THE DEVIL, THE DISBELIEVER, AND THE POLITICIANS

Continued from previous page

Principalities and Powers

Rick Perlstein’s 880-page The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan takes us from theology to politics—but we’re still dealing with evil, not personified as Old Scratch but certainly present among the principalities and powers that govern our nation.

The first president I voted for was Richard Nixon, in 1960. Then I voted for him again in 1968 and again in 1972. In 1974, he resigned—as I had become convinced he had to—in disgrace. From that day until now I have remained perplexed, fascinated, disgusted, and dismayed by the Watergate scandal and the whole political scene of the era—and by the cyclical replays of that drama we seem unable to outgrow.

Nixon’s second term should have been the victorious climax to his checkered but remarkable career. He had overcome so many challenges and defeats, been reelected by a landslide, announced the end of the Vietnam War, and seemed to be sitting on top of the world. Then, because of that “third-rate burglary” at the Watergate Hotel, his empire crumbled and we found the emperor had no clothes.

When Vice President Spiro Agnew left office in disgrace, Nixon appointed Gerald Ford as vice president. Then Ford became president, declaring “our long national nightmare is over.” But it wasn’t. We learned to our horror that the CIA had assassinated leaders of foreign governments; we watched in greater horror as South Vietnam collapsed—and that after 58,000 Americans had died to save it from communism. For these and so many other reasons, we lost and never fully recovered our faith in our elected leaders.

While other politicians were acting remorseful, an upbeat Governor Ronald Reagan out in California insisted on seeing the bright side of everything. He preached a gospel of American greatness. He didn’t seem to take Watergate seriously. He famously insisted our problems couldn’t be solved by government because government was the problem. The goodness of the American people will make things right, he proclaimed.

Reagan thought Ford was a nice guy, but he compromised too many conservative principles for Reagan’s taste. So he took him on in the presidential campaign of 1976. Reagan lost, but only barely, and in losing he became the voice of a new conservatism that he would ride to the White House in 1980.

Perlstein writes with objectivity and exhaustive—almost exhausting—attention to detail. I read it during the scary 2016 presidential campaigns, shaking my head at the many parallels between then and now, while reminding myself that my faith does not rest in political solutions. Nor in politicians. Old Scratch may be alive and well—but there is still One greater.

BY DOUG REDFORD