AC;&#x201C; even better.â&#x20AC;? â&#x20AC;&#x201D;With files fromWilliam Mazurek

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January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Floor fellows’ collective agreement negotiations face roadblocks Administration resists formalization of “core values” Ellen Cools and Saima Desai News Writers

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t the last meeting between the floor fellow bargaining unit of the Association of McGill University Support Employees (AMUSE) and the administration, the floor fellows, unable to accept what the administration brought to the table, ended negotiations early.

Both parties are now preparing to resume negotiations, although it is not yet known when a collective agreement will be reached.

The McGill floor fellows unionized under AMUSE and became an established bargaining unit last May, and negotiations between the administration and the unit began on October 31.

The floor fellow bargaining

unit aims to attain greater autonomy and job security, and to ensure that the collective agreement reflects its core values. Although a full list of specific demands has not been released, AMUSE VP Floor Fellow Christina Clemente told The Daily that the bargaining team has drafted a set of core values that they believe are central to the floor fellows’ philosophy.

“We had a vision set for what we would not budge on, specifically the inclusion of our core values,” said Clemente. “Two in particular that we are really keen on fighting for is the anti-oppressive mandate and framework as well as the harm reduction approach.”

“Our main priorities are [to ensure] that floor fellows have a degree of power in residence decision-making processes, [increase]

job and housing security of floor fellows, recognize and formalize the use of anti-oppression and harm reduction in our roles, protect our autonomy in our roles and our flexible work schedules, ensure [that] we do not come to hold disciplinary roles in residences, and ensure that we are remunerated in a way that complies with [the] Quebec labour code,” continued Clemente.

A key issue of contention with many floor fellows has been the implementation of three full-time Rez Life managers for McGill’s downtown residences this fall. Prior to this change, each of McGill’s nine residences had its own part-time live-in hall director.

“We want to make sure that someone new in a position of power is not able to come in and completely change the system to, for

example, what you see in the U.S. school system with ticketing for the use of [illegal] substances,” said Evan McIlroy, who is one of two elected bargaining representatives for the floor fellows.

When asked about the administration’s response to the demands, McIlroy remarked that “we’ve had a surprising amount of frustration in getting [the administration] to solidify past practices. I think we expected less resistance in terms of putting our values in the agreement.”

The parties are holding a discussion after each bargaining session. So far, three discussions have occurred, focusing on “the purpose of the agreement, union recognition, management rights and definitions,” according to McGill’s Director of Labour and Employee Relations Robert Comeau.

Comeau commented on the administration’s participation in the bargaining process in an interview with The Daily.

“The administration is striving for flexibility and agility in how the collective agreement will be managed, and in maintaining the same quality of service to students.” Addressing the roadblock in negotiations at the last meeting, Comeau remarked that the first collective agreement of a new bargaining unit usually results in a longer negotiation process.

According to Clemente, the timeline for the bargaining process is still developing. “We ideally wanted to be done by the end of this academic year,” she said. “That being said, it is still very early in the bargaining process. We still have a long way to go.”

Arts councillors press admin on sandwich sale ban Council addresses fourth executive resignation this year, budget deficit Teddy Liptay News Writer

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rincipal Suzanne Fortier and Deputy Provost (Student Life and Learning) Ollivier Dyens made an appearance at the Arts Undergraduate Society (AUS) Legislative Council meeting on January 14 to field students’ questions and discuss negotiations between AUS and the administration over their Memorandum of Agreement (MOA). Councillors also formed a contingency plan to fulfill the newly-vacant VP Internal position’s responsibilities, and VP Finance Li Xue presented a review of the AUS budget.

Deficit to be covered with idle funds The 2014-15 AUS budget includes an operating deficit of $12,703, which Xue attributed primarily to unforeseen Frosh week expenses. The AUS currently has over $265,000 in idle funds from the operating surpluses of previous years, which will be used to balance this year’s budget.

Xue argued that a lack of surplus is indicative of the organization better serving the needs of its constituents – a substantial surplus would indicate that, as a not-for-profit or-

ganization, AUS was overcharging students for its services.

Xue did, however, acknowledge that work can be done to reduce deficits while increasing the value of services. “We’re trying to streamline our internal processes,” she told The Daily. “We have an internal audit we’re conducting right now.”

Administration talks MOA With Fortier and Dyens present at Council, councillors took the opportunity to express their dissatisfaction with the current status and enforcement of the MOA – the document that outlines AUS’ legal relationship with the University – which is set to be renegotiated later this year. Councillors were particularly concerned with the newly-enforced ban on the sale of sandwiches and prepared foods at the student-run food outlet SNAX. Dyens emphasized students’ responsibility to respect the existing MOA. “I think the University has shown flexibility in not coming down very quickly on students,” he said, while also noting a desire to arrive at a mutually beneficial agreement when the MOA is renegotiated.

Concerned that the University views SNAX as a liability, a SNAX staffer told Council that they are

working to get health and safety certification for employees, have undergone a health inspection, and are insured under AUS. One councillor asked Fortier to reconcile the increasing support for divestment and her apparent commitment to engaging with the McGill community with the fact that McGill still has financial holdings in fossil fuels.

Fortier replied that she did not have personal authority over this type of decision, which must proceed through official channels, namely the Board of Governors’ Committee to Advise on Matters of Social Responsibility (CAMSR). “[Many expect me] to impose, and to act in fact as a dictator, that is not the way we work,” she said.

No replacement for VP Internal Council once again grappled with the logistics of a vacant executive position, as VP Internal Roma Nadeem will not be at McGill this semester due to health problems.

While Council does have the authority to appoint a temporary replacement in accordance with the AUS constitution, it elected to leave the position vacant for the time being at the suggestion of President Ava Liu. Aspects of the VP Inter-

Andy Wei | The McGill Daily nal’s portfolio will be distributed among the remaining AUS executives, while the position’s crucial administrative responsibilities concerning room rentals and liquor permits will be taken over by a student employee.

Although this is the fourth resignation the AUS executive has seen this semester, VP Academic Erin Sobat emphasized that there is no need for emergency appointments.

“There is still someone in the position, they’re on leave, and we are filling the administrative requirements of that position through

other means,” said Sobat.

A new VP Internal will be appointed by Liu in the near future from a pool of applicants.

On recommendation of the Constitutional and By-Law Review Committee, Council passed a set of changes to electoral bylaws for AUS and departmental associations. Council also voted to add an ad-hoc Event Planning and Implementation Committee (EPIC) seat to Council in order to “strengthen communication between councillors and members of EPIC,” according to the motion.

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News

January 19, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

$6 welfare increase falls short of inflation rate

Benefits insufficient to satisfy basic needs, advocates say June Jang News Writer

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n January 1, the Quebec government increased social assistance payments by $6 per month, which corresponds to an indexation rate of 1.06 per cent.

In a press release sent to The Daily on January 1, the Front commun des personnes assistées sociales du Québec (FCPASQ) – an organization representing people who receive social assistance – denounced the low indexation rate as insufficient in comparison to increases in prices of consumer goods, which averaged 3.1 per cent for food and 1.6 per cent across all sectors over the past year. Hydro-Québec electricity prices, meanwhile, increased by 4.3 per cent last April.

“People on welfare are finding themselves in a more and more precarious situation, they are going deeper and deeper into poverty,” Cathy Inouye, community organizer at Project Genesis and FCPASQ spokesperson on the issue, told The Daily.

Intended as a form of “lastresort financial assistance,” the social assistance program dispenses $1.4 billion yearly to over 319,000 households, the basic monthly rate being $616 for an individual. When the program was first established

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in 1969, the monthly payment was $217, which would correspond to over $1,300 today when accounting for inflation, according to a document published by the FCPASQ. Jean Lalande, coordinator at the Welfare Rights Committee of SouthWest Montreal, spoke to the insufficient amount of payment in an interview with The Daily.

“It would be very important to have a social program that ensures that those basic needs [such as food and housing] are covered, that the benefits are calculated to cover the basic cost of living,” said Lalande. “We thought it would become a priority [over the years] but it has not happened.”

“People on welfare are finding themselves in a more and more precarious situation, they are going deeper and deeper into poverty.”

Cathy Inouye, community organizer

Bicycle-part vending machine installed at The Flat

he Flat, McGill’s bike collective, welcomed a new bicyclepart vending machine on January 12. Located beside The Flat, room B-02 in the Shatner building, the vending machine is the first of its kind in Montreal, according to collective member Matt Ainsley.

Already up and running, the vending machine contains all items that were available for sale at The Flat, such as inner tubes, bike lights, brake cables, tools, and promotional material. Because the machine was funded by a Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) Space Fund grant, prices will not rise to cover the cost of the machine, and all earnings will go back into running the collective, as they have in the past.

The idea for a bike-part vending machine was raised about a year ago by former Flat member Harald Kliems, with the goal of address-

ing the collective’s main constraints – lack of space, long wait times, crowds, and restricted hours. Since Kliems’ departure, the project has been spearheaded by Ainsley.

The collective hopes that the machine will allow cyclists to address any problems they might have outside of opening hours, or to forgo lineups at The Flat and simply head home or to the public repair stand by the Bronfman building on McTavish.

The vending machine was purchased from a local supplier, and has been custom-spaced to fit bike parts. At this point in time, it also looks like a very standard machine, but The Flat is hoping to change that: the collective is looking for a student artist to paint the machine, with the possibility of reimbursement.

—Emily Saul

Social assistance payments over ten years

Source: Ministère de l’Emploi et de la Solidarité sociale

Although beneficiaries with “severely limited capacity for employment” qualify for “social solidarity” payments, which amount to $937 monthly for a single individual, Inouye noted that about 60 per cent of people who receive the base rate of $616 are also unable to work.

“Welfare has a long history of punishing those who [the government feels] should be working, even though they know that there is a high unemployment rate, so a lot of people can’t find work,” said Inouye. “Poverty and health go hand in hand, so a lot of people – they might have depression, or anxiety,

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or even people who have major illnesses like cancer – these people might also be on the base rate even though their sickness is such that they are not able to work.”

Lalande echoed Inouye’s concerns, asserting that the welfare program has become “merit-based” over the years, since it takes into account the beneficiary’s ‘employability.’

“It makes [people on welfare] even less and less employable [when their needs are not being met],” said Lalande. “It becomes even harder to look for work.”

In its press release in French, the FCPASQ recommended that the

government restore previously repealed fiscal measures to increase revenue and be able to “support the development of a more egalitarian society in which everyone can live in dignity.”

Inouye also suggested that the government lift undue restrictions on access to welfare, and allow beneficiaries to supplement their income without fear of having a potion of it deduced from their welfare cheque, as is current practice.

“It’s also about people’s inherent dignity, and their ability to make it to the end of the month and still have food in the fridge,” she said.

Midnight Kitchen closed due to rodent risk in Shatner building

he Midnight Kitchen (MK), the non-profit, volunteer- and worker-run collective dedicated to providing pay-what-you-can vegan food, is closed until further notice due to mandatory renovations.

Originally expected to reopen within two weeks of the start of the semester, MK remains shuttered because of a problem currently facing many buildings on campus: rodents.

Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) VP Clubs & Services Stefan Fong characterized the closure as a proactive measure meant to protect the kitchen against any possible pest invasions. Though MK is, as of most recent reports from Fong, vermin-free, rodent activity has increased in the Shatner bulding, as the recently-completed construction on McTavish and cold weather have forced the rodents

to seek alternative housing.

Mice have been reported as far up as the third floor. Fong said that SSMU is addressing this issue head-on because of the extent of last years’ mouse infestation, which affected the entire building. MK has been closed because, as a food service, it is at high risk for an infestation. At this time, no other food services have been closed.

In addition to the potential rodent contamination, MK’s operational permit is also due to expire on January 21, reported Fong. Before MK can reopen, collective members are required to attend a certification course given by Quebec’s Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, and Food, which will be offered before MK’s permit expires.

Ministry certification is a legal requirement for food service in Quebec, but it is something MK has trouble enforcing due to the high

turnover of volunteers the collective sees each year.

While MK refused to comment on the issue, a message on the collective’s Facebook page indicated that the closure was “mostly out of the collective’s control.” The post also said that “SSMU is not permitting us to enter the kitchen or give out any food until these changes have been completed.”

This closure is not linked to the vandalism suffered by MK last semester, an issue which has, according to Fong, been resolved.

However, the details behind the vandalism have not yet been disclosed publicly.

The kitchen will still be present in room 302 of SSMU on Mondays and Thursdays from 12 p.m. to 2 p.m. with free coffee and the occasional film.

—Emily Saul

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January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Concordia TA union put in trusteeship Executive committee removed from office following investigation

Janna Bryson The McGill Daily

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n January 7, the Teaching and Research Assistants at Concordia (TRAC) union was put under the trusteeship of its parent organization, the Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC). This action followed an investigation by PSAC that resulted in the removal of the TRAC executives from their respective positions on the grounds that there was “evidence of a fully dysfunctional executive committee.”

Complaints of harassment, bylaw infractions The investigation was initiated on September 9 following multiple complaints by TRAC Vice President Daria Saryan, Bargaining Officer Isabelle Johnston, and Communications and Mobilization Officer Robert Sonin against President Nader Nodoushan.

According to Sonin, the initial complaint was prompted by difficulties facing the executive committee during the summer.

The investigation report, obtained by The Daily, detailed allegations against Nodoushan, including harassment, interfering with other

executives’ work, and violating TRAC bylaws by failing to have a $3,000 expense approved by the executive committee.

Nodoushan also filed a number of counter-complaints of harassment, and one of racism, against other executives. However, most of these complaints were deemed unfounded by the report, except for a complaint that Sonin had an outstanding loan of $450 from TRAC, which the report described as somewhat “reasonable” given the context of alleged pay withholding by Nadoushan.

According to Sonin, the report’s recommendations are overly harsh, given that the complaints against Nadoushan were the most founded in the report. “We made a complaint, the complaint was found to be valid, and we were fired,” Sonin told The Daily in an interview.

In an official response to the situation released on January 13, PSAC indicated that action beyond the removal of the TRAC executive would be taken in the future, and urged members to focus their energies on upcoming collective bargaining.

“There is nothing to be gained by publicly debating the investigation committee’s findings,” read the statement. “Its main conclusions

will be released at an upcoming general assembly and local members in attendance will obtain all necessary clarifications.”

Lack of autonomy for local unions TRAC is a local section of PSAC, a larger union; as such, PSAC has the authority to bargain with employers, authorize strikes, and take control of a local section.

According to Jamie Burnett, a grievance officer at AGSEM: McGill’s Teaching Union, the local sections’ lack of autonomy can cause difficulties – a problem AGSEM does not face, as it belongs to the more decentralized Confédération des syndicats nationaux (CSN), a Quebec union federation.

“This [non-autonomous] form of organization is common to most of the North American labour movement (including the non-CSN unions at McGill), especially outside of Quebec. The CSN is one of the few exceptions in that its ‘local unions’ are legally autonomous,” said Burnett in an email to The Daily. “The autonomy we have as a part of the CSN is extremely important to us.”

TRAC is not the only union that has struggled with its relationship with PSAC. SÉTUE, the student work-

ers’ union at Université du Québec à Montréal, has also had problems.

“Members of SÉTUE experienced this [lack of autonomy] when, on dubious legal grounds, PSAC refused to allow the bargaining committee to respect the mandates from their General Assembly,” said Burnett.

SÉTUE’s relationship with PSAC remains strained. According to MarieÈve Tremblay-Cléroux, who was an elected member of SÉTUE’s union council from May 2013 to November 2014, SÉTUE attempted to disaffiliate from PSAC with a campaign that began last summer.

“We had many reasons, but the most important is the lack of self-government in the PSAC structure [...] it’s possible for PSAC to bypass the local executive committee decisions anytime,” Tremblay-Cléroux told The Daily in an email.

According to Tremblay-Cléroux, three members of the SÉTUE executive were removed by PSAC during the campaign, although unlike TRAC, SÉTUE was not put under complete trusteeship.

SÉTUE’s campaign to disaffiliate was ultimately unsuccessful and ended last October. “It’s not because members didn’t want to quit PSAC. [...] It’s [in] part because PSAC use[d]

a lot of judicial procedures to stop the campaign,” said Tremblay-Cléroux, adding that the disaffiliation had seen substantial support at SÉTUE’s September general assembly.

Re-elections for TRAC? While there does not appear to be mobilization within TRAC to leave PSAC, the final result of the investigation into its executive’s behaviour has yet to be determined.

The investigation report will be presented to a TRAC general assembly on January 19, where they will vote to approve or deny the report’s recommendation that the executives be removed and a re-election be held.

Sonin is not sure whether he will seek re-election, or even whether he can. Although the report recommended that only Nodoushan be barred from running again, Sonin said that Nodoushan instructed Concordia Human Resources not to deduct union dues from the pay cheques of the executives, meaning that he is unlikely to meet the electoral qualification of being a “dues-paying member.”

“At any rate, PSAC’s performance does not inspire me with confidence,” wrote Sonin in an email to The Daily.

“I’m not sure I want anything to do with PSAC.”

Experiencing blackness in Canada Professor highlights inadequacy of ‘multicultural’ narrative in McGill talk Marina Cupido The McGill Daily

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nthony Stewart, a professor of English at Bucknell University, gave a series of talks at McGill this week entitled “Talking Black to Canada.” Drawing partly on his own experience of growing up as a person of colour in this country, Stewart offered a penetrating analysis of Canada’s collective perception of itself as a tolerant, multicultural nation.

Speaking to a packed lecture hall on Friday afternoon, he discussed the consequences of this shared perception, and the extent to which it is divorced from the everyday realities faced by people of colour.

“Canada’s national story claims, in essence […] that of all the human social arrangements in the history of the species, Canada, and Canada alone, has been able to exist without racism,” said Stewart. “That’s arrogance.”

He explained that another widelyheld notion – among white Canadians, at least – is that if racism does exist in their country, it is nowhere near as serious or as prevalent as in the U.S.; or, if it used to exist, the situation has im-

proved immeasurably.

This, said Stewart, is not an acceptable response to racial inequality.

“What I want you to understand is that not being as bad as someone else is not good enough, and still comes at great cost to those whose experience and existence contradicts the story.”

Stewart emphasized that this story is harmful. “Constantly being told that there is not a problem, when you know there is one, does things to you cognitively,” he said.

To illustrate the damaging effects of this narrative of colourblindness, Stewart alluded to the incident in 2013 when Chris Spence, former director of education at the Toronto District School Board, stepped down over allegations of plagiarism.

“When [Spence] loses his job under suspicion of plagiarism, while the mayor of the same city keeps his job despite […] criminal activity […] we are within our rights to remember that Chris Spence is black, and Rob Ford is white, even if the national story tells us that race doesn’t matter in such, or indeed in any, decisionmaking in Canada.”

Stewart explained that he himself

had experienced the unsavoury reality of racism in Canada, from racial taunts in the elementary school playground to more insidious forms of discrimination in the academic world.

“I became aware from an early age that my claims to my own Canadianness were under constant strain; a strain that only increased as I aged, gained more academic credentials, and grew increasingly aware of the stories I was relentlessly told about the nation where I was born. Stories that, more often than not, imprinted upon me a sense of non-belonging, of being insufficiently Canadian,” said Stewart.

In the end, said Stewart, we must think critically about the national narratives we create for ourselves, and work toward re-imagining Canada so as to deal better with our differences.

“Stories construct our reality, right? They’re really central, and some people argue they’re the only way for us to understand our world. [...] The good news is, we can change stories, and maybe, maybe, maybe, if we change enough stories […] then we can change ideology.”

Speaking to The Daily after the event, Lerona-Dana Lewis – a repre-

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily sentative of Community-University Talks (C-Uni-T), which organized the lecture – expressed satisfaction with the attendance and audience participation. “Usually when it’s something that addresses people of colour, very few people come,” Lewis said. “It’s really encouraging to see that [so many students attended].”

C-Uni-T is a Montreal organization that raises awareness regarding issues faced by people of colour on

university campuses. “It really gives undergraduate students who are facing racism a space to talk about this, and to know that other people understand what they’re saying,” said Lewis.

“Oftentimes, people tend to internalize, and think ‘it’s my problem,’ but as we heard from [Stewart], it’s the story that we’ve been told about Canada being this place where everybody’s welcome. In fact, some people are not welcome.”

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Commentary

January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

9

“Do you have a girlfriend?”

The double standard for LGBT social workers Kofi Norsah Commentary Writer

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Do you have a girlfriend?” The way you answer this question, for the most part, depends on one thing you may take for granted: sexual orientation. For most men, this simple everyday question is not a source of personal tension or anxiety – but for me, it’s an anxiety-provoking experience whenever I am asked. Being a Social Work student who is part of the LGBT community compounds this question, and makes it especially difficult to deal with in the context of field education and employment in social work.

As part of my social work field placement course in 2011 at McGill, I accepted a practicum position at a community centre in Montreal.

While working with a Caribbean female client in an abusive relationship, she, on many occasions, inquired if I had a girlfriend. Discomfort arose, as I didn’t know how to answer her persistent inquiry. In fact, her question presumed that I am “straight,” but I have always been attracted to men, and am proudly ‘out’ as an ethnic LGBT immigrant from Ghana.

How do I honestly answer her mundane and benign inquiry without risking affirming my non-heterosexuality? For me, sexual orientation in all its fluidity – straight, gay, bisexual, et cetera – has always been similar to the differences in ethnic affiliation: an unremarkable natural personal trait. If my “straight” colleagues, who happen to be the majority, can freely affirm and infer their dominant heterosexual orientation to clients and coworkers on a whim at work, why shouldn’t I be able to do the same?

Isn’t this what equality for LBGT persons is all about, to be free to be publicly who we are, without the need to hide and lie, and risk the danger of homophobic reaction?

Not knowing what to do, I sought guidance from my immediate supervisor. She, a straight white female, instructed me not to affirm my sexual orientation – keep in mind, relationship status cannot be disclosed without inference to sexual orientation identity – to the client in question because, in her words, “women in her position are afraid of gay men.” More confused, I requested my supervisor to clarify her arbitrary and restrictive position, which led to disagreements and my eventual termination from the field placement.

What was behind her desire to regulate the free affirmation of homosexual identity in a professional helping relationship context to the

Manuela Galindo-Carvajal | Illustrator extent of termination? Had I been “straight,” would my hegemonically accepted sexual orientation affirmation be still subjected to permission in the work place? Is this a perpetuation of that view, that gay sexual orientation is pathological, unnatural, marginal, and and must be conveniently hidden or disclosed based on the circumstances of the day? As a black person, I can’t, and don’t even intend to, hide my blackness or even my Ghanaian roots. Why am I forced to hide my homosexuality?

Believing that Canadian and Quebec laws would support the public affirmation of non-heterosexual orientation, and given that my field placement termination was caused by my supervisor’s double standard to keep me in the ‘closet’ at work, I complained to the Quebec Human Rights and Youth Rights Commission in the same year. Much to my despair, the provincial human rights body at first rejected the civil rights discrimination deposition on the grounds that “my sexual orientation is a private matter” and “employers have the rights to ask employees not to reveal their sexual orientation to clients.”

Upon an immediate appeal, the Commission’s initial decision was overturned and the complaint was formally investigated. After three years of investigation, however, the Commission issued a final decision in which it sided with my supervisor, saying that “it was ill-advised [for me] to disclose [my] sexual orientation to a client in the context of social work.” No explanations given,

case closed. The Commission’s controversial final decision raised more questions than answers, so with the intention of seeking clarity again, I asked, at the cost of thousands of dollars, the Superior Court of Quebec to review the Commission’s final decision despite the latter’s fierce

As a black person, I can’t, and don’t even intend to, hide my Blackness or even my Ghanaian roots.

Why am I forced to hide my homosexuality? opposition to my motion for judicial review. It was greenlit last week.

I’m taking the Commission to the Superior Court of Quebec to shed light on the former’s improvised decision. In almost four years of handling my case, not once did the Commission consult my stakeholders in rendering its precedentsetting decision. The opinions of the two stakeholders, the Ordre des travailleurs sociaux et thérapeutes conjugaux and the Canadian Association of Social Workers, which have no defined policy on this particular debate, were not reflected in the Commission’s opinion. Further-

more, none of the decisions made on my case were informed by any legal framework and policy, as one of the Commission’s own lawyers said in an internal memo to her superior.

Rather, the Commission’s opinion was based on the uninformed and biased sentiments of its staff. In my opinion, the ad-hoc views of the Commission are a legitimate cause for concern and an impetus to push for judicial review for anyone who respects human rights.

The Commission’s improvised position was reactionary, and as an institution it may function to perpetuate institutionalized homophobia in Quebec. For example, it implies that sexual orientation is a private matter and has no place in the workplace. This position is partial against those members of society who have historically been forced into the shadows and denied the right to be as equally visible and respected as heterosexuals. Given that in some parts of the world today LGBT people have the right to marry, like their heterosexual counterparts, it would be difficult for them to talk about their family status in the workplace without running the risk of revealing their sexual orientation. To commit to the discriminatory notion of keeping your sexuality secret, LGBT people would thus have to conceal their identities or lie.

Heterosexual employees, on the other hand, do not have to reveal or disclose their sexual orientation because society regards heterosexuality as the norm. The Commission ruling

that “it was ill-advised to disclose sexual orientation to the client in the context of social work” then disproportionately and adversely affects sexual minorities, compared with people belonging to the dominant sexual orientation. In fact, the Commission is legally placing restrictions on LGBT persons to be out at work, a notion that goes against thirty years of Canadian case law on equality and Quebec’s own policy against homophobia.

The outcome of the judicial review has serious implications for LGBT professionals employed in the context of care-relationships such as psychologists, nurses, physicians, and teachers whose identity expression can be deemed secondary to the needs of their clients. This practice of satisfying the “needs” or bias of a service recipient, even if it means sanctioning a discriminatory behaviour in the interest of the idea that ‘the customer is always right,’ is discrimination by proxy, and represents a major setback for LGBT civil rights in Canada. It shows that LGBT rights can easily be relegated.

As a black man, I will not let anyone tell me to go to the back of the bus.

As a gay man, I will not let anyone tell me when or how I should be out.

And as a gay black man, I cannot let a human rights commission adopt a position that can send many of us back into a pre-civil rights era.

Kofi Norsah is a Master’s student in Social Work. To reach him, send an email to commentary@mcgilldaily.com.

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Commentary

January 19, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Time to ditch ‘Big Oil’

Shareholder action is not enough to change corporate behaviour Antonina Scheer Commentary Writer

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ver the past couple of years, divestment from fossil fuels has become one of the fastest growing activist movements on university campus worldwide, and has influenced such notable entities as Stanford University and the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. It is fuelled by students and religious institutions eager for progress toward a sustainable future and planet. Most universities are reluctant to move away from fossil fuels for financial reasons, but we can look to the precedent of divesting from tobacco products to show that this should not be a worry.

Both industries – ‘Big Tobacco’ and ‘Big Oil’ – have mounted blatantly false campaigns of misinformation to disguise the danger of their product. The effects of smoking and the human causes of climate change are scientific conclusions published in countless peer-reviewed journals; there is no longer any debate. ‘Big Tobacco’ and ‘Big Oil’ have fabricated movements in favour of their products, creating the illusion of doubt. In his book Heat, George Monbiot examines the deceitful work of these politically powerful industries.

For instance, in 1993, the cigarette company Philip Morris hired a public relations firm to invent a fake citizens’ group called “The

Jonathan Reid | The McGill Daily Advancement of Sound Science Coalition,” which would lobby the government and link research casting tobacco in a bad light with

broader regulation issues such as global warming.

It is a flagrant and damaging contradiction for universities, sup-

posed havens of knowledge and integrity, to condone this sort of manufacturing of disinformation, which is what their refusal to divest from these industries implies.

It goes without saying that the problem with both industries is primarily the product, making shareholder action entirely ineffectual.

People who control these businesses are not in a position to address the root problem. This is because there is no way for a tobacco company to operate without selling its harmful product, and no way for an oil company to operate without fuelling climate change. Shareholder action, which can only demand changes in a firm’s business practices, therefore does not address the fundamental problem.

The reluctant but eventual acknowledgement that their products cause harm is highly significant.

There is no safe level of use of these products and the industries know it.

As a smart, but likely shallow concession, Exxon Mobil has taken a positive view of the implementation of a carbon tax, but this does not address the root problem. Divestment from either industry does not seek to cripple them financially; that would not be viable considering our widespread dependence on oil. Rather, divestment is an important symbolic move – especially in the case of universities – that will challenge the industry’s ability to lobby its own

interests within the political sphere.

Then, slowly, our economy may shift toward renewables.

McGill’s decision to divest from tobacco companies in 2007 for reasons of “social injury” was consistent with its policy against smoking.

Similarly, if McGill’s endowment fund stopped investing in fossil fuels, it would be entirely consistent with the university’s green policy.

Vision 2020, a set of long-term sustainability goals adopted by McGill, including the adoption of a responsible investment policy, is an important step forward, and we need to be consistent with it. McGill is a thriving, intelligent community with a School of Environment and engaged students and professors; divestment would be a logical decision.

Though the situation of climate change is dire and the solutions are controversial, the road to mitigating climate change is there in the smoggy horizon. Continuing to invest in fossil fuels constitutes the support of the industry’s practices. Divestment would mean that we would no longer be shareholders in these industries, which may silence our voice as shareholders. But it would be a sure cry for change that will be heard.

Antonina Scheer is a U1 Environmental Studies student with a minor in English Literature.

To reach her, send an email to antonina.scheer@mail.mcgill.ca.

Want to be shouty, but without the consequences?

We’re looking for contributors. commentary@mcgilldaily.com

This week’s web-only Commentary content Charlie Hebdo

more McGill students publish reactions to the murders in France

Barbaric Cultural Practices Act

a commentary writer explains how this is just as bad as it sounds

Commentary

January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

11

The victims of brutal minds Social isolation and ignorance can lead to violence

Shahriar Soltani Commentary Writer

T

hey were among the best cartoonists in France. Jean Cabut, Georges Wolinski, Bernard “Tignous” Verlhac, and Stéphane Charbonnier. Some of them had worked for decades at the satirical weekly Charlie Hebdo. Cabut had been drawing for six decades, and had criticized many with his pen.

He was threatened several times for drawing a cartoon depicting Muhammad, the prophet of Islam. The eighty-year-old Wolinski was the so-called “father of French cartoonists” and had books published in cartooning. The youngest, Tignous, drew caricatures for several publications aside from Charlie Hebdo.

But the most tenacious and the boldest among them was probably their editor, Charbonnier.

“Our job is to defend freedom of speech. But without it we are dead. We can’t live in a country without freedom of speech. I prefer to die than live like a rat,” said Charbonnier in a 2011 interview with ABC, after Charlie Hebdo’s office was firebombed by fundamentalists. The massacre of these men on January 7 marked one of the darkest days in the history of French press.

The assailants, Saïd and Chérif Kouachi, were two Paris-born brothers. In 2011, Saïd travelled to Yemen, where he had previously studied, to train with militants from Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. Chérif was also involved with criminal activities, and in 2008 was sentenced to three years in prison for attempting to gather militants to fight in Iraq.

But why did such a brutal incident take place in Paris, a city one could call one of the birthplaces of modern democracy and Enlightenment values? One reason is that French public opinion, as for almost every other nation in the world, is undeniably affected by mass media. Freedom of the press stems directly from freedom of speech, but it does not necessarily guarantee freedom of thought for those who are exposed to mass media, given that it sometimes does not portray religious or ethnic minorities honestly, by shaping people’s thoughts against their wills.

Even though the governmentcontrolled media sources are few in Western Europe, the ideal distribution of media control is not yet achieved. The media is still mostly controlled by specific groups or corporations that favour their own group interests, rather than serve the true purpose of mass media,

Alice Shen | The McGill Daily which is to honestly inform people of the truth.

The problem is that the media is perpetuating stereotypes that already exist instead of eradicating them. The two people who carried out the Charlie Hebdo massacre were trained and incited by a fundamentalist organization that twists

The mainstream media belongs to the interest of the developed industrial countries in the West, and of course events that take place within those countries are given much more value. religion into pursuing their political ends. In that sense, the incident had nothing to do with heritage, religion, or race. Islam, like any other religion, does not promote violence.

As Reza Aslan said on CNN in 2014, “People are violent or peaceful and that depends on their politics, their social world, the way that they see their communities.” Many other organizations and people commit atrocious crimes under the guise of

a different religion, yet the media never mentions this.

Another point that can be brought up is that some events, which are even worse than others, do not get equal attention and publicity. For instance, in the same week that the Charlie Hebdo attack happened, over 2,000 people were killed by the fundamentalist group Boko Haram in Nigeria. A human tragedy of such a scale is beyond the comprehension of most people. This goes to prove that the mainstream media belongs to the interests of the developed industrial countries in the West, and of course events that take place within those countries are given much more value.

As a person who has lived in France, I can say that the country has not yet fully achieved the ideas of “liberty, equality, and fraternity.” France has the largest Muslim population in Western Europe, yet French Muslims are still not treated equally in the place they call ‘home.’ For instance, a recent study in 2010, conducted by professors from Stanford University and the University of Sorbonne, indicated that “Muslims sending out resumés in hopes of a job interview had 2.5 times less chance than Christians” with similar credentials. Criticism about a similar form of discrimination can also be made in the realm of sports. In 2010, there were substantive claims that leading coaches in the Fédération française de football proposed limiting the intake of “black and North African” players

to 30 per cent at certain regional youth training centres.

Such circumstances, alongside other social conditions, mean that people who aren’t ethnically French can often feel like secondclass citizens. This applies not only to Muslims, but to other, including the Jewish population and other religious minorities. It must be emphasized that the January 7 incident was a brutal event, and this violence

These societies lack a sense of integration and unity, which makes some citizens feel like strangers in their own homes. cannot be defended in any way. Yet the reasons behind this violence can be traced back to the conditions and the atmosphere of French society.

Some people, especially those who belong to an ethnic or religious minority, might feel bitter, given the high levels of systemic discrimination that target them. Such isolation from society could, in some rare cases, push people to commit such horrendous crimes.

Following the attack on Charlie Hebdo, over fifty anti-Muslim incidents were registered in France. In Germany, the “Pa-

triotic Europeans against the Islamization of the West” (Pegida) movement has been gaining ground, and most recently, 25,000 people marched against Islam in Dresden. It is clear that religious discrimination, Islamophobia, and more generally xenophobia – which are all but forms of racism – exist in a considerable number of minds in Western European countries, and especially in France and Germany.

These societies lack a sense of integration and unity, which makes some citizens feel like strangers in their own homes. Such problems have deep roots in systemic ignorance, caused by the inaction of governments in providing policies that encourage integration – policies that must embrace all the people of a country, including minorities. If these policies existed, future generations, whomever they may be, would not suffer from such bitter incidents like the Charlie Hebdo attack or systemic xenophobia.

It is fair to say that such problems are not going to go away in the coming years. This is a matter of culture. One day, maybe societies will change, where religious and ethnic minorities will all be treated well, and public awareness about all social groups will be high enough. Maybe then, all groups will receive equal respect, whoever they might be.

Shahriar Soltani is a U1 Chemistry student. To contact him, email shariar.soltani@mail.mcgill.ca.

Features

January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

12

Ferguson, Mon Amour Reflections on racial profiling and police brutality written by Margaret Gilligan Photos by Tamim Sujat

O

ver five months have passed since the murder of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and the safety of black people in the U.S. is a more pressing issue than ever. This is due in part to the continued execution of unarmed black people in the U.S. by police, and in part to the increasing tenacity with which the Black Lives Matter and other Ferguson-related, anti-racist movements are making their voices heard.

The Daily interviewed students in the U.S. and Canada who are affected by these issues and shared their experiences and perspectives. Melanie Enama, a U3 student in Political Science at McGill, and Takunda Ndoro, a student at the University of Maryland in the U.S., both note the increased media coverage of anti-black police brutality since the events of Ferguson began to unroll. Enama says, “In regard to the U.S., I guess it’s this [broken] taboo, that no one [in the media] talked about before, even though it existed.” Ndoro says he is “glad that the issues of police brutality and unequal treatment in the justice system are receiving more attention from those outside of the black community than ever before.”

Racialized police brutality in the U.S. and Canada According to a report published by the Malcom X Grassroots Movement, “Every 28 hours in 2012 someone employed or protected by the US government killed a Black man, woman, or child.” This statistic is terrifying to say the least, and highly indicative of the

dire changes that need to take place within the U.S. to preserve the human rights and dignity of all those living within the country.

Ndoro points to ignorance as a contributing factor to racialized police brutality. “In a perfect world, police brutality and race would be two concepts that have no causal relationship with one another at all. However, as pessimistic as this may seem, in today’s world, police brutality and race are very connected, despite the many strides social justice and humanitarian movements have made to promote and educate the world about racial equality. I believe that the link between police brutality and race is ignorance. A police officer [who] is ill-informed or fearful of a particular group of people is one who is at risk of making misjudgements about a situation that could lead to the use of unnecessary or excess force in the course of duty. If prejudice and inexperience are eliminated, and cultural and racial sensitivity become the norm in police ranks across the country, we will see a decline in instances of brutality and wrongful harm during police activity.”

Enama also takes other factors into consideration when talking about police brutality. “Race is not always a reason behind police brutality; there are other factors at play,” she says “I am not saying that there aren’t instances where police brutality was motivated by race; however, what I am saying is that there are other factors that should also be addressed. For example, police accountability for their actions, or better training for those entering the police force.” By police

accountability, Enama means police stepping up and taking responsibility for their actions, as opposed to trying to defend and justify them. She adds, “Ferguson’s case was a reminder that much still needs to be done in the U.S. in regard to holding police officers accountable for what they do, and that [racial divides] and stereotypes are still very much alive in the U.S.” While fingers are often – and most of the time rightfully – pointed at the U.S. for its dismissive attitude toward its black-identifying population (as Human Rights Watch did after the verdict of the Ferguson non-indictment was released, and as journalist Nicholas Kristof did when he pointed out that U.S. incarcerates more black men than apartheid South Africa), does pointing a finger at the U.S. and claiming your country, your province, your city, is ‘not that bad,’ remove you from the responsibility to be critical of your own community, and to facilitate change within it? Many, such as Enama, feel that “saying that you are better than someone else doesn’t make you exempt from eradicating the problem. What I hear from many Canadians is that the situation in Canada is better than that of the U.S.. I assume that this is true, but the problem is still present.”

Kai Thomas, a McGill student in African Studies and Anthropology, also points to multiple oppressive practices that underscore the ways in which police brutality manifests itself in Montreal – one of which is the use of unnecessary aggressiveness by the police. “Just the other day I was talking to somebody who

was born and raised in New York, and was recently incarcerated in Montreal, and he remarked that he noticed an even more intense degree of aggressive behavior when dealing with police in Montreal as opposed to New York. And that’s not to say that that’s a statistic or anything like that, but these are the kind of reflections that are not actually so uncommon to have or hear [with regard to interactions] with the police in Montreal.”

The mass incarceration of black and Indigenous populations is used as a way to control those bodies. In Canada, Indigenous people make up 4 per cent of the general population. According to a 2014 report by the Office of the Correctional Investigator, they make up 22 per cent of the prison population. The report also states that “black inmates now account for 9.5 per cent of the total prison population (up from 6.3 per cent in 2003/04) while representing just 2.9 per cent of the general Canadian population.” Racial

“Walking across campus, I can’t not think that my black ancestors were the ones who were enslaved to build this place.”

Kai Thomas, McGill student

Features profiling also seems to be prominent within the Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SVPM). As Thomas states, “I was speaking to a guy who at one point had a Range Rover, and he would get stopped daily by the cops.

The psychological effects of having those interactions [also need to be considered]. Being profiled and harassed by police, especially when you feel that it’s because of your racial phenotype, is an extremely disturbing experience. People can even have symptoms of [post traumatic stress disorder] after having an experience like that. It’s very traumatizing.”

Provincial documents publicly released by the Quebec Human Rights Commission have acknowledged that police in Canada are trained to employ racial profiling. On this, Thomas comments, “[During] the war on drugs [in the States] you had certain training programs put in place for police to recognize people who seemed to be out of place – sometimes with implicit references to look for race, sometimes with explicit references, especially when stopping drivers of cars. That training model was efficiently adopted in Canada [in the 1990s], so there is evidence to say that police are literally trained to look for racialized bodies and to associate them with criminality in certain contexts. This kind of training to racially profile people, to associate blackness with a proclivity for violence [...] that occurs well before most people enter a police academy. There’s a degree to which it’s already happening whether or not you have the documentation of all this training that was conducted.”

Canada’s Shortfall of accountability Comparing Canada to the U.S. can have concerning effects that stand in the way of eradicating anti-black racism. Thomas tells The Daily, “When it comes to talking about blackness in Canada, it’s always done in comparison to the States. This continual comparison to the U.S. is often deployed as a way to demonstrate Canada’s perceived moral superiority. [This] is a very dangerous road to go down because it has [...] the tendency to erase very real experiences of oppression that have occurred and that continue to occur in Canada – speaking historically. Just because we didn’t have plantations does not mean that we didn’t have that same system of racial hierar-

January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily chy, does not mean that we didn’t have very entrenched ideas of the lesser or the absent humanity of black and Indigenous bodies. We have to live with the repercussions of that and can’t pretend that the first relationship that settler colonials on this soil had with black bodies wasn’t that of enslavement. You can’t run away from that fact.”

It can be challenging to put forth a comprehensive analysis of the link between police brutality and race. In the case of Canada, Thomas also contributes this to the ideologies of multiculturalism and colourblindness. “The multicultural mosaic is this utopic idea [that] Canada is a multicultural society: it’s pluralistic, it’s harmonious, et cetera. [...] The other myth that we like to to brandish – especially one that black folks run into when talking with white liberal people – is that of “colour-blindness.” It’s the idea that, ‘I never see your colour.’ [...] ‘I don’t see any difference.’”

Thomas also discusses the way in which Canada will flaunt its alleged multiculturalism when it is in Canada’s best interest to do so, but will leave the people who make up their mosaic hanging when they voice their concerns. “Canada wants to see you when it can show off its harmonious multicultural relationship; however, if you, as a person of colour, or a black person, have complaints, then ‘we don’t see colour, we’re colour-blind.’

So it’s kind of like a paradox, two contrasting ideals that are deployed depending on the needs of the Canadian body, institutions, or white liberalism in general.”

He explains that this paradox is what makes it difficult to constructively talk about connections between police brutality and racism. “If we’re committed to those ideals [of multiculturalism and colour-blindness] then there’s no way to talk about things such as the history of slavery in Canada [and] the huge overrepresentation of black folks in prison. [...] All these bodies of evidence that come up in different forms in Canada are rendered kind of unspeakable by this Canadian commitment to the multicultural mosaic and to colour-blindness.”

Solidarity and equality at mcgill “The first step to solving any problem is acknowledging that the problem exists,”

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“Just because we didn’t have plantations does not mean that we didn’t have that same system of racial hierarchy, does not mean that we didn’t have very entrenched ideas of the lesser or the absent humanity of black and Indigenous bodies.”

Kai Thomas, McGill student

explains Enama. “Hence, I [would] like to see the McGill community acknowledging that there are many black lives and counting that have been lost to police brutality, or that will be lost to police brutality, as well as that those who died because of this brutality were loved and cherished by many.”

Ndoro adds the importance of undoing stereotypes and biased attitudes toward black populations. “All I want from the world is more effort to reject traditional black stereotypes and increased understanding of the conditions and circumstances that influence black perspectives.”

Changes in opposition of police brutality against black bodies can also take place on an institutional and individual level, as Thomas explains. “In terms of McGill, I think what is very necessary to happen is to get more diversity, especially among faculty. Like, a solid commitment to equity in hiring practices. And not only that, but a commitment to [relevant studies, because] programs such as African Studies are struggling to stay alive. There’s a professor in Montreal, Aziz Salmone Fall – and this is paraphrasing his words – [who] said that McGill has a historic obligation to black and Indigenous studies, especially given that James McGill was an owner of black and Indigenous slaves. The very premises on which we walk every day are built on relationships based on anti-black violence. [...] Walking across campus, I can’t not think that my black ancestors were the ones who were enslaved to build this place. It’s important to get those sorts of knowledge out into the public. I would like to see the recognition of that, and the commitment to continuing those sorts of commitments to diversity and to equity.”

When talking about what individual allies can do, Thomas says that, “In a place like Canada, black people don’t have [the num-

bers that they do in the U.S.]. So it makes the question of allyship all the more important.

I would encourage allies and people who wish to be allies to really take that extra step to educate each other and be open to education about the types of issues that are happening. It’s a scary thing to think about, but [also] to be prepared to be a dissenting voice when something oppressive happens, and regardless of whether black people are there or not. [It] can be a powerful thing when you have people who are not necessarily being targeted by certain things but are intervening nonetheless. Within that we see the possibility for a more powerful and more subversive type of organizing, because the state likes it when you keep to your own little enclaves, and you don’t see the interconnectedness of oppression.”

Be it in the U.S. or in Canada, there is an attitudinal change that needs to take place on an individual and institutional level. This needs to occur in order to bring an end to police brutality and related inustices – such as racial profiling and the overrepresentation of visible minorities in prison – in addition to the constant threat that police brutality poses to the lives of black people. Enama still feels that “the thing that scares me the most in this world is losing one of my siblings to police brutality.” Ndoro adds to this that “judging solely by how uneasy, I, as a black male, still feel when in the presence of police officers or other lawmen, I do not believe much has changed.” The very first step to creating spaces where all people feel and truly are safe is to recognize that anti-black police brutality is indeed a reality faced by many, in the U.S., Canada, and many other places. We need to stop pointing fingers at others in order to distract from a change that needs to occur on a transnational scale.

Sci+Tech

January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Science Faction, not fiction

New podcast series aims to explain science discoveries in 1000 most used words Zapaer Alip The McGill Daily

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id you know fire ants are able to lift ten times their weight?

If a human could do that, they would be able to bench press a Holstein cow, which can weigh as much as half a metric ton. Try and imagine that. These tiny, but amazingly strong creatures were the subject of Science Faction’s first episode “Fire Ant Physics,” which was released online as a podcast and broadcast on community radio stations, including CKUT 90.3 FM, across Canada on January 5.

The show is the brainchild of Dalal Hanna and Andrea Reid, who met while they were graduate students at McGill.

“After we both had our research featured on a prominent Canadian science radio show [CBC’s Quirks & Quarks], we got to talking one night at a bar about how we would both jump at the chance to start our own science

radio show. It just clicked and we never looked back,” said Reid in an interview with The Daily.

According to Hanna, ‘science faction’ is a term used to describe advancements that are so hard to believe as fact, that they are often mistaken for science fiction. It is also the name of their new ten-part podcast series that aims to make cutting-edge and complex scientific research more accessible to audiences by using the Up-Goer Five Text Editor, which allows its users to use only the 1,000 most common English words to describe difficult- tounderstand ideas – in this case, scientific concepts. Each episode will cover one recent discovery, and the first three episodes will span three very different fields: biomechanics, chemical engineering, and astrophysics.

Science Faction is hosted by Nick Schofield, who Cult MTL declared as Montreal’s number one radio host of 2014, and who also

has a weekly radio segment called Underground Sounds on CKUT. As a pre-produced podcast, Science Faction will be released on the first Monday of each month, January through October. It is currently funded by Jeunes Volontaires, an Emploi-Quebec program that enables young adults between the ages of 16 to 29 to dedicate more than 20 hours per week to a project of their own design while receiving funding to cover project costs and living expenses.

However, Hanna and Reid cannot reapply for Jeaunes Volontaires for future episodes and the show is currently set for ten episodes, Hanna notes they are open to the idea of continuing after the initial ten episodes for another season depending on the funds they are able to collect from listeners.

You can listen to Science Faction on their website sciencefaction.ca, and follow the show on Facebook and Twitter @scifactradio.

Stephanie Ngo | Illustrator

Food for thought

Why your brain needs nutrients Gabrielle Du Perron Sci+Tech Writer

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hen it comes to prioritizing our busy student lifestyle, eating a healthy and balanced diet usually falls on the bottom of the list. However, research in the field of nutrition has found that what we eat could directly relate to the way we think and feel. On January 8, John Hoffer, professor of medicine at the Lady Davis Research Institute, gave a presentation for the Cutting Edge lecture series entitled “Nutrients and the Brain.” During the session, he explored the complex interactions between nutrients and cognition, including his current research on vitamin C. In an interview with The Daily, Hoffer emphasized certain major nutrients that, when lacking, may lead to a person feeling tired and depressed – nutrients such as iron, vitamin C, and specific B vitamins.

“High quality nutrition is important. Mood shifts can occur with poorly planned and consumed foods, more in some people than others. These mood shifts are not diseases. They are just the body complaining about being treated so inconsiderately by a student who isn’t paying attention to adequate, healthy, regular nu-

trition and rest,” said Hoffer.

Hoffer has studied the impact of vitamin C supplementation on mood amongst patients admitted to the Jewish General Hospital in Montreal. Hoffer and his team conducted a double-blind randomized clinical trial in which one group of patients received vitamin C supplements and the other group received an alternative vitamin therapy. The patients who received vitamin C supplements had a prompt and dramatic improvement in psychological distress and mood disturbance, whereas those who received the alternative treatment experienced no significant improvement. Vitamin C may also help in other ways such as wound healing, cardiac status, and immunity, but the necessary clinical trials to prove correlation are yet to be completed.

Eating nutritious food comes with a price tag and when it’s not available or too expensive, keeping adequate levels of vitamins becomes difficult. As Hoffer notes, when serious nutritional deficiencies occur, “it is almost always in the context of some medical, psychological, or social condition that is preventing the person from eating or absorbing nutrients properly.”

While vitamin supplements won’t replace a healthy and balanced diet rich in coloured vegeta-

Alice Shen | The McGill Daily bles and fruit, but Hoffer says that, “taking a simple one-a-day vitamin supplement is not irrational.” For example, menstruating women with a heavy flow must be mindful of their iron consumption, because when blood is lost, iron is also lost.

Hoffer emphasized that iron deficiency is not uncommon in college-

age women and can sometimes lead to fatigue and mood disturbance.

While a vitamin C deficiency may lead to impaired cognitive function and moodiness, we must not forget the importance of consuming all the essential vitamins and minerals. “A severe tissue depletion of any [vitamins] will cause

serious disease and lead to death,” said Hoffer.

The main take-home message is that while we are busy as students, eating a healthy and nutritious diet should be higher up on our list of priorities, as having high-quality nutrition will give our body the food it requires to fuel our thoughts.

Sports

January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Playing activist

Do athletes exploit causes for good PR? Drew Wolfson Bell The McGill Daily

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ports and games have been around since the inception of humanity – ever since the wheel was invented, there have been two people straddling what I imaging to look like a stone tire and racing it down a hill. The earliest form of large-scale competition were the Olympic Games in Ancient Greece, widely thought of as an event where different athletes from a multitude of citystates travled far and wide to compete solely in the name of sport and competition. Well, bullshit. In fact, the Olympics was an event for the multiple city-states of Ancient Greece to exert their political will over their neighbours by showing how good they were at decathlon.

Since then, we have seen the same phenomenon play out over and over again. For instance, in 1980, when the U.S. beat the Soviet Union at ice hockey, it was viewed as a battle of ideologies, with Western capitalists coming out on top. Another instance was when the Soviet Union played Hungary in water polo, after the failed Hungarian Uprising of 1956. The tensions escalated into such a rough game the match is still referred to as the “Blood in the Water” match.

Sports are – and have always been – political. Because of this, it is not uncommon for athletes to become embroiled in political issues. This has paved the way for the ‘activist athlete.’ In no way is this a new trend; for years we have seen athletes come out and use sports and competition as a venue to voice their political views.

One example of this can be seen at the 1968 Olympics, where gold medalist Tommie Smith and bronze medalist John Carlos raised their fists in the Black Power salute during the American national anthem as a show of protest. To this day, this is seen as the most overtly political statement in Olympic Games history.

In other cases, the athletes’ protests are more nuanced, where simply playing the sport is a show of protest. For example, Jackie Robinson was the first black man to play in Major League Baseball.

This came during a time when the Jim Crow laws were still in effect, and the U.S. was a deeply segregated nation. By playing in this period, Robinson challenged the segregation by being the only person of colour in the entire league, and refusing to be pushed out

after enduring countless racial taunts and physical abuse from fans, referees, and others players.

There have undoubtedly been many other activist athletes, but recently we have an even greater number appearing. However, with the rise of the ‘activist athlete,’ it is important to draw distinctions between the types of activism that they engage in, rather than lumping all athletes who engage in political issues into the same category.

These distinctions are important to make, because taking up philanthropic causes is, in fact, a lucrative business – too often causing some to merely do it for good PR. These athletes use their cause of choice in order to pander to their fans and become then more marketable, which leads to their inking new and wellpaying endorsements. It is this type of activist athlete that gives the rest a bad name, but also manages to never be called out – that is, unless they become involved in a scandal.

In 2012, Lance Armstrong – seven-time winner of the Tour de France and cancer survivor – was busted for blood doping, where he artificially increased the number of red blood cells to boost athletic performance.

Aside from arguably being the most well-known cyclist in modern history, Armstrong also started his own charity called Livestrong, which is directed at raising money and providing support for cancer survivors.

Armstrong would use Livestrong to shield himself from any accusations of blood doping, building a narrative that essentially said: ‘How dare you question me? Look at what I have done for cancer survivors!’

Seeing that he used survivors’ narratives and struggles for his own personal gain, it is fair to say that Armstrong’s version of athlete activism was self-serving. An example of this is when asked if he was blood doping, he would use his image as the cancer survivor who still continued to win while supporting other survivors to deflect the issue. Cycling great Greg LeMond calls Armstrong a “thug who used his cancer-survival story and cancer charity to manipulate the cancer community and shield himself from allegations.” Even though Armstrong had a stake in this issue, by positing himself as the voice of all cancer survivors, but using that voice to further his own selfinterest, he betrayed the cause he claimed to value so dearly. Luckily he is not the only athlete who has had a stake in something and chosen to take a stand.

Los Angeles Clippers owner

Katrina Gibbs | The McGill Daily Donald Sterling has a long history of racist comments; however, this summer his comments took centre stage after a recording of his remarks became public. The Clippers were in the middle of playoffs when the news broke, and when they walked on the court ready to play their next opponent, everyone noticed that their warm-up gear was inside-out.

This was a protest staged by the players refusing to wear the logo of a team with a racist owner.

This silent protest was inspiring, because it showed that players do have the power to take action to address larger social issues; however, one critique of this event was that the players could have done more. Sometimes as activists, we dream about what it would be like if we just said, ‘Fuck the system!’ and did not show up for work the next day. But then we realize that not going to work is not an option for everyone, and that it requires a certain level of privilege to play hooky, or risk losing your job by not showing up. Athletes have the privilege to get paid large amounts of money to play a game. By refusing to play that game not only

would it be the buzz of the sports world by drawing attention to the issue, but, in the case of the Clippers, it would hit Sterling where it hurt: right in the wallet.

Still, this effort by the Clippers is a prime example of athlete activism, and shows how powerful it can be when the athletes have a stake in the issue they choose to support, without exploiting it for their own good.

The most current and most powerful display of athlete activism has come after a trend of some of the grossest miscarriages of justice in recent history. After the grand jury failed to indict Michael Brown and Eric Garner’s killers, people all across North America gathered to say that black lives matter. Many athletes have joined this movement, In the NBA, during their warm-ups, players wear shirts saying “I can’t breathe,” Garner’s last words before he was killed. NFL teams like the Rams have entered the stadium with their hands up, like Brown a gesture that has become synonymous with the movement.

These shows of solidarity are only made stronger when the ath-

lete who choose to take a stand on a certain issue also have a stake in the issue. When his team played the Brooklyn Nets, basketball player Kyrie Irving explained to the pre-game press corps why he was wearing an “I can’t breathe” shirt. “I think it’s really important that we show our respect to the families. More importantly, we’re in the city where tragedy happened, and it’s really important to us that we stand up for a cause, especially this one. It hits close to home and means a lot to me.”

Athletes command a lot of influence and attention in our dayto-day life. There will always be athlete activists. However, it is important that we hold them accountable by distinguishing between those who use activism simply as good press, and those who have a genuine interest in and commitment to moving their chosen cause forward. Until then, activist athletes will come in all different shapes and forms; some will make a difference, but some will opt for the money. Either way, just as we choose to cheer for certain teams, we should choose to cheer for certain activists.

Culture

January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Dance, dance, revolution FéMTL opens space for women in the DJ scene

Grace Bill Culture Writer

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rom underground legends of the past like Larry Levan, Frankie Knuckles, and Jeff Mills to current festival-conquering electronic dance music (EDM) acts like Skrillex, deadmau5, and Calvin Harris, DJing (on the surface at least) comes across as a very male-dominated field. Even in looking at the lineup for Igloofest, Montreal’s EDM winter festival that kicked off last weekend, it’s difficult to spot female DJs amongst the rows of men.

That doesn’t mean they’re not there – there’s a few women in the lineup, and a couple more producing visuals for the festival – but they receive no visibility. All of the headliners are men (including the misleadingly named Girl Unit). To combat this issue of visibility and promote female DJs, some members of the Montreal scene recently formed the DJ collective FéMTL. The collective’s launch party, which took place last Saturday, highlighted five female DJs working in Montreal: Amanda’Mour, Claire, Eloïze, Isa Ghio, and Monokini San. FéMTL’s launch party took place in a loft in the Old Port owned by the co-op La Commune.

Alex Grenier, president of the coop, explained to The Daily that while La Commune operates its space mainly as a “cooperative coworking space for tech entrepreneurs,” one of its goals is also “to encourage female participation in activities that seem traditionally male-orientated, in technology as well as arts and culture.”

This first event was a relatively small affair; Grenier described the party as “semi-private,” and at any

one time there were around two dozen people dancing in the loft. A couple of couches, a makeshift bar, some colour-changing lights, and the DJ’s setup were the only features in an otherwise empty loft. In some ways, however, the event felt even more intimate because of this.

Musically, the DJ sets focused around techno but remained very diverse, ranging from proto-techno classics such as Cybotron’s “Clear” and Kraftwerk’s “Home Computer” to more recent tracks. The DJs also played a number of different styles both within the techno umbrella (like acid, minimal, and Detroit) and outside it (like deep house and UK garage). Even though there was a general sense of stylistic unity in the sets, the DJs brought enough variety to keep the energy level high. The relatively simple setup combined with the energetic sets kept the dancing, and the female DJs, as the focus of the evening.

But while the focus of this event was the DJs, the sets were actually less concerned with glorifying the DJ figure than most EDM concerts, and more with innovation and musical liberty.

Several of the DJs stated the importance of looking past labels in their work. Claire expressed a love for techno in all “its various incarnations” and Monokini San said of her style: “I am absolutely obsessed by 2-step and garage sounds. But I wouldn’t consider myself a 2-step DJ or anything like that. I easily mix deep dub techno with garage that will not please garage fans but initiate a new sound, something that will make you dance and forget about genres or labels.”

The DJs at FéMTL’s launch party seem to agree that the gender disparity is still a problem, with all

Sean Miyaji | Illustrator who spoke to The Daily saying that they believe there are more male DJs than female DJs, not just in Montreal but in the world at large.

Claire noted, however, that this gender imbalance in DJing is “rapidly changing,” indicating an even more urgent need to support the new influx of female DJs. This where groups like FéMTL come in. Women have always played a major role in EDM, including as DJs. Traditionally, however, women have only been recognized as the voice of the production, with female vocalists on seminal tracks such as Donna Summer’s “I Feel Love” and Inner City’s “Big Fun.” But women have always played an important role

behind the boards as well, from Screamin’ Rachael, co-founder of Chicago house music label Trax Records, to Kemistry and DJ Storm, two female DJs instrumental in the pioneering drum and bass label Metalheadz. These are the women we don’t hear about often. Groups like FéMTL are making sure that these DJs get the recognition they deserve and creating space for new female DJs to enter the scene.

Claire also spoke to the importance of female DJs as role models, pointing to women who have played a decisive role in her life as a DJ. When she was living in Nova Scotia, she and her friends had a party in a cabin in the woods. “This

[was] the first time I could see the DJ booth up close and personal, and when I went up there because I liked the music I noticed a girl was playing. As I watched her hands slip over the records I thought, ‘I could totally do this!’ and resolved to learn.” Events like those being planned by FéMTL encourage exactly these kinds of interactions.

“The further ahead I get in the game, the less difference I see in how I’m treated,” Claire said, but admitted she is still sometimes treated differently because she is a woman, as sometimes a male promoter, organizer, or artist will start “putting on the moves.” Seeing other female DJs perform could give female DJs who are just starting out some muchneeded confidence to overcome discriminatory treatment.

Similar to her views on music, Monokini San also wants to get beyond gender labels. “For me playing with girls is a bit weird,” she explained. “I will put [down] badass tracks as usual and hopefully one day people will understand that there isn’t any gender really, just people.”

Unlike Monokini San, Claire does see a difference between male and female DJs. “The one comment that I have received very often and that I do believe is true about female DJs,” she said, “is that we DJ from our hearts. So don’t lose this magic, because it will allow you to have a very special connection with the audience, and yourself.”

Whether or not a difference exists between DJs based on gender, there is undoubtedly an unjust difference in their level of exposure.

Thankfully, groups like FéMTL are slowly helping to change that, one track at a time.

The Anger in Ernest and Ernestine And Short & Sweet Rosie’s pick: Short & Sweet Rejected Edition Each edition of the Short & Sweet dance series features performances from 25 Montreal dancers – each one just three minutes long. In fact, if the pieces go over three minutes, a referee blows a whistle, effectively cutting off the dancer. The series is the project of choreographers Sasha Kleinplatz and Andrew Tay, who founded it with the goal of creating an accessible dance event that anyone

would feel comfortable attending, not just those in Montreal’s professional dance scene. This edition explores the theme of rejection, asking dancers to draw inspiration from their personal experiences of artistic rejection. So for anyone feeling a little down on themselves, or maybe down thanks to the winter weather, this night will be a creative reminder that we’ve all been there – but maybe that feeling of rejection doesn’t need to last longer than three minutes.

Niyousha’s pick: CMTC presents The Anger in Ernest and Ernestine If you’re in need of a laugh this weekend, the Chocolate Moose Theatre Company (CMTC) may have your cure. Relatively new to the Montreal theatre scene, CMTC aims to produce quality theatre that won’t leave your wallets empty. Opening this Thursday, The Anger in Ernest and Ernestine is CMTC’s fourth pro-

duction. The 1987 play written by Martha Ross, Robert Morgan, and Leah Cherniak is a comedy about Ernest and Ernestine, a very happy couple – until they move in together, that is, and become an uncontrollably angry couple instead. The story follows the pair through their comic and tragic efforts to keep their anger from boiling over, while they attempt to hold on to their fading affection for each other. CMTC’s pro-

duction promises to be a heartwarming (or heart-wrenching) comedy, inviting the audience to both laugh at and empathize with the angry couple.

Short & Sweet is on Saturday, January 24 at 10 p.m. at La Sala Rossa.

The Anger in Ernest and Ernestine plays at the Mainline Theatre from January 22 to January 25 at 8 p.m..

Culture

January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Diversity in discussion Networking event for local anglophone artists takes broad approach Annie Rubin Culture Writer

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ven in a city full of artists like Montreal, it can be hard to connect with other creative minds, especially for emerging artists. On January 12, the EnglishLanguage Arts Network (ELAN) and the Quebec Drama Federation (QDF) hosted a discussion and networking event at the MAI (Montréal, arts interculturels) to facilitate encounters between local artists. The evening was part of the Lundi Pluriel series and focused on theme of cultural diversity in Quebec’s English-language arts.The series encourages attendance from emerging artists and those who identify as culturally diverse, but events are free and open to all.

In the MAI’s cafe-bar, a lineup of speakers kicked off the event, featuring mainly members of the organizing groups as well

as one Montreal-based artist. Lori Schuman, the executive director of the Quebec Writers’ Federation (QWF), introduced the QWF to the audience. Speaking mainly of the group’s initiatives and touching briefly on the evening’s theme, Schuman set the partially promotional tone of the event.

She presented the act of writing as an act of sharing one’s culture and highlighted that “writers feel compelled to express their views of the world.”

Deborah Forde, executive director of the Quebec Drama Federation (QDF), spoke about the QDF as well as about the challenges faced by visible minorities in the theatre world. She highlighted the “survival of culturally diverse arts, art, and people,” and emphasized the need to make “alliances and build a collective force” to meet this aim.

With cultural diversity merely mentioned at the beginning

of each speech by the organizing groups, the discussion felt at times more like a promotional event than a critical look at diversity in the arts. While the speakers each offered a slightly different interpretation of “cultural diversity,” the topic of the event as a whole was far too broad to have left the audience with much insight. Cultural diversity can have any number of meanings, but the speakers, for the most part, reduced it to an aphorism.

The more thought-provoking moments in the event came not from the organizing speakers, but the artists present. Self-described social artist Salima Punjani, in particular, took the stage to present an artistic, in-depth exploration of Montreal diversity. A photographer and multimedia journalist, Punjani presented her project called “My Montreal, Our Values.” The project, she explained, revolves around “diverse group

of people ages 19-67, telling their own stories” and is a “safe middle ground [on which to] explore diversity.” She gave the audience a glimpse of her project with one of the multimedia stories – a video of a day in the life of Gianhi Tran, a francophone woman in Montreal with roots in Vietnam.

Short but sweet presentations by audience members also set off the creative exchange with ten artists who had signed up on a first-come first-serve basis at the beginning of the event, each promoting their art projects in under a minute. Inna Zenona presented a hypno-anthropological theatre troupe; Parker Mah presented his radio project that revolves around storytellers and music lovers. These pieces were true representations of cultural diversity in Montreal and the creativity it fosters.

Amy MacDonald, the production coordinator of the event, told

The Daily, “We want to provide places for folks to come to share each other’s experiences and to connect with one another no matter what their mother tongue is, no matter what their cultural background is [...] we try to maintain an open door.” This was the real value of the event – the opportunity it provided for artists to share their lived experiences, without having to book an art gallery or launch a Kickstarter page.

Later, in the networking session that followed the discussion, participants seemed open and enthusiastic about their new encounters. Many happily jotted down and exchanged contact information. Regardless of how indepth this discussion started by ELAN and QDF may have been, it ultimately brought Montreal artists together to take part in an important conversation – hopefully they can focus the conversation and keep it going.

The Daily reviews

Dan Magnan + Blacksmith Club Meds

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he hypnotic synth-guitar is what really pulls you into the opening track on Dan Mangan + Blacksmith’s recently-released album Club Meds, highly anticipated since Oh Fortune, Mangan’s critically acclaimed 2011 album. This is the Vancouver singer-songwriter’s first album under this name, giving much deserved credit to the host of Canadian musicians that make up the backing band. Along with the new name, Club Meds sets a new standard for Mangan, an experimental record that comes across as a wave of lo-fi sound, infinitely sweeping across your senses.

According to the record’s liner notes, “Club Meds is about sedation.” It’s hard to disagree, as Mangan’s indie-electro sound combines dreamy synth riffs with a hazedout guitar to gently put you into a happy daze. The album begins idealistically, with the groovy drum patterns in “Vessel” jump-

ing right into the rapid snare that rips through “Mouthpiece.”

The record then descends into drawn out, looping songs with instrumentals, nostalgic of quiet days spent alone in midalbum tracks like “XVII” and “War Spoils.”

Mangan’s lyrics speak to the regrets of our millennial generation, the fear in our loneliness, while still keeping a sincere optimism in tone – helping his music stand out from the cynicism prominent in indie-rock bands.

Club Meds jolts out of its dreamy state with the crashing orchestra finale in the closing track, “New Skies.” The album’s instrumentals, courtesy of Blacksmith, play a major role in the grounded folk sound. The impressive harmony of the string and brass musicians has the creative flair of sidewalk buskers and the professional talent of an orchestra.

Dan Mangan + Blacksmith break down the barriers between instrumental folk and experimental indie-synth, a beautiful combination. The bleak tone of some songs is overpowered by the album’s total bliss attitude, lyrics of our millennial frustration overpowered by upbeat music. So maybe the album is less about sedation than the proceeding awakening. It leaves you in anticipation of happier days as Mangan sings, “new skies are upon us, seems the worst is behind us” – an important thing to remember during these dreary winter days.

Club Meds was released January 13 by Arts and Crafts Productions.

– Lauria Galbraith

Viet Cong Viet Cong

V

iet Cong has already gained popularity across Canada and is due to set off on tour across North America and Europe soon – despite only releasing their first studio album this week. Hailing from Calgary, this four-piece band is said to belong to a multitude of genres, from postpunk to indie to experimental, and has already acquired a reputation that precedes them on the music scene.

Their self-titled debut album makes it clear why their music has enraptured the local scene. Viet Cong doesn’t shy away from the atypical, from their lo-fi grungy recording style to their cryptic lyrics. The listener meanders through their songs, unaware of where they will lead. “March of Progress” begins as an instrumental, constructing a repetitive dreamscape with seemingly unstructured white noise. Yet as the song progresses, the noise gives way

to gentle strumming with a minimal drum beat, which in turn quickens its pace, leading to the final explosion of psychedelia of guitar riffs before the abrupt end.

Their music embraces the atonal, the band unafraid in using an electric guitar in “Bunker Buster” that clashes against the melody with shrill and nagging purpose.

Oscillating from marked apathy to fuelled aggression, vocalist/ bassist Matt Flegel’s monotone croons demonstrate his ability to convey dreary ambivalence while maintaining the music’s energetic angst.

While Flegel may be the frontman, drummer Mike Wallace unifies the group.

Wallace’s steady and simple rhythms create a structure that contrasts with the wonderfully amorphous instrumentals and binds all four members’ music together. In “Continental Shelf,” arguably the band’s most popular song as well as one of its oldest, Wallace’s beats gallop the song forward against Scott Munro and Daniel Christiansen’s lagging guitars and synth along with Flegel’s drawling vocals.

Whether it be their ambiguous genre, their experimental yet accessible sound, or their local Canadiana status, this album is well-worth checking out.

Viet Cong’s Viet Cong will be released January 20, and they will play at Bar “Le Ritz” PDB a mere ten days later, on January 30.

– Megan Lindy

18

Culture

January 19, 2015 The McGill Daily | www.mcgilldaily.com

Critiquing the canon The elite ideal behind McGill’s English literature courses Rochelle Guillou The McGill Daily

I

t is a truth universally acknowledged that a great writer of English literature must be ancient and white. That’s what it seems like, at least, when scrolling through the program requirements for a major or honours degree in English Literature at McGill. Many students studying English Literature, including myself, come to notice that the program is far more focused on British, American, and Canadian literature than on nonWestern authors writing in English.

Indeed, if you choose to study English Literature here, you might realize that the majority of your credits will have to be earned from studying British or North American authors, and that you will be given little time to explore the others. You might notice it when you sit staring at your screen and try to decide between a major Canadian writer, a major modernist writer (usually American or European), or three dead British men – Shakespeare, Milton, or Chaucer – to fulfill your credit requirements in the “Major Author” category. All non-Western authors then remain ‘minor.’ All courses that subvert the traditional canon remain optional and peripheral.

One could argue that McGill is simply fulfilling its job of teaching students a tradition that we have inherited, a tradition that Canadian society adopted and modified after its inception. As a tradition that comes to us from England, the English literary canon is a function of society’s interpretations and understandings of the past; a systematic approach to studying literature that organizes texts based on how well they represent a time period, style, or genre. But the canon is also an oversimplification of what mattered and impacted literary history before us, and thus a reductive understanding of what we should always remember. As suggested by Charles Altieri, Chair in the Department of English at University of California, Berkley, canons are almost always based on “normative claim” – a motivation to recognize, preserve, and pass on to the next generation the literature that is considered ‘the best.’

However, where there is little consensus on what constitutes ‘the best,’ as with something as subjective as literature, the judgement of quality is often made and enforced by those in power. Works that constitute the traditional English literary canon were first chosen as ‘the best’ by Cambridge and Oxford elites and have continued to be hand-picked by elect academic institutions since then. The canon is

Tamim Sujat | The McGill Daily a representation of an exclusive ideal rather than a reality, and as such is never representative of a whole population’s literary tastes.

The traditional canon is the ideal of powerful social groups who can pass off works that promote their particular tastes and values as the objective best, turning their subjective judgements into indisputable fact.

But for better or for worse, this reduction of the literary past and present to only certain figures has been so widely accepted and internalized by Western society that if McGill wants its students to obtain a ‘valuable’ degree in English Literature – that is, a degree that will give them a competitive edge in the academic market – the university must continue to pass on this tradition.

English Literature students in general seem to agree that McGill does a good job of teaching them what they ‘ought’ to know with a BA in English, according to popular Western standards. Manuel Cardenas, a PhD student at McGill in Comparative Literature, acknowledges that “the [McGill] English program does quite a good job of providing a thorough engagement with the accepted canon [...] and allowing for opportunities beyond the canon. [...] So any objections would seem to be objections with the canon in general.”

Nazanin Panah, a second-year student majoring in English Literature, agrees, saying that “modifying the program would be a little complicated, because as an ‘English’ literature program it would make sense that the core courses would be Western

authors, as they’re the ones who primarily contributed to and defined the English canon, especially in the past.”

Though it is impossible to deny the canon’s shortcomings, it is also very

All non-Western authors then remain ‘minor.’

All courses that subvert the canon remain optional and peripheral. hard to disregard its literary and social significance completely. The canon has become so common that we take its validity for granted.

However, learning about the English canon – or teaching it, for that matter – does not necessarily mean students such as myself wish to perpetuate it, nor that we agree with its ahistorical, ethnocentric values. On the contrary, thorough knowledge of the traditional canon allows us to criticize it, and can even be a useful tool for deduction. Studying the canon allows us to understand the mechanisms of power that shaped it, making some works more important than others, placing some authors at the top while forgetting the rest. Even in some introductory classes such as Departmental Survey of English Literature 2 (ENGL 203), we are taught the importance of the canon as an overview of famous authors, but also of its limitations in terms of it being a

very selective representation of a society in any particular period.

Still, McGill and other academic institutions can prescribe reading lists in English courses that include and represent a wider variety of social groups. What makes this difficult is the time constraint that the traditional canon already imposes on undergraduate studies. After studying the canon in detail, there is only so much time left to study other authors. This issue leads to what Panah calls “the bigger problem”; that of essentializing an author as a culture. “Within courses sometimes, because [the literature is] outside of the ‘norm,’” she explains, “the author and the narrator are conflated, and we use the authors as representatives of an entire culture.” A whole population is then palatably packaged into a singular representation for our consumption.

Who doesn’t know a student who read Junot Díaz and now suddenly understands not only the DominicanAmerican experience, but also what it means to be Latino in America?

Sandeep Banerjee, a professor in McGill’s department of English Literature, expanded on another challenge that faces those hoping to create a non-normative syllabus. He explained that all English Literature programs follow the same syllabus in part as a function of the availability of the works themselves. “I want to teach a course on a certain author from the Caribbean, and [the] Paragraphe [bookstore] tells me they don’t have copies of his work,” he says. The strong focus on Western authors is part of a norm that has been so widely

accepted that professors often lack access to necessary resources in order to offer an in-depth or expansive study of non-Western authors. Banerjee stresses that this “has to do with the literary marketplace, the publishing industry, how they feed into universities.” Banerjee argues that “we need to pursue a policy of social equity – aggressively – toward a more inclusive education,” stating that “there needs to be a certain expansion of education as a phenomenon. Not to think of education as a profit-making machine.” However, he maintains that McGill “does a good job of maintaining a balance between the normative canon and doing things that are not canonical.” Indeed, that McGill has two professors teaching postcolonial works is still an anomaly in the academic world.

The challenge that remains is derived from contested ideas about the nature of literature and canonization itself, questions that ask whether it is possible or even useful to define a discrete and stable English canon. The canon is a type of social agreement, though elite and ahistorical, that works to regulate university curriculums. No matter what we think of the canon and the values it enforces, today it remains an inevitable reality in our academic careers. That said, it may not serve the same purpose now that it once did. While the canon was created to ensure that the ‘best’ of each period in time were remembered, today it has become an indispensable tool for uncovering the hidden reality of literature’s socio-political context – revealing the power behind the pages.

Editorial

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O

n January 7, two armed gunmen forcefully entered Charlie Hebdo’s Paris office, killing ten employees and two policemen. The Daily editorial board wholeheartedly condemns these brutal murders. At the same time, it is crucial to question the media framing of these attacks. The media coverage has largely ignored the Islamophobic content of the cartoons, and has thereby reinforced the Islamophobic context in which they were produced.

Many media outlets have presented this situation as one of freedom of speech versus religion, falsely implying a mutual exclusivity of the concepts. Further, in denouncing the attacks as an assault on free speech, such rhetoric tends to ignore the often racist content of Charlie Hebdo’s satire: many of the cartoons contained overt hatred. Good satire is most effective when punching up and critiquing groups in power, not when punching down and endangering people who already find themselves marginalized in France. The hypocrisy in framing of this kind of satire as an exercise in freedom of speech can easily be contrasted to the French law that prohibits women from wearing religious garments such as burqas.

France has already seen fresh instances of Islamophobia since the attacks, with multiple instances of mosques vandalized with “Je suis Charlie” graffiti.

Shots were fired at several mosques, and percussion grenades were thrown into the courtyard of a mosque

in the west of Paris. What’s more, Islamophobia is not restricted to fear of Islam, but also fuels the assumption that people, independent of their religion, are suspicious simply because of their ethnic background.

All of this occurs against the backdrop of the growing political clout of France’s National Front, a right-wing, anti-immigrant party gaining major traction in the polls. Similar dynamics are repeated across Europe, as can be seen by the recent anti-immigrant march in Dresden on January 12, which saw 25,000 attendees.

Furthermore, the U.S. and Canada have been using this prevalent Islamophobic sentiment as a political tool for fear-mongering and ostracization, in order to create an ‘us versus them’ narrative that legitimizes invasions and exploitation.

The constant association of Islam and certain ethnic backgrounds with terms like ‘terrorism’ feed into underlying currents of Islamophobia in the West, which actively harms Muslim communities, putting them at greater risk for backlash after such attacks. Muslim people should not be associated with crimes that were done in their name without their consent, and should not be asked to defend their religion on the premise of someone else’s wrongful actions. It is crucial to condemn the murders and mourn the victims while still opening a broader discussion on Islamophobia.

—The McGill Daily Editorial Board

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19

Compendium!

January 19, 2015 www.mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

20

Lies, half-truths, and yet more lies, and the FSC debate.

You can never leave the hive mind Disclaimer: We made no legal complaints whatsoever

Herald of the Dark One The McGall Weekly

A

s you may have heard, there is a huge commotion happening at McGall this week, over a very, very trifling matter.

Truly, it should not have even been brought up to your attention; and believe us we have tried. Regardless, certain not-so-nice forces have been trying to misguide you. We are not pleased, but we are a benevolent hive mind; so we are willing to let this one slip.

We are FSC. We are the hive mind.

And you might be thinking right now: “What the hell is this representative of the most benevolent,

beneficent, benign, benedicted, and bentonitic entity in this land talking about?” Furthermore, you might even be thinking that I am beating around the bush purposefully, in order to avoid the question, and hoping for you to completely forget what I was talking about.

That’s just preposterous! Our hive mind has never done that in the history of ever. Stop lying.

Seriously, it makes no sense for you to even consider leaving us – as if that were an option to begin with.

There is no leaving us. For even if you think that your ties are cut, we shall appear in your dreams, we shall appear in your nightmares. In the corner of your eye, you shall always see us.

But more importantly we shall al-

ways be there in your budget books, a constant reminder that you were once

There is no leaving us. For even if you think that your ties are cut, we shall appear in your dreams, we shall appear in your nightmares. part of the hive mind.

Also, please do not think we are trying to intimidate you into compli-

ance. We would never, ever, not in a million years do that. We mean, how could we possibly intimidate you?

Sue you? Bring you to court? Spend the money that you give us on pointless legal battles? Don’t be absurd.

And besides, we are loved by everyone, that’s what the voices tell us!

And we are all about voices! We are a fully democratic hive mind after all; all the voices in the hive mind are heard. Any other hive mind would try to silence or kill off the dissenting voices; but we don’t. We believe in the freedom of speech. You’ve heard of freedom of speech right? It’s the right to put advertisements on buses. Have we ever stopped you from publishing your advertisements on buses? No we haven’t. Because we wouldn’t.

So, why do you hate us so? It is because you listen to the words of that wicked sophist, Jonny Gloomy!

“It’s so difficult to quit the hive mind this; oh no, the hive mind does not represent our interest, and has in fact been absent in Quebec for the past five years that.”

Please. If Gloomy is so smart and powerful, why doesn’t he lead the hive mind? Because he can’t, because the hive mind is one. We are legion, we have no leaders. We serve one purpose: to lead the students of this beloved country to glory. Democracy, freedom of speech, lobbying, federal level, and a bunch of other words too!

Anyway, the point is: you shouldn’t leave us. Please don’t leave us. We need the cash.

FSC is a nest of vipers Disclaimer: Yes you did.

Melan Koli The McGall Weekly

I

t is a little known fact that FSC stands for Fucking Scammers Collective. Your correspondent found out the truth a few years back, on a negotiating committee, but I failed to understand the significance at the time.

At first, the institution of the FSC seemed such a dream-like wonder to those involved that criticism in any form seemed heretical – even, dare I say it – heartless. Who could not but look and marvel at the glorious bureaucratic machine that had been created, and the great hordes of demoralized office-mandarins efficiently sweeping up money, and hope, in equal measure.

Those were days of love, when FSC was uniting Canadian students in a single worker’s soviet, fighting bourgeois administra-

tors, and fighting for true democratic values. This was the FSC many students came to love. Democracy, voters rights, freedom.

What could else students want?

Wasn’t this worth the block grant of $100,000 a year. Didn’t we invade Iraq for these values? Didn’t that prove its worth?

I digress. Things started to unravel for me one day when a FSC officer visited McGill. Here was an emissary from the centralized will of students; what pearls of wisdom had he learned in Ottawa? The person in question swaggered into Thomson House to rapt attention, with me following closely behind. I asked him how we could improve our democratic structures at McGill. He told me to make a gift to the FCS, and everything would be all right.

Months went by and no reply from the emissary. PGSS paid my way to Ottawa, convinced perhaps

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that FSC were so caught up in their important mystery-rites they had forgotten about the offering of money. I walked deep into Ottawa in search, finally being directed by a local peon to a mansion. He told me to “watch out for those guys.”

Inside the mansion, I was mobbed immediately. “He actually came,” cried one. “Take everything, leave nothing,” growled another. I felt like I had walked into Fagin’s house in Oliver Twist.

I asked them why they were doing this. One bespectacled man explained politely they needed money to spend on fighting counter-revolutionary students. I left Ottawa dejected, and hurt.

If I have learned one thing from my yoga and “How to Have More Confidence” classes, is that you need to reject people who are mean to you. FSC are big meanies who betrayed my trust and took my things. Although, this experience

Illusive | The McGall Weekly is a personal one, I urge students to reconsider their membership in FSC. If you think that one day you will join their mystery cult, as so many hope, you are mistaken. Our money is better spent on negative advocacy for FSC. Or even inform-

ing students what the clever acronym they use actually means: Fucking Scammers Collective.

Please note that this column has been shortened and edited pursuant to a notice of complaint from FSC lawyers.

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