Form to Identity: Modern and Revolutionary Architectural Associations in Cuba
Melissa Brooks ARCH 598 | Iowas State University Dr. Jelena Bogdonovich May 2016
Form to Identity: Modern and Revolutionary Architectural Associations | Melissa J. Brooks
Introduction Havana is one of the few cities whose architecture clearly chronicles its transformation. Greatly influenced by American and Euro-centric trends, almost any style can be observed from Colonial and Baroque to Modernist and Revolutionary. Yet, while Cuban architecture appears to readily adopt these styles, regionalized nuances to both form and ornament raise the question of how architecture communicates Cuban identity i. This paper seeks to argue that even during times of independence the means in which architecture has conveyed Cuban identity to the outside world has always been on a national stage and strategically formed in a bureaucratic top-down direction rather than by the actions of the proletarian. However, this is not to say that this is the sole narrative, rather that it is merely the dominant one. Within it, these powers are all encompassing and utilize architecture as a mechanism to socially condition citizens, push their aesthetic preferences, and establish a competitive platform with its international counterparts. Weaving in historical accounts based on socio-economic and political analyses, this paper will aim to prove this claim by focusing on structures from the modernist and revolutionary eras: The National Hotel (El Nacional), the Cuban National Art Schools (Las Escuelas Nacionales de Artes), and Coppelia Ice Creamery.
Christopher Columbus claims Cuba for Spain. 1492
Cuba gains independence but the Platt Amendment gives the US the right to intervene in its affairs 1902
1898 After two wars of independence Cuba cedes from Spain under U.S. tutelage
Batista seizes power for the 2nd time. 1952
1934 U.S. resigns rights to intervene in Cuban Affairs
1952 Fidel Castro seizes powers and begins Page | 1
Form to Identity: Modern and Revolutionary Architectural Associations | Melissa J. Brooks
The decision to focus on the Modern and Revolutionary eras rather than looking at the entirety of Cuba’s history (over 500-years’ worth) was made based on the fact that the country has always been under some form of occupation whether it be directly or indirectly. In relation to other decades, the selected time frame (1930’s to 1960’s) is the only period where the people had free political and economic agency and could hence establish their identity. Still, some may challenge that the true Cuban identity would be better represented by investigating the country’s vernacular heritage. While this paper acknowledges that the vernacular architecture (which were essentially small wooden huts termed bohíos) existed during those eras and persists in the countryside today; due to constraints, this paper cannot properly delve into this topic. 1 Furthermore, by focusing on more public spaces it eliminates the
Figure 1: Cuban Bohío, Walker Evans, 1933. The J. Paul Getty Museum, 84.XM.956.173. © Walker Evans Archive, The Metropolitan Museum of Art
personalized associations that accompany domestic spaces. Nonetheless, it is beneficial to note that there is a definite link between economic status and housing where bohíos in the past and present tend to be inhabited by the poor and these iconic buildings tend to cater to those of middle and upper economic status. Given the fact that these buildings considered most representative of Cuban architecture are inclined to be
1
Espiniella, D. "Vernacular Architecture in Cuba." Vernacular Heritage and Earthen Architecture, 2013, 83-86.
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intended for those of a certain class only works to strengthen the argument that they are only representative of the single dominate narrative which has been filtered by political, economic, and international powers. The truth is that there are multiple parallel narratives that are being masked by these same forces. The story of the bohíos, as well as its form and meaning, is simply one of potentially many accounts. This paper intends to exemplify how this is possible. Methodology As a disclaimer, this paper is written from a native English speaking, United States based perspective and as such is subject to some limitations. As a result, the conclusions drawn are supported by a combination of urban planning, architecture, historical and media references related to Cuban, particularly Havanan, architecture. The argument will predominantly take into consideration the book review of Peter Morozzi’s book Havana Before Castro: When Cuba was a Tropical Playground which chronicles Havana’s tourism industry and relations with the United States from the post-World War I years until 1958. Similarly, John A. Loomis’s book Revolution of forms which aids in understanding the circumstances and form related decisions that influenced the Cuban National Art Schools. Hotel Nacional de Cuba (The National Hotel of Cuba) (1932) At the center of Havana, nested atop an outcrop just a few feet from the beach, is a symmetrical mass of monumental size. As if formed on a grid, this ten stories high structure consists of an elongated rectangular volume that serves as the primary mass with two additive rectangular cubes facing inland. The cubes are as containers that define the mass’s central
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entrance and promenade. Upon closer inspection, it is revealed that this structure is the Hotel Nacional de Cuba otherwise known as The National Hotel of Cuba. 2
Figure 2: El Hotel Nacional de Cuba (Unknown, booktocuba.com)
While the sheer size of the structure, its privileged position, as well as its unobstructed sightlines, indicate its potentially significant status; the level of significance is not something perceived through its form alone. Not only is the National Hotel of Cuba considered an iconic symbol of Cuban history, culture and identity, but it has been declared a National Monument and inscribed in the World Memory Register too. 3 Yet, it gives rise to the question why it is regarded in this manner? Aptly, an investigation into the political and economic history with the aid of Peter Morozzi’s book Havana Before Castro: When Cuba was a Tropical Playground, reveals its social value. Cuban Economics in the 1930’s and Incentives for the National Hotel of Cuba
2 3
Ching, Francis D. K. Architecture, Form, Space & Order. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1979, 93-151. "The History of the Hotel Nacional De Cuba." Hotel Nacional De Cuba. Accessed April/May 2016.
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The interwar period was a time of major political, economic, and architectural shifts abroad as well as within Cuba. Prior to the Wall Street crash of 1929, which sent Cuba into its worst economic crisis, the country had reached its pinnacle of prosperity and economic growth. The fortune was a collective effect of “World War I, the enactment of Prohibition, and the dawn of the Roaring Twenties” which funneled profits into the sugar (successively rum) and tourism industries. 4 Particularly, the tourist industry was perceived as an avenue for economic empowerment in addition to cultural independence. 5 However, once the depression occurred and prohibition was repealed, Cuba’s export economy was, for the most part, shot; Cuban living standards were set back some 30 years, and unemployment and destitution became the norm for most Cubans. 6 Yet, despite the bleak outlook for tourism, there was still a desire by some to try and profit off of it. Designed in 1928, the National Hotel of Cuba was intended to be “the crown and jewel of Cuba’s tourist industry.” 7 However, as it was built just as the Great Depression came into effect in 1930, it instead uniquely straddled both eras of prosperity and decline. Consequently, it experienced hardships at first, but soon became the hub for the remaining tourists. 8 Similarly, within its first few years of its existence, it was also positioned to experience two separate political regimes. The National Hotel of Cuba and its Political Origins
4
Moruzzi, Peter. Havana before Castro: When Cuba Was a Tropical Playground. Salt Lake City, UT: Gibbs Smith, 2008, 37. 5 Moruzzi, Peter. Havana before Castro: When Cuba Was a Tropical Playground. Ibid, 1. 6 Benjamin, Jules R. "The Machadato and Cuban Nationalism, 1928-1932." The Hispanic American Historical Review 55, no. 1 (1975): 66-69. 7 Moruzzi, Peter. Havana before Castro: When Cuba Was a Tropical Playground. Ibid,37. 8 Moruzzi, Peter. Ibid, 48.
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In Havana Before Castro, Morozzi continually draws parallels to how political leaders investing in the development of Cuban architecture were continuously being influenced by international players. At one point, he discusses the conception of the design and how the President at the time, Gerardo Machado, had personally commissioned $4 million dollars to the American Architecture firm McKim, Mead and White in 1928 to develop the scheme. 9 He even includes a quote from a notable historian, Rosalie Schwartz, regarding the conception of the project: “The Hotel Nacional was a fitting monument to the president’s [Machado’s] surging selfimportance, fed by bankers, and businessmen who honored him with banquets and saluted him as he sat in the presidential box at Oriental Park.” 10 While this quote is clearly pregnant with heavily negative sentiments for Machado, it does shed light onto the potentially self-serving nature of the political leaders of that time. To place this act within a broader series of actions, President Gerardo Machado had been in power and had facilitated the tourist industry via backing from U.S. government incurring much debt. He was later overthrown in 1933 by Sergeant Fulgencio Batista after illegally overextending his Presidential term and incurring numerous assassination attempts by the people. 11 This is significant because if this was to be a monument then the intended meaning of the form, at least in its conception, was not one that was representative of the Cuban Identity but rather personal ego. 12 This argument is further validated by the fact that when the hotel
9
Moruzzi, Peter. Ibid, 48. Moruzzi, Peter. Ibid, 48-52 11 Benjamin, Jules R. "The Machadato and Cuban Nationalism, 1928-1932." Ibid, 66-69. 12 Moruzzi, Peter. Ibid, 48-52. 10
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first opened no Cubans were allowed to stay there only foreign personalities from the arts, science, politics, and other celebrities. 13 Fulgencio Batista’s regime, characterized by the army's influence as an organized force, did not fare much better in public opinion. However, it was able to stabilize the economy more so through backing by the U.S. government and deep connections with U.S. based criminal networks (the mafia) that directly fed the hotel and tourist industry. 14 An equally significant fact is that under his control in 1934, U.S. tutelage came to an end which officially marked the independence of Cuba. Global Trends in Architecture in the 1930’s and the Cuban response From the late 1920’s to the early 1930’s, rapid industrialization was transforming culture. Consequently, global trends in architecture thought and practice adhered toward Art Deco ii, Streamline Modern iii, and Modernist Styles iv. The Cuban response to this was to “look for a new style which would [become] the emblem of a rising new era and reflect the progress generated by the industrial revolution and the evolution of society. In this search, the historical and eclectic [design] languages were the cement of debate which had started between the defenders of tradition and the partisans of renovation.” 15 As, author Lawrence J. Vale explains in Architecture, Power, and National Identity, this is a discourse that often occurs in post-colonial cities, particularly capitals, which attempt to
13
Salisbury, Lauren. "A Walk Through History at Hotel Nacional De Cuba in Havana." Something in Her Ramblings. 2015. 14 Moruzzi, Peter. Ibid, 58. 15 Pilar Poblador Muga, Maria. "Modernism or Art Nouveau in the Havana Architecture." Cube Heritage. Accessed May 2016. http://www.cubaheritage.org/articles.asp?lID=1&artID=541.
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establish the rightful existence of the new state through visual evidence. 16 He argues that “national identity does not come about easily and is always molded from what comes before it.” 17 While this paper agrees with this argument, it would add that in regards to The National Hotel of Cuba, the issue of identity is
Figure 3: Hotel Nacional de Cuba (Peter Morozzi.)
complicated by the fact that the client is Cuban, however, the architects who design it are from the United States. This dichotomy manifests as an odd message that is exemplified in the exterior, interior and the site location. A closer look at both exterior and interior reveal an eclectic fusion of Spanish, Moorish, classical, and Art Deco elements. 18 For example, the exterior utilizes Moorish horseshoe arches, classically ordered columns, and two Spanish style minarets to distinguish it. The ornamentation used within the interior suggests a similar fusion. It contains elements like tiles featuring symbols from the Catalonia, Granada and Castile and León, the Spanish regions with the most commercial influence in Cuba in conjunction with wood workings carved from pure Cuban mahogany. 19 Another interior example is that the hotel rooms would be decorated in Cuban fashion, however, the volume was enlarged to attract and accommodate American visitors. 20 The aggregation of all these elements infers that the intention for this structure was
16
Vale, Lawrence J. Architecture, Power, and National Identity. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992,48. Vale, Lawrence J. Architecture, Power, and National Identity. Ibid,48. 18 Moruzzi, Peter. Ibid, 48. 19 Salisbury, Lauren. "A Walk Through History at Hotel Nacional De Cuba in Havana." Something in Her Ramblings. 2015. 20 Moruzzi, Peter. Ibid, 47. 17
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to pay homage to Cuba’s colonial roots while representing the new desire to reinvent Cuba’s image. However, the resulting impression is a constructed artificiality. Lastly, the architects’ decision to build atop a historical site, the Santa Clara Battery, within La Rampa, an important tourist entertainment and nightclub center in pre-revolutionary Havana; signifies an attempt to create ties to the past while elevating the present touristcentric values and ego driven agenda of Machado. Implications of Cultural Identity in relation to The National Hotel of Cuba From its conception down to its form and ornamentation, Hotel Nacional communicates the standing relationships Cuba has maintained with other nations. Specifically, it communicates the portion of the Cuban identity that is tied back to catering, being influenced, and even oppressed by other nations. Over time, however, it has been accepted as a part of the Cuban identity for its role in the political events, foreign and business affairs that occurred there. Essentially, The National Hotel converses on an international platform as an ambassador, diplomat, and stock for Cuba. Las Escuelas Nacionales de Artes (The National Art Schools) (1961) About half of a mile inland from Havana’s harbors, five oddly shaped forms emerge from the landscape. From an aerial view, they are curvilinear configurations that seem to cling to the inclines of the topography. From the ground, however, it quickly becomes apparent that not all of these sites appear finished and each utilize arches, vaults, and arcades in a different manner to create winding outdoor canopies that allude to cultural pasts. The series of structures are the National Art Schools otherwise known as Las Escuelas Nacionales de Artes.
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Figure 4: Site Plan of the National Art Schools. CLOCKWISE FROM LOWER LEFT: School of Ballet, School of Music, School of Plastic Arts, School of Dramatic Arts, School of Modern Dance (William Duncanson).
Access to resources in English about the schools were limited. However, John A. Loomis’s book Revolution of Forms: Cuba’s Forgotten Art Schools compensated for this drawback as it provided one of the most comprehensive reviews of these structural eccentricities. Composed in an effort to “examine the convergence and collision of architecture, ideology, and culture in 1960’s Cuba;” the overall tone of the writing is celebratory, retrospective, and compelling enough that the initial 1999 publication went on to stir the Cuban government into making efforts towards renovating the schools. 21 Over the course of an introduction, epilog and the six chapters in between, the book tracks the troubled history of the
21
Loomis, John A. Revolution of Forms: Cuba's Forgotten Art Schools. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999, Epilog.
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schools, their fall from official grace in 1965 (resulting in neglect and ruin), and the possibilities of their restoration and even completion. Political and Architectural Trends Influencing the National Art Schools of Cuba In the year that the construction began at the school, 1961, the United States had broken off all diplomatic relations with Havana. In the year before (1960), all United States businesses in Cuba were nationalized without compensation. And most significantly, two years prior (1959), a new political regime and ideology had begun after Fidel Castro led a coup d’état forcing the previous Prime Minister, Fulgencio Batista into exile. As a result, a new cabinet was formed with “Fidel Castro as prime minister, his brother, Raul Castro, as his deputy and Che Guevara as his third in command.” 22 Determined to solidify support for the socialist agenda of the new regime, the new Cuban government shifted the focus of the existing national building program (established by Batista) from the creation of Hotels and Casinos to a focus on healthcare, education, and defense. It is necessary to understand that when they modified the program, the administration was following an ‘“anti-metropolitan’ …[ideology] that reflected a spatial vision of Marxist– Leninist ideals, that rejected the spatial concentration and regional inequality engendered by capitalism.” 23 To simplify, they were primarily focusing on developing rural centers rather than within the urban context of Havana. While there were parallels schools of thought circulating, they were not explored via the built environment as, mentioned previously, nearly all private
22
"Timeline: US-Cuba Relations." BBC News. Accessed April 26, 2016. Edge, K., J. Scarpaci, and H. Woofter. "Mapping and Designing Havana: Republican, Socialist and Global Spaces." Cities 23, no. 2 (2006): 91.
23
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businesses were nationalized by this point. 24 On a global scale, similar movements were occurring in both Vietnam and the USSR. Other architectural trends of the time were the International Style and Brutalist Architecture v which was gaining momentum, especially in regards to the creation of schools. The initial idea for the school, in accordance to Loomis, blossomed out of a casual conversation that political leaders Fidel Castro and Che Guevara had while casually playing a game of golf. Loomis goes on to explain that it was deeply rooted in an initiative to use education as a tenant of the new social and political order to make better citizens as well as serve as a model for the international community. 25 Yet, it is questionable as to whether this was the true motive or if this was simply a spontaneous impulse. Regardless, it ultimately transformed into obtaining this meaning over time. This was made possible by the architects that were commissioned by Castro, Ricardo Porro, a Latin American modernist; and two Italian architects Vittorio Garatti and Roberto Gottardo. 26 Cuba’s Architectural Response to the Economic Limitations of the 1960’s Tasked with ultimately assigning socialism an aesthetic representation, the lead architects were able to develop five schemes in only three months. 27 While they were different, these schemes were tied together by an umbrella vision that mandated the curriculum and the architecture containing it would be developed freely based on three guiding principles. First, it would respond to the verdant landscape (ironically, the golf course that Che Guevara and Fidel
24
Edge, K., J. Scarpaci, and H. Woofter. "Mapping and Designing Havana: Republican, Socialist and Global Spaces." Ibid, 91. 25 Loomis, John A. Revolution of Forms: Cuba's Forgotten Art Schools. Ibid,6. 26 Loomis, John A. Ibid, 6. 27 Loomis, John A. Ibid, xxxii.
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Castro played atop (after it had been seized earlier by revolutionaries)). Second, due to political impositions (i.e. the U.S. embargo), it would utilize local materials of terracotta tiles and brick. Lastly, it would be contingent on using the Catalan Vault structurally. 28 Constructing a Vision The Catalan Vault was heavily used in all projects and the formal signature of the National Art Schools. While the craft is of cultural significance in multiple Mediterranean countries, including Catalonia, Spain; its origin is unknown. 29 The vault had a practical as well as aesthetic value akin to a concrete shell with mortar. It is composed of layers of orthogonal and diagonally placed tiles that allow it to take on expressive shapes. Expressionism is a theme which is explored in each cluster of forms. 30 School of Modern Dance •
Architect: Ricardo Porro
•
Constructed: 1965
•
Programmatic Spaces: “A performance theater, four dance class pavilions, classrooms, a library, and administrative facilities.” 31
•
Defining characteristics: “The Catalan Vault is used throughout in a variety of shapes covering a diverse set Figure 5: Aerial view, 1965 Paolo Gasparini
28
Moruzzi, Peter. Ibid, 24-26. Moruzzi, Peter. Ibid, 26. 30 Loomis, John A. Ibid, 27. 31 Loomis, John A. Ibid, 43. 29
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of plastic volumes” which “develops into an urban scheme of linear, though non rectilinear, shifting streets. 32” •
Intended meaning: Based on a metaphor of broken glass. Symbolic of the Revolutions overthrow of the old order. 33
School of Plastic Arts •
Architect: Ricardo Porro
•
Constructed: 1965
•
Programmatic Spaces: Contains ten studios, an exhibition space, offices, and classrooms 34
•
Defining characteristics: There are two curving paths of arched colonnades as well as domed
Figure 6: Aerial view, Paolo Gasparini
studios with circular plans that are evocative of an archetypal African village. It is the most visible of the five schools. •
Intended meaning: Based on a spatialized symbolic representation of issues of identity through architectural synthesis of Cuba’s multicultural heritage.” (Spanish baroque culture and matriarchal African culture) 35
32
Loomis, John A. Ibid, 45. Loomis, John A. Ibid, 43. 34 Loomis, John A. Ibid, 57. 35 Loomis, John A. Ibid, 57. 33
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School of Dramatic Arts •
Architect: Roberto Gottardi
•
Constructed: Not Completed
•
Programmatic Spaces: An indoor theater, small amphitheater, classrooms, studios, administrative facilities, cafeteria, and library 36
•
Defining characteristics: Very compact, axial and
Figure 7: Model, (David Bigelman, Photograph: Alberto Korda)
cellular plan. Comprised of three units on landscaped terraces. The theater would have been the largest and central point creating a hierarchy. 37 •
Intended meaning: An informal and spontaneous place evocative of “the interiorized environment of Mediterranean or north African urban vernacular. 38
School of Music •
Architect: Vittorio Garatti
•
Constructed: Not Completed
•
Programmatic Spaces: A set
Figure 8: Model, 1962 (Michelena)
of classrooms, practice rooms, rehearsal and lecture rooms; a symphonic concert hall, an opera, and an administrative services hall. 39
36
Loomis, John A. Ibid, 71. Loomis, John A. Ibid, 71. 38 Loomis, John A. Ibid, 73. 39 Loomis, John A. Ibid, 85. 37
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•
Defining characteristics: Its 330-meter serpentine form with exterior colonnades. An adjacent piazza enclosed by three masses that utilize undulating Catalan Vaults. 40
•
Intended meaning: Responds to the natural landscape of the site which “embraces a hillside roughly paralleling the river.” 41
School of Ballet •
Architect: Vittorio Garatti
•
Constructed: Not Completed
•
Programmatic Spaces:” A large performance theater, three dance class pavilions, classrooms, a library, and administrative facilities.”
•
Figure 9: The School of Ballet by Vittorio Garatti (Adrian Mallol I Moretti)
42
Defining characteristics: “A cluster of domed volumes, connected by an organic layering of Catalan Vaults…terracotta cupolas articulating the major programmatic space” 43 Lying in a ravine, it’s partially subterranean but still utilizes dramatic light. It contains a winding serpentine path that connects the spaces as well as the rooftops.
•
Intended meaning: Evoke parallels with the garden architecture of Medderterainian traditions (Moorish, Spanish, and Sicilian). 44
Of the five schools, only two were successfully built succeeding the merger with the Soviet Union. This is due to the subject of the schools were repeatedly ideologically attacked by the
40
Loomis, John A. Ibid, 85. Loomis, John A. Ibid, 85-86. 42 Loomis, John A. Ibid, 97. 43 Loomis, John A. Ibid, 98. 44 Loomis, John A. Ibid, 98. 41
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ever-shifting political climate. Particularly, the spontaneity and freshness clashed with the standardized building model (i.e. rectangular forms, prefabricated materials, efficient use of space) that was developed by the Soviet Union. A summary of some of the claims made against their construction was that were being made in an unproductive manner utilized hand labored not prefabricated materials; that they were, not accurately representative of the ethnic origins of the region, and they were spaces unconducive for their function. 45 The National Art Schools Impacts on Culture Identity The overall argument that Loomis’s takes in Revolution of Forms is that unlike the confectionary culture meant for tourists, there seemed to be a genuine intent to create architecture that was representative of the regional culture and Cuban identity from the use of materials to the intended meaning. 46 This paper acknowledges that the forms are successful at communicating multiple cultural and ethnic past influences and are even more successful at exemplifying the extent in which Cubanos wielded their explorative agency at that time. This is partially due to their complexity adding layers of connotations. However, the fact remains that The National Art Schools did not get the chance to become the face of Cuban socialism as intended. What are the implications of that detail? Simply, as long as the form is censored by bureaucratic and economic powers at the top, meaning can change or be diluted. The National Art Schools demonstrate how the same political powers that originally initiated the projects were able to filter out (but not erase) its meaning (via abandonment) at their digression once
45 46
Loomis, John A. Ibid, 112-115. Loomis, John A. Ibid, 6.
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they were economically and ideologically incentivized by their international benefactors (the Soviet Union). It is a dually parallel narrative because until John Loomis brought international attention to them through his book, they were apt to sit abandoned. Once he did, they were once again at the digression of the leaders considered representative of the Revolutionary identity. Ironically, during their abandonment people inhabited the space through squatting. 47 The fact that over time people utilized the built space infers that the form on some level was still able to communicate that it was a habitable, sturdy place for the people. Any other impressions it may have left are most likely lost. Regardless, these are buildings that truly the need contextual background to communicate its full meaning. Coppelia (1966) Amidst the rectangular office buildings, cinemas, and nightclubs that line the busy edges of “La Rampa� street walk, otherwise known as Calle 23 (23rd Street); exists a small park strewn with bushes, towering Banyan trees, and curvilinear paths. 48 A stroll down one of these paths toward the interior of the park unveils an elevated, flying-saucer-shaped pavilion with radiating arches: The Coppelia Ice Cream Parlor.
47
"AD Classics: The National Art Schools of Cuba / Ricardo Porro, Vittorio Garatti, Roberto Gottardi." ArchDaily. 2013. Accessed May 04, 2016. 48 Motlagh, Jason. "The Future of Cuba's Socialist Ice-cream Cathedral | Jason Motlagh." The Guardian. 2015. Accessed May 01, 2016.
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Figure 10: Parque Coppelia, La Haba Cuba (Unknown, www.panoramio.com)
Coppelia is a structure that has become so iconic that it is almost synonymous with the Cuban identity. On a typical day, it’s normal for the staff of over 400 people to serve up to 35,000 customers over 4,000 gallons of ice-cream. 49 However, despite the love for the actual product, it is necessary to note that the cultural narrative that Coppelia relays is not simply one of popularity and pride, but also one of social conditioning through positive propaganda and dependence. Ironically, the dominant narrative of Coppelia is best framed, inadvertently by Edward Bernays -a pioneer in the field of public relations- in his book Propaganda (1928): 'The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling
49
Motlagh, Jason. "The Future of Cuba's Socialist Ice-cream Cathedral.’ Ibid.
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power of our country. We are governed, our minds are molded, our tastes formed, our ideas suggested, largely by men we have never heard of.' 50 While Bernays was drawing fairly large generalizations in regards to the phenomenon of propaganda under the conditions of a democratic society, there are striking parallels with his social conditioning theories and the origins of Coppelia that will be made clear as this section advances. Political Origins of Coppelia Coppelia was constructed in 1966, the same year that the United States instated the Cuban Adjustment Act vi, just one year after Cuba's sole political party was renamed the Cuban Communist Party (1965), and five years after the United States ended diplomatic relations with Havana and imposed a trade embargo in response to Fidel Castro's reforms (1961). 51 Essentially, tension amongst international states was at a high. Still, the political atmosphere between 1966 and 1970 within the nation of Cuba was very much experimental in nature. That is, Cuban political leaders’ made an effort to “institutionalize the revolution using their own model” by investigating how to gain equal footing economically with the Soviet Union as well as develop a revolutionary consciousness amongst its citizens. 52 The avenue of choice was again through the national building program. However, instead of focusing on designs for schools, hospitals, or office blocks, Coppelia emerged from a more a
Bernays, Edward L., and Mark Crispin. Miller. Propaganda. Brooklyn, NY: Ig Pub., 2005, 1. "Timeline: US-Cuba Relations." BBC News. Accessed April 26, 2016. 52 María Aguilera-Manzano, José. "The Institutionalization of the Cuban Revolution in the 1960s." ReVista: Harvard Review of Latin America. Accessed April 2016. 50 51
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deep-seated personal agenda. The concept and commissioning were brought forth by Fidel Castro who wished to introduce and ultimately impress his love of dairy products onto the Cuban masses. 53 From a United States influenced perspective, it is difficult to tell how deep Fidel’s investment was in using this initiative to make societal impacts. On one hand, his motives seem aligned with socialist ideals of bringing Cubans of all ages, racial backgrounds, and economic statuses under one roof. On the other hand, it appears to have been a mere superfluous and an arguably shallow idea that is further supported by the fact that the eventual structure was named by his secretary after her favorite ballet. 54 Economics and Coppelia Despite the uncertain social motive, it is clear that for Fidel Castro there was an economic incentive. He wanted to produce more ice cream flavors than the big American brands like Howard Johnson at an affordable price. But, why try to compete? The main objective was to create enough economic resources to brand Cuban Socialism on an international front. 55 From Castro’s perspective, what better way to do that then make the product extremely accessible. As mentioned earlier, the revolutionary leadership sought to establish greater economic independence from the Soviet Union. This was because various domestic and international factors convinced them that those economic models were undermining the revolution. 56 The course of action was experimentation with eliminating institutional boundaries between the
53
"AD Classics: The National Art Schools of Cuba / Ricardo Porro, Vittorio Garatti, Roberto Gottardi." ArchDaily. 2013. Accessed May 04, 2016. 54 "AD Classics: The National Art Schools of Cuba / Ricardo Porro, Vittorio Garatti, Roberto Gottardi." ArchDaily. 2013. Accessed May 04, 2016. 55 Motlagh, Jason. "The Future of Cuba's Socialist Ice-cream Cathedral.’ Ibid. 56 María Aguilera-Manzano, José. "The Institutionalization of the Cuban Revolution in the 1960s.” Ibid.
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political parties, management, and workers’ unions. 57 And for the reason that alone, in Cuba ice cream became a state run institution. Still, by 1970, the unforeseen results of these mergers on a larger scale sent the economy into chaos and demoralized workers to the point that that the previous economic model was reinstated to more closely resemble the Soviet Union’s. 58 A Cuban Architectural Response to the Design Trends of 1966 As mentioned in the discussion surrounding the National Schools of Art, the architectural trends in 1960’s Cuba were beginning to change with Cuba’s growing alignment with the Soviet Union. As the circumstances dictate, in 1966 Coppelia was in many respects an outlier to that growing school of thought. Not only was it an idiosyncratic design (non-
Figure 11: Untitled (Storefront for Art and Architecture/Collection of Eduardo Luis Rodriguez)
rectangular) within an atypical setting (urban center rather than rural locale), it was representative of a subset of Cuban architects who were assessing how to “bringing back the essence of the traditional city … while maintaining the concept of the equal society.” 59 Mario Girona was the architect responsible for the design. According to a report by The Guardian, his intention was to “support the rights of the masses and to give power to the people in the struggle against the favored upper class… It was architecture for the people,
57
María Aguilera-Manzano, José. Ibid. María Aguilera-Manzano, José. Ibid. 59 Motlagh, Jason. "The Future of Cuba's Socialist Ice-cream Cathedral.’ Ibid. 58
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meeting the needs of the society.” 60 To accomplish this, he elected to utilize the plasticity of prefabricated reinforced concrete to create an expressionist form in a fashion akin to the designs of influential modernist architects like Pier Luigi Nervi, Felix Candela, and Oscar Niemeyer. 61 While this may be true, it’s arguable that because the economic motive of the leadership of the time was to compete on an international stage, there was leniency and even the push for architectural distinction. What resulted was a simplistic but impressive design that resulted in Coppelia being coined ‘the Cathedral of Ice-cream’ by its patrons. 62 Its defining features are its centrality and linearity; symmetry and equal division of light interior spaces that connect to the exterior; its two stories height, with five entrances, and its site being as large as two square blocks. Coppelia’s reflection of Cuban Identity It is said that the way to a man’s heart is through his stomach. In the case of Coppelia, this adage is not so off target. Expanding upon the point Bernays expressed earlier: “It is not generally realized… the extent to which our thoughts and habits are modified by authorities. In some departments of our daily life, in which we imagine ourselves free agents, we are ruled by dictators exercising great power. A man buying a suit of clothes imagines that he is choosing, according to his taste and his personality, the kind of garment which he prefers. In reality, he may be obeying the orders of an anonymous gentleman tailor in London.” 63
60
Motlagh, Jason. "The Future of Cuba's Socialist Ice-cream Cathedral.’ Ibid. Motlagh, Jason. Ibid. 62 Motlagh, Jason. Ibid. 63 Bernays, Edward L., and Mark Crispin. Miller. Propaganda. Brooklyn, NY: Ig Pub., 2005, 35. 61
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Its success can be attributed to Coppelia being of an era when political and economic players retained so much power that they influenced the built environment at all levels of society. Emphasizing the point that Coppelia was the first typology of its kind on the island, only cements its significance as an inadvertent tool that effected social change, a true populist design. Despite the fact that there was a dominate filter pushing an agenda, unlike the other examples Coppelia was embraced by the people and adapted to the Cuban identity. This is due to a few factors: the pushed program, the affordability of the product, and because the structures form was so accessible and conducive to meeting informally. It became so much a part of the identity during its lower economic points popularity toward ice cream shifted into dependence on it. As Cuba is an island dependent on many imports, extreme examples occurred during shortages when the production of ice cream was valued over the ability to receive other staples like butter. 64 Furthermore, while Cuba ranks well on the Human Development Index, they are one of the poorest countries. Contemporary conditions have gotten so bad that ice cream is now considered a good source of nutrition that has the potential to become even more of a staple. 65 Conclusion As illustrated in the examples above, there is a common thread that emerges in regards to iconic Cuban Architecture relaying the Cuban identity. That is, the identity is defined by a
64
"AD Classics: The National Art Schools of Cuba / Ricardo Porro, Vittorio Garatti, Roberto Gottardi." ArchDaily. 2013. Accessed May 04, 2016. 65 "AD Classics: The National Art Schools of Cuba / Ricardo Porro, Vittorio Garatti, Roberto Gottardi." ArchDaily. 2013. Accessed May 04, 2016.
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dominant narrative which is continuously filtered by the political leadership to fit their agenda. Despite the different versions that the various political regimes pushed, there was a unifying desire to utilize the civic project as a means to socially condition citizens, push their aesthetic preferences, and establish a competitive international platform. This was done by intentionally instilling meaning into the projects form and ornamentation. Yet, the overarching takeaway that all three case studies illustrate is that even if there is any intended symbolism, without the structure’s socio-political and economic context the act of deriving meaning from the form alone is extremely difficult. Layer complexity onto the form and even more meanings are created. Sometimes, like with the cases of The National Hotel and The National Art Schools, linguistic cues allude to their significance. However, if these cues are not present, as illustrated with Coppelia, the distinctiveness of form within its surrounding context will have to suffice. Call for Future Investigation As expressed at the beginning of this paper, there are many filtered out accounts that are missing from the discourse surrounding Cuban architecture and identity. Even still, the examples provided only express a sample of the dominant narrative. As the old regime ages out, Cuba yet again finds itself on the verge of change. With growing concerns regarding the impact of globalization on Cuban Architecture and Cuban identity, it becomes even more crucial to look at the historical, economic, and political context of a structure. This particularly holds true when it comes to weighing whether to alter a structure or to preserve it. Although it could be held in admiration today, it may not be something that is truly representative of the people. In these cases, context facilitates transparency. Yet, even if it is not deemed authentically Page | 25
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Cuban, it is important to understand that since there has always been an international influence it can still be considered one piece of the existential puzzle.
i
Cubanidad is equivalent to Cuban identity and somewhat similar to nationalism. It was a fervent ideology from the beginning of the twentieth for Cuban intellectuals, writers, and later architecture in the 1930s and 1940s. (Morukian, Maria. "Cubanidad: Survival of Cuban Cultural Identity in the 21 St Century." Havana Journal. Accessed April 08, 2016.) ii Art Deco is an influential visual arts design style that first appeared in France just before World War I and began flourishing internationally in the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s before its popularity waned after World War II. It embraced influences from many different styles and movements of the early 20th century, including Neoclassical, Constructivism, Cubism, Modernism, and Futurism. ("Art Deco Style 1925 - 1940." Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission. Accessed April 08, 2016.) iii Streamline Modern is a late type of the Art Deco architecture and design that emerged in the 1930s. Its architectural style emphasized curving forms, long horizontal lines, and sometimes nautical elements. ("Streamline Moderne." Wikipedia the Free Encyclopedia. Accessed May 2016). iv Modernism flourished is fundamentally defined as a design language with an emphasis on form rather than ornament; structure and materials rather than picturesque constructions; and the rational and efficient use of space. It sprang up toward the beginning of the 1930s in the United States and Europe and in many different styles including the International, Expressionist, Brutalist, New Formalist, and Googie movements. ("Modern Architecture." Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia. Accessed May 2016.) v Brutalist architecture is a movement in architecture that flourished from the 1950s to the mid-1970s, descending from the modernist architectural movement of the early 20th century. The term originates from the French word for "raw" in the term used by Le Corbusier to describe his choice of material bĂŠton brut (raw concrete). ("Brutalist Architecture." Wikipedia. Accessed May 2016.) vi The Adjustment Act of 1966 provides for a special procedure under which Cuban natives or citizens and their accompanying spouses and children may get a green card (permanent residence ("Green Card for a Cuban Native or Citizen." USCIS. Accessed May 2016.)
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Resources "AD Classics: The National Art Schools of Cuba / Ricardo Porro, Vittorio Garatti, Roberto Gottardi." ArchDaily. 2013. Accessed May 04, 2016. http://www.archdaily.com/427268/adclassics-the-national-art-schools-of-cuba-ricardo-porro-vittorio-garatti-robert-gattardi. "Art Deco Style 1925 - 1940." Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission. Accessed April 08, 2016. http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/portal/communities/architecture/styles/art-deco.html. Benjamin, Jules R. "The Machadato and Cuban Nationalism, 1928-1932." The Hispanic American Historical Review 55, no. 1 (1975): 66-69. Accessed April/May 2016. doi:10.2307/2512737. Bernays, Edward L., and Mark Crispin. Miller. Propaganda. Brooklyn, NY: Ig Pub., 2005. "Brutalist Architecture." Wikipedia. Accessed May 2016. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brutalist_architecture. Ching, Francis D. K. Architecture, Form, Space & Order. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1979. Edge, K., J. Scarpaci, and H. Woofter. "Mapping and Designing Havana: Republican, Socialist and Global Spaces." Cities 23, no. 2 (2006): 85-98. doi:10.1016/j.cities.2005.12.008. Espiniella, D. "Vernacular Architecture in Cuba." Vernacular Heritage and Earthen Architecture, 2013, 83-86. doi:10.1201/b15685-17. "Green Card for a Cuban Native or Citizen." USCIS. Accessed May 2016. https://www.uscis.gov/green-card/other-ways-get-green-card/green-card-cuban-native-orcitizen. Loomis, John A. Revolution of Forms: Cuba's Forgotten Art Schools. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999. MarĂa Aguilera-Manzano, JosĂŠ. "The Institutionalization of the Cuban Revolution in the 1960s." ReVista: Harvard Review of Latin America. Accessed April 2016. http://revista.drclas.harvard.edu/book/institutionalization-cuban-revolution-1960s. "Modern Architecture." Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia. Accessed May 2016. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern_architecture. Morukian, Maria. "Cubanidad: Survival of Cuban Cultural Identity in the 21 St Century." Havana Journal. Accessed April 08, 2016. http://havanajournal.com/culture/entry/cubanidad-theessence-of-being-cuban/.
Moruzzi, Peter. Havana before Castro: When Cuba Was a Tropical Playground. Salt Lake City, UT: Gibbs Smith, 2008. Motlagh, Jason. "The Future of Cuba's Socialist Ice-cream Cathedral | Jason Motlagh." The Guardian. 2015. Accessed May 01, 2016. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/apr/14/future-of-coppelia-cuba-socialist-ice-creamcathedral. Pilar Poblador Muga, Maria. "Modernism or Art Nouveau in the Havana Architecture." Cube Heritage. Accessed May 2016. http://www.cubaheritage.org/articles.asp?lID=1&artID=541. Salisbury, Lauren. "A Walk Through History at Hotel Nacional De Cuba in Havana." Something In Her Ramblings. 2015. Accessed May 2016. http://somethinginherramblings.com/history-hotelnacional-de-cuba/. "Streamline Moderne." Wikipedia the Free Encyclopedia. Accessed May 2016. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Streamline_Moderne). "Timeline: US-Cuba Relations." BBC News. Accessed April 26, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-12159943. "The History of the Hotel Nacional De Cuba." Hotel Nacional De Cuba. Accessed April/May 2016. http://www.hotelnacionaldecuba.com/en/history.asp. Vale, Lawrence J. Architecture, Power, and National Identity. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992.
Images Figure 1: Cuban BohĂo, Walker Evans, 1933. The J. Paul Getty Museum, 84.XM.956.173. Š Walker Evans Archive, The Metropolitan Museum of Art Figure 2: El Hotel Nacional de Cuba (Unknown, booktocuba.com) Figure 3: Hotel Nacional de Cuba (Peter Morozzi.) Figure 4: Site Plan of the National Art Schools. CLOCKWISE FROM LOWER LEFT: School of Ballet, School of Music, School of Plastic Arts, School of Dramatic Arts, School of Modern Dance (William Duncanson). Figure 5: Aerial view, 1965 Paolo Gasparini Figure 6: Aerial view, Paolo Gasparini Figure 7: Model, (David Bigelman, Photograph: Alberto Korda) Figure 8: Model, 1962 (Michelena) Figure 9: The School of Ballet by Vittorio Garatti (Adrian Mallol I Moretti) Figure 10: Parque Coppelia, La Haba Cuba (Unknown, www.panoramio.com) Figure 11: Untitled (Storefront for Art and Architecture/Collection of Eduardo Luis Rodriguez)