DESIGNING URBAN DESIGN - METUDSYMP2016 Proceedings by METU MUD

INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM ON URBAN DESIGN l 4-6 OCTOBER 2016, METU, ANKARA, TURKEY

TOWARDS A HOLISTIC PERSPECTIVE

2016

Edited by Olgu Ã&#x2021;alÄ±Å&#x;kan & Eren EfeoÄ&#x;lu

Type of Publication: Editors: Faculty Press Board Resolution: Faculty Press Board: Graphic Design:

tel: +90 312 210 2202, faks: +90 312 210 2297

Proceedings Olgu Çalışkan, Eren Efeoğlu 09.09.2017 Müge Akkar Ercan, Ela Aral Alanyalı, Adnan Barlas, Olgu Çalışkan, Harun Kaygan, Gülşen Töre Yargın, Haluk Zelef Eren Efeoğlu

Pelin Ofset, Ankara, October 2017 ISBN: 978-975-429-370-8

All rights of the photographs and other visual material used in this book belong to the writer unless stated otherwise. All publication rights of this book are reserved. No part can be reprinted reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the advance written consent of the copy wright holder.

METUDSYMP2016 Organization Committee Yigit Acar Ezgi Balkanay Dr. Funda Baş Bütüner Dr. A. Burak Büyükcivelek Dr. Cansu Canaran Duygu Cihanger Dr. Olgu Çalışkan [chair] Eren Efeoğlu [secretariat] Dr. Banu Aksel Gürün Berk Kesim Serdar Özbay Neris Parlak Dr. Yücel Can Severcan Ebru Şevik Ensar Temizel Onur Tümtürk Irmak Yavuz

acknowledgements

We acknowledge with gratitude to; The keynote speakers of METUDSYMP2016; David Grahame Shane, Jon Lang, Ali Madanipour, Stephen Marshall, Tony Hall, and Abeer Elshater. The esteemed scientific committee members of the symposium; Müge Akkar Ercan, Deniz Altay, Anlı Ataöv, Adnan Barlas, Yener Baş, Funda Baş Bütüner, Bülent Batuman, Cana Bilsel, Güven Bilsel, Georgia Butina Watson, Ali Cengizkan, Namık Günay Erkal, Ebru Firidin Özgür, Şebnem Gökçen Dündar, Zekai Görgülü, Berin Gür, Vesna Hercegovac-Pasic, Aykut Karaman, Güzin Konuk, Ayşe Sema Kubat, Tolga Levent, Florian Nepravishta, Taner Öç, Derya Oktay, Şebnem Önal Hoşkara, Gülşen Özaydın, Yodan Rofe, Fahriye Sancar, Paul Sanders, Güven Arif Sargın, Ayşen Savaş, Yücel Can Severcan, Alfred Simon, Egbert Stolk, Zuhal Ulusoy, Pieter Uyttenhove, Tolga Ünlü, Koray Velibeyoğlu, Zekiye Yenen, and Fikret Zorlu. The chairs of the sessions held during the symposium; Müge Akkar Ercan, Ela Alanyalı Aral, Bülent Batuman, Cana Bilsel, Namık Günay Erkal, Ebru Firidin Özgür, Aykut Karaman, Ayşe Sema Kubat, Derya Oktay, Şebnem Önal Hoşkara, Güven Arif Sargın, Ayşen Savaş, Yücel Can Severcan, Zuhal Ulusoy, and Koray Velibeyoğlu. Prof. Dr. Güven Arif Sargın, the dean of METU Faculty of Architecture, Prof. Dr. Adnan Barlas, the associate dean of METU Faculty of Architecture, and Prof. Dr. Çağatay Keskinok, the chair of Department of City and Regional Planning for their valuable support to realize the symposium at METU Faculty of Architecture. Mukaddes Kocakaya and Erdem Yalçın for their crucial help we received during the organization period, as well as Seyit Kapusuz and Hacı İnaltun for the publication of this book. Finally, METUDSYMP2016 Task Force for the great energy and effort provided during three intensive days with us.

contents IV PREFACE CHAPTER 1: IDEOLOGY OF URBAN DESIGN

War in the Cross Section of the Sacred and the Eminent Domain: the Case of Sur, Diyarbakır Emre Özyetiş

Ninth Delhi: A City Partitioned Manu Mahajan

Socio-Political Imaginings of the Kolkota Maidan Shreyasi Pal

Collective Form and Space: A Comparative Case of Bahçelievler and German Siedlungen Onur Tümtürk

CHAPTER 2: SOCIOLOGY OF URBAN DESIGN

The Atrophy of Place Berk Kesim

Studying the Characteristics of Formal and Informal Refugee Camps - The Case of Eidomeni and the Refugee Camp in Arzaq Sofia Telianidou

Urban Refugees Vis-A-Vis Refugees in Camps Gülse Eraydın

Emergent Heterotopias of Squatter Settlements: The Changing Role of “the other” in the Case of Turkey Ebru Şevik

Places of Diverse Social Groups in Cihangir, Istanbul Şule Demirel, Emine Yetişkul, Serap Kayasü

Youth, City and Place: A Theoretical Framework Payam Mahasti

Evaluation of Quality of Life Indicators at Neighbourhood- Level: A Regeneration Case from Ankara, Turkey Ezgi Orhan, Ezgi Kahraman, Nazda Güngördü

CHAPTER 3: BIO-ECOLOGY OF URBAN DESIGN

Walkability as an Urban Design Strategy for Revitalization of Historic City Centers Züleyha Sara Belge, Müge Akkar Ercan

Planning Livable and Walkable Communities: Inferences for Design Principles (Samples from Kadıköy and Ataşehir in İstanbul) Oya Akın, Cenk Hamamcıoğlu

Impact of Quality of Wind on Urban Form: Analysis of Vernacular and Contemporary Wind-Adaptive Urban Design Approaches Hakan Baş, Yakup Eğercioğlu

CHAPTER 4: MORPHOLOGY OF URBAN DESIGN

A Public Park Design Proposal in Istanbul’s Historical Galata District: The Case of Şişhane Park Ayşe Sema Kubat, Fatma Gençdoğuş, Demet Yeşiltepe

104

Application of Graph Theory in Liveable Cities Emine Duygu Kahraman, Esra Kut, K. Mert Çubukçu, Fatma Tuğba Canan

110

An Advanced Architectural Graduate Studio Experience: Micro Public Spaces

179

Physical City Models in the Age of Digital Representation Pelin Yoncacı

Gamze Şahin, Dilara Dülger, S. Bahar Durmaz Drinkwater

120

Experimenting Stream-Based Urban Transformation within the Regional Landscape Context Adnan Kaplan, Koray Velibeyoğlu

128

Creating a Public Interior within a Grid Layout: The Case of Barcelona/Avinguda Del Bogatell Street Büşra Durmaz, Cihan Erçetin

133

Parametric Morphology: An Interface Opening Morphology to Design Sadık Deniz Akman, Merve Başak, Ilgın Kurum, Burcu Uysal, Elif Eda Uzunoğulları

141

Questioning Different Perspectives in Courtyard Housing: Tulou Collective Housing Project in China Cihan Erçetin, Büşra Durmaz

145

Plot-by-Plot Urban Transformation in Inner City Neighbourhoods of İzmir Işın Can, Berna Yaylalı Yıldız, İpek Ek

151

A Critical Evaluation on Urban Resilience: Limitless Urbanization within a Limited Capacity of Kyrenia Cemaliye Eken, Resmiye Alpar Atun

158

Delimitation of Morphological Regions of Famagusta Old Town Nevter Zafer Cömert, Nezire Özgece

CHAPTER 5: METHODOLOGY OF URBAN DESIG N

168

Design: A Transcendence from Shock to Comfort Jessica Rahi

173

`Parametric Landscape Urbanism`: A Model Proposal for Operational Framework Sadık Deniz Akman

CHAPTER 6: PEDAGOGY OF URBAN DESIGN

188

An Architectural Design Studio Experience with a Contextual Urban Focus: Architecture of Transition in Basmane-İzmir S. Bahar Durmaz Drinkwater, Sertaç Erten, Ece Küreli, Sema Alaçam

197

Scrum for Design: Pedagogical Implications in Managing Urban Design Studio Koray Velibeyoğlu, F. Geçer Sargın, Ömür Saygın, Ebru Bingöl, Berna Yaylalı Yıldız

203

Mapping Urban Design Knowledge in Turkey Yiğit Acar

CHAPTER: 7 PRAXIS OF URBAN DESIGN

214

Urban Design as a Life Jacket for Development Plans: Case of Söke Urban Design Competition, 2015 Devrim Çimen, Sertaç Erten

220

Designing an Airport City: Towards a Guiding Framework Ayaz Zamanov, Emine Yetişkul

228

City is What Happens While You are Busy Making Other Plans Ceren Gamze Yaşar

235

The Power of Urban Design in Hidden Dimesion: Value-Based Performance in Integrated Urban Regeneration Process Ebru Gürler

242

Urban Archaeology as an Urban Design Issue: Archaeological Traces in Tarsus Burak Belge, Züleyha Sara Belge

preface DESIG NING URBAN DESIG N: TOWARDS A HOLISTIC PERSPECTIVE War and peace, segregation and integration, individuality and collectivity, control and emergence; within the current period of human history, almost all fundamental conditions of civilisation take place in the same domain, the city. As the most prominent artefact of humankind, cities have never been considered that much central for the prosperity of future societies as before. In that, possible forms of the built environment that are subject to high performance in terms of security, vitality, equity and comfort are significant issues to be dealt within the field of urban design. As a multidisciplinary profession and research field supported by the peculiar cognition of science, art and politics on an extended domain of knowledge (i.e. sociology, ecology, history and morphology), urban design has a challenging mission to provide a comprehensive response to the contemporary agenda of our cities. Since 1956, when Lluís Sert opened up the discussion for a common and robust disciplinary definition during the first Urban Design Conference at Harvard, the field has still been perceived as an emerging one through its multidimensional nature which is hard to unify in an integrated framework. Along its long course to be accepted as a full-fledged discipline with its own methodology, language and theory; urban design is still designing itself by research, education and practice.

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• Over-skeptical view of the ideological discourses on the idea of design in urban context is yet to be overcome by stronger design-oriented socio-political perspectives. Creative and projective way of thinking in design, in this sense, still represents the most powerful feature of the field, to be able to construct design oriented policy frameworks that, in turn, generate new and updated ideological perspectives. • The role of urban design to enrich, ease and cohere the social practices in space could not be fully justified with convincing and consistent results of real implementations. Human dimension of spatial design, thus, remain as one of the most crucial aspect of the field in order to create strong common consciousness and awareness on urban design at governmental and societal level. • Most of the design applications (especially in the rapidly developing and transforming countries) lack of the fundamental quality indicators on form and space. Compositional and structural characteristics of ‘good urban form’ still represent the core issue to be defined from the explicit, open and communicative perspective of design.

Considering the multifaceted agenda of contemporary urbanism and the claimed mission of urban design as response to the given operational context, one could argue that, there are actually few fields as urban design which continuously ask the ontological question: Who am I?

• The new and old grand ecological discourses like sustainability and resilience still require robust design support systems at the tactical level of urbanism. Though the underlying intentions of the sustainability agenda have been internalized by architecture and planning professions long ago, more attempts are needed to define a rich and effective toolkit of urban design towards an effective practice for the sustainability of urban form and space.

Such an enduring identity crisis of the field in-between the mother disciplines (architecture and planning) truly goes hand-in-hand with a series of challenges. In the practical and theoretical context of urbanism, the main problematic issues, which have to be addressed for a proper answer to the question of disciplinary definition of urban design, could be cited as follows:

• We still have a long way to achieve novel design methodologies out of new techniques and technologies (especially in data processing and generative computation) The research field of design thinking needs to be integrated in the research programs on urban design to open updated methodical discussions for efficient design procedures and better design outcomes in the long-term.

â&#x20AC;˘ The educational programs on urban design still have to incorporate the autonomous knowledge and the specific perspectives of the parent disciplines, planning and architecture. Especially with regards to the notion of control, the operational relationship between design and planning could not be clarified yet and, therefore, largely remains open for old biased suppositions, which usually ban the possibilities of desired transdisciplinary cooperation that urban design essentially needs. â&#x20AC;˘ Last but not least, in order to construct an effective link between theory and practice, we still have a lot to learn from designers within this emerging field. Closer and more systemic communication between practitioners, scholars and educators of urban design potentially present a fertile basis for stronger theoretical methodical bases for urban design. The given framework respectively addresses the following seven basic domains in which urban design operates in the way of a more definite and deliberate definition of the field: ideology, sociology, morphology, bio-ecology, methodology, pedagogy and praxis. Representing a specific research field by in itself, each domain actually involves a certain series of questions, which are still subject to be investigated by various studies and explorations. In this context, ideology of urban design, on the one hand, implies the major questions of norms and values in design, new discourses in urbanism, socio-politics by design, design ideology at the age of complexity, and the fundamental relationship between form and meaning in (and by) design. Sociology of urban design, on the other hand, covers the leading questions like the changing relationship between man and (urban) environment, community by design and/or design by community, design for social diversity and integration, and finally the new patterns of human behaviour as the basic generator of urban space design. There is no doubt that ideology and sociology, in this regard, act like coupling domains reciprocally conditioning each other.

Morphology of urban design represents the fundamental basis of spatial design while providing both the elements of design cognition and a systemic framework for the self-reflective perspective operating at different levels of abstractions. The major questions in relation to urban morphology and design discussed in the third chapter are as follow: designing the built fabric which is essentially complex, collective and evolutionary, generative link between spatial analysis and design in relation to the idea of evidence-based design, new and novel morphologies to inform performance oriented design practices and research, and, lastly, urban forms and patterns as the typological source of know-how in design.

Since every design act in urban context, by definition, react to a certain environmental condition while generating and steering a new one, bio-ecology of urban design turns out to be one of the key aspects for urban design. Therefore, the issues such as inclusive design solutions (design for the elderly, children and the handicapped), sun, wind and water and their operational influence on design, walkability and accessibility in urban space design, and design strategies for earthquake and flood-prone areas are considered to be the key questions that currently attract many researches. If there is a lack of explicit and clear methodical framework, no field of practice and research can claim a disciplinary position today. Therefore, methodology of urban design should be considered to be the very key domain to be developed in our emerging field. In this regard, new tools, techniques and methodical approaches in urban design, design thinking and the fundamental cognition of spatial design are the main topics that need to be involved in the contemporary urban design programmes to improve the efficiency of design act in urbanism.

Pedagogy of urban design is, consequently, the domain in which all the others (especially the methodological one) are to be developed, thought and transferred by education and research. Through its experimental nature, design education is the unique foundation by which the both the new techniques and concepts can be explored, introduced and tested. Thus, design education in the social context of urban environment, teaching urban design for / by architects and planners, developing fundamental skills in the education of urban design, and finally specialisation on/of urban design within design and planning schools are addressed as the key questions with regard to the pedagogy of the field. No disciplinary field can perform without defining a specialised praxis in which theory and technique is enacted and embodied, along with the generation of new practicing ideas for future. In this sense, the key organisational and practical features of urban design profession, the intrinsic relation between drafting board (design) and the construction site (implementation), and the productive link between design, control and development are the questions to be delved by further researches for the contemporary theory and practice of urban design. Putting the question of creating a holistic perspective on urban design forward within such a comprehensive and overarching perspective, it becomes compulsory to set an inclusive debate in which various viewpoint would take place in a collective and communicative manner. To that aim, MSc Urban Design Program, METU Faculty of Architecture took its 20th anniversary of foundation an opportunity to organise such an open discussion on the updated definition of urban design. The re-

quired perspective was aimed to merge retrospective and proscriptive (future oriented) approaches coherently in a single framework.

emergent transformations of neighbourhoods are discussed in the case of Ankara and Ä°stanbul, Turkey within the chapter.

With this motivation, the team of the programme organised an international symposium held on 4-6 October 2016 in Ankara, Turkey. For the symposium, forty-five papers (out of a hundred applications in total) were selected via the blind-review process that was pursued by forty academics from many World universities. The thematic presentations and debates within the symposium were conducted under the specific titles which are the major domains presented above. Organising the overall collective debate under these thematic titles essentially enabled us to come up with a general view as well as a series of focussed discussions on specific issues. By bringing researchers, professionals and educators together, lively intellectual platform was created to discuss the past, present and future conditions of urban design.

The third chapter on the morphological dimension of urban design addresses a rich set of issues like parametric modelling, typology, regional design and landscape infrastructure, spatial integration and network configuration, morphological regions, and resilience. The thematic diversity within this chapter goes along with the scalar variation of the spatial researches that covers from the scale of building to that of urban region reflecting diverse morphological patterns. In each paper, a certain morphological perspective based on multi-layered associative thinking is argued for a stronger link between spatial analysis and design.

Consequently, the sessions that were held under the specified themes during the symposium eventually led the way to the publication of the current book. For the editorial of the book, we received thirty-four papers from the participant authors. Having been organised under the major thematic titles discussed above, the papers are presented within the seven chapters in the book. In each chapter, the reader may recognise subtle theoretical interactions and relational relevance between the papers. Though this was not required from the authors, emergence of such shared interfaces could be considered an actual sign of strong potentiality for the generation of an integrated theory on/of urban design in future. Respectively, in the first chapter, the authors explore the ideological connotations of the present and past design applications in urban context. While the idea of modernity in urbanism is revisited in Turkish and Indian context from a historical perspective, the instrumental role of urbanism in post-conflict spatial politics is discussed with reference to DiyarbakÄąr, Turkey. The papers in the second chapter explore the social dimension of urban design with a special reference to the concepts of informality, quality, transformation and place. Following the first paper of the chapter that investigates the urgent question of refugee settlements in case of Turkey and Greece, the two countries facing the problem; the second paper reconsiders informality with reference to the concept of heterotopia. The two papers on place discuss the concept from different perspectives. While the first one is about place making, the other one argues dissolution (atrophy) of place and the condition of placelessneess. Finally, the social dynamics and the outcomes of planned and

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The papers in the fourth chapter contribute to the overall discussion via several studies made on the bio-ecological dimension of urban design. While the first two papers focuses on walkability issue on strategic level, the third paper in the chapter revisits the major design approaches responsive to the local climatic conditions of environment. In the chapter on methodology, the papers tend to relate design with cognition. The first paper, in this sense, questions the settled perception of people on space and its radical transformation by design in the case of the dramatic change in Beirut, Lebanon. While the second paper argues the possibility to integrate parametric thinking in landscape urbanism, the last paper delves into the question of scale in city modelling that basically conditions design thinking in urbanism. The proceedings about design education constitute the sixth chapter on pedagogy of urban design. The first two papers in the section brings the experience of architectural design studio for discussion, respectively, in the way of questioning the relevance of design within a specific social context, and that for the generation of micro-public spaces to enhance social cohesion in space. While the third paper in the chapter suggests a new method for project management as one of the core issues in urban design processes, the last one presents a kind of epistemic mapping that reveals the changing thematic agenda of urban design researches in Turkey. Finally, in the last chapter on praxis, the reader will have a chance to review some critical points on the contemporary design practice in urbanism. The first paper, in this context, examines the key role of urban design competitions to overcome the drawbacks of conventional development plans, which fall short to suggest spatial quality in collective urban form. Based on another project experience, the following paper argues the constructive relationship between urban archaeology and design with a specific reference to the historical traces in urban areas

to be incorporated in physical planning and design. The third paper in the section interprets urban design within the overarching system of planning and suggests a multi-scalar and integrated framework and decision-based multi-disciplinary program comprising urban design as well. The last paper of the chapter and the book presents an international perspective on designing the ‘airport city’, which is rather a brand new concept for the contemporary urban design and planning. The paper, in this regard, is believed to provide an initial framework for the detailed researches on the issue requiring more specifications by design. Though, the papers submitted for the symposium were expected to reflect on one of the principal issues within the prominent domains set before, the reader might naturally think that, within the limits of a single international symposium, it would be impossible to cover all the aforementioned issues that had been initially addressed. In this sense, the papers involved within the present volume should be considered an attempt for the generation of further and everlasting discussions within the constructed framework which would ultimately end up with a more clear and holistic perspective on the emerging field. The book, in this sense is believed to steer future debates with a series of brand new ideas and trigger many questions, if not concluding the right answer for designing urban design.

Dr. Olgu Çalışkan and Eren Efeoğlu March 2017, Ankara

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OF Urban desıgn

War in The Cross Section of the Sacred and The Eminent Domain : THE CASE OF SUR, DIYARBAKIR Emre Özyetiş

MAU Department of Architecture, Mardin, TURKEY emreozyetis@gmail.com

With the election held on June 7, 2015 in Turkey, the ruling party Justice and Development Party (AKP) lost the majority in the parliament for the first time since 2002. In the aftermath of the election, peace talks between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) were suspended and the demand for autonomy amongst the Kurdish movement lead to the digging of trenches and erecting barricades against the security operations where the politicized Kurdish base is dominant (Gursel, 2016). In return, between August 17, 2015 and April 20, 2016, in 22 districts of 7 cities in Southeastern Turkey, open-ended and all day long curfews were declared for at least 63 times (TIHV 2016). As of August 2015, in the historic city center of Diyarbakır province, Suriçi, the curfew was declared for at least six times. The last curfew was declared on December 11, 2015 and lasted for more than five months. Even though military operations were reported to be over on March 9, 2016, the curfew was lifted partially in Suriçi, as some neighborhoods and streets were still inaccessible to public in July 2016 (ibid.). In February 2016, Prime Minister Davutoğlu presented the government’s vision for Suriçi when he stated that “Sur will be rebuilt as Spain’s Toledo” (Genç, 2016). Following this statement, the need for a new legal arrangement that would make “the regeneration of cities that maintain their historical texture” was mentioned in a press conference, where Davutoğlu also announced the “ten-point Action Plan to Combat Terrorism” (ibid.). On March 21, 2016 the Turkish government passed the decree on urgent expropriation for Suriçi. According to this decree, 6292 of 7700 properties in the historic city center were confiscated. Local and international observers suggest that in the urban areas where the curfews are lifted, government officials fail to rely on basic principles of disaster and crisis management (Arslan et al., 2016; DMM, 2016; GABB, 2016 and VC, 2016). They are concerned that neighborhoods are being declared “risky”, instead of one by one assessment of damaged structures and this will lead to further “urgent expropriation” decrees. As the levelling of the existing urban fabric and refurbishing it with expanded street widths and

large boulevards are observed (See: Figure 1.), the government is assumed to implement systematic displacement, demographic and social engineering policies in the future (GABB, 2016; 3).

Figure 1. Satellite images of Suriçi dating from 23 September 2015 to 10 May 2016, which show the urban fabric before and after the curfew in 2016. (Source: Google Earth)

This can be read in relation to the eighteenth century France where the urban planning and urbanism were perceived as tools to shape order, prevent epidemics and revolution while producing morally virtuous families as the city represented the ‘efficiently organized space’ exemplifying ‘government rationality’ (Pløger, 2008; 62). However, the inquiries on the generalized crisis environment and the contemporary regime of power’s appropriation of new and emerging complex forms of interventions to built environment whether grounded on development, humanitarian or security reasons, require different sets of conceptual tools (Weizman, 2007; Graham, 2010; Boano, 2011; Muzaffar, 2012; Cooper, 2015). This papers attempts to approach urban design as perpetuating the logic of neoliberal economy by dwelling on the suggestion that the camp can explain the gesture of gating, controlling and governing the urban environment in the contemporary political, economic and social context. Even though for Agamben, ‘the camp is topologically different from a simple space of confinement’ (Agamben, 1998; 20), just like the panopticon emerging as an exceptional space and later becoming the rule for the whole society as Foucault showed, the camp as the ‘nomos’ of the modern begins with the analysis of a confined space, the concentration

camp, and extends beyond its confinement (Diken and Laustsen, 2006; 450-51). The camp is often referred as the space that is opened when the state of exception begins to become the rule with the ‘temporal suspension of the rule of law on the basis on a factual state of danger’ (Agamben, 1998; 169). However, for the camp to exist, the normal order needs to prevail outside, while the exceptional status, which is required for the suspension of the rule of law inside the camp, turns into the norm. This points to the paradoxical status of the camp as a space of exception as it becomes a ‘piece of land placed outside the normal juridical order, but it is nevertheless not simply an external space’ (Agamben, 1998; 169-70). In terms of its juridical status and in terms of its spatial configuration, the camp can be understood only in ‘relation or perhaps rather in ‘non-relation’, to what is historically termed a ‘city’”: the space that falls geographically outside the camp (Diken and Laustsen, 2006; 443). Separation from the normal order, demarcation, or differentiation between ‘inside and outside’ is the primary condition for the camp to exist. The paradox continues with the decision between zoe – the life of the animal body, and bios -the life of the polis, is made incessantly in the camp (Massumi, 2009; 170). For example, “the separation of the Jewish body” results with the immediate production of “the specifically German body” (Agamben, 1998; 174). The law, that is the rule, which produces the separation, simultaneously refers to the application of the rule of separation. With the ‘absolute impossibility of deciding between fact and law, rule and application, exception and rule,’ (ibid.) the sovereign power’s fundamental activity with the camp becomes the production of bare life that pertains to the simple fact of being alive (Massumi, 2009; 170-171). The state of exception requires a similar paradoxical status with the camp and its inhabitants to become a ‘paradigm of government’ (Adey et al., 2015; 7). Graham notes: “Urban everyday life everywhere is stalked by the threat of interruption: the blackout, the gridlock, the severed connection … the everyday life of cities shifts into a massive struggle against darkness, cold, immobility, hunger, the fear of crime and violence” (2010; 111). Studies on politics of emergency declare that “whether in relation to events of terror, environmental catastrophes or civil unrest, the ’state of exception’ is no longer, if it ever was, exceptional” (Adey et al., 2015; 4). In the contemporary political space, the “hidden matrix” of the political space can be understood as the administration of those exceptional circumstances rather than approaching exceptional states as anomalies (Agamben, 1998; 166). With the threshold of indistinction between bare life and juridical rule being ambiguous enough, it would not be an exaggeration to suggest

that the areas where curfews are imposed can be referred as camps. Once the curfew is imposed in an area, it first becomes surrounded with fences, concrete blocks or actual fortification walls as in the case of Suriçi. Inhabitants are confined in their houses, and they are shot if they leave their spaces of confinement. They no longer have access to the city and the fundamental rights they would normally have. In return, the areas under curfew become isolated from the public domain. Agamben reminds us that the camps are not born out of ordinary law or “from a transformation and development of criminal law … but out of a state of exception and martial law” (1998; 167). As the juridical foundation of the concentration camps can be found in the Weimar constitution (ibid.) the connection between the curfews and the Turkish constitution of 1982 needs to be emphasized. If this link can be read along with reference to neoliberalism and its tendency to “capture the exception and incorporate it (in both senses of the word)” (Massumi , 2009; 176), it would be possible to elucidate the double play involved in confining Suriçi into the image of Toledo, or to another domain that is outside of law and beyond our reach. With the September 12, 1980 military coup in Turkey, the norm and law lost its power, until ‘the permanent nature of the Emergency State’ caused “the ‘emergency’ to replace the norm while reconstituting the emergency as a new norm” (Bezci and Öztan, 2016; 165). The referendum of the 1982 constitution in fact normalized the Emergency State itself and replaced the suspended rule of law with a new set of norms dictated by the martial law. The constitution was not only prepared under the supervision of the governing organ of the coup, National Security Board, but also maintained its counterpart mechanism National Security Council in order to shape the future civilian governments’ policies (ibid.). In 1987, with the Executive Order No. 285, ‘state of emergency’ was officially declared after PKK commencing its military campaign against the Turkish State in 1984. A new administration system into 13 Kurdish populated cities in Turkey’s eastern and southeastern regions, including Diyarbakır, was introduced. In Diyarbakir, emergency governorship was established, which was referred as ‘Super Governor’, to coordinate the state’s activities in the provinces in question; exceptional measures were taken by introducing the anti terror-law and implementing village guard systems (Bezci and Öztan, 2016; 173). In 1999 People’s Democracy Party (HADEP-DEHAP) took over the municipality in Diyarbakir as the military campaign of PKK subsided in the 2000s. This was ‘the first time a political party representing the Kurdish resistance movement’ taking hold of a state institution wielding local power, which signifies the moment when Diyarbakir got “caught

between the process of cultural decolonization and the simultaneous process of neoliberal (global) colonization” (Gambetti, 2013; 98-99). In November 2002, the state of emergency in Kurdish populated areas was lifted as the apparatus of rule changed its appearance. Suriçi represented one of the significant places for the struggle for hegemony between the Kurdish resistance movement and the Turkish State even though they converged upon their urban renewal strategies. As Genç notes, the period between 2002-2015 indicated merge between AKP’s strategy in the 2000s of ‘building hegemony over Kurdish population’ with the “‘social development’ paradigm nationally adapted … which were singlehandedly responsible for the construction of its institutional-administrative architecture” (2006). Since the 1980s, urban renewal strategies were the driving force of the neoliberal transformation of the city in Turkey (Elicin, 2014; 151). After AKP came into power in 2002, TOKİ (Mass Housing Administration) became the major tool for deregulation that gave “more authority to developers, both in private and public sectors … in selecting the location and defining the volume of their property investments” (Balaban, 2012; 30). Under AKP’s rule, the parliament passed several legislations providing TOKİ with additional power and legitimacy (Kayasü and Yetişkul, 2014; 216). With those legislations, TOKİ could “expropriate private land for the public good … modify any scaled zoning plan and … work together with local administrations”, as it acquired a special status in the threshold of public and private (ibid.). TOKİ played a central role in proliferating neoliberal policies to administer the redistribution of the urban rent as a legally, administratively and financially powerful and autonomous institution which had “the responsibilities and authority of former Land office” while enjoying the privilege of acting as a private enterprise and establishing new companies and partnership with others (Kayasü and Yetişkul, 2014, 216-217). In 2008, the Governorship of Diyarbakir and TOKİ initiated the urban renewal plans for four neighborhoods in Suriçi, Cevatpaşa-Fatihpaşa and Alipaşa-Lalebey, with the Ninth Development and Southeast Anatolia Project (GAP) Action Plan declaring Diyarbakir as the regional ‘center of attention’ (Genç, 2016). After this, ‘more systematic steps towards the implementation of a tourism-based growth strategy’ were taken with “every expensive and comprehensive initiatives such as the restoration of monumental landmarks (e.g., Ulu Camii and the historic city walls)” (ibid.). While the Kurdish movement aimed at decolonizing the city by appropriating urban space through culture and identity, they had a similar vision in terms of their perspective on ‘tourism-based economic growth’ with the central government. In 1995, a civil society initiation to pressure the state institutions to restore the fortification walls surrounding Suriçi became one of the major infrastructure projects undertaken by the DEHAP municipality, where “500 small establishments,

tea gardens and shabby restaurants ‘littering’ both sides of the walls” were bulldozed (Gambetti, 2013; 110). The local municipality’s cleansing operation in and around Suriçi, eventually lead to signing the memoranda to collaborate in the urban renewal project with the Governorship of Diyarbakir and TOKİ. However those who left Suriçi started raising their disappointment with the imposed social and economic conditions in Çölgüzeli Mass Housing, where they had moved to as a consequence of the urban renewal project. With the municipality failing to respond to their concerns, most of the titleholders in Alipaşa and Lalebey neighborhoods refused to leave their homes despite the fact that their affinity with the municipality had made them resign from their rights on the properties they inhabited (Aslan et al., 2016; 8).

Figure 2. Satellite images of Alipaşa-Lalebey neighborhoods dating from 2009; 2012 to 2016 which show the urban fabric before and after the urban renewal project that could not be completed. (Source: Google Earth)

According to the Damage Assessment Report by Diyarbakir Metropolitan Municipality, “82 percent of all parcels available in Sur” are expropriated in 2016; and the remaining 18 percent of parcels in Sur “either belong to TOKİ … or [they are] already owned by State Treasury” (2016, 6), a ramification of the memoranda signed in 2009. Even though there were no clashes, on January 27, 2016, one day long curfew was declared in Alipaşa and Lalebey neighborhoods. Most of those titleholders who had halted the urban renewal plans by refusing to leave their homes, finally left their properties after this date (Arslan et al., 2016, 9). At the end of the day, every parcel in Suriçi became public property (DMM, 2016; 6), including those, which were already public, such as museums, parks as well as churches and mosques.

Figure 2. Contiuned

With several changes made in the Urban Transformation Act, the last one being adopted in 2012 for the Areas under Disaster Risk, the central government had acquired the utmost authority in determining the urban transformation policy (Elicin, 2014; 154). After the failed collaboration to carry out the urban transformation, the central government exercised the authority it acquired and declared Suriçi as a ‘risky’ area so that the development plans could be implemented without any consultation with the local municipalities. To counter this, the Metropolitan and Sur Municipalities approved Suriçi Urban Site Conservation Plan in 2012, which followed Diyarbakir Fortress and Hevsel Gardens Cultural Landscape’s inscription into World Heritage List in 2015 to limit the central government’s interventions into the existing built environment of Suriçi. For a brief period of time, both parties could execute their tourism-focused economic growth vision for Suriçi without necessarily collaborating with each other as “the number of new investments like hotels and cafes had increased; real estate transfers and renovations at a single parcel scale accompanied large scale structural renovations … a modest revival in tourism-related activities in the remaining parts of Suriçi was achieved” until the political tension re-escalated in 2015 (2016). The decree on urgent expropriation of the properties in Suriçi relied on the law no. 2942 which granted the government the right to confiscate properties in exceptional situations, which are vaguely defined with expressions such as ‘public security and order’ and ‘state of danger’. The Governorship of Diyarbakır publicly announced the decree on their website with reference to the law no. 6306 on restructuring of areas under risk of natural disasters and reminded that Suriçi was already declared ‘risky’ in 2012 [1].

Religion, according to Agamben, does not aim at uniting what is sacred and profane, but rather keeps them distinct (2007; 75). This separation happens through an economy of sacrifice: it is the ban of the transfer of something from the human sphere to the divine, from the profane to the sacred, except for the victim (2007; 74). Whilst for the “removal of things from the sphere of human law”, requires the caesura, a profane contagion is possible through contact, for example, as in the case of one part of victim being preserved for the gods, while the rest could be consumed by the people (ibid.). However, Agamben suggests that if spectacle is the extreme phase of capitalism, then “spectacle and consumption are the two sides of a single impossibility of using” and “the capitalist religion in its extreme phase aims at creating something absolutely unprofanable” (2007; 82). For the unprofanable, the capitalist religion, in its extreme form, “realizes the pure form of separation to the point that there is nothing left to separate” (Agamben, 2007; 81). The unprofanable, which is impossible to use as it can not be appropriated back from the sacred domain, has an emblematic place in the Museum, because the Museum “designates the exhibition of an impossibility of using, of dwelling, of experiencing” (2007, 84). Today, museification of everything is possible, including cities, as they happen to be declared ‘World Heritage Sites’ where the museum coincides with the whole city (ibid). The juridical system of the West, Agamben suggests, appears as a double structure: one that is normative and juridical in the strict sense, and one that is anomic and metajuridical: “The state of exception is the device that must ultimately articulate and hold together the two aspects of the juridico-political machine by instituting a threshold of undecidability between anomie and nomos, between life and law, between auctoritas and potestas” (2005; 86). The city and the camp distinction can operate solely on this ground in most cases, whereas, in the Museum, separation between the camp and the city becomes indistinguishable.

In Kingdom and Glory, the double structure of the camp and the city is further articulated as “power as government and effective management and power as ceremonial and liturgical regality” as the question rises: “If it is essentially force and capacity for action and government, why does it assume the rigid, cumbersome, and glorious form of ceremonies, acclamations, and protocols?” (Agamben, 2011). In light of Schmitt establishing a link between acclamations and democracy and Debord diagnosing the transformation of capitalist politics and economics, the answer relies on the suggestion that “contemporary democracy is a democracy that is entirely founded upon glory, that is, on the efficacy of acclamation, multiplied and disseminated by the media beyond all imagination” (Agamben, 2011; 225). Even though it looks as if ceremonies and liturgies are simplified, and the insignia of power is reduced to a minimum, the Greek term for glory -doxa- designating public opinion today is no coincidence for Agamben (2011; 253-56). Through liturgically ceremonial administration of doxa, the possibility of collectively arriving a common use of a sacred thing; or play; or power of language, are neutralized. The exhibition-value transcends the use-value and the exchange-value as it finds its place in the exhibition in a museum by being removed from the sphere of use and labor (Agamben, 2007; 90). Figure 3. Contiuned

Figures 3. Street views from Suriçi before and after the curfew and digitally reconstructed images from the animation delivered to public by the Ministry of Environment and Urbanism on 1 April 2016. (Source: Çevre ve Şehircilik Bakanlığı Youtube Channel)

Figures 4. Street views from Suriçi before and after the curfew and digitally reconstructed images from the animation delivered to public by the Ministry of Environment and Urbanism on 1 April 2016. (Source: Çevre ve Şehircilik Bakanlığı Youtube Channel)

On June 10, 2016 the minister of Environment and Urbanization said that the conservation plan dating from 2012 for Suriçi was a product of long debates, as a result of which, all the parties involved reached to a consensus (Kart 2016). He declared that the Plan was going to be the only guide for the ministry, to rebuild Sur. Given that one of the mandates of the Plan is to reduce the dense population in Suriçi, the minister failed to address whether Suriçi will be able to accommodate the population living in the area before the curfews or if a number of inhabitants are going to be forced to leave Suriçi when the Plan is realized. Whilst the Metropolitan and Sur municipality officials suggest that, while imposing the Plan, they were aiming at a more moderate transition that would extend over a longer period of time, they also failed at scrutinizing the gentrification and the eviction of the under privileged inhabitants in Suriçi. Today, Suriçi is separated from the domain of law in the context of neoliberal capitalism that values “’creative destruction’ over self-preservation (Massumi 2009, 176). The prime minister was displaying digitally reconstructed images of Suriçi; he was declaring that Sur was going to be rebuilt like Toledo; concurrently with tanks and heavy artillery pulling down Suriçi (Figures 3 and 4). In this picture, Toledo, or the Plan is not necessarily a model or a vision in this process, which the government officials need to use as a reference. It is the Museum, which Suriçi had always been attempted to coincide with. Except for this time, with the articulated management of the ceremonial destruction of the environment, the Plan and the War concur with each other in the irrevocable loss of all use.

NOTES: 1. See http://www.diyarbakir.gov.tr/26032016-surici-bolgesinde-bazi-tasinmazlarin-acele-kamulastirilmasi-hakkinda-bakanlar-kurulu-karari (in Turkish only), viewed on 7 August 2016.

Bezci, E.B., and Öztan, G.G. (2016). Anatomy of the Turkish emergency state: a continuous reflection of Turkish raison d’état between 1980 and 2002. Middle East Critique 25(2), pp.163-179. Boano, C. (2011). ‘Violent spaces’: production and reproduction of security and vulnerabilities. The Journal of Architecture 16(1), pp.37-55. Boano, C. and Talocci, G. (2014). Fences and profanations: questioning the sacredness of urban design. Journal of Urban Design 19(5), pp.700-721. Collier, S.J. and Lakoff, A. Vital systems security: reflexive biopolitics and the government of emergency. Theory, Culture & Society 32(2), pp.19-51. Diken, B. and Laustsen, C.B. (2006). The camp. Geografiska Annaler 88B(4), pp.443-452. Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality (DMM). (2016). Cultural heritage damage assessment report on Sur, Diyarbakır. 30 March. Elicin, Y. (2014). Neoliberal transformation of the Turkish city through the urban transformation act. Habitat International 41, pp.150-155. Genç, F. (2016). Suriçi in destruction-regeneration dialectic. Heinrich Böll Stiftung: Türkei. 15 April. Viewed on 7 August 2016. http://tr.boell.org/ Graham, S. (2010). Disruption by design: urban infrastructure and political violence. In S. Marvin, ed., Disrupted cities: When infrastructure fails. Florence: Taylor and Francis, pp.111-129. Gursel, K. (2016). Turkey’s southeast beginning to resemble Syria. Al-Monitor. 13 June. Viewed on 7 August 2016. http://www.al-monitor.com/ Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV). (2016). Fact sheet on declared curfews between August 16, 2015 and April 20, 2016 and civilians who lost their lives according to the data of Human Rights Foundation of Turkey Documentation Center. 20 April. Viewed on 7 August 2016. http://en.tihv.org.tr/ Kart, E. (2016) Turkish gov’t dismisses claims of plans to sell expropriated areas in southeast. Hurriyet Daily News. 9 August. Viewed on 14 August 2016.http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/ Kayasü, S. and Yetişkul, E. (2014). Evolving legal and institutional frameworks of neoliberal urban policies in Turkey. METU JFA 31(2), pp.209-222. Massumi, B. (2009). National enterprise emergency: steps toward an ecology of Powers. Theory, Culture & Society 26(6), pp.153-185. Muzaffar, M.I. (2012). Boundary games: ecochard, doxiadis, and the refugee housing projects under military rule in Pakistan, 1953-1959. In Aggregate, ed., Governing by design: architecture, economy, and politics in the twentieth century. Pittsburgh: University of Pitssburgh Press, pp.147-175. Pløgeri J. (2008). Foucault’s dispositive and the city’. Planning Theory 7(1), pp.51-70. Union of Southeastern Anatolia Region Municipalities (GABB). (2016). Damage assessment and forced migration report. 30 June. Viewed on 7 August 2016. http://www.gabb.gov.tr/ Venice Commission (VC). (2016). Turkey: Opinion on the legal framework governing curfews. 10-11 June. Viewed on 7 August 2016. http://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-AD(2016)010-e7 Weizman, E. (2007). Hollow land: Israel’s architecture of occupation. London: Verso.

REFERENCES: Adey, P., Anderson and B., Graham, S. (2015). Introduction: governing emergencies, beyond exceptionality. Theory, Culture & Society 32(2), pp.3-17. Agamben, G. (1998). Homo sacer: sovereign power and bare life, trans. Heller-Roazen, D. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Agamben, G. (2005). The State of exception. Trans. Attel, K. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Agamben, G. (2007). Profanations. Trans. Fort, J. New York: Zone Books. Agamben, G. (2011). The Kingdom and the glory: for a theological genealogy of economy and government. Trans. Chiesa, L and Mandarini, M. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Arslan, S., Aydın, D., Sandal, H. and Yarkın, G. (2016) Sur’da yıkımın iki yüzü: kentsel dönüşüm ve abluka. Diyarbakır: Zan Vakfı Yayınları. Balaban, O. (2012). The negative effects of construction boom on urban planning and environment in Turkey: unraveling the role of the public sector. Habitat International 36, pp.26-35.

Ninth Delhi: A City Partitioned Manu Mahajan

School of Planning and Architecture, Urban Design, New Delhi, INDIA m.mahajan@spa.ac.in

1. INTRODUCTION

"A city disjointed in time, a city whose different ages lay suspended side by side as in aspic." William Dalrymple Delhi is a city characterized by fragmentation – fragmented by time, texture and towns (1) within it. Most of the literature about the city cannot resist reiterating the title of ‘city of cities’, literally due to the names of dynasties which ruled Delhi in different periods of time and, spatially owing largely to the heterogeneity of its urban fabric. Any city of such scale definitely exhibits heterogeneity, but Delhi is special because it is an urban patchwork with the constituent components having distinct as well as shared histories. This paper focuses on Ninth Delhi (2)-capital city of independent India, and analyses the factors that shaped an urban landscape in which spatial discontinuity was reinforced. It argues that the colonial legacy and other ideologies (of the time) played a significant role in the planning of this city. This visionary post-independence planning had a progressive approach but tended to undermine the role of indigenous knowledge and local practices of architecture, design and planning. Tracing the scattered expansion of Delhi post the first discontinuity in the form of ‘New Delhi’, the paper examines Delhi as it is now – a mosaic of planning ideas. In conclusion, the paper presents two levels of discussion; i) lessons from the past and, ii) interventions required at different scales for producing ‘places’ not ‘development’ in the city. It makes a case for urban design as the most appropriate discipline to complement planning by stitching together the disjoint patches, or by perforating the partitions to integrate the urban fabric, interconnected through ‘places’ for the city and its citizens to come together at various levels. It concludes on a positive note, with examples of recent initiatives in the city that are demonstrating this idea. The first section discusses colonial influence and imperial landscape that shaped the eighth Delhi, namely ‘New Delhi’ (3) - a stage where the first discontinuity occurred from the earlier city building traditions (Sa

bikhi, 1990 Dupont, 2004). The subsequent section traces the scattered expansion of Delhi and evolution of various paradigms of planning. The third section explores the ways in which the city has been partitioned under following heads: (a) city of hierarchies; (b) city of homogenous uses; (c ) city of isolated structures; (d) city of enclaves. The last section explores as well as questions the emerging discourses of city design/improvement/image in terms of lessons from the past. Here, a case for urban design as the most appropriate integrating discipline is presented – both in ways it can be trans-disciplinary as well as its capacity to compliment planning by stitching together the disjoint patches. The paper concludes with a firm belief in the role that planning can play in transforming the present ‘city of enclaves’ image of Delhi, only if it is injected at appropriate times and locations with ideas and principles of other disciplines, particularly ‘urban design’. 2. COLONIAL DELHI: BREAKDOWN IN CONTINUITY Three distinct phases of physical-spatial structure of Delhi during colonial period emerge from 1803-1947 (King, 1976). Two critical phases during the colonial accession of Delhi from the perspective of planning paradigms were first 1857-1911 and post 1911 till 1947. The post 1857 period is marked with development of ‘Civil Lines’ in all the major towns of India for accommodation of military troops and officers. These were primarily grid layouts with isolated houses on vast areas of land. In contrast to the close-knit fabric of traditional towns, as evident in Old Delhi (4), Hyderabad, Ahmedabad, Jaipur etc, were low-density, spread-out settlements. In case of Delhi, ‘Civil Lines’ was placed north of the old settlement of Delhi and it was a relatively independent, self-sufficient cultural area, supplied with most of its essential requirements. King (1976) notes two inter-connected aspects in this post 1857 period, i) emergence of two culturally and functionally specialized areas, one colonial with military and administrative functions and second, indigenous characterized by residential, commercial and industrial activity; and, ii) effective segregation of two cultures with the city wall, as well as ex-

tensive physical space, acting as a barrier between them. Both these aspects characterized the future planning of Delhi in subsequent colonial phase as well as modern city planning in Delhi after independence. The last phase of colonial planning in Delhi is the building of New Delhi (Lutyen’s Delhi) an ambitious development mainly inspired from Ebenezer Howard’s Garden city. The differences in two cities, 7th and 8th Delhi in the configuration of urban space can be observed in various aspects but one significant aspect was ‘functional specialization of urban space’ (Dupont, 2004). Taking the earlier typology of ‘civil lines’ further and using the principles of garden city and city beautiful movements, New Delhi was distinct in the division of land for administrative, political and residential functions, a departure from mixed land use pattern of residential use and economic activities of traditional Indian cities including Shahjahanabad. The ideation of New Delhi was not only distinct due to its geometric layout, but also in the ideas of its aesthetics, politics and zoning wherein individual inhabitants were separated from their social context and abstracted to the level of social functionality (Legg, 2007). In morphological terms, reversal of open-built relationships occurred. Whereas, earlier settlements enclosed sequence of private and semi-private spaces between/within buildings, New Delhi was conceived with open spaces around buildings. Also, a geometric layout of roads (hexagonal road system) replaced the earlier organic street based structure of settlements. This is most obvious in design of ceremonial axis of two cities, Rajpath(Central Vista) planned as a road flanked on both sides by expansive greens whereas Chandni Chowk planned as a street framed by buildings and functions reflecting its various users. Thus, a primary departure from the indigenous pattern that was based on climate and socio-cultural needs, took place (though it cannot be denied that this planning did respond to cultural needs of the British, see King, 1976). In terms of scale also New Delhi was conceived at a monumental level through its baroque landscaped road system juxtaposed with significant structures marking both ends of the major axes. One of the most significant distancing was the tearing apart of the ‘old Delhi’ from the ‘new Delhi’. This became obvious not only through nomenclature but through radical discontinuity in spatial organization of the entire city. The ‘cordon sanitare’, a scathe in the form of a linear green buffer was planned between Shahjahanabad(old) and Lutyen’s (new) Delhi(5) to deliberately insulate the new area from the old that was feared might encroach on and spoil the symmetry of the new (Gupta, 1998). This move was similar to the one undertaken during the construction of CivilLines in mid-19th century. Other large urban precincts of Jama Masjid, Safdarjung Tomb, Purana Quila and Humayun’s Tomb, were only incorporated as visual points outside the physical boundaries of the city (Gupta, 2000).

Modern town planning and design thus evolved from this point and did not emerge from a pre-existing ideology as it did in the West (Menon, 1997). This is evident in the town planning laws which were enacted by the colonial government and retained after independence. Thus, it can be argued that built-up areas/older parts were not dealt with because these laws only applied to open sub-urban lands. Dealing with the older complex areas soon became an exception to the norm. 3. POST-INDEPENDENT CITY: CONTEXT AND IDEOLOGY Independence carried with it the weight of the colonial legacy and the pressure of the dreams for the future and these were imprinted in a haphazard manner on the city plan. Its spatial organization is not only marked by different historic periods but also by the urban planning of post-independence period and internal factors. Delhi can be called the ‘guinea pig’ of the new ideas of town planning in India. It was here that the first master plan was elaborated and implemented in 1962 (Jain, 1990). The factors and related paradigms that shaped the planning exercise in the Ninth Delhi are: State and Modernism Independent Indian state in its pursuit for newer paradigms of development sought two powerful concepts; (a) ‘unfettered by the tradition (6) the famous words of first Prime Minister; (b) fusion of western democracy and socialism to create democratic socialism (Kalia, 2004). The most important movement of the period which offered escape from tradition was ‘Modernism’. With its social and technological imperatives, and freedom from encumbrances of imperialism, it appeared acceptable for adaptation to an invented identity and one that would facilitate a reconciliation of both modern technology and indigenous methods. In this era of nation building, urban planning was pursued as a tool for modernization and social change, as reflected in building of new capital cities and industrial cities in early 1950s. At this juncture, ‘urban planning in India folded into the broader technocratic landscape of the 1950s where planning in general appeared as the mix of technology, information and secular magic to propel modernization’ (Sundaram, 2010). The most appropriate idea which appealed the state was the fusion of garden city and its neighbourhood block. With its promise of a ‘modern’ image, it was seen as the best planning-architectural model for the Indian state (7) reflecting a way of community life on a higher scale without breaking up India’s old foundation. Since, 1950s, large scale housing was implemented for accommodating government employees and Dupont(2004) highlights ‘the segregation along the socio-economic lines

as well as a legacy of a reproduction of the residential pattern established by British colonial administration in their planning of New Delhi’ in these new housing estates. Thus, cities conceived in 1950s represented this multiplication of residential neighbourhood unit or super-block, rather than a single dominant formal concept (as evident in Lutyen’s Delhi). Besides Delhi, new cities and towns like Chandigarh with such units set in green leisure valley inspired master plans of future generations also came up.

dian city. Numerous later architects and planners have referred to this era of professionals as ‘Western Intelligentsia’ (Menon, 1997), a group who through their western education learnt the solution before they returned to understand the problem. Thus, it can be argued here that this group on one hand aligned themselves with the dominant views of state policy and on the other, absorbed bold proposals made by Ford Foundation (the agency instrumental in preparing the first master plan of Delhi) and its several foreign experts.

Aura of Delhi

4. NINTH DELHI: A CITY PARTITIONED

Menon(2000) has argued that what ‘all the past cities of Delhi shared in common was the aura of being a capital city and for centuries this characteristic persisted with each succeeding dynasty contributing to this aura through public works’. After independence two important thoughts which tried to sustain this aura are ‘landscaped order’ and monumentality. Thus, the slogan of ‘Green Delhi’ on one hand and large city building projects like R.K.Puram, Rohini, Dwarka sub-city on the other are highlights of Delhi’s urban aesthetics. Both the concepts are also linked to the notion of beauty and order, modelled firstly on Lutyen’s Delhi and secondly on understanding of the ‘city beautiful movement’. This was a powerful aspiration of post independent Delhi, impacting the master plan (Menon, 1997). Delhi at this point in history was also seen as a site ‘from where national reconstruction and planning could be designed, and, thus technocratic modernism for the city, to be produced and managed by experts and scientists’ (Sundaram, 2010) was taken as a necessary task. Post-War British Experience The third factor affecting the master plan was post-war town planning in Britain and Europe, wherein concepts of zoning were employed for escaping the conditions created by industrial revolution. In the Indian context, this had no contemporary validity, but instead of recognizing its merits and disadvantages, a totally new concept of single-use zone planning was introduced (Menon, 1997 Sabhiki 1990). Thus, planning was seen as ‘disciplinary act of creating and controlling subjects and spaces through both enumeration of population and partitioning work and residence, industry and commerce, education, administration and recreation’ (Baviskar, 2003). Western Intelligentsia This context speaks of the lack of local knowledge in trained architects, planners and designers (8) in early 1950s which led to reinforcement of the ‘modernization’ ideology of the state in every aspect. Besides economic and social aspects, it also impacted the architecture of the In-

Without discussing the minute details of the master planning process, this section highlights impact of above mentioned factors in generating spatial discontinuities. This is done by classifying the fragmented image of contemporary under four types. For each, the levels of discontinuity and mechanisms of barricading are examined and their problems and potentials viewed. City of Hierarchy A poly-nodal structure was the most potent concept prescribed in plan. A series of hierarchy of land-uses were envisaged dividing the city into planning units and zones. (Dutt, 1983, Jain, 1990, DDA, 2006, Sundaram, 2010). District centres (Nehru Place, Rajender Place etc.) were conceived as mega projects for office-shopping uses with this hierarchy flowing down to lower levels as community centres and local shopping centres. The main idea behind the first plan was also to work with a scheme of decentralization with cellular neighbourhoods, zoning, district centres, factory areas-all regulated by law (Sundaram, 2010) and disciplinary aspects of creating and controlling subjects and spaces shaped the process of boundary making (Baviskar, 2003).Thus, the building of the city, planners tried incorporating seeds of new social life in Indian context, largely based on ‘town centre’ concept of European and North American cities, and at the same time conceived monumental projects for state action. If one looks at the structure of these centres, the functions of these were not spread across spatially but consolidated in one place, thus giving rise to localized nodes of intensity, rendered disjointed from rest of the area by their formidable architecture in some cases or by being part of gated neighbourhoods in others. The form of the larger centres due to clubbing of commercial/office functions resulted in separate office buildings or inward looking structures organized around central plazas with inactive edges characterized by parking lots or landscaped/ cemented plazas. Even the green cover of the city followed this hierarchy- District Park, Community Park, Neighbourhood Park and tot-lots, without using exist-

ing natural precincts and drainage lines. One can argue that green cover was more of an exercise to enhance image of city, which it did by green belt of 1.6km depth, one fourth of urban areas under parks and open spaces for recreational purposes, ‘but a closer look will suggest who has got the benefit of these spaces’( Jain, 1989). City of Homogenous Uses The functional division of Delhi was accentuated through Master plan by Zoning- segregation of land-uses into enclaves of physical uniformity – along with detailed sub-divisional regulations with an intention of providing an appropriate built environment (DDA, 2006). Thus, zoning was institutionalized in the first master plan to highlight the order and beauty of space by planning sanitized urban environments. Zoning was thus seen with the merit of assembling the city under one larger conceptual unit, a 19th century modernist planners and highly centralized model of urban planning incorporating in the ideation of the modern Delhi (Sundaram, 2010). It can be argued that this plan echoed images of an industrial town, where social life of a relatively small group of people is restricted to work, shopping centres, clubs, sports centres, neighbourhood parks etc. The diversity and vitality of the existing city environment was overlooked and thus linkages (visual, physical or functional) between these homogenous uses were not conceived (which could have led to their dynamic evolution). City of Isolated Structures, Monuments and Precincts The first master plan like its predecessor-New Delhi Plan resulted in further isolating existing precincts, settlements and structures from newer developments. The villages enclosed by these major developments in the city were named ‘Urban Villages’ in early 60s. These were the existing settlements (9) falling in area to be urbanized by the plan. Under these, agricultural land and settlement area periphery was defined for villages in a similar fashion as done in Lutyen’s Delhi -Shahjananabad interface: open, neglected and susceptible to encroachment. Shahjananabad and its old suburb Sadar, were declared as slums (Sundaram, 2010, Jain, 1990) showing the negligence on part of the planning community and bringing us back to the argument that for modern planning these settlements were outside the then prevalent agenda (as highlighted earlier). Natural and historical man-made heritage structures were treated in the similar fashion; neglected, ignored or threatened by new development with the exception of a few nationally significant ones falling under the direct control of Archaeological Survey of India. Innumerable historic structures dot the urban landscape of Delhi, inside residential colonies, on traffic junctions, along highways, inside planned greens and elsewhere which were never integrated into the new urban structure of the Delhi. According to one estimate about 1200 such

structures exist in Delhi, and only 151 are protected, others left for use, abuse, and misuse (INTACH, 1999). City of Enclaves The spatial discontinuity is most evident in the residential areas of the city. As referred above, existing settlements pre-date the Ninth Delhi. With independence, many refugee rehabilitation colonies were constructed during the late 1940s and early 50s. (Dupont, 2004). Since early 1950s, government also built residential areas (locally called colonies, vihars, or nagars) for its employees, a very significant population of Delhi, in the southern part of the city. Apart from the social segregation (Dupont, 2004), these new government estates, built on virgin land, fit poorly with adjacent surroundings. For instance, R.K.Puram and Pushp Vihar are adjacent to Munirka or Chirag Delhi respectively (the latter two are urban villages) with marked discontinuity both in urban fabric and building regulations. Residential urban expansion under master plan further reinforced this trend of segregation with the development of ‘neighbourhoods- a concept based on numerical population figures and not corresponding to social conception’ (Jain, 1989). New ‘colonies’ were thus planned, as introvert single use residential estates and a thumb rule of 15,000 population was conceived as ideal for such neighbourhoods (DDA, 2006). Most of the government constructed housing estates, self-financed schemes and plotted housings have followed similar pattern of development. However, in actual practice not only is their cultural component questionable, even the numerical balance is not discernable and these estates/colonies sit in isolation to each other without any interactive edges (apart from green belts/strips). With time, their isolation has been further reinforced by physical struc tures like barricades, gates, guards etc. thus becoming Indian examples of gated communities. Another set of isolated residential outcrops also need mention here- unauthorized and informal housing or squatter settlements resulting from the failure or inadequacy of public housing policies and provision (10). Though, the largest squatter clusters are in suburban areas, similar units are scattered across the capital, primarily at the interstices of urban fabric wherever vacant land is available in the form of green strips, unprotected monuments, outside urban villages or along drainage lines (11). 5. CONCLUSION The aim of the paper is not to undermine the validity of urban planning in the Indian context (esp. Delhi) but to emhasize the importance of a multidisciplinary approach (12). In the pursuit of building Ninth Delhi, the

tools of planning have resulted in spatial segregation of the urban fabric and activities. As early as, in 1970s, under the review of master plan, it was noted that ‘spatial segregation of the city was moving rapidly with affluent district in the south and poorer districts in the east’ (Sundaram, 2010). Dupont (2004), also points to the north-south opposition of the city in present times as an extension of the idea instituted by British in the planning of New Delhi. The idea of assigning mono function to each planning unit has proved to be totally inappropriate to the existing urban structure, resulting in disruption of links between people and their activities by mechanical separation of land-uses implied in zoning superimposed on the historical layers of the city. Somewhere we have missed opportunities to build an (a) inclusive city, which was need of the hour after sub-continent’s partition with influx of new communities into the city; (b) a legible city, through design of interesting dialogue between the historical and the modern; (c) a social city, with adequate and vibrant public and open spaces for its citizens. The efforts of subsequent master plans are commendable in identifying the past mistakes and addressing them through planning tools, like inclusion of informal sector, mixed land use, regularization of squatter settlements, declaring Old Delhi as special area for urban renewal etc (DDA, 2007). The two current policies of Transit-oriented Development and Land pooling are yet to see implementation on ground but are well-intentioned in terms of mitigating the spatial discontinuities. New committees and advisory bodies find mention in the current master plan reflecting the sensitivity towards spatial issues through inter-disciplinary approach but it is still quite nominal in its impact. What Delhi requires today is intervention at different scales and locales for producing ‘places’ not development; perforating the partitions to make interactive seams, not only among spatial units but among professions also. Urban design practice, which has so far been excluded from the planning of Delhi (13), can draw the various strands together. With its qualitative approach, it can transcend scales from neighbourhood layouts to historic precincts to green belts to urban districts to transportation corridors - unblocking the blockages of blocks. Urban Design has the capacity to enrich banal and monotonous developments by deploying contextual analysis and place-making principles and imparting legibility to areas. In this context, some of the studies undertaken by Delhi Urban Arts Commission in past 2-3 years are important, as they provide a possible framework to understand the local issues, not covered by the master planning framework. Local Area Plans (LAPs) as proposed by Master Plan-2021 are also worth mentioning here as they are also look at alternative mechanism to reflect and act upon the spatial inequality and discontinuity at micro (and human) level. With Delhi, all is not over as yet. The paper concludes by suggesting five major areas of action for urban design and other disciplines to join

hands with planning – only then will Delhi ever be able to make it to the annals of ‘global cities’: 1. The return of the public realm: with globalization bringing about changes in spending patterns and lifestyles of urban dwellers, ‘places’ for people are in demand. 2. Response of public to planning: with people finding solutions by developing mixed-use patterns in single-use areas, lessons for future can be taken. 3. The diffusion of capital boundaries: Delhi apparently spreads into the entire NCR (National Capital Region) and virgin land awaiting development at the peripheries offers new opportunities for revising previous errors. 4. At par with the rest: Infill development with appropriated densities has been acknowledged by most mega-cities (London, New York etc.) as appropriate strategy for regeneration and sustainability. Delhi, it is assumed, will soon follow – this is another area of multidisciplinary action 5. Squatters or citizens: the inclusion of the huge population of slum dwellers is a gradual process needing such multifaceted thrusts that substantiate and link isolated slum rehabilitation programmes. Delhi is a rich city: rich in culture, history, diversity, education, administration etc. The approaches of planning for its citizens should therefore not be impoverished for ideas.

NOTES: 1. Characterized by huge residential colonies – spreading phase after phase; urban villages; old colonies gated and secured from the rest of the city and the likes. 2. Historians have phased the development of Delhi into 7 cities based on various dynasties/ kingdoms, starting from Anang Pal II ‘ Lal Kot’, Qila-Rai- Pithora, Dinapanah, Janhanapanh, Tuglaqabad, Kotla Firozshah and Shahjahanabad.(Spear, 1994). Colonial Influence on Delhi is taken as Eight Delhi and post-independence city is referred here as Ninth Delhi, which also finds reference in literature, Singh, P eds.(1989) or Cullen.G- The Ninth Delhi(1961) 3. New Delhi is often referred as Lutyen’s Delhi, after the name of its chief planner Sir Edwin Lutyen 4. Referred as Shahjahanabad – named after Mughal Emperor Shahjahan 5. On the northern fringe of the new city 6. Spoken in 1952, on the occasion of inception of Chandigarh. 7. Kalia(2004), words of Albert Meyer, first architect of Chandigarh. 8. Most of them being trained in foreign universities. 9. Close to 100 villages were incorporated in first master plan of the city.(Jain, 1990) 10. Only 23% population of Delhi lives in planned housing areas, rest in unauthorized colonies, slum designated areas, urban villages etc. (CPR, 2015) 11. Yamuna banks, rivulets and nalahs of the city 12. This has for long been practiced in all world class cities and their raised liveability standards establish the importance of such an approach 13. Except in building at monumental scale

REFERENCES: Baviskar, A (2003), Between Violence and Desire: Space, Power, and identity in making of Metropolitan Delhi, in International Social Science Journal, Volume 55, pp 89-98 CPR (2015), Exclusion, Informality, and Predation in the Cities of Delhi: An Overview of the Cities of Delhi Project, Working Paper, citiesofdelhi.cprindia.org (accessed on 10th August 2016) Datta, A (1983), City Profile- Delhi, in Cities, August 1983, pp. 3-9 DDA(2006), Master Plan – 1962 , www.ddadelhi.com/planning/mdp-1962, (accessed on 21st April, 2006) Dupont ,V(2004), Socio-Spatial differentiation and residential segregation in Delhi: a question of Scale, in Geoforum, Vol.35, pp. 157-175 INTACH (1999), Delhi, the built heritage: a listing , INTACH, Delhi Chapter, New Delhi. Jain, A.K. (1989), in Singh, P and Dhamija, R(eds.) Delhi-The Deepening Urban Crisis, Sterling Publishers, Delhi Jain, A.K. (1990), The making of a Metropolis: Planning and Growth of Delhi, National Book Organization, New Delhi Kalia R(2004), Modernism, Modernization and post-colonial India: a reflective essay , in Planning Perspectives, 21, pp. 133-156 King, A D, (1976), Colonial Urban Development: Culture, Social Power and Environment, London and Boston: Routledge and Paul Legg, S (2008), Spaces of Colonialism: Delhi’s Urban Governmentalities, Malden MA: Blackwell Publishing Gupta, N (1998), Delhi between Two Empires: Society, Government and Urban Growth, Oxford University Press, Delhi (first published in 1981) Gupta, N (2000), Concern, Indifference, Controversy: Reflection on Fifty Years of Conservation in Delh”, in Dupont, V, Tarlo E and Vidal D(eds.), Delhi: Urban Space and Human Destinies, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi Menon A G K (1997), Imaging the Indian City, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXXII, no. 46, pp. 2932-6, Mumbai Menon A G K (2000), The Contemporary Architecture of Delhi, in Dupont, V, Tarlo E and Vidal D(eds.), Delhi: Urban Space and Human Destinies, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi Menon A G K (2003), On the making of the Master Plan 2021, Architecture+Design, Sept-Oct, pp. 68-72, Marg Publication, Delhi Sabhikhi, R (1990), The Urban Explosion and Urban Design, Architecture+Design, Sept-Oct, pp. 29-39,Marg Publication, Delhi Spear, T. G. P,(1994), Delhi, its monuments and history, Oxford University Press, New Delhi Sundaram, R (2010), Pirate Modernity: Delhi’s Media Urbanism, Oxford, New York: Routledge

socıo-polıtıcal ımagınıngs of the kolkota maıdan Shreyasi Pal

BMS School of Architecture, Bangalore, INDIA shreyasi.bmssa@gmail.com

Figure 1. Kolkata maidan as a popular public open space appropriated by people from all walks of life (Source: Rangan Datta under CC 4.0)

1. TRANSFORMATION OF THE KOLKATA MAIDAN To the ordinary citizen of Kolkata the maidan also goes by the name gorher maath, what roughly translates as the fort grounds. Fort William was erected as a British defense stronghold about two centuries ago and now stations the Eastern Zone High Command of the Indian Army. The maidan today is a welcome expanse of green in a bursting megalopolis with a profusion of activities like fairs, sports and recreational clubs, landscaped gardens and dotted with various commemorative statues, minars, the Eden Gardens Cricket stadium and even the grandiose Victoria Memorial Hall. Much akin to the ideas generally associated with the word maidan today, which brings to mind Kiev Maidan square or Cairo’s Maidan Al-Tahir, the Calcutta maidan has been and still is a common site for political gatherings, protests and demonstrations. Though originally an Eastern spatial typology, the colonial rulers applied the spatial device of a maidan as a segregating open space to propagate their sovereignty in foreign soil. Historiography of urban public space in India indicates complex overriding of the concepts of private, civic and public in the indigenous subconscious. In the years leading up to the struggle for independence, the Enlightened middleclass, first through a spiritual domain and then as a political activity, constructed the idea of Indian nationalism amidst the heterogeneous colonial subjects of the subcontinent. The colonial introduction of a (spatially signified) public domain became instrumental to that process as the prerequisite for large-scale political gathering was a urban public place like the Calcutta maidan.

The presence of the iconic Maidan in the lives and imaginations of ordinary citizens brings forth the question of how has the city- the citizens and the State- re-imagined and appropriated the Maidan over the years as its socio-political role evolved. In parallel situations of other British colonies e.g. the padang in Singapore, we see considerable redefinition through architectural re-articulation which consciously undermine the erstwhile colonial hegemonic spatial expression. The paper would trace the tendencies to which the Calcutta has limited herself in re-imagining this heterogeneous space as a socio-political arena. 2. THE ARCHITECTURAL DELINEATION OF THE MAIDAN LIMITS The maidan as a former centre-piece of British spatial expression of authority is appropriated by diverse uses but the edges can be read as a built record of the city’s tryst with colonial rule for two hundred years. Evolving from a strictly Palladian palette to a more accommodating Imperial Indo-Saracenic, the continuity of colonial vocabulary is only rarely broken by modern buildings.

Figure 3. Chowringhee (formerly Esplanade), public domain

The southern limits are marked by the extensive site of the marble-clad Victoria Memorial- the indo-saracenic British answer to the Mughal Taj Mahal, connected axially to the east with the neo-Gothic St. John’s cathedral.. On the east running from Esplanade in the North to the cultural complex zone in the South is the Chowringhee promenade with arcades, Art-Deco cinema houses, museums, hotels, commercial and cultural centres. To the north are the Raj Bhavan (former Viceroy’s house) and BBD Bagh (formerly Dalhousie Square) with the Mohakoron or seat of Government (formerly Writers’ building, St John’s church, St. Andrew’s church- as vestiges of the European town. The western edge is marked by commercial houses along Strand road. Also to the north is the famous Eden Garden stadium- where the British game of cricket was first introduced in the subcontinent, only to be popularly consumed in epic ways later. 3. THE ALIEN IDEA OF A CIVIC OPEN SPACE Figure 2. Map of Old Calcutta by Simon Winchester (Morris 2005)

The few concrete high-rises that break the monotony could be credited to the modernist zeal of early decades of independence e.g. the Chatterjee International Center (24 floors) built in 1976. Slowly catching up with neo-liberalist tendencies the maidan is now a part of a grand Kolkata riverfront urban design scheme which aims to ‘recreate London’. One of the newer additions to the maidan skyline is the 42, located between the Tata Centre and the Jeevan Sudha buildings in Chowringhee, still under construction.

The introduction of the Western notions of public civic space in India as part of colonial-rule induced modernization process must be discussed with the idea of modernity as a heterogeneous negotiated experience, moving away from a Euro-American centric narrative. To deliberate on the concept of the public, I refer to Sudipto Kaviraj’s article dealing with spatial concepts in Calcutta. The standardized and orderly colonial city posed a conceptual anti-thesis to the countryside and even the pre-colonial Indian cities. Kaviraj has located the origins of the Western concept of public space in the eighteenth century in a capitalist-democratic context to mean commons with associations like universal access and openness (Kaviraj, 1997). William J Glover talks about the idea of public space as a municipally owned urban land as well as a domain of political engagement (Glover, 2007). Legal coding of public and private properties was the outcome of sustained urbanization in Europe, supervised by municipal institutions, which also in turn regulated public life, codifying and protecting variable

rights, thus engendering eventually a contested domain. The same was applied to the European colonies in due course and thus gained worldwide prevalence. The idea of rights in the Indian context was a complex socio-cultural phenomenon based more on one’s social position, caste and birth than the homogenous and identity-less ideas of universal right. However socially-agreed concepts of commons and even of common responsibilities existed but, to quote Kaviraj, did not share characteristics like a recognizable source, proper authorization, impersonality, legality, state sanction,…, nor did it carry the no less crucial negative feature of being distinguished from private (Kaviraj, 1997). The idea of universality is particularly crucial in its absence as access and rights were encoded in strictly discriminatory social norms. Through constant surveillance or intervention, the colonial administration had, through a system of sign-s and signifiers, constructed both a physical and conceptual realm where, as Kaviraj puts it, distinctly ‘Weberian intelligence acting through the agencies of the State, kept the rules, governed conduct and imposed restrictions, without which the minimal precarious order of modern life threatened to dissolve into chaos’ (Kaviraj, 1997). Elaborating on this distinction here is important as conceptually, the colonial city, and particularly the maidan as a spatial boundary, held a disciplinary role in the minds of the indigenes. This restricted-access open space was then a site of reinforcement of the conceptual distinction between the two ends of the power relation. The maidan space was heterotopic - a tool for the power structures to exert authority.

Figure 4. The maidan crisscrossed by wide avenues with Shahid Minar (formerly Ochterlony Monument) in the background (Source: Morris 2005)

The Device of Representation Pre-colonial urban commons or spaces were not necessarily distinct physically, though possibly resembling in parts the chaos of medieval European cities. But the codification of legality and rights in the colonial civic spaces put into sharp focus the comparative informality of the native urban space counterparts- deemed, as Glover says, indicative of a faulty society ‘lacking in civic spirit’ (Glover, 2007). This deliberate attempt to not draw parallels between Indian and European spaces has been discussed by Swati Chattopadhyay as the colonial uncanny. She says that the representations of Calcutta at this juncture bears traces of anxiety generated by slippage between desire and experience, the Freudian repression of likeness, familiarity that may not be acknowledged, that marked the passage from picturesque paintings to health maps (Chattopadhyay, 2005). The Western (Hegelian) conviction that the Indian worldview was enamoured with myths and imaginations as compared to a Western objective viewpoint, Chattopadhay says, prompted a specific way of depiction of colonial landscapes. The Company and privately commissioned paintings and later photographs often reinforced the (orientalist) idea of the other. The maidan with the neo-classical facades, even as incorrect imitations, was an image constructed as a contrast- a civilizing presence- amidst the ‘pathological native world of disease, wilderness and darkness’ (Chattopadhyay, 2005). Or to ‘innocent curious European eyes’ it was comfortable disciplined familiarity putting in contrast the novelty and chaos of India. For the European visitors the first glimpse of this world was the wild uncivilized Sagar Island in the Gangetic delta which gave way for the reassuring view of the Calcutta port and Western architecture lining the maidan along the Hooghly. The native squalors, not picturesque as an aesthetic category, were kept well hidden from the European experience as well as representational documentation. The maidan lined with the fine buildings was the extent of the European imagination. To paraphrase Chattopadhyay here, to early European visitors, the white town was the maidan surroundings while the black town was ‘seemingly situated somewhere beyond’, though socio-economic interdependencies prevented actual insularities.

Figure 5. Hand-coloured lithograph of Esplanade Row from maidan by William Wood in 1829 (Source: under public domain from hindoostanrevisited.com)

4. THE RISE OF NATIONALISM AND THE IDEA OF PUBLIC SPHERE The idea of a modern public sphere losing a politically critical agency to that of passive consumption is contested by Appadurai. Complex power and knowledge relationships in the postcolonial site of India, he asserts, generates a (petty) bourgeoisie public sphere still genders public discussions as consumers are not ‘merely objects and recipients but actors and agents’ (Appadurai and Breckenridge, 1995). This examination of public tendencies of appropriation of a colonial space is based on the hypothesis that, in the Indian postcolonial condition particularly, ‘cultural improvisations of subaltern groups can involve resistance, co-optation and critique of commodified master forms.’ In the paragraphs that follow the attempt would be to trace how a colonial spatial bequest- a symbol of Western capitalist Imperialist presence- is imagined and appropriated in popular public culture and in the process look for the experience of (postcolonial) modernity as an ‘involvement of complex forms of subjectivity, agency, pleasure and embodied experience.’ (Appadurai and Breckenridge, 1995) The British introduction of Western ethos when internalised by the modernist literate Indian elites eventually generated an ambiguous modern public sphere in Indian minds. The notion that the state of colonial subjugation could be contested by rational argument or by political dissent necessitated the construction of the idea of the homogenous public. In his remarkable essay ‘Is There an Indian Way of Thinking?’ Ramanujan (1999) elaborates on the Indian openness to a multiplicity of possible ways of approaching a problem. The Indian way has been throughout history that of slow assimilation. The conceptual conflicts between the two ways urban spaces were conceived- the Western notion of universal access, behaviour-controlled, legally public space and the Indian notion of space being sacred or profane, with the rights to commons being socially-encoded, led to a unique negotiated modernity, as experienced by the Western educated Bengali elite. The peculiar configuration produced a discourse when the conceptual mapping of the indigenous inside/ outside was superimposed with the Western coding of public/private. The outside, tamed by civil order, Kaviraj claims, was however the perceived site of modernization- indicative of a world of freedom from orthodox restrictions.

Figure 6. A still from Aparajito (Source: www.latimes.com)

The scene in Aparajito (The Unvanquished)- the second part of Satyajit Ray’s Apu Trilogy- where a young Apu, away from his family in the countryside, is struggling to find his footing in the big city of Calcutta as a young student slowly develops an emotional distance with his mother and gets his first tastes of freedom- a respite from all the struggles of his humble rural origins. In the scene he is lying with his classmate on the Hooghly banks along the maidan and daydreams. As a sign of freedom, the maidan area appears in Ray’s another movie Parash Pathar, where the protagonist, who has found sudden wealth, escapes from his humble dingy abode and takes a ride in his new car through the wide avenues cutting across the green expanse of the maidan- symbolically conveying his new-found access to the recreational grounds for the relatively privileged.

Figure 7. Newspaper photograph of a predominantly Muslim crowd assembled at the foot of the Ochterlony Monument (now Shahid Minar) in Kolkata, to attend a Muslim League meeting on the Direct Action Day- 16 August 1946 (public domain)

European plazas were essentially large gathering spaces which also served as a site for the political display of State power in front of large crowds who gathered as recipients of the spectacle (Kaviraj 1997). The Mughal durbar spaces operated along similar lines of display of authority. The rise of nationalism engendered a requirement of political gatherings. The protopolitical public, then recently having gained a homogenous identity as the subjugated (as against their erstwhile heterogeneous community identity) constructed a public sphere to facilitate political dissent. The physical spatial need for this new entity was provided for in the colonial civic domain. The initial meetings held in public buildings like libraries, town halls or temples slowly escalated to large gatherings in open public spaces- the maidan being a foremost site of political demonstrations. These acts signified a ‘daring inversion of spatial symbolism’ (Kaviraj 1997). Kaviraj writes that ‘the space around the

Ochterlony monument, meant to be a great symbol of colonial remembrance and authority, was turned into a privileged site of popular public meetings by nationalist parties. The maidan even today would be the culminating destination of all political processions- the spectacle through which the public claim rights over civic spaces. This trend continues as the neo-liberal condition has produced what is called the political society (Chatterjee 2005) which gains access to resources using political leverage in the democratic system. The activity pattern and the appropriation of the maidan is distinctly petty bourgeoisie- the early morning strollers, the midday crowd of office-goers, the patrons of the fairs, the numerous sports clubs and recreational clubs- all indicate a middle-class appropriation- in keeping with the post-independence trends of bourgeoisie control of civic decisions. However on the days of political demonstrations the space is occupied and belongs to the under-privileged even today ‘to mark some episode of defiance’ as a ‘spectacle of inversion’ (Kaviraj 1997).

5. AESTHETICS AND SOCIO-POLITICAL ASPIRATIONS Girish Chandra Ghosh, in 1863, writes about the colonial city as having ‘streets smooth as bowling-greens, wide, dustless and dry, where even the lampposts seem to be weekly varnished.’ (Morris 2005) The middle-class, Western educated and Enlightened, nurtured a deep appreciation for the ideals of Western civilization- and particularly those of human rights, equality and democracy may have been instrumental in the construction of the Indian nationalist consciousness. Being in close contact with the colonial rulers they formed the bridge between the rulers and the ruled. The richer indigenes did in fact in most cases opt for a re-hashed neo-classical palette for their palatial mansions. From zamindar mansions to relatively modest houses in the older native town show pronounced inclination for a neo-classical façade, though the internal layouts would not necessarily be as faithful. When the colonial mercantile interests evolved into Imperialist tendencies, the elite middle-class contributed to the municipal decisions as representatives of native subjects of the Crown. The colonial part of the city was a repertoire of neo-classical, neo-Gothic, Art Deco and later Indo-Saracenic styles. In the European worldview the disciplined urban environment ‘held out the promise of reshaping the very core of society’ while the neoclassical palette stood for the core principles of Western civilization. The predominance of (petty) bourgeois opinions in municipal decisions has eventually shaped our cities, as opined by Partha Chatterjee in his article ‘Are our cities becoming bourgeois at last?’. Even after independence the civil servants were primarily the Western educated middle-class. Aesthetics, as Rancière puts it, is a redistribution of the sensible (Rancière 2004) and here we could be curious if it was conviction with or nostalgia for Western values that made the intelligentia celebrate the trope of Western vocabulary in the maidan area. Resistance in the post-colonial condition took the form of rapid renaming of all the familiar colonial spaces. Most of the colonial roads and spaces underwent a conscious change of name in favor of national leaders of the independence struggle, fueled by nationalist zeal in the years that followed independence. However even seventy years after independence in the public memory the spaces around maidan continue to be identified by both sets of names.

Figure 8. Maidan (Brigade Parade Ground) as a site for political gatherings (Source: www.leftgovtwb.blogspot.in)

With the underprivileged masses emerging as a political class a demand continues to be made on the State for allocation of resources. Registering insubordination by the underprivileged through occupying a contested public space, is according to Kaviraj, an act of token resistance against a condition of inequality. The neoliberal State throughout the world, to lure in capita, has to promote a (Western) image of efficiency. The initiatives to clean-up of the image of Kolkata could be read as similar attempts.

Recreating London

REFERENCES: Appadurai, A (1996), Modernity At Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Public Worlds, Vol. 1), University of Minnesota Press. Appadurai, A and Breckenridge, CA (1995), ‘Public Modernity in India’, in Consuming Modernity: Public Culture in a South Asian World, U of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis. Chakrabarty, D (2000), Provincializing Europe: Post colonial thought and historical difference, Princeton University Press, Princeton. Chatterjee, P (2005), Politics of the Governed, The: Reflections on Popular Politics in Most of the World, Orient BlackSwan Pvt. Ltd. Chattopadhyay, S (2005), Representing Calcutta: Modernity, Nationalism, and the Colonial Uncanny, Psychology Press.

Figure 9. (left) The paved promenade of Millenium park- a part of the ongoing Hooghly Riverfront project; (right) Thames riverfront with the London Eye. [by Amartyabag (left) under CC BY 3.0 and Kalaha (right) underCreative CommonsAttribution-Share Alike 1.0 Generic]

Kaviraj, S (1997), ‘Filth and the Public Sphere: Concepts and Practices about Space in Calcutta’, Public Culture, pp. 83-113.

The State promotes today the notion of recreating London in contemporary Kolkata. The scheme incorporates introduction of prominent visual signs including recreation of the London Eye on Hooghly riverbanks and other features of the Thames riverfront development.

Ramanujan, AK (1999), ‘Is there an Indian Way of Thinking? An Informal Essay’, in V Dharwadker (ed.), The Collected Essays of A. K. Ramanujan, Oxford University Press, New Delhi.

Morris, J (2005), Stones of Empire, Oxford University Press, New York. Pal, S (2016), ‘Politics of Urbanscape: Transfiguring the Image of Kolkata’, International Conference on Emerging Trends in Engineering, Science and Technology (ICETEST - 2015), Elsevier.

Rancière, J (2004), The Politics of Aesthetics, Continuum International Publishing, London.

The idea of public space universally is a contested domain with multiple claims to scare resources. The poor appropriate every vestige of public land ranging from roads, footpaths to vacant lots as a desperate measure for living and livelihood- read here as a resistance and political negotiation. Kaviraj claims that the notion that Calcutta could turn into London is an ‘increasingly untenable narrative’ as the ground conditions are of a negotiated experience. Realization of a Euro-centric aesthetic in an urban scale presupposes wide-spread awareness and acceptance of Western concepts of civic, public and private realms. In our context even if we consider aspirational aesthetics, the tendency is to generate juxtapositions and hybrid aesthetics (Pal, 2016). The iconic maidan, with the current timid steps of introducing new high-rises, along with the pre-existing modernist concrete buildings, European revivalist architecture etc is a repository of images of the city’s eventful past and hybrid present – the ‘heterogenous temporalities’ that signify our condition of modernity. Dipesh Chakroborty describes our present epistemology as ‘everywhere at every historical moment from the past up to now’ (Chakrabarty, 2000). As designers of built environment we could be speculative and optimistic about this condition where the challenge would be to respond to and create architectural aesthetics true to all our simultaneous notions, allegiances and aspirations.

Collective Form and Space: A Comparative Case of Bahçelievler and German Siedlungen Onur Tümtürk

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, TURKEY onurtumturk@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION: SIEDLUNGEN AS GERMAN COLLECTIVE REPRODUCTION OF URBAN SPACE At the beginning of the 20th century, Industrial Revolution and its externalities related with urban space has led to the need of collectively organized and healthy living environments in cities. Especially for the case of German cities having highly industrialized and immensely dense urban environments, it was crucial for Modernism discourse to reject the Mietkasernen (over-dense rental housing in Germany) and head towards the Siedlungen which were taking their roots from the Howard’s Garden City Movement. Re-conceptualization of the theory in German context has led to the fulfilling of two basic objectives that had been vital for German cities: to re-establish the residents’ relationship with nature and to respond to the urgent need of affordable housing by establishing cooperatives. The most important motivation behind the Siedlung was not only about the quantitative supply of housing but also creating a consciousness and spirit of collective production of urban space and living in that sense. Siedlung-type of collective housing projects ensured not only a collective formation, sharing and experience pattern in urban space for the community but also offers a collective form and structure in morphological and typological terms. Therefore, an intermingled design approach - which includes both the idea of establishing a collective life pattern and a collective form of urban space – constitutes the main essence behind the Siedlungen. As one of the most important representatives of Modern discourse and Siedlung Movement in Germany, architect Herman Jansen have contributed a lot to the theory of Siedlungen. With his original approach to urban space as a collective form and structure which should be designed holistically, Herman Jansen re-conceptualized and re-produced the concept of Siedlung in Ankara-Bahçelievler and helped to translate this collective spatial formation from one culture to the other one. Bahçelievler Collective Housing Project is the first example of collective housing idea of early modern republican era and it suggests a historical importance.

When it was firstly designed and produced, Bahçelievler was a self-sustained, internally coherent and an exemplary housing project with its collective form and structure in urban space and community life meaning. However, in the last eighty years, unforeseeable and immense increase in population of Ankara has led to the changes in perspectives for both the whole city and also Bahçelievler district. Bahçelievler has experienced harsh and critical transformation processes and started to be degraded in terms of its collective form and holism. Within this context, the story of Bahçelievler will be analyzed and re-conceptualized within the framework of collective form and collective life pattern of Siedlungen. The contextual, conceptual and ideological differences and similarities between Siedlungen and Bahçelievler will be discussed to decipher how this collectively produced urban space had been discarded and how its collective and holistic image had been degraded within two different ruptures. As the main concern of the paper, the questions of has first rupture in design and translation process led to the second one through the continuous degradation of Bahçelievler’s collectivity; and could Bahçelievler resist more to the time and transformed urban space with the more collective and holistic design principles derived from the Siedlungen will be answered. 2. TRANSLATION OF GERMAN SIEDLUNGEN INTO EARLY REPUBLIC’S MODERN URBANISM: BAHÇELİEVLER COLLECTIVE HOUSING PROJECT Akcan (2012) states that “city planning and architecture were among the first fields to show the effects of the reinstated alliance between Germany and Turkey”. After declaration of Ankara as the new capital of Turkey, “starting from scratch” ideology in the fields of city planning and architecture was mostly triggered with the contribution of German-speaking planners and architects. Most of the decisions related with new modern life were taken during the first years of interaction between Germany and Turkey in terms of the production of urban space

(Bozdoğan, 2001). Akcan conceptualizes this interaction as a translation process. The theories and practical solutions related with urban space in Germany highly affected the planning and design of Turkish cities. Particularly, Herman Jansen who is an architect from Berlin had a vital role to re-produce and transform the urban space of Ankara by translating the concepts of German Modern discourse. As the most important one of these concepts, Siedlungen were constituting a crucial background for design and planning of the living places of the new city. Bahçelievler Collective Housing Project as a spatial translation by Herman Jansen is the first example of collective housing idea of Early Modern Republican Era and it reflects the collective form and life pattern of German Siedlungen and its socio-spatial response. In order to grasp the reasons behind Bahçelievler’s transformation process and to answer the question of why it could not resist the economic, demographical and ideological pressure, Bahçelievler Collective Housing Project should be re-conceptualized within the framework of Siedlungen. Collective Form and Life Pattern of Siedlungen At the beginning of 1900s, Siedlung type of collective housing projects emerged under the conditions of dense industrialization and related rapid urbanization process. According to the DGG (Deutsche Gartenstadt-Gesellschaft), “the most important motivations behind the Siedlung type of housing are supplying cheap and livable residential areas for workers and low-middle classes of the society in a collective way and reconstructing the relationship between people and the nature again”. With its ideological perspective that aims to improve the living conditions of working and middle income class and to contribute social and collective life pattern in urban space, Siedlung type of housing had a vital role to re-interpret the existing conditions in cities and transform them in behalf of the society. Therefore, it can be inferred that Siedlungen was not only collectively produced mass housing projects: beyond that, they are also symbol of the collective life pattern enabling people to reproduce themselves in metropolitan condition. According to Hartmann (1992), “Siedlungen was not only a desire of cooperative housing but also spatial representation of the collectivity and community in an ideological manner”. Spatial response of the Siedlung’s collective life pattern is also explicit in their physical formation. Kampffmeyer (1906) defined certain criteria related with Siedlung’s spatial organization and formation as; the land on which housing project will be developed should be public property and the ownership pattern should be collective not individual, settlement should be planned and controlled in a collective decision making

process and it should be holistically integrated in itself, agricultural production and reproduction of society with this manner should be emphasized in Siedlung area and well-being of the working class that provide the basis for industrial production should be emphasized in an ideological sense. Moreover, morphological components of the Siedlung type of housing area is important to understand the holistic, integrated and collective image of the area. Common and shared spaces between the housing blocks, green network and open spaces that helps to develop collective life pattern on space, building typology that forms the sense of belonging to a community and collective neighborhood unit; and the design approach that helps the Siedlung area to integrate the existing urban pattern holistically are the most important characteristics which reflects the idea of collective life pattern in a collective form and structure. Translation of the Collective Form and Life Pattern into Bahçelievler Context: Rupture in Design Process As the translator of the Siedlung term into Turkey context, architect Herman Jansen occupies an important place and uses the term of Bahçelievler or Gartenstadt consciously to respond the sociological, spatial and ideological needs of the new capital of the Turkish Republic. Lack of housing in the city, high level of rents and tough immigrant life seemed as the most important problems that triggers the need of collectively organized and livable housing projects (Uzgoren, 1936). In that sense, to meet the Ankara’s critical needs, Jansen firstly gave importance to the need of collectively organized new settlement at the extension of existing urban area and designed the Bahçelievler. At this point, it is important to analyze certain characteristic differences and similarities between Siedlungen and Bahçelievler to conceptualize the translation process of the concept into Turkey context – which is actually Jansen’s design process’ itself - as a critical rupture point which led to the eventual and total transformation of Bahçelievler. At first, the fundamental difference of ideological motivation behind the Siedlung and Bahçelievler is important. The actual motivation behind the establishment process of Bahçelievler is not the reduction of the effects of high industrialization in urban areas. Actually, Ankara was a newly built capital city and the need of housing supply for the bureaucratic class of the society was an urgent need. Therefore, Jansen’s Bahçelievler was not a spatial formation that includes socialist concerns like in Siedlung examples. While Siedlungen create a collectivity and caring about the life pattern of workers, Bahçelievler is a collective housing project which is created for bureaucratic class of Ankara without the concerns of socialist ideology. Nevertheless, Akcan’s (2009)

statement of “ideology of garden city and Bahçelievler as a settlement built on vacant urban lands, defining new, healthy and modern urban space and representing a willing alienation to 19th century urban formation is a proper choice for Ankara context” is a good point to express the success of Bahçelievler. In addition to that, sociological profile – user groups of the area – draws an important framework for the comparison of these cases. Bahçelievler Collective Housing Cooperation consisted of well-situated and relatively upper class of the society rather than low and middle income worker class. This situation directly affected the housing typology of Bahçelievler. According to founder of the Bahçelievler Collective Housing Cooperative – Nusret Uzgoren (1936) – “garden city ideology and urban formation composed of houses with garden should be chosen instead of apartment blocks”. As a result of the questionnaire made in 1936, approximately all of the members chose single houses with separate gardens instead of row houses or apartment blocks (Tekeli & İlkin, 1984). Criticisms to the apartment blocks were totally reflecting the criticisms of Mietskaserne in Germany. However, choosing the single houses with separate gardens instead of row houses which represent a more collective typology and life pattern was originated from the difference between user groups. Because of the fact that cooperative members are generally bureaucrats, instead of creating a class identity and designing the space with a more collective form, they gave more importance to the comfort of being away from chaotic metropolitan condition and privacy. Even if it seems as an insignificant detail, this situation would lead to the change in collective form and life pattern of the Bahçelievler in comparison with Siedlungen. With the usage of single houses, Bahçelievler ‘s density would decrease and later on its resistance to increase in population and high urban pressure would be affected from this negatively. Moreover, as a result of the typology chosen by cooperative members, the formation of common and shared spaces and interfaces between different houses, continuities along the streets and holistic and integrated image of the urban block was affected in a negative way. From this point forth, to understand the effects of change in building typology on collective form of space, Jansen’s approach to building typology in Bahçelievler should be examined on the basis of his design process. This analysis would also help to conceptualize the translation process of the Siedlung concept into Turkey context – which is actually Jansen’s design process’ itself - as a critical rupture point which directly or indirectly led to the eventual and total transformation of Bahçelievler. At the beginning of 1930s, while architects in Germany were designing

high-density mass housing projects and multifamily building blocks for Siedlungen, Jansen and cooperative members chose the low dense and single family houses for Bahçelievler. While Jansen was designing the Bahçelievler, he had a hesitation about the building typology by stating in his own writings that “I am thinking about the option of designing a building block which surrounding a garden on the midst of the building and living spaces opening into this enclosed courtyard” (1937). However, his hesitation was not reflected on his design. In 1935 – when Jansen drew the very first sketch of Bahçelievler - the row-houses with back and front yards at the core part and single and twin houses at the edge of the area was observed. (Figure 1- A) All of the houses were placed in a series of parallel urban plots which provides a large back yard and smaller front yard. At the center of the project area, a public space was designed for common activities. With this layout, whole image of the Bahçelievler in Jansen’s mind was nearly same with that of Siedlungen in Germany apart from being single family houses instead of multifamily ones. However, with the requests coming from bureaucratic cooperative members Jansen was obliged to change his proposal. In the second proposal (1936), most of the row-houses were changed with single family houses and twin houses were left only at the edge. (Figure 1- B) However, final implementation project of Bahçelievler was not this one, too. In the process of construction, authorities and cooperative members has transformed Jansen’s second proposal independently. Eventually, whole Bahçelievler district was composing of only single houses as parallel with the requests of cooperative members. At the end of the translation process of Siedlungen into Bahçelievler, whole image of the area and the design principles of Jansen has been degraded and partially lost. As it is seen explicitly from the first and second proposals of Jansen and final implementation plan of Bahçelievler, the density ratio decreased visibly. Moreover, the hierarchy of common and shared spaces throughout the project area weakened and the collective form of the common spaces enclosing with row-houses transformed into private gardens. Collective uses remained limited with the space at the center of the project area only as recreation facilities. With difference from the more collective image of Siedlungen which uses common spaces between buildings as agricultural production areas or the spaces in which people can reproduce themselves, potential common spaces in Bahçelievler were lost. Change in building typology affected the level of continuity along the streets which are important interfaces for collective life pattern. In addition to that, in terms of spatial sense, decrease in the continuity of building facades affected the whole image of the Bahçelievler negatively. For instance, Burhan Arif who is an urbanist architect examining the Siedlung projects in Germany criticized the new typology of Bahçelievler in Karınca Journal in 1936. He criticized the size of buildings and especially the meaningless

distances between buildings and stated that “giving up row-houses for single houses was a big mistake”. In addition to that, degradation and degeneration of Bahçelievler’s collective form was resulted from the property relations in the project area. Because of the fact that, cooperative members individually bought their properties without taking responsibility for the whole cooperative area they were free to make changes on their properties after construction process. Therefore, it is hard to observe a collective organization on the following years of design process as different from the Siedlung examples. This fact led to an unstable condition for the increased urban pressure on Bahçelievler. According to Tekeli and Ilkin (1984), “while the aim of establishing a collective housing cooperation is struggling with urban land speculation and supplying housing to the people in an organized and easy way, Bahçelievler Collective Housing Cooperative’s members tried to get profit from the unstable condition of rapid urbanization”. This situation seems as an important dilemma which is actually another proof of the rupture in translation and design process of Bahçelievler. 3. RUPTURE IN TRANSFORMATION PROCESS: BAHÇELİEVLER FROM COLLECTIVE TO NON-COLLECTIVE As it is conceptualized in the previous chapter, within the translation process, because of the effects of ideological, economical, sociological and spatial differences between Bahçelievler and Siedlungen cases, Bahçelievler’s collective form and life pattern has been transformed and degraded. More importantly this rupture has triggered the second rupture which represents a harsher and more critical transformation process in Bahçelievler. The transformation process of Bahçelievler into apartment blocks started with the circumstances of increase in urban population and density and increase in land prices in planned areas for prospective development of Bahçelievler. Another important point behind the transformation process was the abolishment of cooperative at 1950 together with the generation of land speculations. According to Başaran (2002), this situation led to the conversion of building properties from cooperative to the possessors of the buildings, resulted in the resolution of the site in the long term. Tendency of users and owners to increase the density in the area correspondingly to the increasing land values of the district generated a breaking point for the district. Four-storey building permission had been assigned for the development; hence, it was setting an example for the building of apartment blocks for the area (Şaşmaz, 1988). In this way, as

Songülen (2012) states that “these permissions led the replacement of two storeys single family buildings with the apartment blocks resulted in transformation of the buildings in Bahçelievler District”. (Figure 1- C) From this point forth, even if the reasons of high urban pressure on Bahçelievler District, excessive land speculation and urban policies leading to the increase in density of Bahçelievler and its surrounding seem as the most important factors triggering the transformation process, the rupture at the design process of Bahçelievler should also be questioned to draw a broader framework. As it is stated in previous part, rupture in translation & design process of Bahçelievler has established a ground for the eventual transformation process and made the whole Bahçelievler fragile and weak against the pressures of harsh metropolitan condition. At this point, it is important to question the design success of Bahçelievler in comparison with Siedlung concept. Akcan (2009) also examines the success of Bahçelievler Collective Housing Cooperative Project with this question: “If garden city model was the right and successful one for Ankara at first, how would city would react to the gradual increase in population and density? Would Bahçelievler spread throughout the Ankara endlessly or would it be destructed with the effect of rapid urbanization process? Well, in Ankara case, history has chosen the option of destruction.” To draw a broader framework, another question can be added to this one. Is low-dense and relatively non-collective garden city models appropriate for Ankara urbanizing rapidly and gradually? Bahçelievler’s destruction proves that this kind of development model was not appropriate for metropolitan condition in the long term. When it was firstly designed, as it stated before, there was a lack of collective organization pattern in Bahçelievler and there were some ideological, demographical, sociological and especially typological and spatial differences as comparing with Siedlungen in Germany. While Siedlungen’s more collective space form, ideological motivation of setting a collectively organized urban space and life pattern and collective property relations enable them to survive mostly and resisting to the passing time and changing space dynamics, Bahçelievler could not show the same success in Ankara. Degrading collective form and life pattern in Bahçelievler throughout the whole transformation processes has led to the non-collective formation of apartment blocks in Ankara and made the city to lost its image and characteristics. Within this context, the principle of being in peace with metropolitan condition in Siedlung type of housing is crucial to assess the situation. According to Akcan (2009), “throughout the whole design and development process Jansen, Municipal Authority of Ankara and the coopera-

tive members’ themselves chose the garden city development model and headed towards the idea of into the nature”. However, after 1930s and 1940s, Siedlungen practices in Germany had transformed the idea of garden city into their own context as struggling with the metropolitan condition by establishing housing cooperatives and designing Siedlungen in a collective and coherent manner - not escaping from it. All in all, Bahçelievler’s development model’s lack of being in harmony and peace with the metropolitan condition triggered the transformation of this exemplary project into an ordinary housing area full of apartment blocks. Moreover, when the ideological, economical, sociological and spatial differences between the Siedlungen and Bahçelievler is taken into consideration, it is possible to say that the first rupture in translation and design process of Bahçelievler is highly related with the second transformation process of the area into apartment blocks and losing its identity totally. Therefore, reading the whole translation process of the concept of Siedlung into Bahçelievler and its transformation processes over two different but intermingled ruptures is highly important to understand the actual reasons of why Bahçelievler represents both an idealized dream of collectivity; and a destructed future image.

Figure 1. Transformation Process of Bahcelievler – A: Jansen’s First Proposal (Source: Technische Universität Berlin/ Web Archive ), B: Jansen’s Second Proposal (Source: METU Faculty of Architecture – Map and Plan Documentation Archive, C: Today’s Bahçelievler (Adopted from: Songülen (2012) ), C: Today’s Bahcelievler

4. CONCLUSION The most important motivation behind the Siedlung was not only about the quantitative supply of housing but also creating a consciousness and spirit of collective production of urban space and living in that sense. Siedlung-type of collective housing projects ensured not only a collective formation, sharing and experience pattern in urban space for the community but also offers a collective form and structure in morphological and typological terms. Therefore, an intermingled design approach - which includes both the idea of establishing a collective life pattern and a collective form of urban space – constitutes the main essence behind the Siedlungen. As the translator of the Siedlung term into Turkey context, architect Herman Jansen occupies an important place for Bahçelievler case. When it was firstly designed and produced, Bahçelievler was a self-sustained, internally coherent and an exemplary housing project with its collective form and structure in urban space and community life meaning. However, in the last eighty years, Bahçelievler has experienced harsh and critical transformation processes and it started to be degraded in terms of its collective form and holism. It is possible to conceptualize these transformation processes within two different ruptures; one in translation and design process and the other one in transformation process. As the first rupture, translation of Siedlungen into Bahçelievler in design process of the area has led to some certain ideological, economical, sociological and spatial differences and the degradation of the Bahçelievler’s image. Degradation of the collectivity has led to the decrease in Bahçelievler’s resistance to the passing time and rapid urbanization processes. Thus, rupture in translation and design process of Bahçelievler has established a ground for the eventual transformation process and made the whole district fragile and weak against the pressures of harsh metropolitan condition. As it is stated before, Siedlungen practices in Germany had transformed the idea of garden city into their own context as struggling with the metropolitan condition by establishing housing cooperatives and designing Siedlungen in a collective and coherent manner. Contrary to German Siedlung examples, Bahçelievler’s individual property pattern, low dense urban layout, transformed design principles according to a different social profile and the economical and socio-political characteristics of the era in Ankara has led to an obligatory transformation and degradation of Bahçelievler. While Siedlungen’s more collective and dense physical form, ideological motivation behind them and collective property relations enable them to survive mostly and resisting to the passing time and changing space dynamics, Bahçelievler could not show the same success in Ankara. As an exemplary and idealized collective

housing project of its time, Bahçelievler has lost the idea of collective form and life pattern; and transformed into a non-collective urban space. REFERENCES: Akcan, E. (2009). Çeviride Modern Olan: Şehir Ve Konutta Türk-Alman İlişkileri, İstanbul: YKY. Akcan, E. (2012). Architecture in Translation: Germany, Turkey, And The Modern House, Durham: Duke University Press. Akcan, E. (2012). Ernst Reuter ve Türkiye’ de Sosyal Konut, Mülkiye 2012: XXXVI-275. Baş, Y. (2010). Production of Urban Form as the Reproduction of Property Relations Morphogenesis of Yenişehir-Ankara, Doctoral Dissertation, Ankara: METU. Başaran, B. (2002). From a Garden Suburb to an Urban District: An Evaluation on the Spatial Qualities of Bahçelievler District, Unpublished Master’s Thesis, Ankara: METU. Bozdoğan, S. (2001). Modernizm Ve Ulusun İnşası: Erken Cumhuriyet Türkiye’sinde Mimari Kültür, İstanbul: Metis. Hartmann, K. (1992). Bruno Taut im Turkishen Exil, Der Architekt 2: pp.111-117. Jansen, H. (1937). Ankara Imar Planı, İstanbul: Alaeddin Kıral Basımevi. Kampffmeyer, H. (1906). Gartenstadt und Gartenvorstadt, Gartenstadt 1: pp.35-36. Songülen, N. (2012). Space Organization in Urban Block: Interfaces Among Publıc, Common and Prıvate Spaces Based On Conzen Method in Bahçelievler, Unpublished Master’s Thesis, Ankara: METU. Şaşmaz, Ş.C. (1988). Bahçelievler Housing Cooperative, Unpublished Master’s Thesis, Ankara: METU. Tekeli, İ. and İlkin, S. (1984). Bahçelievler’in Öyküsü, Ankara: Kent-Koop. Tekeli, İ. (1994). Türkiye’de 1923-1950 Dönemi Mimarlığının Toplumsal Siyasal Bağlamı, Bir Başkentin Oluşumu, UCTEA Chamber of Architects Publishment: pp.19-22. Uzgören, N. (1936). Ankara Bahçelievler Kooperatifi Nasıl Doğdu?, Karınca, November 1936, pp.39-43.

socÄąology

OF Urban desÄągn 27

the atrophy of place Berk Kesim

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, TURKEY berkesim@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION The paper is questioning the lack of place as a problem of urban place design within man and environment relationship. The lack of place encompasses the concepts of Non-Place (Webber et al. 1964; Augé, 1995), Loss of Place (Norberg-Schulz, 1979) and, Placelessness (Relph, 1976). The authors bemoan the loss of urban place/design. But, there are conceptual deficiencies and discrepancies. Furthermore, what they indicated as a symptom of lack would become the urban places of us. In this respect, the main aim of this research is to develop a new phenomenological framework for the lack of place. For this reason, this paper presents the initial stage of a phenomenographic[1] research corresponding the results of a qualitative comparative literature analyses, analytical urban historical analyses and field observations. The urban phenomenon is an ongoing lived-in experience. This paper presents the results of comparatively discussed different phenomenologic explanation about the place. Therefore, the identity of place will be re-conceptualized. The lack of place is going to be researched with the proposed framework about the identity of place. In the end, the paper is going to present a new phenomenological framework for the concepts of the lack of place by the term: Atrophy. 2. THE IDENTITY OF PLACE: The Identity, Self and The Environment This part provides a new conceptual framework to identify the place by criticizing the contemporary explanations with qualitative comparative analyses from literature. In general, the identity of place has been defined by two or three sets of concepts. At first, the place is identified with two concepts as structure and meaning by Norberg-Schulz (1979). Structure “denotes the formal properties of a system of relationships.” (Norberg-Schulz, 1979: 166). The meaning consists of its relationships to other objects, that is, it consists in what the object ‘gathers’ as a psychic function from subjects (Norberg-Schulz, 1979: 166). The totality of structure and meaning pro

vide a character in a spatiotemporal environment. The structural familiarity in the character of spaces produces places. The identity lays under the character of a place. In fact, the character is a context given by environmental settings. After than, Canter (1977), Relph (1976) used triads to identify places. The identity of place is composed of physical attributes, activities, and conceptions (Canter, 1977: 158). Physical attributes and conceptions are more or less same with structure and meaning. According to Canter, the place is an amalgam of conceptions derived from the physical form and activities that take place (1977). Congruently, Relph stated three components as the static physical settings, the activities, and the meanings. He emphasizes the identity has a static character. According to Relph, meanings are defined as the ephemeral component of place. They “shift in the symbolic and significant properties of places.” (Relph, 1976: 61). However, the place and the lack of place could not be reduced to the loss of one component of identity. Indeed, the identity of place may change over time. It may either expand, enriched with components or; it may lose or disintegrated. In other words, there is a tension between the self and the environment. This is the tension between the conscious and unconscious world of individual(s). It creates an ongoing transformation within built environment. This tension is manifested as a place or the desire of place. When one’s conscious world fits with the unconscious world, the place is identified. What if it is not fitted, it will force to be rationalized by oneself to identify a place. The place is always under compulsion to transform and reproduce the identity by generations. So, the place is inbuilt between oneself and the environment. In brief, there were three main critiques could be developed: i) Context (Space-Time): The place could not be identified as a static entity. The physical settings have been transforming in time. It produces history. Moreover, time is an irreversible phenomenon. So, the phe-

nomenon of place is also irreversible in history. Irreversible phenomenon increases the entropy of the system - i.e. environment- (Pak, 2015). The entropy of human and environmental relations is getting increasing because the system has an irreversible component of time. So, space and time should not be understood as separate components. They should have to be handled as the context. ii) Meaning: The meaning is detachable, degradable albeit the temporality of identity may be manifested in various components in different ways. The temporality of meaning is indifferent. So, the lack of place is dependent on the symbolic depth and levels of signs in meaning. iii) Experience: The place is an experience rather than activity. The activity is an odd definition for understanding the place. It often refers to a function, land-use or the behavior in that place but, the place is more than just activities. It is a conscious and also, an unconscious experience. It may be direct (face-to-face), or indirect. Moreover, the attributes of place may change according to the dimensions of experiences. Somewhere would be more place, somewhere would be less depending on the dimension of experiences. Finally, the identity of place is formed with the context (space-time), meaning, and experience. (See: Figure 1.) The place is where the meaningful experience takes place in the context of space-time. If there is a lack of place, it would be identified with the lack of any components in identity. However, the loss of a component in identity may not be enough creating a complete framework of the lack of place. A component of identity may change its manifestation throughout the time. In other words, (the format of) place identity may be manifested in various ways. This is identified as neither a loss nor place-making. This process should better to be described in the different phenomenological framework (The atrophy of place).

ment to feed itself that is called regional territory or hinterland. The built environment where the interaction is not fruitful was identified as Non-places. “Spatial distribution is not crucial determinant of membership in these professional societies, but interaction is” (Webber, 1964: 110). Therefore, the spatial distribution of land uses by disregarding the interaction, territorial separation creates a lack of places in the urban realm. He identified this as the placeless environment. Augé[2] (1995) inspired from Webber’s (1964) concept of non-place probably. He reinterpreted the non-place in a more pragmatic way to identify the diseases of super-modernity. Although Webber’s non-place was not formulated explicitly, Augé gave exact manifestations. According to him, shopping malls, motorways, airport lounges, hotels, in front of Tv’s and computers are the Non-places. Augé defined the non-places as anthropozemic (non-human) environment. Unlike Webber, Augé’s anthropological approach clarify the distinction between places and non-places distinctively. So that, “super modernity (which stems simultaneously from the three figures of excess: overabundance of events, spatial overabundance and the individualization of references) naturally finds its full expression in non-places.” (Augé, 1995: 109).

3. THE CONCEPTS AND DEFICIENCIES

In brief, Webber’s contribution to the theory is not only the term but also, he emphasized that non-place is a product of settlement history. He stated that non-places were getting increasing by the modern urbanism. Furthermore, half a century later, Augé introduced somehow the same conceptual framework to criticize the places of super-modernity. Webber’s conceptualization would seem to be more sophisticated. On the other hand, Augé’s conceptualization would be more practical. Unfortunately, both concepts are insufficient to clarify the whole phenomenon. However, Why? First, although, Webber and Augé used the same word, it would be objectionable to indicate non-places are not suddenly emerging phenomenon as a result of modern urbanism or super modernity. Secondly, the concept has a superficial dictation of definition, a place could either a place or a non-place. However, as it was stated before, somewhere may be less, somewhere may be more place. A place would be a place for someone or a non-place for some others. The non-place conceptualization misses clarifying the phenomenon of lack. So, this paper prefers to benefit from the non-place to define a lack of space component in place identity.

The Non-Place

The Loss of Place

The Non-Place refers to space where it had once an identity. In the course of literature, the Non-Place concept has been interpreted two times by Melvin Webber (1964) and then by Marc Augé (1995). Regarding the Webber’s approach, the place is where human interaction is fruitful. On the other hand, every urban place needs a non-urban environ-

The loss of place refers to the loss in the context of place identity. In the 1970s, Norberg-Schulz discusses the loss of designers’ communicative role in contemporary urban landscape with the ‘international style’ after The Second World War (1979: 189).

Figure 1. The Identity of Place (Source: Personal Rendering)

Norberg-Schulz’s genuine contribution was handling the problem from the side of human and environment relations. According to him; the lack of place is an ‘environmental crises’ (1979: 190). Hence, his term is not only capturing the Non-places but also, rendering the historicity. That is why he describe places has their own genius. The essence of place lay in preserving the genius of the location; called Stabilitas Loci. The Genius Loci is a dynamic concept that has a Stabilitas Loci. The Stabilitas Loci is getting rich day by day after each and every generation experienced the place. According to Norberg-Schulz:

“The genius loci always requires new interpretations in order to be able to survive. It cannot be ‘fozen’, but must be understood in relation to present requirements. Such a dynamic concept for the term “place” is the sole foundation for creative adaptation to an existing setting” (Norberg-Schulz, 1979: 3) The loss of place means the loss of Stabilitas Loci. Norberg-Schulz has grouped the indications of the concept into two: a loss in the identification of human and, loss of orientation in the built environment. “Alienation is in our opinion first of all due to man’s loss of identification with the natural and man-made things which constitute his environment.” (Norberg-Schulz, 1979: 168). At second, the loss of place is a loss of orientation in the built environment. “In the city a clear distinction between private and public domains is necessary.” (Norberg-Schulz, 1979: 194). Otherwise, urban form is going to be devaluated (Norberg-Schulz, 1979). In Lynch’s terms, urban form is going to be illegible. Moreover, stereotypic places provide a monotonous environment. “Lack of character implies poverty of stimuli.” (Norberg-Schulz, 1979: 190). The urban places lost their meaningful composition inside the geography, to the earth, land, and sky. One exists nowhere in that built environment. Nevertheless, Norberg-Schulz’s concept has a contextual sophistication, he stated that the loss of place has started to be seen after The Second World War. Whereas, any phenomenological aspect related to human and environment relations should not be expressed in such a quick manner. So, this paper is going to benefit from its contextual references. Placelessness Placelessness is one of the foremost description about the lack of place introduced by Edward Relph (1976). The term refers to the loss of meaning in place identity. It comprises the concepts of Non-place and the Loss of place. According to Relph, the inauthentic attitude on placemaking is the main source of the placeless environment. Placelessness is simply a different order in the built environment. It has a new con-

sciousness of place bringing its own ontology. This ontology produces its own manifestations and, a new praxis of space. The inauthentic attitude on urban place creates “no awareness of the deep and symbolic significance of places” and “no appreciation of their identities” (Relph, 1976: 82). There are two main reasons behind the inauthentic attitude on place making. These are an unselfconscious inauthentic attitude (Kitsch) and selfconscious inauthentic attitude (Technique). In kitsch, “places treated as things” (Relph, 1976: 83). Places are mass produced, created in a stereotypic manner to be consumed by the public. In technique attitude, “places treated as (uniform) spaces” (Relph, 1976: 87). Places are planned with uniform rules according to their functions and land-uses. The production of place is manipulated by mass produced public interest. According to Relph, both kitsch and technique attitude interwoven to each other on placeless urban geographies. Relph tried to find out the manifestations of placelessness. First, the manifestation of placelessness due to the Kitsch are the Nohn-places, other-directed places, and uniform places. The urban geography reduced and homogenized to a certain land-use (Relph, 1976: 93). The advanced form of homogenization is observed in pseudo-places: disneyification, museumisation, futurization and, subutopias. In those synthetic places, man-made symbols went beyond the natural ones. At second, the manifestation of placelessness due to the Technique are formlessness, place destruction and finally, impermanence. Big businesses produce formless geographies. Giant urban formations such as skyscrapers, mega-structures, industrials estates/parks are exploiting the urban geographies. Furthermore, giant constructions need giant destructions. Lewis Mumford has a term for that kind of destruction: ‘abbau’ (1961). It means unbuilding, anti-place. According to Relph, “the meanings of places have become as ephemeral as their physical forms” with the modern production of space (place) (1976: 144). He put the theory of lack of place one step forward by identifying the manifestations of placelessness. Further to that, he stated the inevitability of placelessness. Although the answer of the inevitability of placelessness was unclear in his texts, he conceptualized both place and placelessness as an essential part of our modern urban context. “Placelessness is not merely in the context of the present-day landscapes- it is an essential part of them and a product of them” (Relph, 1976: 139). Contrary to his detailed urban analyses, Relph’s theory suffers from a lack of conceptual sophistication. In some way, Relph missed that manifestations of placelessness have also a place attributes. They may be neither place nor placeless. Relph

is also unable to answer the question how placelessness started and transformed throughout the urban history. For this reason, this research is going to benefit placelessness just as identifying the loss of meaning in place identity.

place/placelessness would not be clear that much. While concepts of lack of place have been helpful for understanding empirical urban problems, none of the above would propose a comprehensive conceptual framework for understanding the phenomenon of the lack.

4. THE LACK OF PLACE: CRITIQUES

Despite the critiques, Mayer Spivack is one of the first authors who discovered the lack of place is a part of archetypal place (1974). He identified that the lack of place is a deprivation of environmental settings. The lack of place is The lack of place is an environmental deprivation. “Deprivation results when behaviors at the critical confluence are blocked—because environments are archetypally inadequate” (Spivack, 1974: 33). According to him:

The lack of place is a generic term. It means a lack of any component/s of place identity. The lack of place opened up a research field in the theory of place by investigating the opposite state of Da sein. This branch interested in the essence of place with criticizing the ontology of urban place. As Arefi stated that the theory of the lack of place “can provide planners and designers with new insight to better capture the essence of place” (1999: 179). In fact, the lack of place is the main reasoning about the problems in urban design and planning. However, also, there would be deficiencies and critics about the concepts. They are grouped into two main headings: lack of contextual depth and conceptual sophistication. At first, there is a lack of contextual depth in the concepts. For instance, Webber’s Non-place results from modern urbanism after the 1960s while, Augé’s Non-Place results from super modernity after the 1980s. Norberg-Schulz blamed ‘the international style’ after the Second World War. Relph’s placelessness has tried to comprehend a limited period in history starting from the Industrial Revolution. Whereas, if the lack of place is a result of human and environment relationship. It should have been there before the modernism or industrial revolution. Furthermore, the explanations of the lack of place composed of an eclectic array of empirical concepts defined on distinct built settings. This approach is putting the empirical information in a generic format. For instance: Non-Places are shopping malls, motorways, highway roads, airport lounges, hotels, virtual platforms. The reason why the loss of place is stereotypic places produced under the influence of modernism. Furthermore, Relph’s manifestations of placelessness based on the classification of those stereotypic places. Other-directed places, museumisation, disneyfication, futurization, gigantism, sub-utopias are some of them. Whereas, those places may not be manifested as a placeless environment for some others. They could be the places of new generation throughout the historical context. The second main concern of the critics was the ‘lack of conceptual sophistication’ (Seamon and Sowers, 2008: 48). The theories are proposing dialectic opposites such that: a place or Non-place, distinctiveness or sameness, insideness or outsideness, place or placeless, authentic or inauthentic. Whereas, the distinction between the place and Non-

“The theory of Archetypal Place perhaps should be called the theory of whole environments. It is an attempt to identify the meaningful parts of the human environment. When this environment does not provide all settings necessary… may be impaired … Such a population exists in a state of setting deprivation. Our existence as city building and city dwelling men is marked by a tragic paradox. While we aspire to build a world which is the realization of our dreams, we grope to escape from the physical tangle and social wreckage of our urban nightmare...” (Spivack, 1974:33,34).

Figure 2. Paradox of place making (Source: Adapted from Tuan, 1977)

Regarding the critiques developed here, the research should propose a new framework for the phenomenon of place and the lack of place. Rather than trying to invent a new literature, the author tries to develop a complementary approach to the phenomenon. Hence, the theories of the lack of place should have to be reinterpreted and re-conceptualized according to the revised framework on the identity of place. 5. REINTERPRETATION OF THE CONCEPTS The research is going to reinterpret the concepts rather than expressing their original conceptual definitions. It is going to be benefited from their prominent contributions to the theory of lack. In this sense, each concept is defining the lack of place on different manifestations of the place identity. (See: Figure 3.) The Non-Place is describing a lack of space

(physical attributes). The Loss of place the lack of context. Placelessness is the lack of meaning. But, the experience component of place identity left missing. Furthermore, there would be no conceptualization found in the literature to identify the whole phenomenon of lack. In this sense, the paper recommends the term, the Atrophy of Place.

“The built environment might lose its meaningful symbolism” in the inverse relationship (Barlas, 2006: 47). “Since the form of the built environment is accepted as a composition of the signs of a series of archetypal symbols, a deviation from meaningful forms would result in a meaninglessness of the built environment, albeit it might not result in neurosis.” (Barlas, 2006: 47). This inverse relation creates placeless, non-spatial symbols. This is the essence of lack. In short, the essence of lack is due to the loss of richness of signs and symbols with respect to the inverse relationship. Built signs fragmented into symbols. Symbols loose much of their power within the temporariness of the environment and the ephemeralness of mankind. This is called the ‘atrophy of place’.

Figure 3. Reinterpretation of the concepts (Source: Adapted from Webber et al. 1964; Augé, 1995; Norberg-Schulz, 1979; Relph, 1976)

6. THE ATROPHY OF PLACE: THE ESSENCE OF LACK The lack of place is a lack of any component in place identity; but also, “lack is a counter effect of desire” (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 28). The essence of lack is phenomenological. It is somewhere in between the psychological and experiential world. The word ‘Lack’ come from the French word ‘Manque’. It means “both lack and need in a psychological sense, as well as want or privation or scarcity” in a sense (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 29). Mayer Spivack (1974) named that sense as ‘deprivation’. According to Spivack, an increase in private (intimate) experiences comes with deprivation in environmental settings and experiences. The same argument holds true for Deleuze and Guattari; deprivation of collective experiences creates ‘doubles of reality’ (1984: 27). The lack of place itself increasing the non-spatial symbols of one’s the mental environment regardless of building them physically and collectively within the urban environment. It triggers fantasies and dreams instead of symbolizing existence with physical settings. It creates more latency in affordance of the environment. Hence, it is a dangerous sickness of mankind. And hence, this sickness is increasing by self-stimulating itself. It creates a loss of reality in function. It is the inverse relation of place-making (rationalization[3]). This inverse relation is explained in Freudian terms by neurosis and psychosis. Deleuze and Guattari (1984) define the terms as follow: “Neurosis: the ego obeys the requirements of the reality and stands ready to repress the drives of the id. Psychosis: the ego is under the sway of id, ready to break the reality. The inverse relationship: In neurosis, the object function of reality is preserved, but on the condition that the casual complex be repressed; in psychosis, the complex invades consciousness and becomes its object, at the price of a “repression” that now bears on reality or the function of real.” (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 133).

Figure 4. The Atrophy of Place

The term Atrophy of Place would not contradicting the contemporary author’s definitions but also encompasses them. (See: Figure 4.) The Atrophy of Place is an entropic phenomenon. Because it has an irreversible time component. Non-places, The Loss of Place and The Placelessness is identifying the result of different manifestations of the atrophic process. Furthermore, The Atrophy of Place represents the loss of livedin (collective) experiences. The manifestations would be either on the ruins of urban field or in history. There is no doubt that the conceptual framework set in here is subject to be tested with the analytic urban historical research and field observations. The following questions, in this regard, are considered critical for further studies on the issue: Could the lack (atrophy) of place be eliminated with design? If yes, then what would be the tolls and methods utilized for that aim?

NOTES: [1] Phenomenography is a research approach and methodology based on making ontological categorization and building new epistemological conceptions about a phenomenon. It investigates (collective) experiences within the human and environment relationship. See: Marton F. (1981, 1986). [2] Even Webber’s work was earlier than that of the Augé’s, there would not be any references given to Melvin Webber in the texts of Augé (1992). [3] Rationalization refers to Jungian notion of individuation. The main difference between individuation and rationalization is that individuation is an individual act, whereas rationalization can be both an individual and a collective experience.

REFERENCES: Arefi, M. (1999). Non-Place and Placelessness as narratives of loss: Rethinking the notion of place, Journal of Urban Design, Vol.4, No.2, pp.179-193 Augee, M. (1992). Non-Places: Introduction to an anthropology of Supermodernity, translated by John Howe Barlas, M.A. (2006). Urban Street and Urban Rituals, METU, faculty of Architecture Printing Shop Canter, D. (1977). The Psychology of Place, The Architectural Press Ltd. London Deleuze G. & Guattari F. Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism & Schizophrenia, Translated from the French by Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane, Preface by Michel Foucault, University of Minnesota, 1984 Norberg-Schulz, C. (1979). Genius Loci, Rizzoli International Publications Inc, New York Pak, N. K. (2015). Fiziksel Zaman, Bilim ve Ă&#x153;topya (Journal of Science and Utopia), pp.5-13, v: 247, Jan Relph, E. (1976). Place and Placelessness, Pion Limited, London Seamon D. & Sowers J. (2008). Key Texts in Human Geography, P. Hubbard, R. Kitchen, & G. Vallentine, eds., London: Sage, pp. 43-51. SpÄąvack, M. (1973). Archetypal Place, Housing and Environment for the Elderly, Gerontological Society, Washington, D.C. November 1972. Full article in Housing and Environment for the Elderly (1973) Gerontological Society, Washington, D.C. Tuan, Y.F. (1977). Space and Place: The perspective of Experience, Press Minesota Webber, M. Dyckman, J.W., Foley, D.L., Guttenberk, A. Z., Wheaton, W.L.C. & Wurster C. B. (1964). Explorations into Urban Structure, The Urban Place and the Nonplace Urban Realm, University of Pennsylvania Press

studying the characterıstıcs of formal and ınformal refugee camps - the case of eıdomenı and the refugee camp ın arzaq Sofia Telianidou

Engineer of Planning and Regional Development, Skydra, GREECE sotelian@hotmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION

2. REFUGEE CAMP CHARACTERISTICS

Last years the changes that take place in northern Africa and the Middle East, the turbulence caused by the Arab Spring as well as the war in Syria created increasing migration waves. Greece was among the countries that received a significant portion of these flows.

Camps are rarely conceptually defined, even though a number of characteristics underlie the usage of the term. The most important characteristics of the camps are: segregation from the host population, the need to share facilities, a lack of privacy, in addition to overcrowding and a limited, restricted area within which the whole compass of daily life. There are five parameters which are important for the camps:

The reason Greece received so large percentage of refugees is the geographical location (large coastline and numerous islands), which renders the country as an intermediate destination. Moreover, the absence of an immigration policy, the lack of control and the relevant institutional stability which exists in the country despite the great economic crisis makes it an attractive destination. All this gradually led to the increase of refugees whose numbers were from 43.002 in 2013 to 77.163 in 2014 while launched to 911.471 in 2015. Especially in the summer of 2015 many of the Aegean islands near Turkey received a wave of refugees and migrants, surpassing all previous records, created a series of social, humanitarian and economical -short or medium term- issues (www. astynomia.gr, 2016).

Freedom of Movement The more restricted, the more a refugee settlement tends to take the character of a camp. Mode of Assistance One can distinguish camps based on relief handouts and food distribution (with little possibility for refugees to engage in substantial economic activities) and the situations in which refuges can engage in a wider range of economic activities.

The bulk of these populations initially arrived in Athens after their registration in reception centers. After their transfer to mainland they usually continued their journey toward FYROM, onward to Serbia into Hungary and thus to Schengen Zone. Most of the refugees chose to flee Greece through FYROM and not via Bulgaria or Albania because that way they were going through less kilometers and fewer border controls (Kasparek, 2016).

Mode of Governance

Following the rapid increase of people passed the border every day more and more host countries closed their borders and so thousands of refugees blocked at Greek border. Thus the phenomenon of Idomeni was create. In the present paper we will study the characteristics of the structures both the state-organized and the self-organized refugee camps in two types: the self-organized camp in Eidomeni Greece and the organized camp Azraq in Jordan. We seek to identify the commonalities and differences between the two categories of space.

The term ‘refugee camp’ implies a group of dwellings of various descriptions which are meant to provide temporary shelter.

This indicates the mechanisms of decision-making within or over the refugee community. In camps, refugees are counted, their movements monitored and mapped, their daily routines are disciplinised and routinized by the institutional machinery of refugee relief agencies. Designation as Temporary Locations/Shelter

Population Size and/or Density This indicator is concerned with the question of freedom of movement, planning, and economics (Schmidt,2005).

In the present paper, we will study the camps organized by government agencies of the host countries or the ones which are shaped over time to meet the required needs. Idomeniâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s camps in Northern Greece and the camp of Azraq in Jordan represent these two types. Idomeni Refugee Camp Geographical location: Idomeni is a 154-inhabitant settlement in Northern Greece near the border at FYROM. Residents of Idomeni are a mixture of native Macedonians and descendants of refugees who settled in 1922 coming from Eastern Thrace and the coast of Minor Asia. Until refugee crisis, Idomeni was known for its rail station which is the gate of Greece to Europe(idomeni, 2016). Figure 2. Aerial view (Source: www.vima.gr, 2015)

Figure 1. Aerial View of Idomeni (Source: Google Maps, 2015)

The informal refugee camp was created in Idomeni in the summer of 2015. The choice of the site for the facility was because of the short distance from the border, but also because of the railway station next to the settlement. The land where the refugees stayed, belonged to individuals. The first installations consisted of scenes they carried by themselves. Informal Refugee Camp Structure Initially there is no trace of organized effort for hosting those who chose to remain in place. The refugees had the exclusive responsibility of the nutrition while there was at any point the minimum sanitation. The only help came by ordinary citizens who put personal initiative by bringing water and basic necessities. Gradually, the number of refugees increased along with the catering needs, medical care and sanitation infrastructure. The conditions in informal settlement deteriorates because of weather conditions, since the area began rains and snowfall.

All these conditions have spontaneously attracted: non-governmental organizations without any state intervention. In informal camp, there were approximately 60 organizations and 400 activists (Petition Idomeni, 2016). The population of refugees exceeded 10,000 while according to international amnesty around 50% at them were families with children. The organizations in cooperation with them began to improved the life conditions to a level the situation. The organizations initially observing volunteers and caring citizens actions in escape points. Gradually undertook the action by undertaking field contracted to cover eachsector of basic needs (food distribution, logging events, keeping minors), displacing some due to the growth of the refugee population that was unable to meet all the needs.

Figure 3. Estimated Age and Gender breakdown (Source: UNHCR)

The organization of the camp was the exclusive responsibility of the NGOs that in collaboration with each other to create the basic infrastructure. Initially, the camp was supported by to UNHCR, Doctors without Borders, Doctors of the world while many other organizations were arriving into the area. These groups install 5 large tents that could accommodate 1000 people. In the camp, infrastructure was created for

potable water while there was a 24-hour power supply and internet connection. Moreover 80 sanitary facilities as toilets and washing rooms were installed. This number increased gradually as it raised to the number of people to be served. In March 2016, the number of sanitary facilities reached to the maximum, 180. Though the fact that the population of irregular camp touched the 14,000 refugees, the maximum people that could be accommodated by the NGOs reached only to 2500.

Figure 5. Unorganized space (Source: www.athensvoice.gr, 2016)

The camp operation period was not exactly defined as the date of entry of the operation was not clear. It was established around September 2015 and settled in May 2016. Idomeni today: In late 2015 the camp was thought to be evacuate by the government due to weather conditions in the region and the lack of organized plan. In the spring of 2016, the situation in Idomeni was tragic. Villagers want to cultivate their land that hosted the refugees. The railway line remained closed for months and this prevents the freight railcars to operate routes. All these factors had been serious economic implications for the region thus put pressure to the government to take action. Figure 4. Location of the amenities (Source: Google Maps, 2015)

Specifically, there were 17 rub halls and 28 tents for accommodation and 3000 tents for other facilities (food, health services etc). There were catering three times per day (dry and hot meals). There was a medical care area (170m2 and in a small distance, health center and hospital. Furthermore, there was safe space for children, while there were information services for asylum seekers and those who like to move in to organized establishments in Greece (UNHCR, March 2016). The camp is organized on three bases: â&#x20AC;˘ field of housing and sanitation â&#x20AC;˘ food distribution space â&#x20AC;˘ unorganized space which included the agricultural land and the abandoned building of the railway station and some wagons. The Greek police were responsible for maintaining security in the region and there were meetings for the operation of the unit.

Figure 6. Idomeni today (Source: www.kathimerini.gr, 2016)

Thus the government intervened the place, with the assistance of the police and the army, with the second and final evacuation plan of the informal camp. The project consisted of three main parts: The first concerned the information of the population when the border is not foreseen to open. The second concerned the division of the area into

33 sectors and taking responsibility for each sector by the army and the police. The third concerned the organization of movement of refugees in camps per sector. Implementation of the project lasted about two months. The transfer of refugees held by chartered buses within a week. Today in the region there are few signs of the existence of informal settlement. (Internation Amnesty, 2016)

Figure 8. Azrap camp in Jordan (Source: UNHCR)

Refugee Camp Structure

Figure 7. Idomeni today (Source: www.athensvoice.gr, 2016)

3. AZRAQ REFUGEE CAMP The crisis in Syria has forced around four million Syrians (most of them women and children) to flee the country, with approximately 629,128 registered Syrian refugees in Jordan. More than 80% of Syrian refugees in Jordan reside in cities and towns, while the rest live in three refugee camps in northern Jordan. Besides the major security concerns and their impact on the lives of Jordanians, the economic impact of the refugee crisis on the Jordanian economy is an issue of debate in the country. Nonetheless, the substantial emphasis was given economy and infrastructure which have forced the government of Jordan to revise and prioritize its response to the refugee crisis and find ways to mitigate its impact on the country. Thus there are 5 Syrian refugee camps in Jordan, three of which are official while the rest are temporary. Azraq refugee camp is one of them (Source: wikipedia).

The camp of Azraq was created by the cooperation of the Jordanian government with United Nations. According to the latest report of UNHCR, the population in the camp of Azraq is 20.854 refugees. The highest proportion of respondents were between 16 and 30-years old (43%), followed by 42% of respondents aged between 31-45-years, 11% aged between 46-60-years, and 4% over the age of 60. Female respondents comprised a slightly larger proportion of the sample, with 59% female respondents and 41% male. The camp was officially opened on April 30th, 2014. Most respondents arrived to the camp in October December 2015. Over one-third of respondents were reported as arrived in the last six months (UNICHEF, 2015). The size of camp area is around 14.7 km2 and the capacity is around 50.000 people which could expend to 100.000 people (UNICHEF, 2015).

Geographical Location Azraq is a town with the population of 9021 in the province of Zarqa governorate in central-eastern Jordan. The Azraq refugee camp sheltering refugees of the Syrian Civil War was opened in 2014 and is located 20 kilometres away from of Azraq. The site had been previously used during the Gulf War of 1990â&#x20AC;&#x201C;91 as a transit camp for displaced Iraqis and Kuwaitis. The camp is located 80 km away from the border with Syria and 250 km from the border of Iraq (Malkawi, 2014).

Figure 9. Map of Azrap camp (Source: UNHCR)

Azraq Camp is subdivided into four villages â&#x20AC;&#x201C; each with a capacity to house 10.000 to 12.500 people. Currently, all refugees live in two villages. Each village has its own community centre, primary health post, community police post, women and child friendly spaces, and sports fields. There is shared access to schools, supermarket, hospital and mosque (CARE, 2015).

The public water supply in Azraq camp is transported from boreholes outside the camp by water trucks and checked for water safety by WASH partners before being delivered to the main tanks inside the camp. The vast majority of households in Azraq camp rely on the public water supply for their main source of drinking water (87% of households). Overall, 13% of households relies on purchased bottled water for their main drinking water supply (UNICHEF, 2014).

There are no tents in Azraq , and for protection reasons, water and sanitation facilities are in the immediate vicinity to the dwellings. There are three primary health care centers operated in the camp, one comprehensive in Village 6, one basic in Village 3 and one temporary in Village 5. Also there is a secondary level healthcare (medical surgical and maternity care) available to refugees at the field hospital running 24 hour per day. Refugees receive 20 JOD (equivalent to $28) per person every month from WFP in the form of an electronic voucher which can be used to buy food from the supermarket in the camp using the card-less WFP EyePay iris scanning system connected to UNHCRâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s registration database. WFP also distributes 240 gr of bread daily to all refugees in the camp. Ready to eat meals are provided to refugees upon arrival and a school feeding program is in place for students in the formal and informal schools.

Figure 11. Azrap camp on early 2013 and on May 2013 (Source: www.bbc.uk)

There is one formal school operating in Azraq Camp, which was opened in September 2014 with the capacity for 5,000 students. Over half of school-aged children are reported as to recieve formal education in Azraq . There is one kindergarten with a capacity of 400 children. Furthermore, there are four child-oriented spaces with playgrounds and four spaces for adolescents in the camp providing additional services. The camp is vast and some distances are difficult to cover on foot, especially for the elderly. Therefore, a public transport system was introduced in September 2014. The camp will continue to operate and cover the needs of refugees in the future since it has not been covered sufficiently by the capacity (CARE, 2015).

Figure 10. Azraq Camp Coordination Structure (Source: UNHCR)

A comprehensive energy plan to connect electricity to every household is ongoing with the installation of the low voltage poles currently taking place. Once the project is completed, each shelter will have an allowance of 1kWh/day, enough power to operate lights, a refrigerator, television, a fan and charge phones. A solar power plant will also be installed in the camp this year to reduce the cost of electricity bills. In the meantime, UNHCR has installed 472 solar street lights and about four solar lanterns for each household (UNICHEF, 2014).

Figure 12. Azrap camp (Source: http://www.aljazeera.com)

4. CONCLUSIONS Above, for two different types of refugee camps which were created though the need to accommodate people escaping from the conflict situation. In comparision to each other, there are several differences between these two camps. Initially the camp in Idomeni was created without any kind of design in contrast to the case of Azraq where the camp was created by international bodies in cooperation with the state machinery that had experience in both the design and operation of such a plan. Furthermore the space where the refugees settled in Idomeni belongs to private individuals, except for the small area of the railway station which belongs to the parties in the public sector. In contrast, in the camp in Azraq built on public land and so there was no disturbance for anyone. Additionally in the case of Idomeni, there was a complete lack of planning which was due to the fact that there was undefined and unpredictable number of people accommodated daily while some of them were leaving when permitted.

REFERENCES: Kasparek, B. (2016),Routes, Corridors, and Spaces of Exception: Governing Migration and Europe, Near Futures Online 1 “Europe at a Crossroads” Schmidt, A.(2005), FMO Thematic Guide: Camps versus settlements, University of Oxford Internation Amnesty (2016)Repost-Traped in Greece, a refugee crisis that could be avoided UNHCR (2015),Mass Communications Assessment Azraq Camp UNICHEF (2014), Fortnıghtly wash monıtorıng al azraq refugee camp, jordan – vıllages 3 and 6 CARE(2015), Baseline Assessment of Skills & Market opportunities for Youth in Azraq Refugee Camp in Jordan UNICHEF (2015), Comprehensıve chıld focused assessment azraq refugee camp Malkawi, 2004, First group of Syrian refugees arrives in Azraq camp, http://www.jordantimes. com/news/local/first-group-syrian-refugees-arrives-azraq-camp http://www.giving.org.gr/slider-features/petition_idomeni http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/2015/05/jordan-azraq-syrian-refugee-camp-stands-largely-empty-150526084850543.html www.tovima.gr www.bbc.uk

Another key difference is the financial aspects in the two cases. As the only financial support came from NGOs,the only state intervention was the presence of the Greek police when needed. The two camps differ functionally as well. For example, in the camp of Azraq there is no provision of food only for those who are just enter the camp, unlike for those in Idomeni. In this way, they are given the opportunity to become autonomous and to have a sense of normality in their daily life. The camp will continue to operate and cover the needs of refugees in the future since it has not performed with its full capacity. Another key difference is that in Idomeni there was no educational infrastructure for children accommodated while there was a rudimentary healthcare space. Yet in the Azraq there are primary and secondary health facilities. Although these two camps have all these differences, the strong feature is that they were realized in two countries facing a deep economic crisis and they wre managed with standing solidarity.

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urban refugees vıs-a-vıs refugees ın camps Gülse Eraydın

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, TURKEY gulse_eraydın@hotmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION While the world is dealing with a Syrian refugee crisis, almost all human beings have been faced with these changes in urban environment. Especially in Turkey, it is becoming a socio-spatial problematic issue for both new comers and Turkish citizens. Turkey is mostly preferred by Syrian asylum seekers because of its geographical proximity. Permanent and temporary refugees, do either prefer refugee camps, container and tent cities which is offered by Turkish government or the citiesto live in. The capacity of camping areas have not been enough for the high number of refugees coming. That is why, the number of refugees integrated to cities has increased rapidly. We come up with a new term called ‘urban refugee’ which have been trying to be integrated to cities socially, economically and physically. While cities and the urban environment are affected by this social trend, urban planners and designers need to create new strategies, new alternatives to foster more resilient cities against rapid spatial transformaiton. In this sense, this paper addresses the socio-spatial situation of Syrian refugees both inside and outside of camps in Turkey. The weaknesses and advantages of both refugee camps and urban refugees that are integrated to cities with the case of Önder Neighborhood in Ankara is considered an important shelter for many Syrian refugees is discussed within this paper. Önder neighborhood is considered a better area to analyze because it is a potential study area including huge number of Syrian refugees in Ankara, Turkey. 2. REFUGEE IN A CAMP VIS-A-VIS URBAN REFUGEE Emerging developments in Syrian territory since March 2011 was recorded as one of the most important worldwide refugee crises. In this ascending international migration, flow from Syrian land has been seen mostly in Turkey because of the geographical proximity. (Erdoğan, 2014:4-5). From that time, the number of refugees relocated from Syria to Turkey has exceeded 1.6 million. According to Syrian refugee report of AFAD (Disaster and Emergency Management Authority) related to

refugee camps in Turkey, %13 of the Syrian refugees have been living in 22 camps built in 10 provinces while the rest (%87) of them have been spreading through the whole country.

Map 1. Distribution of Syrian refugees by provinces as May 2016 (Source: World Health Organization, 2016)

Map 2. Distribution of Syrian refugee camps by provinces in Turkey (Source: AFAD, 2014: 20)

Refugees usually prefer Turkey as transit country to reach western countries while some of them prefer or Turkey as target country. Even if their existence is considered as temporary, the ones who could survive and sustain life in Turkey have been inclined to permanently stay (Erdoğan, 2014: 5). In this sense, refugee camps are urgent and transient

solution in short term. ‘’We believe that camps should be the exception and only a temporary measure in response to forced displacement.’’ (UNHCR, 2016).

The capability of shaping the living environment for a refugee living in a container or tent cities is limited in contrast to urban refugee living in a city.

International refugees in exile experience some sort of stages like abondenment of hometown, relocating and arriving new country respectively. After that, rehabilitation and adaptation to hosting country processes ensue the previous stages. In this process, refugee camps in Turkey have achieved success through supplying the basic needs of refugees. Moreover, the satisfaction level concerning services provided is high according to survey results (AFAD, 2014: 12). However, the survey results also indicate that the number of refugees that want to live in camps and these living outside the camps are pretty close. This situation brings the question to the mind of why these people willing to live outside the camps despite the opportunities and services such as shelter, security, health or education that camps offer. Table 1. Survey result investigating the number of refugees that wish to live outside of the camps (Source: AFAD Syrian Refugee Report, 2014: 106)

Figure 1. Kilis Öncüpınar Container City (Source: Trt Haber. http://www.trthaber. com/foto-galeri/kiliste-suriyelilerin-kaldigi-konteyner-kent-havadan-goruntulendi/815/sayfa-10.html)

However, the urban refugees are more flexible to shape their environment in an urban environment. Refugees may settle in an existing house as tenant or they may reuse abandoned places and may convert it into a living space. The question above can be answered through detailed analysis and comparison of refugees in camps from point of views. Physical, economical, political or social. One may gain advantage over the other in any aspect while has more weaknesses in another aspect. For the comparison of urban refugees, Önder Neighborhood in Altındağ, Ankara is selected as a case because the neighborhood is known as shelter the huge number of refugees living. The neighborhood is located near to an industrial zone with can be considered as potential area of employment for refugees in Altındağ district, Ankara. The neighborhood which Syrian refugees residing as tenant status is also an urban transformation area since July 2015 (Mazlumder, 2015:3).

In addition to these, the mediatory role or public space between different cultures can be seen only in cities. There are common spaces in container and tent cities with access of only Syrian refugees while public space in Önder neighborhood is open to both refugees and local people. Therefore urban refugee have more opportunity to socialize and meet local people than a refugee living in container or tent city.

Physical Domain As urban spaces are considered as representation of lifestyles and cultures of users, refugees have experienced place making processes inside and outside of the camps. The container and tent cities are built in standards with services like a city offers. These have schools, mosques, shopping market or administrative structures. (Özdemir Yılmaz, 2016: 12-20)

Figure 2. Refugees and local people (Source: Personal archive, 2016)

Economical Domain In economical point of view, refugees in container or tent cities use their money cards supplied by government in markets inside or outside the camps. Most of them do not work for living, their basic needs are provided by government. That is why, they may not get involved local market economically because the container or city has capital cycle in itself. (Özdemir Yılmaz, 2016: 12-20).

gee in terms of gaining registration status. According to the AFAD report, the number of refugees outside the camps is extremely high, most of them are illegally live in cities. However, the Turkish government decided to include urban refugees that are waiting for the register since 2013 with the new policy as UNHCR stated (Fleming and Dobbs, 2013). Table 2. Status of registration of refugees inside and outside the camps (Source: AFAD Report, 2016: 106)

However, urban refugee must work for living to survive in hosting city. Thus it can be said that city with refugees is more locally integrated than container or tent city. In the rehabilitation and adaptation processes of international asylum seekers that mentioned above, urban refugee needs to have employment for living. The most important reason of why huge number of refugees settle in Önder neighborhood is close proximity to Siteler industrial zone as potential area to employ refugees (Mazlumder, 2015: 6) In Önder neighborhood, locally integrated economy can be seen. Refugees may take on lease enterprises from local people, and invest. There are lots of workspaces with Arabic signboards that can be considered as spatial economic activity of refugees in an area. Although the area has locally integrated economy, there is also a problem of refugee as illegal worker in Siteler industrial zone.

Social Domain It can be argued that, the socio-spatial mechanism of refugee camps are problematic to the notion of the city because these are mostly enclosed structures that the connection with outer world is minimized behind the fences. There are some similarities between camps and gated communities within controlled entrances (Diken, 2010:92). Refugees inside the container are tent cities are sort of excluded from city dynamics and existing local people. Geographical mobility of the refugees is also limited for the refugees living in container of tent camps. Additionally, camps are portrayed as fear of getting close for local outer people. Bauman interprets the socio-spatial aspect of refugee camps as:

Figure 3. Arabic signs in Önder Neighborhood (Source: Personal archive,2016)

Political Domain When registration status of refugees inside and outside the camps is compared, approximately 186,000 refugee in camps are determinend as having legal registration status while the urban refugees do not have. The refugee in container or tent city gains advantage over urban refu-

‘’Refugee camps and the nowherevilles share the intended, in-built, pre-programmed transience. Both installations are conceived and planned as a hole in time as much as in space, a temporary suspension of territorial ascription and the time sequence. But the faces they show to their respective users/inmates sharply differ. The two kinds of extraterritoriality are sedimented, so to speak, on the opposite poles of globalization. The first offers transience as a facility chosen at will, the second makes it permanent and irrevocable, an ineluctable fate: a difference not unlike the one that separates the two outfits of secure permanence—the gated communities of the discriminating rich and the ghettos of the discriminated poor. And the causes of difference are also similar: closely guarded and watched entries and wide open exits on one side of the opposition, and largely indiscriminate entry but tightly

sealed exits on the other. It is the locking of the exits in particular that perpetuates the state of transience without replacing it with permanence. In refugee camps, time is suspended; it is time, but no history.’’ (Bauman, 2002: 114)

created to provide qualified living spaces for refugees and satisfaction level concerning services and basic needs is high, there is still a wish to live outside the camps. This paper addresses the advantages and weaknesses of refugees living in camps and urban refugees.

However, there is tension with existing local people for urban refugees and the social dynamics involved. For instance, huge amount of Syrian children who know Turkish can be educated in same school with Turkish children in Önder neighborhood. The rest of Syrian children who do not know Turkish are educated in mosques in Arabic language. In addition to social integration between refugees and local that is observable in the area, in contrast to refugee camps, strong connection between the all Syrian refugees is also observed. In the neighborhoor, there is Selçuk Street which is called ‘Little Aleppo (Küçük Halep)’ used as commercial street that all Syrian refugees from different locations in Ankara gather and shop together. [1]

This comparative perspective shows that there are some reasons for refugees to be willing to live outside the camps. As living environments do represent people’s lifestyle and culture, the place making experience of refugees and socializing activity with local people in the camp are limited as opposed to those of urban refugees. Economically, camps are self-sustaining and urban refugees gain advantage over refugee inside camps through being locally integrated to the market. There are also socio-spatial problems related to camps in terms of creating socio-spatial segregation. The only domain that refugee in camp gains advantage over urban refugee is having legal status. According to AFAD’s report dated in 2016, all refugees living inside camps have registration status while urban refugees have mostly out of the legal system. In the light of the indicators, it is revealed that the concept of ‘urban refugee’ is to get more importance in future, as well.

NOTES: 1. These information is gained through an interviews with local people and site observations in Önder neighborhood in 9th of February 2016.

REFERENCES: Bannon, B. Alternatives to Camps. UNHCR-The UN Refugee Agency. Web. <http://www.unhcr. org/alternatives-to-camps.html>. Bauman, Z. Society Under Siege. London: Polity.

Figure 4. Syrian and Turkish children in same school in Önder Neighborhood (Source: Personal archive, 2016)

Diken, B. (2004). From refugee camps to gated communities: biopolitics and the end of the city , Citizenship Studies, 8:1, 83-106. Erdoğan, M.(2014). Türkiye’deki Suriyeliler: Toplumsal Kabul ve Uyum Araştırması. 72th ed. Ankara: HUGO Yayınları.

3. CONCLUSION

Fleming, M. and Dobbs, L. (2013). UNHCR Welcomes. <http://www.unhcr.org/news/latest/2013/3/513de5756/unhcr-welcomes-turkeys-registration-syrians-urban-areas.html>.

There are two ways to accommodate refugees in Turkey which are living inside and outside the camps, container or tent cities. Incresing number of Syrian refugees have been caused that the term of urban refugee gain importance because the capacity of refugee camps become insufficient the new comers. Refugee camps as reflecting temporary nature of refugee phenomenon as the solution to accommodate new comers in short run. . (Perouse de Montclos and Kagwanja, 2000:205). In other words, they can be considered ‘temporary spaces between war and city’ (Source 2). Container or tent cities are standardized infrastructures with sufficient service provided in Turkey. Even if they have

Kılıç, A.,Berber, E. and Çetin, S. (2015). Ankara Siteler Bölgesinin Önder ve Hacılar Mahallelerinde Kentsel Dönüşüm Projesi Kapsamında Yapılan Yıkım Faaliyeti ile İlgili Ön İnceleme Raporu. Ankara. Perouse de Montclos, M. and Kagwanja, P. (2000). Refugee Camps or Cities? Socio Economic Dynamicsof the Dadaab and Kakuma Camps in Northern Korea. Oxford University Press, pp.205-222. Prime Minister Disaster and Emergency Management Authority. (2014). Population Influx from Syria to Turkey Life in Turkey as a Syrian Gues Report. Ankara. Stevenson, A. and Sutton, R. There is No Place like a Refugee Camp Urban Planning and Participation in the Camp Context. (2013) . Özdemir Yılmaz, Ö. (2016) .Suriye’de Trajedi Türkiye’de Dost Eli. TOKİ Haber Dergisi . 74th ser, pp.12-20.

Emergent Heterotopias Of Squatter Settlements: The Changing Role Of “The Other” In The Case Of Turkey Ebru Şevik

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, TURKEY ebrusevik92@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION The society in which we live does not have a single, homogeneous structure that draws a general frame to understand the dynamics of it. Instead, we live in a set of relations that delineates sites which are irreducible to one another and absolutely not superimposable on one another (Foucault, 1986). These relations are established with the interaction of society’s divergent actors and dynamics. The term heterotopia was elaborated by Foucault, the French philosopher, who addresses the complexities, differences and incompatibilities in society. As a spatial term, it indicates ‘the place of reality’, ‘the other’s place’ (Sargın, 2003). ‘The other’s place’ is ‘the counter place’ that indicates the irregularities embedded within the richness of cultural varieties marginalized because of being excluded by the authority (Sargın, 2003). The experience of metropolitan cities in Turkey since the 1940s led to emergence of new concepts. The policies conducted by the government to accelerate the industrialization process significantly attracted the mass of rural population to big cities. Lack of housing stocks in that period, made immigrants produce their houses on the land, informally. Therefore, the concept of ‘gecekondu’ has emerged. From the beginning of their emergence, in different economical and political periods of Turkey, ‘gecekondu’ settlements has evolved in different forms, yet always became the place of a political struggle. This paper aims to investigate the ‘politics of Gecekondu” and its changing spatial characteristics through time along the lines of the notion, ‘heterotopia’ discussed by M. Foucault. 2. HETEROTOPIA The term ‘heterotopia’, derived from the Greek heteros, ‘another’, and topos, ‘place’ (Johnson, 2006) is a spatial term indicating the complexities, hybridities, and differentiations in society and the reflections of

their relations on space. Different from ‘utopia’ which implies no real place and presents the society in a perfected form, ‘heterotopia’ does exist and function as a ‘counter-site’, a kind of effectively enacted utopia experienced in the real space (Foucault, 1984). They have relations with all the other emplacements in such a way to suspect, neutralize, or invent the set of relations. Therefore it is possible to speak about heterotopias only with existence of the other (Foucault, 1984). Foucault (1984) provides some principles to support his arguments about the notion of heterotopia and space, and he draws a comprehensive frame work in which the we can place the principles of heterotopia in different manners. The very first argument of him is that the cultural variety of the world creates heterotopias in different types and forms, and these heterotopias can function in different fashions (Foucault, 1984). This is quite a critical point as the constitutional notions of the concept, heterotopia, varies in time. In other words, heterotopias function differently with respect to the changes in the society, the economical, political, and social circumstances of the era and the individual’s behavior or beliefs. This statement also relates the time-wise principle of Foucault that the periodical changes shape the future of heterotopia, while the temporal factors change the form of it, as well. Foucault’s emphasis on space and relationality with other spaces is addressed in other principles as well. Heterotopias are capable of juxtaposing several spaces in a single context, several sites which are incompatible in themselves (Foucault, 1984). In this context, he gives the example of Persian traditional garden where on four parts of the rectangle represent the four parts of the world. This is quiet an abstract approach which assigns symbolic meaning to the space. As more concrete example to this approach, urban squatters in which an individual produces, inhabits and maintains his/her cultural entity can be examined under the concept of heterotopia, which will be discussed later in the paper. As ‘the other place’, heterotopia has a relevance with the existence of

all the neighbouring spatial identifies. The other locates at counter-places around its politics and takes an active part via its establishment of meaningful interfaces. The denser its relationship with the surrounding members, the more lucrative meanings are potentially constructed. Therefore, counter-places are always possible with further places (Sargın, 2003). They mirror, reflect, represent, designate, speak about all other sites but at the same time contradict with those sites (Foucault, 1984). The principles of Foucault mentioned above indicate to a common characteristic of heterotopia. Whatever its form or function is, it separates itself from other spaces, and thus becomes ‘the other’. 3. HETEROTOPIA AS POLITIAL SPACE As ‘the place of reality’, heterotopia refers to an existing place unlike utopia which implies a placeless condition. In fact, “the counter place” indicates the irregularities all embedded within the richness of cultural varieties and it becomes marginal because it is excluded by the authority. In his article, ‘Marginal Spaces’, Sargın (2003) describes heterotopia as rather a political narration of its fragmented pieces, a place of power, a place of representation of peril and mystery, and a place of struggle where its spectators’ identity is in stake. In his book ‘The Badlands of Modernity: Heterotopia and Social Ordering’, Hetherington (1997) approaches to the issue from a different perspective and defines it as spaces of alternate ordering based on a number of utopics which are in relation to a tension that exists within modern societies in the context of freedom and discipline. Though he uses the concept in terms of modernity with its spatial performance, by indicating it as a spatio-political phenomenon. Heterotopia embodies different cultures therefore indicates a complexity. As each unique body carries its own identity, there occurs a contradiction between the parts. This leads to the emergence of politics in heterotopia on space. ‘The other’ organizes its space around its politics and the space gains its meanings via political relations with its surroundings. The politic struggle of “the other” is also the power representation of the authority. It is to consume all the possible sources of difference and becomes a part of power struggle, yet being and becoming different needs spatial relations and the representations of those (Sargın, 2003). Therefore, ‘the counter place’ is the place of resistance of the outsider. It can be made over discourse, image, and event and the space can be best operationalized only when they are re-conceptualized within the limits of spatial program (Sargın, 2003).

4. SQUATTER AS HETEROTOPIA Squatter settlement constitutes the marginal part of the city. It is always open to any intervention. Mostly consisting of the migrant population, its social and cultural structure is very complex and difficult to discuss within a single context. It is the spatio-political foundation of differences all implanted within the qualities of everyday life (Sargın, 2003). Therefore, being a counter place does not solely require taking a counter position towards hegemony. The spontaneity of everyday life of the urban actors, referring to ‘the marginal’ in this context, and the ability as well as the courage to transgress the dominant is the key apparatus (Sargın, 2003). Considering squatter as ‘the other’ face of the city, it would be appropriate to discuss the notion of heterotopia in this context. Heterotopia implies to a place where different bodies are in relation with each other, and the space is organized through these relations. Henri Lefebvre (1991) defines space as a social product which is a means of control, domination, and power. As an urban space, squatter settlements can be defined as social product as well, as the dominant mechanism’s performance take place there explicitly. Though the organization and the production of squatter belong to the owner, the inhabitant itself, the production process of the space is quite complex because different urban actors are involved and waiting to impose their own politics to the space. Therefore, squatter is the place of heterotopia’s political side manifested severely. Squatters bring together spatial and temporal aspects of political action (Rogowska-Stangret, 2015). As stated before, they are open to any intervention and thus, space is subject to be altered and inclined to gain another meaning. Referring to Foucault’s heterotopia, the different meanings of these spaces make them function in a different fashion. In different periods of time, the space takes different forms in accordance with the political actions of authority and therefore, the discourse changes in time as well. The change in the function of a squatter settlement depends on both society’s activity and politics of urban decision makers; it may be seen as an alternative form of housing, cultural or political center, illegal practice (Rogowska-Stangret, 2015), or as a promising urban capital, a source of income. In addition to the functional change, squatter settlements are capable of combining several sites such as living and working spaces, sites of political action or socio-cultural activities. ‘The other’ creates its own environment around the most needed activities. In his book Recombinant Urbanism, D. G. Shane (2005) gives the example of Walled Kowloon City whish existed for a certain period in Hong Kong. After the Chinese

Revolution in 1947, the massive immigration to the city and the housing shortage led immigrants illegally squat on the land and build their own houses.

Figure 1. Façade of Kowloon City (Source: Girard and Lambot, 1993)

The vertical extension of the settlement resulted with a web of housing blocks with many horizontal corridors accomodating commercial and service functions. The complex was also an attraction point for the gangsters due to its maze-like structure. The settlement housed ‘the other’ population of the city like displaced refugees and immigrants. They created their own institutions and organizations detached from the society. Combining several sites and functions in a single settlement complex, and being isolated from the rest of the city socially and physically, Kowloon City created its own heterotopia by the inhabitants. Shane (2005) also makes another emphasis on the issue defining its relation with surrounding. He asserts that heterotopias function inside the urban system in relation with all other sites with multiple compartments which hold contradictory and complementary spaces. In the case of Kowloon City, according to Shane (2005), the relation was established by both mirroring and inverting the normative codes of Hong Kong resembling city’s vertical development, and like the tower blocks prevalent around it, the settlement grew as a single superblock with an incredible density and complexity.

Figure 2. Aerial view of Walled Kowloon City (Source: Lambot, 1993)

In his quite ambiguous description, Foucault speaks about a system of opening and closing which both isolates heterotopias and makes them penetrable. Heterotopia is neither a public place which is freely accessible nor a private site which is open only to the insider. They have internal rules regulating them. Entering to a heterotopia is in fact only an illusion: we think we enter where we are, by the very fact that we enter, excluded (Foucault, 1984). This approach finds itself a place in the context of squatter settlement as well. The squatter creates its own regulating system within its territory and maintains its existence as an anomalistic part of the urban system. It implies another world. In order to enter to this world, an individual should meet the necessary requirements. Similar to Foucault’s illustration of Islamic Hammam of which the entrance requires certain rituals and purifications, the common cultural and historical background underlie the rituals of squatters. Though squatter land is shared with different bodies, the presence in there is illusory without having the common features of cultural and historical roots. 5. SQUATTER EXPERIENCE OF TURKEY The complex of Walled Kowloon City was a product of an industrialized society; however, the social organization of the immigrants was preindustrial (Shane, 2005). A similar situation was experienced by the big cities in Turkey beginning from the 1940s as well. The rural regions became insufficient economically for the inhabitants and this led rural population to leave their homelands and migrate to urban centers to benefit from job opportunities that the cities provide. However, the lack of housing stock led migrants to build their own housing units usually on public properties without legal permissions. The emergence of squatter as a new settlement typology also led to emergence of new concepts and many socio-spatial and socio-political discussions as well. In the context of Turkey, a local name is attributed to the squatter, as ‘gecekondu’, a one-night built self-help housing (Şahin, 2014). As a new settlement typology, ’gecekondu’ sites were formed as small settlement clusters in urban periphery which is less controlled by the local authority. Gecekondu communities produced its own living environment in accordance with their needs. However, this settlement type which emerged and developed out of the system created quite an irregular urban pattern. Its settlement pattern reflected the spatial structure of the society which could not be integrated into the city and placed at the margin of the urban system (Şenyapılı, 2004). Built on the idlest sites of the city, they consisted slum-like building units without any infrastructural elements. Therefore, gecekondu places which were produced within the migrant’s own construction knowledge became the most problematic areas of the city.

started to shift from small, irregular, slum-like clustering to more regular neighborhoods.

Figure 3. Settlement plan of Tuzluçayır Neighbothood, Ankara (Source: Şenyapılı, 1981: 9)

The problem was not solely the physical conditions of gecekondu. As they became the ‘poverty neighborhoods’ of the city, they also became the most unwanted and marginalized part of the city by urbanite. Though urban authorities have attempted to demolish these sites for many times, they confronted with the resistance of ‘the marginal’ and ‘the other’ reproduced its living environment again (Şenyapılı, 2004). Thus, following its first emergence, gecekondu became the center of the struggle against authority, and a new system functioning within its own regulations along with a common perception of marginality. Beginning with the 1950s, the economical policies conducted by the state accelerated the industrialization process in cities. The sudden increase of the employment opportunities resulted with migration boom and gecekondu settlements continued to gecekondu grow rapidly. However, this time, the role of gecekondu has changed. It was seen as a source of cheap labor for the growing industry and they became the contributors of the increasing capital. Therefore, they were supported by the politicians of the period and gained political importance. Given chance to settle on the land legally, they organized as small communities beside the authority. In this way, the marginal part of the city which could not be integrated with urban life and urbanite in social, cultural and spatial fields had chance to do so in political arena. The contradictory and superficial-formal relations between the authority and gecekondu (Şenyapılı, 2004) led infrastructure services to be supplied in gecekondu areas. In this way, the spatial organization of gecekondu

The 1960s correspond to a period in which gecekondu is accepted as the economical and political domain (Şenyapılı, 2004). The increasing economic capacity of ‘gecekondu’ population brought it a new economical function as consumers in the domestic market. Thereby, the necessary arrangements which legally recognized the presence of gecekondu were made (Erman, 2000). At different scales, infrastructure investments were made to improve the physical quality. This also changed the spatial organization of gecekondu settlements as well. In addition to the infrastructure services, the inhabitant also implemented its own intervention to the place as the legal conditions became more appropriate. The result of these spatial developments was the increase in density and shift from shanty-towns to established low-density residential neighborhoods (Erman, 2000).

1960

1966

1972

1976

Figure 4. Development of Gazi Osman Paşa Neighborhod, İstanbul via spatial regulations (Source: Şenyapılı, 1981: 189-192)

From the 1970s on, due to the rapid expansion of cities, gecekondu settlements were no longer the sites which placed at the outskirts of urban land. The desire of people to live far from the city’s hustle and bustle, new neighborhoods were formed at the peripheral areas which were mostly consisted of middle or high income groups, and these neighborhoods intertwined with gecekondu sites. This new formation

brought another role to gecekondu for land speculators (Şenyapılı, 2004). With the raise of land values in these settlements, gecekondu sites were seen as a source of economical income by the owners, and they started to transform them into multi-storey residential areas. These areas in which different settlement typologies are intertwined brought socio-spatial and socio-cultural problems as well. Gecekondu and its inhabitant were still representing the other, the marginal part of the city, therefore they were not completely accepted by the urban elite. Through, though the coexistence of different social and economic segments in the same place, integration of gecekondu population with the rest has always been a problematic issue. Gecekondu remained as a place between urban and rural culture (Şenyapılı, 1981).

allowed the inhabitants to have the ownership of right on the land. On the other hand, the ones, who could not benefit from this opportunity, were affected very negatively by the transformation interventions. They constituted the most disadvantaged group of gecekondu population in terms of economical situation. They were forced to leave their homes without being supplied another place to live.

From the 1980s, with the impact of rapid urbanization, the development of gecekondu settlements, a low-density neighborhoods, was accelerated as well as the other parts of the cities. However, as a result of the rapid increase in the population, the employment opportunities became insufficient. As gecekondu was a solution for a housing problem of the poor, its existence lasted very long. However, in this period, the context of gecekondu has changed. Before, the term was attributed to rurality. Yet being rural was not seen any more as a valid defining characteristic of gecekondu population. It was seen as the poor sub-culture implying inferiority which is less than the dominant culture, the urban modernity (Erman, 2000). Though the heterogeneity of gecekondu population was not recognized until the 1980s and the 1990s, it always had a complex structure. For example, in the 1950s, gecekondu population involving Albanians, Tatars, Kurds, Gypsies and Nosairians settled in different locations of Ankara (Şenyapılı, 1981). However, due to their common rural origins, they were seen as a homogeneous sub-culture. In the following years, the socio-political events and the violence took place in these settlements led the society to be aware of the ethnic, cultural and social diversities. In the following years, due to these radical political events in gecekondu neighborhoods against the state, and the increasing number of criminal activities, violence and destruction, gecekondu became a threatening phenomenon by the urban elite. This negative impression of gecekondu led the upper class to support the demolition of these sites to maintain their ‘unpolluted lives’ (Erman, 2000). However, demolition or other physical interventions led other events on the economic base. The phenomenon of apartmentalisation opened the way for commercialization of gecekondu. With the emerging public-private partnership and renewal projects implemented on gecekondu settlements, they became a source of capital income for the period’s government and a gaining profit for the inhabitant of gecekondu as the legal arrangements

Figure 5. Apartment developments within gecekondu areas (Source: Kahraman, 2007)

An example of this situation was experienced in Ankara Dikmen Valley Project introduced in August 17, 1986. The project mainly proposed the clearance of the site from squatter and turning into a recreational area on city scale (Metropol İmar, 1994; Uzun; 2003 cited in Kahraman, 2008) However, through the modifications made by the municipal authority afterwards, its partial plan was changed and it turned into a housing development project. This arrangement gave way to increase the property value in the area and transform the land into a tool for commercial profit. Besides, the holders of development right could not get what was promised; they were placed at the peripheral areas of the valley while the high-rise buildings targeting the upper class dominated the area, and the ones without legal proof of right on the land were displaced. Though the attempts to get organized against the violation of right, they were ignored by the authority claiming that the resistance had ideological motivations (Mutlu, 2007), therefore the original settlers remained excluded.

in the society, especially exclusion of the disadvantaged urban poor of the, gecekondu population. In this period, the meaning of gecekondu has changed from ‘the other’ to ‘the threatening other’ (Erman, 2000).

Figure 6. View of the gecekondu settlement in Dikmen Valley, Ankara (Source: Malusardi and Occhipinti, 2003)

The emergence of gecekondu phenomenon since the 1940s, the spatiality of those who could not find a constant place in social and economic domain has been discussed so far. As discussed above, in different time periods, the impact of economical and political events assigned different meanings and roles to gecekondu. Whatever the role is, it could never escape from being the other face of the society. Though playing different roles in time, these settlements that emerged unexpectedly out of the existing system could not be integrated with the city, segregated from the society and eventually got marginalized. When we look at the picture today, it is seen that many of the large squatter areas have been disappeared and transformed into high-rise housing sites. While many of the land owners had chance to gain place for themselves in the new settlement organization, the issue of adaptation and integration with the surrounding has always been problematic. On the other hand, the ones displaced from their settlements and diffused in different parts of the city have been in continuous struggle for their survival. The characteristics and functional evolution of gecekondu phenomenon in time indicates the reality of gecekondu as ‘the other’. The most explicit characteristic of gecekondu to be attributed to Foucault’s heterotopia is that gecekondu gains its different meaning and perceptions in time. Similar to his exemplification of museums and libraries that have become heterotopias in which time never stops building up and topping its own summit, the accumulation of periodical events paved the way for the future of gecekondu. Emerging as ‘the rural other’, its future turned into ‘the disadvantaged other’, ‘the undeserving rich other’, ‘the culturally inferior other’ and ‘the threatening other’ for the people of gecekondu (Erman, 2000). Considering the today’s gecekondu, though the spatial existence is disappearing due to dominant mechanism’s interventions, it keeps its marginal position as ‘the ignored other’, ‘the excluded other’, and ‘the segregated other’.

Figure 7. Dikmen Valley after the implementation of the renewal project dated in 1986 (Source: www.metropolimar.com.tr, n.d.)

6. RECONSIDERING GECEKONDU AS HETEROTOPIA

As the most growing urban pattern during the period of economical growth, gecekondu settlements occupied urban periphery. The intensive migration from western part of Turkey due to the enduring military conflict increased the social and ethnic diversity of squatter settlements. However, they were not welcomed by the urbanite because they were seen as the actors of criminal activities and violence. Besides, the right-wing governments led polarization and discrimination

In his description, Foucault argues about the three different types of heterotopia. The first one is heterotopias of crisis which is represented by sacred or forbidden places reserved for individuals who are in a state of crisis in relation to the society in which they live. The other one is heterotopia of deviance in which persons whose behavior is deviant from the required norm are placed (Foucault, 1984). He relates the first type mostly with the primitive societies and the control mechanism of medieval cities. However, he suggests that with the modernization

of society, heterotopia of deviance replace heterotopia of crisis, and therefore he mostly focuses on these heterotopias of deviance (i.e. rest homes, prisons, clinics and hospitals) of which compensatory discipline is used by state or private agents of modernization. According to Shane (2005), supplementary codes of heterotopias of deviance were intended to bring order, to set up logical, scientific standards, and these codes tend to be rigid and resistant to change, making arbitrary and inflexible separations between elements, types, and sites. Therefore, he mostly focuses on the third type of heterotopia; heterotopia of illusion which was also mentioned but somehow neglected by Foucault. Shane (2005) thinks that heterotopias of illusion reverse the rigid logic of heterotopia of deviance by being fast-changing and flexible, with a high potential for change and recombination. He describes these heterotopias of illusion as miniature cities inside the city which was dominated by illusion codes that change rapidly in postmodern cities. Here, actors work with images to create new norms and attractive nodes in the so-called Normative Network City System providing a noncoercive way of ordering society through norms associated with leisure and pleasure (Shane, 2005).

search for understanding the problem through and to bring sustainable solutions. Therefore, urban actors dealing with the city and its changing dynamics and spatial formations, are responsible for understanding the dynamics of these emergent, self-organized systems and their needs. This consideration is necessary for decision-making process as the totalitarian, rigid approaches are not valid for the increasing diversity and ever-changing conditions experienced in urban space.

REFERENCES: Erman, T. (2000). The Politics Of Squatter (Gecekondu) Studies In Turkey: The Changing Representations Of Rural Migrants In The Academic Discourse. Urban studies, 38(7), 983-1002. Foucault, M., Miskowiec, J. (1986). Of Other Spaces, Diacritics, 22-27. Girard, G. and Lambot, I. (1993). City of Darkness. [Chiddingfold]: Watermark. Hetherington, K. (1997). The Badlands of Modernity, London: Routledge. Johnson, P. (2006). Unravelling Foucault’s ‘different spaces’. History of the Human Sciences, 19(4), 75-90. Kahraman, Z. E. (2008). The Relatıonshıp Between Squatter Housıng Transformatıon And Socıal Integratıon Of Rural Mıgrants Into Urban Lıfe_A Case Study In Dıkmen, PhD Thesis, Middle East Technical University, viewed 3 September 2016, http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/ viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.633.8489&rep=rep1&type=pdf Lefebvre, H. (1991). The Production of Space, Oxford, Blackwell.

Gecekondu settlements are the products of industrialization and rapid urbanization of Turkish cities. They are certain type of enclaves in which a world is created by an emergent logic of its own, and bottom-up processes generate spaces without a master plan (Shane, 2005). Thus, through top-down interventions, gecekondu settlements and the inhabitants were subject to be reordered by the dominant mechanism of urban system. However, though the interventions contributed to change the structure of the society gradually, they were limited for alternative solutions for the problems. While gecekondu people wre marginalized in the urban system, gecekondu settlement was seen as a tool for reproducing the space which would bring benefit in the economic domain via creating new images and attraction on different scales. Therefore, gecekondu settlements are in a place where heterotopia of deviation and heterotopia of illusion is intertwined. It is possible to observe the characteristics of both, heterotopia of deviance in which the society is reordered as a miniature city which reverses the codes of surrounding societies, and heterotopia of illusion of a city which seeks for integration to the global environment. As G. Shane (2005) asserts, the mirroring function of heterotopia gives urban actors the chance to identify themselves and their needs in a changing and flowing situation. The presence of such autonomous and emerging systems provides the understanding of different dynamics of societies in the complex urban system. However, as learned from gecekondu experience in Turkey, top-down interventions were not a

Malusardi, F., Occhipinti, G. (2003). Informal Settlements Upgrading: The Gecekondus in Ankara. In 39th ISoCaRP Congress Proceedings (pp. 4-9). Metropol İmar (1994). Dikmen Vadisi Projesi ve Yıldız-Oran Aksı Revizyon İmar Planı Raporu, Ankara Metropol İmar A.Ş. (n.d.). 2. Bölge, (online) Available at: http://www.metropolimar.com.tr/ r1.php (Accessed 3 Sept. 2016) Mutlu, S. (2007). Türkiye’de Yaşanan Gecekondulaşma Süreci ve Çözüm Arayışları: Ankara Örneği. Master’s thesis, Ankara University, viewed 4 September 2016, acikarsiv.ankara.edu. tr/browse/1719/2373.pdf Rogowska-Stangret, M. (2015). Of Other Spaces, of Other Times–Towards New Materialist Politics of Squatting. Feminizm jako interwencje Feminism as Interventions, 65. Sargın, G.A. (2003). Sapkın Mekanlar (Marginal Spaces), Annex (Gazette for the Istanbul 2003 Biennale), No: 2, Hürriyet Yayınları, İstanbul, pp. 1-2 Sargın, G.A. (2004). Sapkın ve Sapkınlık: Kentin Sıradan Aktörleri-Eylemleri (Marginal and Marginality: The Ordinary Agents-Practices of Urbanite), Arredamento Mimarlık, Boyut Yayıncılık, İstanbul, pp.52-69 Shane, D. (2005). Recombinant Urbanism. Chichester: Wiley-Academy. Şahin, M. R. (2014). Analysis Of Urban Morphology İn Squatter Transformation Areas. Master’s thesis, Middle East Technical University, viewed 3 September 2016, http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/ upload/12617335/index.pdf Şenyapılı, T. (2004). “Baraka”dan Gecekondu’ya. Ankara’da Kentsel Mekanın Dönüşümü: 19231960. 1 dü. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları. Şenyapılı, T. (1981). Gecekondu: Çevre İşçilerin Mekanı, Ankara: Orta Doğu Teknik Üniversitesi Mimarlık Fakültesi. Uzun, N. (2003). The Impact of Urban Renewal and Gentrification of Urban Fabric:Three Cases in Turkey, Tijdschrift Voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, Vol 94, No.3, pp 363-375

PLACES OF DIVERSE SOCIAL GROUPS IN CIHANGIR, ISTANBUL Şule Demirel, Emine Yetişkul, Serap Kayasü

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, TURKEY suledemirell@hotmail.com, yetiskul@metu.edu.tr, kayasu@metu.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION Today’s cities are experiencing significant transformations in and around the urban core (Scott, 2014). One of these transformation forms comprises the upgrading of deteriorated residential areas in inner cities, which is in the literature commonly referred to gentrification. Gentrification since Ruth Glass has coined the term in 1964 has mutated over time (Brown-Saracino, 2010; Lees, Slater and Wyly, 2008). New forms and definitions have come to the forth, creating diverse social groups. Istanbul, which has welcomed many different ethnic groups and nationalities in its long history, has witnessed gentrification in different neighborhoods. A historic and central neighborhood of Beyoğlu, Cihangir that symbolizes traditionally diverse community culture is a good exemplar to gentrification in Istanbul. Residents of Cihangir are not a simple classified group. Old-residents of Cihangir, encompassing the elderly of the second generation of minority and immigrant families, various marginal groups, and recently, pioneers and gentrifiers, and more recently re-gentrifiers and short-term residents demonstrate diverse social groups, living together in Cihangir. These social groups’ personal networks and relations represent sub-culture features. Their socializing and networking places are varied. Some are places of all social groups, while some serve for specific social groups where face-to-face meetings and ‘personal micro-networks’ (Beaverstock and Boardwell, 2000) are generated, which Oldenburg (1999) calls as ‘third places’. However, all indicates some generalities and specifies in terms of urban space design. This paper focuses on the social meeting and networking places of diverse social groups of Cihangir and it investigates the patterns of new socializing and networking places as the generator of the fabric of urban space design. 2. THE RESEARCH FRAMEWORK The study is based on an approach which takes the space concept of Lefebvre (1991) on the forefront. According to Lefebvre’s approach, the

space is constituted socially and comprised of three levels which are perceived, conceived, and lived spaces. They actually correspond to physical space, mental space, and social space. Space is neither an abstraction nor a tangible and physical thing. With its all dimensions, it is both a concept and a reality. Hence it is a complement of relations and forms. The multilayered framework of the study contains three levels. They are metrics, interpretations, and practices (Lagendijk et. al., 2014). First space of Lefebvre regards to metrics, second space regards to interpretations, and third space regards to practice. Metrics corresponds to real abstractions and they are totally related with physical characteristics. Interpretations include representational identities, stories, projections, and theories. On the other hand, practices are temporary and place-specific and from a phenomenological point of view would be interpreted as ‘lived spaces’ of Lefebvre. In this study, public places, particularly cafés, in the gentrified neighborhood Cihangir are aimed with respect to this three leveled research approach. It is focused on how this space approach affect different cafés located on two main streets of the neighborhood and the café at the intersection of these two streets with this approach [1]. 3. RECONCEPTUALIZING THE GENTRIFICATION Gentrification in the most general sense is the invasion of the inner city working class quarters by the middle or upper class households. Since the gentrification debate has revealed in 1964 by Ruth Glass, an extensive literature has been developed and the term has mutated over time. After the 1980s, gentrification has not only become widespread but also integrated into wider urban and global processes (Lees, Slater and Wyly, 2008). Since then the gentrification literature was dominated by an Anglo-American lens. No longer linked to only metropolitan cities of Western Europe and North America, it has expanded to cities further down the urban hierarchy (Hackworth and Smith, 2001), including cities of the Global South. With respect to this, a need has arisen in order to research different geographies of gentrification (İslam and Sakızlıoğlu,

2015) and rethink gentrification in cities outside of the Global North. After more than 50 years, there have appeared new debates on the term. Gentrification is grounded in the generation of new faces and forms, showing that there are “no universally or temporarily stable patterns of gentrification” (Hamnett, 1984: 314). Gentrification in Istanbul Gentrification has been passing through changes in the world and actually also in Istanbul. As being the most dynamic city of Turkey besides being the cultural and economic center of the country, Istanbul has always been prominent. The city has hosted many different ethnic groups and nationalities throughout its history. The neighborhoods that experienced gentrification had a predominantly non-Muslim minority population; however, between the 1950s and 1960s a significant number of foreigners started to leave the inner city neighborhoods related to nation-state policies and pressures in regard to the foreign residents. This departure process of the middle and upper income minorities overlapped with the industrialization and urbanization era of the 1950s which implicitly resulted in a significant movement from rural parts of the country to Istanbul (İslam, 2005), especially to the abandoned neighborhoods of the city. In time, social decline was followed by physical decline in those neighborhoods. By the 1980s as deteriorated houses from the late 19th and early 20th century offered gentrifiable inner city housing supply, those neighborhoods became suitable places for the conditions for the gentrification as they had both aesthetic and local features as well as their advantageous locations. The middle class members invaded those areas with affordable historical housing stock and they renovated dilapidated houses which actually brought along gentrification. Ultimately, Istanbul has witnessed gentrification processes in different and distinct neighborhoods. Today, several parts of the city are undergoing a rapid process of regeneration and gentrification. Cihangir a neighborhood located on the slope of the Bosphorus in the European side of Istanbul is a good example for gentrification in Istanbul, as it has already witnessed the gentrification processes to a great extent and it has been reshaped by local and global factors. The selected neighborhood is a re-gentrification example which means the gentrification process has already proceeded in the neighborhood. In this paper, we focus on the socio-economic changes of the latest gentrification processes in Cihangir with a three leveled research approach in terms of urban design criteria.

Gentrification and New Social Groups in Cihangir Cihangir has been had a traditionally and socially diverse community and has welcomed many different ethnic groups and nationalities through its history. However, as a result of series of events after the foundation of the Turkish Republic in 1923, the neighborhood had gradually started to lose its multi-ethnic and cosmopolitan composition. After the 1960s, a drastic transformation process started in Cihangir, as non-Muslims abandoned the neighborhood. In the ongoing process till the late 1980s, abandoned vacant houses of minorities were settled by immigrants from Eastern Anatolia. Also, after the establishment of the Bosphorus Bridge in 1973, the shift of the central business district to newly developed areas caused Beyoğlu to experience a phase of degradation which in turn caused Cihangir to become more neglected and dilapidated. Hence, both spatial and social structure of the neighborhood drastically changed. Later during the 1980s, the revitalization projects started in Beyoğlu district and Cihangir became popular again at the end of 1980s. At the beginning of 1990s, in parallel with the increasing interest on the neighborhood, the population structure started to change once again. Cihangir was chosen for its architectural and environmental values by young professionals, writers, artists, academicians, and architects. They bought the houses at a cheap price and renovated them (Başyazıcı, 2012). Accordingly, the gentrification process in Cihangir has started during the early 1990s (Ergun, 2004; İslam, 2005; Uysal, 2008; Uzun, 2001). Since the 1990s, Istanbul was under the effect of various structural factors resulting in the intensification of gentrification process as well as re-gentrification process in Cihangir. Socio-economic, socio-cultural, and political processes created new social groups. Currently, in Cihangir the residents do not represent an oversimplified image of a single group. Old residents and gentrifiers have been living in Cihangir; on the other hand, re-gentrifiers and short term residents are emerging in the neighborhood lately. Old residents generally encompass the elderly people who moved to the neighborhood when they were young and the second generation of minority and immigrant families. They were retired or owners of long-established cafés, shops, and real estate agencies (Intw. 1; 2; 3; 4). Gentrifiers who moved to the neighborhood first came for various reasons from accessibility to city center jobs, life-style choices to aesthetic features of the neighborhood. Generally they tended to collaborate to preserve the historic environment with the residents of the neighborhood (Intw. 4; 5). In Cihangir, old residents and gentrifiers established the Cihangir Neighborhood Association in 1995 and they organized some activities and practices to improve the environment of Cihangir (Erman and Coşkun-Yıldar, 2007; Yetişkul et. al., 2016). As much as the neighborhood association has worked for the historic and social preservation of Cihangir, they have unintentionally paved the way for

new gentrification processes. In this sense, old residents and gentrifiers of Cihangir are triggering re-gentrification. Since the mid-2000s, many actors, directors, crew members have been invading the streets of Cihangir. The neighborhood has become popular with the investments of film directors, and more recently actors. Movie crews, young actors, and screenwriters who are living in shared apartments with short-term employment and rental agreements followed these famous directors and actors (Intw. 6; 7; 8; 9; 10; 11). As both groups work in contact intensive sub-culture (Ley, 2004), they work and meet with their “own” groups in cafés and pubs of Cihangir. Moreover, short-term residents also have started to prefer the neighborhood in parallel with the increasing popularity. The students of the popular art, design, and architecture faculties of the universities which are located in close vicinity to Cihangir have favored to live in the neighborhood because they have been seeking contracts in the film industry and part time jobs related with their faculties (Intw. 12; 13; 14; Palk, 2010). As much as the neighborhood becomes popular, the number of visitors to the cafés and pubs to Cihangir has been increasing.

es where unknown others are joined together and in terms of expectations of social life, the café is the one such gathering place in the city (Laurier and Philo, 2006) which is also defined as third place by Oldenburg (1999). In their study, Laurier and Philo (2006) investigate how members of a specific café society produce convivial, cold, warm, or unfriendly urban places for themselves. Moreover, Güney and Demircioğlu (2015) evaluate the urban place with gender variables. By including gender dynamics in the data field of planning, they emphasize that a space must be structured with new dynamics. Place is defined as a ‘social product and process’ shaped by social relations; therefore, a place must be restructured by discussing socio-cultural dynamics. The authors use observations and interviews as a method of the study and besides taking physical variables into an account, they investigate whether there are tolerant people around, whether there is self-service, and whether there are certain demonstrated LGBT symbols or not. All in all, urban places play an active role in the development and construction of urban fabric for specific social groups. Places of Cihangir

In a nutshell, on one hand, gentrification discussions are changing; on the other hand definition and components of the urban space is changing. Hence, there are new reflections of gentrification on the urban space. 4. URBAN DESIGN COMPONENTS FOR DIVERSE SOCIAL GROUPS The city is a place of geographical networks and a place of social actions (Latham, 2003), in fact, above all it is a meeting place for people. They are the experiments of how people with different backgrounds, incomes, and values live together (Latham, 2003). People are forming their own networking groups and shaping their own meeting places. Thereby, diverse places are created for specific social groups. This has resulted in the emergence of new variables in the evaluation of urban design components for diverse social groups. Currently, new urban design components have been discussed in addition to the physical variables of urban spaces. To begin with, Shaftoe (2008) investigates the factors that attract people to certain places. In order to describe open and public spaces where people prefer to gather and wander through, he coined the term convivial spaces. He suggests that for a convivial space there is no single framework. While evaluating the place he considers not only the physical elements but also other new components; geographical, managerial, sensual, and psychological elements. On the other hand, Laurier and Philo (2006) evaluate ‘public gathering places’ with users’ psychological attitudes and they use human behavior as an urban space design generator. Their public gathering places correspond to invitation spac-

The influences of gentrification processes can be observed both on urban fabric and on social topography of cities. As gentrification processes bring out different social groups, their spatialization forms the urban space as the space is socially constructed. In other words, diverse social composition brings social interaction along and it provides personal networks and their meeting places to be formed. According to Caulfield (1994), in gentrified neighborhoods both existing residents and new groups benefit from new opportunities of social interaction. As diverse groups interact, there appear new forms of personal networks. Especially after the gentrification processes, Cihangir has experienced significant social and physical changes. Currently, the neighborhood is well-known with its many pubs and cafés. While there are very characteristic narrow streets in the neighborhood; the major streets are Sıraselviler Street and Akarsu Street. Sıraselviler Street is reaching to the Bosphorus from Taksim Square which is the major attraction point for tourists and local people of Istanbul. On the other hand, Akarsu Street is the other liveliest street in Cihangir with regards to commercial activities and entertainment venues. In our study, we define three focus areas and five cafés in Cihangir. We study two cafés on the Sıraselviler Street which are Savoy and Otto Café. We study two cafés on the Akarsu Street namely Leyla and Journey Café. The intersection point namely Firuzağa Square is centrally located at the intersection of these two main streets of the neighborhood and Firuzağa Café is chosen in this third focus area. These cafes in the neighborhood are elaborated with a three leveled approach namely metrics, interpretations, and prac-

tices. While physical characteristics such as the location, the usages in the vicinity, and openness to the street are the measures for metrics; interpretations and practices represent the café choices of distinct social groups accordingly themes and stories in terms of events and implementations.

no special decoration except for a few paintings on the walls. The menu is limited with desserts and beverages without alcohol. There is also fix lunch menu for weekdays. Although it is a long-established café of the neighborhood, it gives a cold and isolated impression related to physical features. On the other hand, Otto café right across Savoy is a newly opened café after the new stages of gentrification. It is located on the Güllabici Street linked to the main Sıraselviler Street. It is very central open-space settled on a pedestrian way street having spacious outdoor terrace. The café hosts gentrifiers, short term residents, students, and visitors. It is specially designed café with stylistic furniture preferences. It has an extensive menu featuring eating and drinking products, and alcohol beverages. The café is suitable for new connections and networks.

Figure 2. Savoy (Source: Cihangir ve Eski Cihangirliler, 2016)

Figure 1. Cihangir and the focus areas

To begin with, Savoy Café is located on the Sıraselviler Street close to the Firuzağa Square. It is one of the long established patisseries opened in 1950. The first owner of the Savoy was a Greek and Savoy was his daughter’s name. The second owner of it was a Jew and the third and the current owner is a Muslim Turk (Sasanlar, 2006). It is centrally located on a narrow and crowded pedestrian way and exposed to high density traffic flow. There are other eating and drinking venues, markets, and boutiques around the café. Savoy is a place where once most of its customers were Greeks of Cihangir as well as other real old residents (Sasanlar, 2006). It welcomes majority of gentrifiers and old residents. The café has traditional and standard interior design. There is

Figure 3. Otto Café (Source: Personal archive, 2015)

Moreover, Journey Café is centrally located on the Akarsu Street and it is a newly opened café near 2010. There are other cafés, shops, and real estate agents around the café. The café serves various lunch choices

besides eclectic selection of wines and cocktails. It welcomes re-gentrifiers, singers and drama actors, and visitors. On the other hand, long established café Leyla on the same street attracts old residents, gentrifiers, visitors, authors and drama actors. It has an extensive menu including vegan choices besides different alcohol beverages. Actually both cafés have special decorations and in terms of economic practices they offer warm and friendly atmosphere where new connections can be done.

Figure 4. Leyla Café (Source: Tripadvisor, 2016)

the neighborhood is the square and the café adjacent to the mosque which actually brings all social groups together. Firuzağa is centrally located at the intersection of two main streets of the neighborhood, namely Sıraselviler Street and Akarsu Street. As the café is located on the garden of the Firuzağa mosque, it is highly open to the street. There are breakfast saloons, cafés, and shops in its vicinity. The café is similar to the traditional tea house of Turkish cities (kıraathane). There are mainly tea and coffee choices without alcohol beverages. Product variable is only limited with drinking. As being one of the symbols of Cihangir, it is one of the earliest meeting places in the neighborhood. The café has been operating since the 1980s. Since the 1990s the more Cihangir is getting gentrified, the more the café is getting popular. It is attracting different people with different backgrounds, age, gender, sex, and education. This simple and modest café is always full of people during the day and a source of inspiration for its regulars such as writers, cartoonists, poets, and performers. The main popularity of the café comes from its central place which enables networking of young screenwriters, actors, figurants, performers with each other. In fact, the café welcomes diverse social groups that range from old residents to visitors. While having characteristics of a traditional tea house, it also has a café-like atmosphere. There is traditional tea house furniture besides the dense seating arrangement. The café offers convivial and friendly atmosphere which enables new connections and networking. It is a gathering place both for residents and for visitors. In Firuzağa, different classes share something. On the other hand, each resident defines his/her certain cafés that they share their own network in specific cafés.

Figure 5. Journey Café (Source: Google Maps, 2016)

Lastly, Cihangir is well-known with the Firuzağa Square which actually takes its name from the Firuzağa Mosque. The primary meeting point in

Figure 6. Firuzağa Café (Source: Global culture travel, 2014)

Table 1. Metrics of the three leveled research

Table 2. Interpretations and practices of the three leveled research

NOTES: 1. This study is developed from an unpublished master’s thesis (Demirel, 2015) which is also based on a wider research project of JPI Urban Europe called “Practices and Policies for Neighborhood Improvement: Towards ‘Gentrification 2.0’” funded by the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK) (113K026). The project focuses on gentrification processes in four inner-city neighborhoods in Vienna, Arnhem, Istanbul, and Zurich. Cihangir is one of the cases studied across Europe. Within the context of the project, field trips to the neighborhood are implemented between June 2014 and May 2015. Organizing meetings with different interest groups, we also make in-depth interviews in the neighborhood with different actors of interest. In depth interviews are conducted with ten different actors in the field namely academicians, community organizations, entrepreneurs, investors, journalists, municipality officers, political party representatives, real estate professionals, residents, and visitors. We aim to choose the neighborhood meeting places to compare the different cases of the study; therefore, we use the discussions of 120 in-depth interviews and the participant observation method that involves residents’ daily lives on the streets, in the cafés and restaurants, and in the shops of Cihangir. We categorize the meeting places of Cihangir into three focus areas according to their characteristics while studying different cases for each focus area and elaborate them with a three leveled approach. INTERVIEWS:

4. CONCLUSION All in all, Cihangir represents a good composition of social groups in gentrification and re-gentrification processes. In the neighborhood, there are diverse social groups having their own networking and socializing places. All cafés have their own specific different stories in the neighborhood. In this study, first, the physical characteristics of the cafés were observed while their representational identities at the second level and their place specific characteristics at last were examined. It is observed that the case cafés in the Sıraselviler Street include more different groups than the cafés in the Akarsu Street, which are generally opened in the re-gentrification process. People prefer certain cafés that they share their own network in these third places. Oppositely, Firuzağa located on the intersection of both streets demonstrates social diversity and integration place while representing the whole neighborhood. It is an integrative place where different social groups of different social backgrounds socialize together and both neighborhood residents and most of the visitors meet. All in all, several choices of case cafés which have different identities and stories present design for social diversity and how social integration is improved in the neighborhood.

Intw.1. O_A, Café owner, former chairman of NA (Neighborhood Association), born in Cihangir, resident for 54 years, 01.07.2014, Turnacıbaşı st. Intw.2. M_E, Real estate agent, resident for 53 years, 15.05.2015, Simşirli st. Intw.3. N_K, Retired, resident for 68 years, 01.07.2014, Cihangir Art Galery. Intw.4. C_T, Public speaker of Beyoğlu NAs Platform, member of Ayaspaşa and Galata NA, born in Cihangir and resident for 24 years, 25.12.2015 and 13.05.2015, Bol Ahenk and Sıraselviler st. Intw.5. G_K, Academician, resident for 23 years, 26.12.2014, Akarsu st. Intw.6. K_K, Real estate agent, 30.06.2014, Cihangir st. Intw.7. U_C, Café owner, resident for 3 years, 04.07.2014, Sıraselviler st. Intw.8. Y_S_S, Tea Garden owner, resident for 50 years, 26.12.2014, Firuzağa sq. Intw.9. S_K, Market owner, resident for 13 years, 27.12.2014, Akarsu st. Intw.10. B_S, Hotel owner, investor, 12.05.2015, Ağa Hamamı st. Intw.11. S_L, Film producer and director, resident for 10 years, 02.07.2014, telephone interview. Intw.12. E_A_A, Student, resident for 1 years, 02.07.2014, Firuzağa st. Intw.13. G_D, Student, part-time advertiser, resident for 8 months, 31.08.2014, Firuzağa sq. Intw.14. M_H, Café owner, resident for 2 years, 03.07.2014, Hacıoğlu st. REFERENCES: Başyazıcı, B. (2012). Cihangir’de soylulaşturma sürecinin semtin ticari kimliği üzerine etkileri. İdealkent Kent Araştırmaları Dergisi, Vol 5. Beaverstock, J., Boardwell, J. (2000). Negotiating globalization, transnational corporations and global city financial centres in transient migration studies. Applied Geography, 20, pp. 227–304. Brown-Saracino, J. (2010). The gentrification debates: a reader. New York: Routledge. Caulfield, J. (1994). City form and everyday life: Toronto’s gentrification and critical social practice. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Ergun, N. (2004). Gentrification in Istanbul. Cities, 21(5), pp. 391-405. Erman, T., Coşkun-Yıldar, M. (2007). Emergent local initiative and the city: the case of neighborhood associations of the better-off classes in Post-1990 urban Turkey. Urban Studies, 44(13), pp. 2547-2566. Güney, M. E., Demircioğlu, F. (2015). LGBTT bireylerin buluşma noktası olarak kullandıkları mekanların şehir planlama kapsamında incelenmesi. Planlama 2015, 25(2), pp. 147-157. Hackworth, J., Smith, N. (2001). The changing state of gentrification. In Lees, L., Slater, T.D., & Wyly, E.K. (Eds.), The gentrification reader. (pp. 65-76). New York: Routledge. Hamnett, C. (1984). Gentrification and residential location theory: A review and assessment. In D. T. Herbert and R. J. Johnston (Eds.), Geography and the urban environment: Progress in research and applications. (pp. 283-319). London: Wiley & Sons. Islam, T. (2005). Outside the core: gentrification in Istanbul. In R. Atkinson, & G. Bridge (Eds.), Gentrification in a global perspective: The new urban colonialism. (pp. 121-136). London: Routledge. Islam, T., Sakızlıoğlu, B. (2015). The making of, and resistance to, state-led gentrification in Istanbul, Turkey. In L. Lees, H. B. Shin, & E. Lopez-Morales (Eds.), Global gentrifications. (pp.245264). Bristol, Chicago: Policy Press.

Lagendijk, A., van Melik, R., de Haan, F., Ernste, H., Ploegmakers, H., and Kayasu, S. (2014). Comparative approaches to gentrification: a research framework. Tijdschrift Voor Economische En Sociale Geografie, 105(3), 358-365. Latham, A. (2003). Urbanity, lifestyle and making sense of the new urban cultural economy: notes from Auckland, New Zealand. Urban Studies, Vol. 40, No. 9, pp. 1699–1724. Laurier, E., Philo, C. (2006). Cold shoulders and napkins handed: gestures of responsibility. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 31, pp. 193-208. Lees, L., Slater, T. D., and Wyly, E. K. (2008). Gentrification. New York: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group. Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space. Oxford, OX, UK; Cambridge, Mass., USA: Blackwell, c1991. Ley, D. (2004). Transnational spaces and everyday lives. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 29, pp. 151–64. Oldenburg, R. (1999). The great good place: cafés, coffee shops, bookstores, bars, hair salons, and other hangouts at the heart of a community. Marlowe. Palk, S. (2010). Antiques and boutiques in Istanbul’s chic Cihangir district. Retrieved 04.06.2016 from http://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/meast/07/13/Cihangir.soho.of.istanbul/. Sasanlar, B. T. (2006). A historical panorama of an İstanbul neighborhood: Cihangir from the late nineteenth century to the 2000s. Unpublished Master’s Thesis, Boğaziçi University. Scott, A. (2014). Beyond the creative city: cognitive–cultural capitalism and the new urbanism. Regional Studies, 48:4, pp. 565-578. Shaftoe, H. (2008). Convivial urban spaces: creating effective public spaces. Uysal, U. E. (2008). Küreselleşme ve kentsel dönüşüm bağlamında soylulaştırma kuramlarının Istanbul’da uygulanabilirliği: Cihangir örneği. Master Thesis. University of Istanbul. Uzun, N. C. (2001). Gentrification in Istanbul: A diagnostic study. Utrecht: KNAG. Yetiskul, E., Kayasü, S., Yaşar Ozdemir, S. (2016). Local Responses to urban redevelopment projects: The Beyoğlu, Istanbul. Habitat International, 51, pp. 159-167.

Youth, city and place: A theoretical framework Payam Mahasti

Cyprus International University, Lefkosa, NORTH CYPRUS Pshotorbani@ciu.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION People, are mostly interested in public spaces, the areas which are available for all people. These spaces include streets, squares, parks, public buildings etc. Some of these public spaces potentially have the ability to be effective on visitors’ interpretation. In view of that, place is generally termed as a physical space that contains various activities, as well as creating an image for its visitors. In other words, a place in an urban area has some activities and when combined with the physical characteristics the place can convey an image, which differentiates it from ‘space’.

in a society. A healthy society depends on the condition of young generation. Almost in all statitical analyses about cities, they are in concern. Cities are always organizing different activities just for them and shows special care for them. But when this attention start to point towards place, usually it will be denied due to the financial restrictions. Although most of urban places have been structured or kept by economical activities or cultural values, youth are those special types of users who can show their presence not as focal point but besides the initial value of place. This point makes the place prior to them.

The growth of a place depends on prior preparations, and sometimes occurs as time passes. These preparations, which are part of placemaking process is essential in the creation and development of a place. This process includes different dimensions of place. Some places have become successful during history, some places need interventions to perform in a better way. However, accomplishing interventions in a place requires different strategies or schemes, such as revitalization, regeneration, renovation, and so on.

This paper is a part of an ongoing research to find a framework for making urban places for younger generation. Their intrests, concerns and ideas about the outside world are characterized by those urban places.

When a place in an urban environment is made, the physical face of environment is changed. However, other changes in the environment will also occur. The influences of constructing a place directly reflect to the society. “Thus architecture is not just a collection of physical objects, but they are also metaphorical, allegoric, and thematic, reliant for effect on the interactions between the building, dynamic external environment, and people and their beliefs and values” (Champion and Dave, 2002). Therefore, the analysis of places is not limited to physical aspects of it. On the other hand, the role of a comprehensive analysis of location and society before design to make place is important to achieve the optimal solution. “The highly prescriptive and practical nature of design requires a set of information to be assembled, often too quickly due to time limits and be employed in a solution-finding exercise” (Madanipour, 1996) For many reasons, youth are the most sensetive and important group

2. LITERATURE REVIEW: PLACE AND YOUTH Place and Its Definition Place can be the shared problematique for urban planners, urban designers and architects. Almost each scholar has an idea about place. Generally, all impression about human, society and people that needs space or has been realized in space. Therefore, many philosophers, sociologists and even psychologists have their own idea about place. Places in the urban settings are important elements to demonstrate changes in societies. Urban places, when systematically created in cities, may bring specific characteristics to urban areas. These urban characteristics have close ties with the people, their beliefs, traditions, and culture. By exploring those valuable existed places, within the urban context of a city, would possibly open a new horizon for further development of the pther places in the city. On the other hand, physical changes of the cities by modern interventions resulted in some problems in many cities. Moreover, these changes were executed within a short period, without any plan. The new

urban spaces are completely jeopardized, resulting in various menace, such as loss of space, safety, accessibility, and legibility. Place, as an important element of the quarters and cities, has great role to play in urban design. Tiesdell et all., (1996) state that nowadays, urban design is deliberating on making sense of place and placemaking. For instance, the best urban quarters can be good a depiction of urban design. Therefore, placemaking might be an update or newly common processes or strategies for accomplishing successful historical places.

“If we think of space as that which allows movement, then place is a pause; each pause of movement makes it possible for location to be transformed into place.” (Tuan, 1977: 6) Likely, According to Dovey (2002), Paulsen (2004), and Merrifield (1993) it might be said that “Place is a particular space which is covered with meaning and values by the users” generally scholars agree on this definition of place. In this research, the focus will be more on the Tuan’s (1977) definition of place. “Place is a pause in movement. Animals, including human beings, pause at a locality because it satisfies certain biological needs. The pause makes it possible for a locality to become a center of felt value.” As a social point of view to define ‘place’, Oldenburg (1989), refers to home and work as the first two places in life where we spend most of the time, and the third place as where we go on a more informal basis to get away from the first two places. He believes that the third place is a broad title of public places that crowd the steady, unpaid, relaxed, and happily expected assemblies of persons beyond the lands of home and work. Oldenburg (1989), explains the third place as a place, which has certain comfort like home but people should come there and go like work place. This place can be educational for youth to be ready for a working environment. Place has a wide area of meaning and usage. It is one of the basic tools for urban designers in projects. Almost all urban design projects are evaluated with the places that they create. Tiesdell et all., (1996) cite two diagrams from Montgomery (1998) and (Punter n.d.) about the role of urban designer in place making. One of them shows that place is an interface between activity, form and image. It shows image is cognition, perception and information. The other one presents the dimensions of places in three; physical setting, activity, and meaning. (See: Figure 1. and 2)

Figure 1. Role of urban designers to enhance the potential sense of place (Source: Tiesdell, Carmona, Heath, and Oc, 2003)

Figure 2. Dimensions of places (Source: Tiesdell, Carmona, Heath, and Oc, 2003)

Place is not limited only with the physical appearances. Accordingly, it might be assumed that for making a place, concerning to activities and image or meaning is necessary. It is clear that if a place is not successful, the problem should be specified via these dimensions. Scholars refer to each dimension in accordance with the problems or from their point of view. Thus, most of definitions about place and space have been collected and analyzed in this view. Therefore, after studying the numerous authors like K. Lynch, J. Jacobs, R. Trancik, C. Alexander. The succesful main factors has been set up in Figure 3.

can describe intangibles in numerical way. With these measurements, it might be said that measuring the quality of placemaking is possible.

Figure 3. The main aspects of successful places (Soruce: Mahasti, 2013)

Successful Places According to Metropolitan Planning Council of Chicago, “Placemaking is both an overarching an idea and a hands-on tool for improving a neighborhood, city or region. It has the potential to be one of the most transformative ideas of this century.” (Project for Public Spaces, n.d.) It is clear that this process has both ‘tool and idea’ in essence. But the effect of this process can cover all city or region. Placemaking is an interdisciplinary approach between planning, design and management, with in cycle between investors, experts and people. It is capable to improved and transform the sense of community. “Placemaking capitalizes on a local community’s assets, inspiration, and potential, ultimately creating good public spaces that promote people’s health, happiness, and well-being.” (Ibid) PPS defines placemaking with some terminology in two groups; “Placemaking IS: community-driven, visionary, function before form, adaptable, Inclusive, focused on creating destinations, flexible, culturally aware, ever changing, multi-disciplinary, transformative, context-sensitive, Inspiring, collaborative, sociable and placemaking IS NOT: Imposed from above, reactive, design-driven, a blanket solution, exclusionary, monolithic development, overly accommodating of the car, one-size-fits-all, static, discipline-driven, privatized, one-dimensional, dependent on regulatory controls, a cost/benefit analysis, project-focused, a quick fix.” (Ibid) Therefore, PPS provides a diagram (See: Figure 4.) to show the key attributes, intangibles and measurements for key qualities in public spaces. According to this diagram, placemaking includes four key attributes. Each of these key attributes has separate influence on place. Yet the key attributes should be measurable. For this reason there are some intangibles derived from key attributes to direct perception towards reality. These intangibles have been shown in the second ring in Figure 4. In the last ring of this figure, there are measurements, which

Figure 4. The Place Diagram (Source: Project for Public Spaces, n.d.)

A framework on Placemaking As it mentioned before until here, place has been investigated theoretically and a group of criteria have been found. (See: Figure 3.) On the other hand, placemaking is also investigated theoretically and some measurements has been specified. (See: Figure 4.) By means of those diagrams, Figure 5 has been prepared to show all the criteria and factors together.

Figure 5. A Framework for comparing two types of measurements and criteria (Source: Mahasti, 2013)

Since there are differences between these two groups (criteria and measurements), it seems impossible to directly amalgamate some of those together. For instance, there is a possibility to have a relationship between property value and linkage but the combination of these two to create one index or measurement or any other kind of criteria seems not logical. Therefore, it has been tried to have a proper analysis in other way by comparing them separately. Then the next diagram shows the way for such a comparison. (See: Figure 6.)

multi criteria decision-making methods. Between the variety of these methodologies, the AHP and SAW has been tested. Since the result of SAW was more compatible with to the research (due to the numerous variables that involved), only this result are presented in the paper. Table 1 shows the ranked intangibles which are effective in the success of a place. Table 1. The Ranked Intangibles (Source: Mahasti, 2013)

Rank

KEY ATTRIBUTES

INTANGIBLES

WEIGHT

sociability

0.84

sociability

access & linkage

uses & activities

sociability

uses & activities

comfort & image

interactivewelcoming neighborlycooperativestewardship convenientwalkable active-vitalspecial usefulindigenouscelebratory special-realuseful interactivefriendly-pride celebratorysustainable safe-clean-green

access & linkage

0.61

uses & activities

convenientaccessible fun-active

comfort & image

sittable-spirtualcharming

0.56

0.80 0.79 0.77 0.77 0.76 0.76 0.69 0.65

0.61

This table is the result after analyzing the views of more than 30 scholars who have experienced at least one academic research on place, and with the rank of the measurements which are involved in placemaking. The Role of Youth in Urban Places Figure 6. Criteria for measuring success of a place (Source: Mahasti, 2013)

By this way, it is possible to realize the quality of relationship between the key words and compare them together. The intersection between each row and column can be another comparing system between these measurements. This is a matrix that each parcel is derived from another. To realize the relationship between placemaking measurements with the criteria of place, two separate but somehow integrated research methodologies have been used. These methods are generally named as

Human nature is about getting experiences, transfer that to the next generation and get them ready for their own experiences. We are learning by doing. Compare to previous generations, our life is easier via by skills which are derived from their suffering and perhaps the future generations can live more easily by following our findings about life. Transferring the knowledge to next generation is a basic principle for the survival of human race. Therefore, society has more concern about their life and their problem in priority.

Youth has less realistic view to the life than adults and still has lots of dreams and plans about the future, but they need to improve their social skills. That’s why a social event has more excitement for youth than adults. Sometimes the influence of a social behavior has irreplaceable effects to a young soul. “Thus social development (e.g. in terms of a transition from irrationality to rationality; and from simplicity to complexity) is assumed to dovetail with physical development” (James and Jenks, 1996) cited in (Skelton and Valentine, 1998). Thus it is necessary to prepare youth for society and reality. Parents still have a big role for this preparation, but society has its own share in this manner as well. From this point of view, it would be more appropriate to name this period of life as ‘loading period for installing adulthood’ rather than ‘Quarantine’ as called by Ariel (1962). When we talk about society and its influences on individual, the role of public places in cities accumodating social activities gains importance. In fact, society educates youth in their social behavior through public places. Public places should be prepared from all dimensions (like physical settings, activities and image) not only for present time but also for the sake of next generation. In the early Ninetieth Centuries, this procedure was limited in some special places in cities. J. Addams (1909) explained these transmission were happening in entertainment and sport activities. “The classical city promoted play with careful solicitude, building the theater and stadium as it built the market place and the temple.” But today it is not limited to specific places. Nowadays youth starts to experience the world from local places in their neighborhood and continue within public places in big cities.

Figure 7. An ice cream cart in gathering young generation on a street of a 19th centruy city

Figure 8. A rock concert audience in a place for youth

An ice cream cart in the eightieth century could attract youth in a place, but today youth will attract more in a place which a rare Pokémon hide in there. (See: Figures 7, 8 and 9) Nowadays young generation get the image of a place via their social networks and from the surface of their digital devices, they experience the image of the place before they visit there. Most of them wants to be in the place just for the selfie photos and sharing that in their social network. Figure 9. In the 21st century, youth are looking for a rare Pokémon at midnight, in urban places

A group of young architecture students (around 100) were organized to observe places in the city. Places are located in northern part of old city Nicosia, the capital of North Cyprus. Since the students are studying

and living in the same city, those places are a part of their life. They are visiting those places among other places in the city for different purposes; fun, shopping, and even for their architectural observations. Thus, they can be the best quality users of the place.

and interactive. And both are same in continuity, attractiveness, and diversity. According to the overall result, students realize that Girne Gate is more successful than Venetian Column. (See: Table 2.) 3. CONCLUSION

The procedure started with six different places in the old city. (Girne Gate, Venetian Column, Buyuk Han, Selimiye Mosque, Arasta St. and Border Square). They started basic analysis for these places then two successful places among those were selected by them and they started to analyze those two in detail. In one stage, a questionnaire base on the PPS research was prepared for them and they were trying to analyze and compare places by filling those.

By investigating the relationship between youth and urban places, it is important to highlight the role of place, placemaking and youth, and their impacts on each other. As it has been discussed the most important attributes in defining an urban place are: Sociability, accessibility, and activity. At the same time the successful places in view of youth are those which are: Vital, friendly, cooperative, and readable.

Figure 10. The location of two successful places in walled city, Nicosia Table2. The result of the analysis of two successful places from Girne, Cyprus

Sociability

Uses and Activity

Comfort Access and and Linkage Image

Readable Accessible Proximity Walkable convenient Continuity Connected

Charming Sittable Clean Safe

Attractive

Active Real Vital Useful Fun

Indigenous

Friendly Cooperative Neighborly Pride Interactive Welcoming Diverse Stewardship

Girne Gate % 96.88 34.38 68.75 96.88 81.25 93.75 90.63 93.75 50.00 40.63 37.50 87.50 68.75 87.50 100.00 62.50 43.75 21.88 90.63 90.63 31.25 78.13 43.75 90.63 50.00 56.25

Venetian Culumn % 93.75 71.88 62.50 84.38 78.13 93.75 59.38 53.13 78.13 43.75 81.25 87.50 84.38 90.63 75.00 59.38 81.25 68.75 78.13 84.38 25.00 59.38 81.25 84.38 50.00 53.13

According to the survey, Girne Gate is more readable, walkable, convenient, connected, charming, vital, useful, friendly, cooperative, neighborly, pride, welcoming and stewardship than venetian column. Yet venetian column is more accessible, sittable, clean, safe, active, fun, indigenous,

Therefore, to have a place for younger generation these factors should be more in concern. It should be emphasized after the research that youth and place are depending on time. Place comes from history and youth has a face to the future. Both should be prepared to embrace each other. REFERENCES: Addams, J. (1909). Spirit of Youth and the City Streets, The. Norwood: Norwood Press: Berwick & Smith Co. Ariel, P. (1962). Centuries of Childhood. New York: Vintage Press. Champion, E. and Dave, B. (2002). Where is this place?. Pomona, USA, s.n., pp. 87-97. James, A. and Jenks, C. (1996). Public Perceptions of Childhood Criminality. The British Journal of Sociology, Volume 47, pp. 315-331. Madanipour, A. (1996). Design of Urban Space An Inquiry into a Socio-spatial Process. NewCastle: John Wiley & Sons Ltd.. Mahasti, P. (2013). Placemaking for SilkRoad cities in Iran: Process & Strategies, Famagusta: Eastern Mediterranean University. Montgomery, J. (1998). Making a City: Urbanity, Vitality and Urban Design. Journal of Urban Design, 3(1), pp. 116-93. Oldenburg, R. (1989). The Great Good Place. NewYork: Marlowe and Company. Project for Public Spaces, n.d. What is Placemaking?. [Online] Available at: http://www.pps.org/articles/what_is_placemaking/ [Accessed 17 1 2012]. Punter, J. n.d. Participation in the Design of Urban. Landscape Design, Issue 200, pp. 24-7. Skelton, T. & Valentine, G., 1998. COOL PLACES geographies of youth cultures. London: Routledge. Tiesdell, S., Carmona, M., Heath, T. and Oc, T. (2003). Public Places, Urban Spaces, The Dimensions of Urban Design. Oxford: Architectural Press. Tiesdell, S., Oc, T. and Heath, T. (1996). Revitilizing Historic Urban Quarters. Cornwall: Architectural press. Tuan, Y.-F. (1977). Space and Place The perspective of experience. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota

EVALUATION OF QUALITY OF LIFE INDICATORS AT NEIGHBOURHOODLEVEL: A REGENERATION CASE FROM ANKARA, TURKEY Ezgi Orhan, Ezgi Kahraman, Nazda Güngördü

Çankaya University, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, TURKEY ezgiorhan@cankaya.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION The regeneration initiatives, when applied properly, have introduced purposeful and well-intentioned schemes for the solution of certain problems in the existing urban areas ranging from social, physical, environmental, economic, and political aspects. Being a significant tool of planners in reducing the social inequalities, urban regeneration projects mainly address the deprivation of urban fabric, economic structure, and social facilities. In academic domain, scholars suggest that regeneration efforts address the core issues of providing jobs, public services, housing, quality of life in safe and healty urban areas, while policy makers are likely to face with a number of problems (Roberts and Sykes, 2000). One of the most concrete problems is to evaluate the success of regeneration objectives. Alberini et al (2003) states that “it is sometimes difficult to compute the monetary benefits of urban regeneration and restoration projects, because many of the services that they provide to the public – including aesthetic quality, comfort, sense of neighborhood identity, town character, preservation of cultural and historical heritage, access to outdoor space – are non-market goods” (p.193). Measuring the benefits of regeneration projects in terms of quality of life reflects, undoubtedly, the success of the projects. Therefore, assessing the quality of life is worthwhile in a regenerated area to understand the gains in social, economic, environmental and spatial terms. This paper addresses the question of urban quality in regenerated areas through a case study of Akpınar neighborhood, a residential area near the city center of Ankara, Turkey. With a population of 12.114 inhabitants, Akpınar locates in the southern part of the city, 7 km far away from the central business district. Before the transformation process started in the 1990s, the neighborhood was inhabited by low income groups mostly migrated from less developed and rural parts of the country in order to be close to job opportunities that the city provided. The initial cityscape was composed of squatter housing sitting on the slopes of an hard topography. Squatters were used to be single or two-story buildings constructed by relatively cheap materials.

After the 1990s, the area was transformed by small and medium scale contractors due to its advantageous site condition close to the center, and the highways and adjacent commercial developments. After the transformation process, most of the squatter houses have turned into detached apartments or apartment blocks. As a result of the land speculations in the area, builders obtained the land by contracting the owner of the squatter houses (Haliloglu Kahraman, 2013). Therefore, both the house builders and the landowners (development right holders) (i.e. former squatter residents), have become shareholders of apartment buildings, but some of them moved out of the area by renting or selling their houses. New inhabitants of the area belonged to the middle and high income group began to reside in the apartments with moderate construction and material quality. Apart from the generation efforts, another significant process affecting the spatial formation of the neighborhood was initiated by a natural disaster. A landslide damaged the seven apartment blocks in the neighbourhood. In 2013, the site was declared as risky area by the Ministry of Environment and Urbanism due to the building conditions and geological structure. Following the decision on unsuitability of the area for settling, the area was refunctioned as green space, 308 inhabitants were evacuated from the risky zone, and a reserved area in the neighborhood was allocated where the affected households would be given the right to settle in the apartments. The neighborhood exemplified a case with a dynamic population due to land redevelopment and departure after a landslide. Also, the selected neighborhood had the potential to combine physical, social, economic and environmental considerations together. Likewise, the case study contributed to construction of these indicators as a means of quantifying the outputs of area-based regeneration. Rather than presenting a discussion on property-led redevelopment and consequences of economic regeneration, this paper focuses on a comprehensive framework and the case area providing a variety of challenges that may affect people’s well-being. The following discussion within the paper is structured around the following research question: which underlying factors determine the quality of life in a regenerated neighborhood?.

2. REVIEW OF THE STUDIES ON QUALITY OF LIFE 3. METHODOLOGY Although the concepts such as livability, quality of life, environmental quality, residential-perception and –satisfaction are used interrogatively, these concepts are rooted in different research and policy-making traditions and have various attributes (Van Kamp et al, 2003). Livability is the attractiveness of a district which associates with the residents’ perception and evaluation of the living environment with respect to health, social amenity, and well-being at individual and community levels (Newman, 1999). Pacione (1990) defines livability as “behavior related function of the interaction between environmental characteristics and personal characteristics”. Departing from human needs and limits of nature, the concept of sustainability can be regarded as ‘long-term livability’ (Flores, et al., 2000) which is used to denote the balance between economics and environment. Van Kamp et al (2003) claim that “the object of sustainability is the future, while livability and quality of life are focused on the ‘here and now.”(p.11) In the academic domain, focus on quality of life started after the World War-II with the emergence of welfare state (Milbrath and Sahr, 1975; Campbell, et al, 1976; Andrew and Withey: 1976; Zehner, 1977). Until the 1980s, the quality of modern living was accepted as a simple function of material wealth. Therefore, GDP is the most common measure of the economic activity; it is used widely as a significant indicator for economic performance and living standards at national level. As the domain of life quality changes from material wealth to social progress, the components of the perceived well-being require to be both objective and subjective to consider the different patterns of appropriation. Scholars developed satisfaction models that employ both objective attributes, and perceived or subjective attributes to understand the public well-being comprehensively (Milbrath, 1978; Marans, 2003). It is common in the literature that individuals have different quality indicators based on several factors. According to the previous research and in the context of the study, the subjective attributes that are decided upon to explain the life quality include; (1) quality of built environment, (2) quality of public space, (3) quality of social environment, (4) quality of natural environment, (5) safety, and (6) quality of services. Supplementing the analysis of previous researches for indicator construction, this study evaluates the quality of life by focusing on its different aspects at neighborhood level.

Quality of life in a neighborhood depends on various choices and expectations of individuals which are hard to measure and interpret. There exists a diverse literature on measuring the quality of life, but there is not any uniform method agreed upon. This study proposes a methodology for measuring the quality of life in neighborhoods through the use of binary logistic regression with variables derived from the existing literature. The unit of analysis is selected as neighborhood which allows to reflect social relations between people and their environment. Also, the neighborhood level serves a link between city and home, which provides an intermediate level for conducting a research (Bonaiuto et al, 2003). Data was gathered through the application of questionnaire based on random sampling approach in Akpınar Neighborhood, Ankara with 359 households residing in the area in December, 2015. After collecting the data, a mixture of qualitative and quantitative analysis methods was employed. For quantitative techniques, descriptive statistics were used to obtain a measurable data set of subjective responses of individuals. Each indicator is designed on a five-point Likert scale in which (1) indicates to “not important” and (5) refers to “very important”. Then a regression analysis was conducted to examine the relationship between the overall quality of life scores and the variables of quality of built environment, public space, social and natural environment, services and safety. Dependent Variable To measure the quality of life in neighborhoods that are subjected to regeneration, it is required to identify the dependent variable. The evaluation of dependent variable, overall quality of life, is made through three variables, namely ‘neighborhood satisfaction’, ‘quality of life in the neighborhood’ and ‘desire to move from the neighborhood’. For ‘neighborhood satisfaction’ and ‘quality of life in the neighborhood’, respondents evaluated their satisfaction and quality of life levels over 5. Additionally, the sample evaluates their desire to move from the house and the neighborhood with ‘yes’ and ‘no’ answers. When the sample stated their willingness to move from the house and/or neighborhood, this negatively contributed to the quality of life in the house and/or neighborhood. In sum, the overall quality of life as the dependent variable of this study is an index of three variables ranging from 2 to 11, as shown in Table 1. In this range, 11 denotes the highest quality of life levels while 2 indicates the least. The mean score on overall quality of life index is 8.

Table 1. The overall quality of life measured

Overall quality of life Satisfaction from the neighborhood Quality of life in the neighborhood Desire to move from the neighborhood Overall quality of neighborhood

Mean

Minimum Value

Maximum Value**

3.805014

3.713092

0.660194

8.1783*

11**

Independent Variables Based on inferences from literature review and contextual setting of selected neighborhood, the independent variables in explaining the overall quality of life in neighborhood can be broadly grouped as quality of built environment, quality of public spaces, quality of social relations, quality of environment, safety and quality of services and facilities. In accordance with these 6 categories of variables, a total of 46 independent variables were selected to run regression analysis based on Likert scaling ranging from 1 to 5. Table 2 presents the descriptive statistics of the study’s independent variables. 4. EVALUATION OF QUALITY OF LIFE INDICATORS IN A REGENERATED NEIGHBORHOOD Binary logistic regression was used to identify the factors of quality of life in Akpınar Neighborhood, through analyzing the relation between independent and dependent variables. Logistic regression revealed the relationship between overall quality of life in neighborhood and 46 independent variables taking place in sub-categories quality as quality of built environment, quality of public spaces, quality of social relations, quality of environment, safety and quality of services and facilities. To run binary logistic regression, the dependent variable of ‘overall quality of life in neighborhood’ having values in the range between 2 to 11 was transformed into an ordinal measure. The mean satisfaction value of 8.1783 was determined as the breaking point. Respondents having a quality of life score less than 8 were coded as 0 to indicate dissatisfaction from the neighborhood, and those having scores higher than the mean were denoted by 1 to indicate the satisfaction from the neighborhood. For that account, among the 359 households, 263 of them were determined as the satisfied ones with the existing quality of life in Akpınar Neighborhood, while the remaining 96 as not satisfied at all. In the next step of analysis, the logistic regression model was conducted to obtain the probability of a given dependent variable to assume a

certain value. The analysis shows whether respondents are more likely to be satisfied with the quality of life or not with respect the independent variables. Table 3 reveals the results of the logistic regression for the overall quality of life in Akpınar Neighborhood. The model correctly predicts the 44 per cent (Nagelkerke R Square) of the change in the dependent variable with given independent variables at the significance level of 0.001. As expected, for quality of public space in neighborhood, in Akpınar case, width of streets and adequateness of parking lots are found positively related (B= 0.359; 0.394, respectively) with the quality of life at significance level of 0.005 (p<0.005). In other words, households are more likely to satisfy with the quality of life in their neighborhood if they have wider streets and parking lots. The demand for wide streets and urban parking lots to safely leave private cars is reasonable for a neighborhood where parking lots are not provided within or under the residential urban blocks. Among regressed factors, discreetness of inhabitants seems one of the most determinant factors that positively correlated with the quality of life in neighborhoods (p=0.001). Peace and calmness in the neighborhood is another significant predictor positively associated with the quality of life in neighborhood with a significance level of 0.01 (p=0.001). In this regard, the present analysis supported the expectation by emphasizing the relationship between indicators of social environment and quality of life. This outcome may be explained by the household profile including their gender, age, education and occupation. Those spending more time in the neighborhood may demand a peaceful living environment which would, in turn, enhance the quality. It can also be argued that more educated households reveal more tolerance in keeping the peace and discreetness of the social milieu. Additionally, the adequacy of sewage and drainage system is found positively associated (B=0.289) with the level of satisfaction at the significance level of 0.1. Due to the difficulty of topographical conditions that affects the daily life routines of residents, the adequacy of sewage and drainage system was attached to the quality of life. Although the neighborhood has undergone serious regeneration process and its whole infrastructure has been renewed, the lifeline system may be inadequate sometimes. Therefore, any investment made for such a lifeline system or for improving the quality of the existing system would enhance the quality of life in the neighborhood, as well.

Table 2. Frequency of each level of satisfaction and the mean of satisfaction according to each neighborhood satisfaction attribute Variable Category Quality of Built Environment

Built environment Internal Accessibility

Quality of public space

External Connection Open spaces

Quality of Social Relations

Social relations and Place attachment Environmental health

Quality of Environment

Safety

Maintenance and care Security and Crime (Perceived dangerous spaces) Perceived risks from natural environment

Welfare services

Recreational services Quality of services and facilities

Commercial services Transportation services Infrastructural facilities

Attributes of Satisfaction from the Neighborhood Building aesthetics Building volume Building density Width of streets Adequateness of parking lots Appropriateness of streets for pedestrians Appropriateness of streets for handicapped Accessibility from neighborhood to city center Accessibility to other parts of the city Adequateness of green areas Quality and maintenance of green areas Accessibility to green areas Social relations in the neighborhood Discreetness of inhabitants Sense of belonging to the neighborhood Proximity to relatives and friends Quality of air Peace and calmness in the neighborhood Cleanness of the street Existence of vacant or unbuilt areas Existence of graffiti and paintings Street lighting h Security of the street Security of streets on evenings

Frequency of Levels of Satisfaction 5 4 3 2 1 24 44,8 19,5 8,9 2,8 16,7 40,9 14,2 20,1 8,1 14,5 31,2 21,2 22,6 10,5 16,4 34,3 16,1 22,6 10,6 15,0 37,3 18,1 18,4 11,2 9,5 18 12,3 38,2 22 3,9 8,1 10 32,3 45,7 24,8 46,7 12,3 12 4,2 20,3 42,9 15 14,8 7 7,2 14,8 15,3 34 28,7 8,6 15,9 15,3 32,1 28,1 8,9 17,5 12,9 30,9 29,8 21,7 44,6 13,9 9,2 10,6 28,5 43,7 12,8 8,6 6,4 22,6 42,6 14,5 10,6 9,7 14,2 32,6 20,6 19,5 13,1 35,7 44,8 9,5 6,4 3,6 33,1 46 9,2 6,4 5,3 21,2 44,8 15,9 12,3 5,8 12,3 33,1 21,4 20,1 13,1 15,6 32,6 22,6 17 12,2 24 42,6 13,9 15,3 4,2 12 21,4 23,1 29,7 13,8 12,8 24 22 25,3 15,9 12,8 28,1 20,6 22,6 15,9

Mean 3,8 3,3816 3,1643 3,2340 3,2674 2,5487 1,9220 3,7604 3,5487 2,3788 2,4485 2,4485 3,5766 3,7911 3,5766 3,1532 4,0250 3,9526 3,6323 3,6908 3,6713 3,6685 2,8858 3,4039 3,4596

Security of parks

8,6

21,2

27,6

20,6

3,3565

Precautions for landslide risk

11,1

23,4

41,2

14,2

10,1

3,1142

Existence of qualified education services Adequacy of preschool facilities Adequacy of health services Proximity to educational facilities Proximity of health services Proximity to security services Adequacy of religious facilities Proximity to religious facilities Adequacy of cultural facilities Adequacy of sport facilities Proximity to cultural facilities Adequacy of commercial facilities Proximity to commercial facilities Frequency of public transportation Varieties in public transportation facilities Adequacy of public transportation stops Comfort and quality of buses Quality of electricity and water services Adequacy of sewage and drainage systems

8,4 13,9 12,2 9,7 13,9 6,4 20,6 22,3 3,9 3,6 4,4 17 19,8 24,5 21,4 20,9 16,1 13,1 6,7

22,8 37 34,5 30,4 33,8 27,9 52,4 51,2 13,1 10,6 17 28,4 33,1 35,1 34,8 38,2 27,3 51,3 34

30,4 24,2 18,1 26,7 18,9 27,9 12 12,3 23,1 20,6 23,1 15,3 13,6 17,8 17,5 17,8 21,2 17 27

23,1 14,8 20,1 19,8 19,5 23,9 8,3 7,2 32,3 34,5 30,3 20,9 19,8 13,4 18,1 14,5 23,7 13,9 18,9

15,3 10,1 15,1 13,4 13,9 13,9 6,7 7 27,6 30,7 25,2 18,4 13,7 9,2 8,2 8,6 11,7 4,7 13,4

2,8579 3,3008 3,0891 3,0334 3,1421 2,8886 3,7187 3,7465 1,9304 1,8914 2,4568 2,1838 2,9749 3,1588 3,0752 3,4819 3,1253 3,5404 3,0167

Table 3. Regression coefficients and standard errors for independent variables of quality of life Variable Category Quality of Built Environment

Built environment Internal Accessibility

Quality of public space

External Connection Open spaces

Quality of Social Relations

Quality of Environment

Safety

Social relations and Place attachment Environmental health Maintenance and care Security and Crime (Perceived dangerous spaces) Perceived risks from natural environment

Welfare services

Recreational services Quality of services and facilities

Commercial services Transportation services Infrastructural facilities

Attributes of Satisfaction from the Neighborhood (1-5 mean) Building aesthetics Building volume Building density Width of streets Adequateness of parking lots Appropriateness of streets for pedestrians Appropriateness of streets for handicapped Accessibility from neighborhood to city center Accessibility to other parts of the city Adequateness of green areas Quality and maintenance of green areas Accessibility to green areas Social relations in the neighborhood Discreetness of inhabitants Sense of belonging to the neighborhood Proximity to relatives and friends Quality of air Peace and calmness in the neighborhood Cleanness of the street Existence of vacant or unbuilt areas Existence of graffiti and paintings Street lighting Quality and maintenance of roads Security of the street Security of streets on evenings Security of parks

S.E.

Sig.

Exp(B)

-,038 -,086 -,153 ,359 ,394 ,055 -,360 -,041 ,050 -,315 ,392 -,315 ,131 ,632 ,290 -,035 ,018 ,723 -,125 ,217 -,042 ,214 -,059 -,005 -,070 -,128

,200 ,231 ,225 ,167 ,154 ,187 ,208 ,239 ,214 ,354 ,290 ,354 ,202 ,191 ,204 ,154 ,219 ,213 ,200 ,169 ,173 ,182 ,185 ,213 ,215 ,177

,848 ,710 ,497 ,031* ,011* ,769 ,084** ,864 ,815 ,374 ,177 ,374 ,516 ,001* ,155 ,821 ,933 ,001* ,533 ,198 ,811 ,241 ,750 ,980 ,743 ,471

,962 ,918 ,858 1,431 1,483 1,056 ,698 ,960 1,051 ,730 1,480 ,730 1,140 1,881 1,336 ,966 1,019 2,060 ,883 1,243 ,959 1,239 ,943 ,995 ,932 ,880

Precautions for landslide risk

,099

,177

,578

1,104

,071 -,197 -,111 ,112 ,288 -,114 ,019 -,009 ,787 -,502 -,557 -,027 ,358 ,133 ,144 -,446 -,188 -,266 ,289

,216 ,241 ,306 ,217 ,309 ,204 ,246 ,254 ,356 ,280 ,302 ,247 ,239 ,251 ,296 ,302 ,194 ,205 ,174

,744 ,413 ,718 ,604 ,350 ,578 ,940 ,972 ,027* ,073** ,065** ,914 ,135 ,595 ,628 ,139 ,333 ,194 ,098**

1,073 ,821 ,895 1,119 1,334 ,893 1,019 ,991 2,197 ,605 ,573 ,974 1,430 1,143 1,155 ,640 ,829 ,767 1,334

Interestingly, for the appropriateness of streets for handicapped people, the regression model (p<0.1) presented a reverse relation with the quality of life in neighborhood (B=-0.360). The reason may be explained through disregarding of disabled living, leaving design principles insufficient, and disintegration of such a culture into policies. Among the indicators of quality of services and facilities, adequacy of cultural facilities (p<0.05) and proximity to cultural facilities (p<0.1) were found significant. According to the results, the quality of life was positively associated with the adequacy of cultural facilities (B=0.787), whereas being close to them was negatively associated with the quality of life (B=-0.557). The controversial findings may be explained through the proximity of Akpınar Neighborhood to the central parts of city which offers more opportunities in variety. Although residents demand more cultural facilities in neighborhood which is likely to increase the quality of life, the close location of neighborhood to central district may prevent the development of such facilities in the neighborhood. Thus, the proximity to cultural services is likely to reduce the quality of life. Another significant relation in negative direction was found between quality of life and the adequacy of sport facilities (B=-0.502). As a recreational urban element, it was expected to observe the positive contribution of sport facilities to satisfaction from neighborhood. However, the negative correlation can be explained through the fact that residents of Akpınar Neighborhood –mostly working population- were not much interested in sports and did not demand sport facilities to enhance their quality of life.

be seen in the Akpinar case, the regeneration process may dramatically change the neighborhood life. The results of the study showed that regeneration in the studied neighborhood practiced with an emphasis on physical transformation of housing environment, but not properly applied to improve the infrastructural and social services. According to the subjective statements of respondents, satisfaction from recreation and commercial facilities and internal accessibility within the neighborhood was low in neighborhood. Also, the case study findings revealed that overall quality of life of residents was positively associated with the urban design characteristics of the neighborhood including indicators of width of streets, adequacy of parking lots; social and cultural environment in the area including indicators of discreetness of inhabitants, peace in neighborhood, adequacy of cultural facilities, and infrastructural features of the site including indicators of adequacy sewage and drainage systems. Therefore, to increase the livability in regeneration areas, it is essential that decision-makers should focus on community-related problems. In this regard, priority should be given to social services and lifeline systems to enhance the quality of life at aggregate level. Provision of such facilities is very important for the residents, especially for the ones who are vulnerable or disadvantaged position to have a proper access to the services.

5. CONCLUSION This paper focused on the underlying factors that determine the quality of life levels of households since everyone’s quality perception is different (Hazelton, 1985; Zehner, 1977). In examining the differences, it was hypothesized that the quality of life in a regenerated neighborhood is related to the quality of the built environment, public spaces, social environment, natural environment, services and facilities, and safety. Thus, 46 indicators depicting the social, physical, environmental and spatial dimensions of life were identified and overall quality of life of residents were analysed through the selected indicators. In line with the preceding remarks, it is suggested that urban regeneration efforts need to enlarge the policy and practice schema to a wider perspective. This study shows that urban regeneration, when applied with a focus on housing renewal, needs to be further cultivated. Neglecting the infrastructural and social services does not utilize the regeneration opportunities to improve environmental qualities. As it can

REFERENCES: Alberini, P., Riganti, P., and Longo, A. (2003) Can people value the aesthetic and use services of urban sites? Evidence from a survey of Belfast residents. Journal of Cultural Economics, 27(3-4), 193-213. DOI: 10.1023/A:1026317209968. Andrew, F.M., S.B. Withey (1976) Social Indicators of Well Being: America’s Perception of Life Quality, Plenum Press, New York. Bonaiuto, M., Fornara, F. and Bonnes, M. (2003) Indexes of perceived residential environment quality and neighbourhood attachment in urban environments: a confirmation study on the city of Rome. Landscape and urban planning, 65(1), 41-52. Campbell, A., Converse, P. and Rodgers, W. (1976) The quality of American life: Perceptions, Evaluations and Satisfactions. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Flores, A., Pickett, S.T.A, Zipperer, W.C., Pouyat, R.V., Pirani, R. (2000)” Adopting a modern ecological view of the metropolitan landscape: the case of greenscape system for the New York region. Landscape and urban planning, 39, 295-308. Haliloğlu Kahraman, Z. E. (2013). Dimensions of housing satisfaction: a case study based on perceptions of rural migrants living in Dikmen, METU Journal of Faculty of Architecture, 30(1): 1-27. DOI: 10.4305/METU.JFA.2013.1.1 Hazelton, J. (1985). Quality of Life Indicators for Austin. Report by the Quality of Life Advisory Committee to the Quality of Life Division, Austin Chamber of Commerce. Hemphill, L., Berry, J., McGreal, S. (2004) An Indicator-based Approach to Measuring Sustainable Urban Regeneration Performance: Part 1, Conceptual Foundations and Methodological Framework, Urban Studies, (41:4) 725-755. Marans, R.W. (2003) Understanding Environmental Quality Through Quality of Life Studies: The 2001 DAS and its use of Subjective and Objective Indicators, Landscape and Urban Planning , 65: 73-83. Milbrath, L., and Sahr, R. (1975) Perceptions of environmental quality. Social Indicators Research, 1: 397–438. Milbrath, L.W. (1978) Indicators of environmental quality, UNESCO Reports and papers in the social sciences no.38, pp.32-56.Place de Fontenoy, 75700 Paris, France, ISBN 92-3-011 539-7. Newman, P.W.G. (1999) Sustainability and cities: extending metabolism model. Landscape and Urban Planning, 33, 219-226. Pacione, M. (2003) Urban environmental quality and human wellbeing—a social geographical perspective, Landscape and Urban Planning, 65: 19–30. Roberts, P., Sykes, H. (2000) Urban regeneration: A Handbook, London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: SAGE Publications. Van Kamp, I., Leidelmeijer, K., Marsman, G., and De Hollander, A. (2003). Urban environmental quality and human well-being: Towards a conceptual framework and demarcation of concepts; a literature study. Landscape and urban planning, 65(1), 5-18. Zehner, R. (1977) Indicators of the quality of life in new communities. Cambridge: Ballinger.

Bıo-Ecology

OF Urban desıgn 73

WALKABILITY AS AN URBAN DESIGN STRATEGY FOR REVITALIZATION OF HISTORIC CITY CENTERS Züleyha Sara Belge [1], Müge Akkar Ercan [2]

[1] Mersin University, Department of City and Regional Planning, Mersin, TURKEY [2] Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, TURKEY zbelge@mersin.edu.tr, akkar@metu.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION Walkability, one of the planning and urban design topics with a rising importance in the world and Turkey, has been recognized as a strategy to create healthy societies, to conserve and regenerate the historic city centers. Also, there is a wide recognition that pedestrian-friendly cities contribute significantly to the development of sustainable and livable cities (Newman and Kenworthy, 1996; Hildebrand, 1999; Jabareen, 2006; VTPI, 2015). This research argues that increasing walkability capacity of historic parts of cities can be conceived as an effective urban design strategy to regenerate historic environments. In the literature of urban regeneration, some suggest that walkable environments with a high-quality urban design help enhance the physical, economic and social regeneration of heritage sites by attracting more investments and business to the area, increasing employment potentials, providing public spaces for social interaction, thereby enhancing social cohesion and integration (Litman, 2014; VTPI, 2014; Forthsyth and Southworth, 2008). Likewise, walking environments are also seen as the arenas enhancing urban identity and urban character. This research, based on the premise above, proposes a micro-scale assessment model to study the walkability capacity of urban space by focusing on four key walkability measures: attractiveness and convenience, connection to open spaces, the path quality, and the accessibility to public services and gathering places. These parameters and sub-parameters are presented in Table 1. This paper examines the historic city centre of Mersin as a pilot study area, especially Ataturk and Uray Streets, by using these walkability parameters. It first introduces these streets; second it assesses their walkability capacity; and finally, it discusses the major planning and design strategies that can improve not only walkability of the historic centre, but also its regeneration.

Table 1. The indicators of walkability THE INDICATORS OF WALKABILITY Attractiveness and Convenience

(Moughtin et al., 1999; � maintenance and cleanliness of walking paths � existence and quality of facilities for disabled people Duany et al., 2010; Appleyard, 1981) � existence of pedestrian amenities, availability of crossings along major roads � the existence of interesting urban scene � a variety and diversity of land-use activities

Connection to open spaces

(Southworth, 2005; � existing connection of street network to natural Montgomery, 1998) elements � connection of street network to meeting and gathering places � connection of street network to unique features and visual interest

The path quality

� � � � � �

sidewalk width paving quality street furniture street signs street lightning street trees

(Kolody, 2002; Southworth, 2005; Litman, 2010)

Accessibility

� � � � �

linkage to transportation modes access to public transportation facilities Orientation car-parking availabilities unimpeded movement

(Southworth, 2005; Lotfi and Koohsari, 2009a; 2009b)

2. WALKABILITY CAPACITIES OF ATATURK AND URAY STREETS Ataturk and Uray Streets are surrounded by Kurtulusş Square and Istiklal Street to the north-northeast, Ismet Inonu Boulevard to the south-southeast, and Sakarya Street and Cumhuriyet Square to the west. These two streets are connected to each other linearly with squares and parks. The area is encircled by Çamlıbel residential district to the west, Kurtuluş Square and train station, Mersin international port of Mersin to the east, Ataturk Park and the old marine to the south, and other parts of city center with the commercial, administrative and cultural functions to the north-east. (See: Figure 1.)

Uray and Ataturk Streets are visited daily by 7186 pedestrians on average. (See: Table 2.) Table 2. Number of pedestrians during different time periods on Ataturk and Uray Streets

Hours 7.00-9.00 9.00-12.00

Number of pedestrians

1052 720

Hours 12.00-13.30 13.30-17.00

Number of pedestrians

2436 1064

Figure 1. Ataturk and Uray Streets and their surroundings, and the location of important landmarks

Those ‘port avenues’, being the center of Mersin’s commercial hub since the early 20th century, include well-known commercial, cultural and historical elements, meeting and socializing places of the city. Accommodating the prominent symbols of the city, such as Latin-Catholic Church, Arabic-Orthodox Church, Sursok Inn, Eski (old) Mosque, Taş Inn, Ataturk House, Mersin Metropolitan Municipality, Mersin Cultural Centre, both streets greatly contribute to the urban identity. These streets, which were once by the sea, got detached from it due to the coastal reclamation in the 1990s. Ten storey-buildings along Ismet Inonu Boulevard and Ataturk Park along the coast exacerbate this spatial disconnection. The heavy vehicular and pedestrian traffic on these two streets create a chaotic environment, affecting the walkability and livability capacity of the historic city centre, as well as the quality of life.

Hours 17.00-19.00 19.00-22.00

Number of pedestrians

1052 720

Number of pedestrians

1524 390

Hours 12.00-13.30 13.30-17.00

Hours 21.00-24.00

Number of pedestrians

2436 1064

Hou

17.00-19 19.00-22

Number of pedestrians 720

Ataturk and Uray Streets include four characteristic zones, coded as Z1, Z2, Z3 and Z4. (See: Figure 2.) Z1 starts from the junction of Uray Street and 5210th Avenue to Kurtuluş Square. It contains a variety of public and administrative functions, such as Police Headquarters, Administrative and Tax Courts, Provincial Directorate of Culture and Tourism, Akdeniz District Governorship, and symbolic places, like Latin-Catholic Church. Administrative buildings are mostly higher than four storey buildings, whereas historical buildings are mostly one- or two-storey buildings. Z1 also contains vacant lands used for temporary car parking. Z2 extends from Akdeniz District Governorship to the intersection of Uray and Kuvai Milliye Streets. Different income groups are attracted to Z2 because of commercial and office uses, and historical symbolic places, like Yoğurt Bazaar, a preserved park, Sursok Inn, Taş Inn. The upper floors of the buildings are generally used for office purposes, except for some empty premises. Z2 includes historical buildings with single or double storey, and the new buildings with three or four storey. Z3, extending from Kuvai Milliye junction, contains Ulu Mosque (old Customs Area), Ulu Market, the commercial, office and education functions. In this zone, there are four or five storey buildings. Z4, as the only pedestrian area of Ataturk Street, extends between 4706th Avenue and Cumhuriyet Square. It consists of the buildings from three to seven storey. As the liveliest part of the investigation site, it includes administrative, cultural, commercial and office functions. Z4 is open to car traffic in the early morning or late evening times for service-related purposes.

Uray Street is known for administrative functions, and Ataturk Street is for commercial and cultural functions. According to direct observations,

to this area thanks to the commercial, office, educational functions. Particularly Fish Market and food and beverage facilities, located to the north of the street, attract high number of pedestrians to the site.

Figure 2. The zoning map of Ataturk and Uray Streets

Attractiveness and Convenience With a very attractive townscape owing to historic buildings, green corners, little enclosures and squares, Ataturk and Uray Streets provide pedestrians rich visual experiences. Uray Street (Z1-Z2) which is very rich, in this sense, attracts a high number of pedestrians. The number of pedestrians especially increases in Z3, due to Ulu Mosque, Ulu Market and old Customs Area. Compared to all zones, Z4 is the most attractive part for pedestrians, as it is a pedestrianized area, containing historical buildings and places, stores with well-designed shop windows. According to the questionnaire results and mental map analyses, the most remembered symbolic places of Ataturk and Uray Streets are Metropolitan Municipality Building, Ataturk House, Ulu Mosque, Cumhuriyet Square, historical buildings, Ulu Market, Latin-Catholic Church, Fish Market, Akdeniz District Governorship, Isbank building, Cultural Centre, Mersin Passage, Sursok Inn and Yaşat Passage, respectively. The majority of these landmarks are located in Z4 and Z1. Questionnaire results show that Z1 and Z4 are preferred by walkers in terms of ‘diversity’ and ‘variety’. Direct observations show that there are a few idle and vacant areas in Uray Street. Most of the pedestrian movements in Z1 are originated from the administrative functions, the bus stops, train station and Latin-Catholic Church. Z2 accommodates more variety and diversity in terms of urban functions, when compared to Z1. Sursok Inn with food and beverage shops and commercial activities, Taş Inn with traditional coffee houses, and facilities like banks, exchange bureaus, telecommunication companies, tourism agencies, teaching institutions, and Eski (old) Mosque attract high number of pedestrians to Z2. The pedestrian activities increase in Z3 because of the presence of jewelry, leather and clothing shops, cafés, restaurants, upper-floor offices and teaching institutions around Ulu Square. Z4 is the richest part in terms of diversity and variety of activities. There are important symbolic places, e.g. Ataturk House, Metropolitan Municipality Building, Mersin Cultural Centre and Arab-Orthodox Church. People of all ages are attracted

According to direct observation, restaurants and cafés mostly located on the street in Z3 cause garbage accumulation on the streets, and unattractive street scene. Less care on cleaning, maintenance and repair services of the pedestrian roads and the footways reduces the walkability capacity in Z3. Cleaning services of Z1 and Z4 are much better than other zones because of the presence of the district governorship and police headquarters. Questionnaire results show that Z4 is the most attractive and comfortable zone in Ataturk Street for pedestrians, because of the historical characteristics, squares, parks and pedestrian roads. All in all, Z4 is the most developed zone regarding attractiveness and convenience, followed by Z3, Z1 and Z2 respectively. Connection to Open Spaces The open spaces are places where citizens could interact, meet, stand, or talk. A walkable environment is primarily possible by providing social interaction for public. All activities in edge zones, sidewalk cafés play particularly a significant role in modern urbanscape, also give opportunity to rest and have refreshments is also an excuse to watch city life go by (Gehl, 2010). While sidewalk cafés are once the province of Mediterranean cities and cultures, the idea has caught on in cities throughout the economically developed part of the world. Also, Gehl (2010) adds that the real justification and attraction of sidewalk cafés are precisely ‘ife on the sidewalk’. Therefore, well-constructed connection of street network to ‘natural elements’, ‘meeting and gathering places’ and ‘unique features’ are the measures of connection to open spaces and increases social interaction for the community. Furthermore, the sea is a natural element with its primary importance in the development of Mersin since its establishment. Uray and Ataturk Streets were located by the seaside in the past. In addition to the seaside and Ataturk Park, Inonu Park at the opposite of the Central Station, Yoğurt Bazaar, Ulu Market and Cumhuriyet Square are essential natural elements. When the existing connection of street network to natural elements is examined, the results of the content analysis show that Z1 has one northern and two southern connections, Z2 has four southern connections with the Seaside and Ataturk Park and only one connection with Yoğurt Bazaar, Z3 has two southern connections, while Z4 has four effectively used connections with the Seaside and Ataturk Park. In addition to Latin Catholic Church, an essential cultural meeting place, the Provincial Directorate of Police Office, the Courthouse and the District Governorship, are the most commonly used buildings in Z1,

where there are connections with the Congress-Exhibition Hall, Ataturk Park, Central Station, Inonu Park and Public Library. However, in Z2, gathering places cannot attract people due to the lack of maintenance and land-use characteristics. Ulu Mosque and Ulu Market are important gathering and meeting places in Z3 with green areas around Ulu Mosque. In Z4, Cumhuriyet Square in front of the Culture Center and Ulu Square next to Ulu Mosque are more maintained and qualified than other zones. Similar to other measures, Z4, where there are many unique features, like Ataturk Monument, Independence Sculpture, Orange Sculpture and connections to seaside, has more visual interests than other zones. Briefly put, open spaces are social gathering spaces, which play a crucial role in the identity of walkable place and functionality of public place. Uray and Ataturk Streets have potentials to improve the network and relations among open spaces, natural elements and amenities. According to direct observations in case study area, the connectivity of path network to natural elements in Z3 and Z4 is relatively higher than Z1 and Z2. Moreover, Z4 includes more lively public space than other zones due to pedestrianized area. The connectivity of Z4 with meeting and gathering places is relatively improved than Z1 and Z3. On the other hand, despite Z2â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s many gathering places that of they cannot attract people due to lack of diversity of land-use and maintenance. Z4 has many public arts and visually interesting assets, compared to the other zones. Therefore, Z4 is more walkable in terms of the connection of pedestrian path network with the places accommodating unique features and visual interest. Regarding Uray and Ataturk Streets, Z1 and Z3 are relatively more vivid spaces than Z2 and Z4. Z2 lacks diversity and maintenance, but has some historic buildings, such as Sursok Inn and TaĹ&#x; Inn. Open space connections, visual richness, unique features, connections to sea, parks and gathering places in Z4 make it a more walkable and livable part of the case study area than other zones. Overall integration with the sea is a significant factor for public spaces, and the findings show that this was not effectively utilized in the design of the Mersinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s historic city center. Quality of Path The condition of path quality briefly makes the streets more livable and walkable by encouraging pedestrians to walk. More specifically, path quality of Uray and Ataturk Streets is analyzed in six sections; sidewalk width, paving quality, street furniture, street signs, street lightning and street trees. The findings of field investigation show that the sidewalk widths of Z1 and Z2, ranging from 1.10 meters to 3.5 meters, are not sufficient for ease of walk. This is not the case for Z3 and Z4, being pedestrianized sites. The width of sidewalk of Z4 is the most appropriate part for walking that enables the pedestrian walkability. Paving quality

is essential for path quality in terms of providing comfortable walking for pedestrians. According to direct observations, the paving quality of Z1 is the worst of all. Conversely, Z2 and Z3 are better than Z1 in terms of quality of path, despite of lack of maintenance and low-quality and unsafe level-variations. Although the pavement is not suitable for disadvantageous groups, Z4 is relatively more walkable zone in terms quality of path because of pedestrianized zone. The survey and direct observations show that, placement of street furniture obstructs pedestrian movement because of the widths of walking paths in Z1 and Z2. The design and shape of street furniture are not appropriate and unique for all zones. However in Z4 the walking zone and curb zone is accurately defined, so that the utilities of street enrich Z4 which is relatively more walkable part of street in terms of the placement and the sufficient number of street furniture. Moreover, street signs are also play a crucial role on path quality as streetscape in terms of visually and orienteering pedestrians. In Z4, the transparency of shops and signs of clothing stores and restaurants are relatively better than other zones in terms of aesthetically and visually pleasing design. Yet, direct observations and survey results show that signs of upper-floor uses in Z4 are highly confusing for pedestrians. Additionally, well-lit street increases the pedestrian activity especially on safety. This research analyzed street lightning in the case study area according to placement, height and style. Regarding street lightning, the height of street light on Z1 is not suitable for illumination of streets because they are too high. Further, the distances between lamp posts vary from one zone to another, ranging between 36 meters and 54 meters in Z1, while it is 16 meters in Z2. Thus, illumination in Z3 is relatively better than Z1 and Z2, however, street lighting quality in Z4 is better than other zones in terms of well-proportioned height, correct placement of lights and of course illumination. The analysis for street trees shows that location of the flower pots between Z3 and Z4 are not suitable for walking. Moreover, the location and condition of trees in Z4 are better than other zones that enhance the pedestrian walkability. However, unique trees such as bergamot enrich the case study area especially in Z1 and Z2. Similarly, the location and distribution of trees are appropriate to create ease of movement. In conclusion, according to the survey and direct observations, Z3 is relatively more walkable street regarding quality of path compared to Z1 and Z2. However, Z4 is the most convenient part to walk in terms of path quality. Accessibility Accessibility refers to the ability to reach desired goods, services and activities (Litman, 2003). Also, it has significant effects on walkability by

encouraging pedestrians to ease of movement. Accessibility of urban facilities, amenities and transportation facilities help to create walkable and pedestrian-friendly environment within equity. Linkage to transportation modes, access to public transportation facilities, orientation, car-parking availabilities and unimpeded movement are the measures of accessibility.

includes a lot of factors such as floor quality, accessibility of amenities. The most appropriate zone for ease of movement for vulnerable groups is Z4. However, the case study area does not provide facilities for disadvantageous groups, the accessibility of other parts of the case study area is quite problematic due to lack of arrangements such as ramps, level-variations, pavements and signs designed for them.

The availability of the linkage to transportation modes, such as non-motorized transport, public transport or private car, is an essential factor on improving access to destinations to set walkable environment. The locations of railway station and bus and minibus stops are accurate to accommodate transportation modes as bus, walking and railway. Within the case-study site, there are six public transportation bus stops: one in front of the Station, three at Ismet Inonu Boulevard, one at the east of Cumhuriyet Street where Atatürk and Sakarya Streets have a junction point, and one on Silifke Street, to the north of the Mersin Cultural Centre. It is possible to access to the city center by public transit modes between 6 am. and 11 pm. In any case, light rail system is an essential requirement to enable the connectivity between the historic city center and other parts of the city. In line with the field investigation findings, the accessibility of public transport facilities from Z4 is much more advanced than other zones. In brief, street pattern type of the case study area –modified grid- provides a lot of advantageous by means of accessibility, however problems in design and maintenance eliminate these advantageous. The maintenance in accordance with urban design qualities can create accessible and so walkable and livable environment. Also, parking plays a key role on pedestrian accessibility. The survey findings and direct observations reveal that the vehicular traffic in Z2 is much denser than that in other zones because of connections with Kuvai Milliye Street and Ismet Inonu Boulevard. Conversely, vehicular traffic and on-street car-parking after 6.00 p.m. in Z4 obstruct the safe and continuous mobility of pedestrians, and negatively affect transparency of shops. To sum up, Z1 and Z3 are relatively more walkable zones in terms of the on-street car-parking. Despite the presence of a number of car parking alternative sites in four zones, Uray Street is the most suitable part of the case study site in this sense, as the parking lots are easily-accessible on foot. Orientation is another essential factor affecting walkability in terms of accessibility, and ‘permeability’ and ‘legibility’ are two sub-criteria for the assessment of walkability capacity of urban space. In this context, well-oriented places are easily adapted that possible with accessible network. The cognitive maps indicate that the street pattern’s legibility is perceived by respondents. Moreover, by increasing legibility of the case study area, landmarks are able to orient pedestrians, also they strengthen the visual identity of area. Additionally, unimpeded movement, as the fundamental right for everyone, is essential for walkable environment. Unimpeded movement

All in all, Z3 is relatively more walkable zone in terms of quality of path compared to Z1 and Z2. However, Z4 is more accessible part of the case study area in terms of access to public transport, orientation and unimpeded movement. On the other hand, Z3 is relatively more walkable by means of car parking. 3. CONCLUSION Based on four walkability parameters, the walkability capacity analysis of Mersin historic center shows that, Z4 is the most walkable and livable area along Uray and Ataturk Streets, it is followed by Z1 and Z3, while Z2 is the least walkable part of the area (see Table 3). Historic places, public arts, trees and soft landscape elements, traditional land-use activities in Ataturk and Uray Streets are the elements, not only giving the identity to the historic city center, but also make these public spaces enjoyable and interesting for pedestrians. They should be conserved and improved to increase walkability capacity of especially Z1 and Z2. Maintenance of pedestrian routes and accessibility capacity of pedestrians need to be improved particularly for Z1 and Z2. Adaptive re-use can be employed for vacant buildings and lands in Uray Street to support the revitalization policies of the historic city center. Beside the current administrative, office, commercial and cultural uses, the development of tourism, entertainment and residential functions should be encouraged by the local authority to promote a ’24-hour city center’ for living, working, shopping and leisure. Further, a comprehensive and integrated transportation system for Mersin Historic City Center is necessary to strengthen the relation between the city center and whole city. Certainly, a multi-dimensional, multi-actor, comprehensive, integrated and sustainable strategic planning approach is needed for livable historic city center. In addition to maintenance and rehabilitation actions in Ataturk and Uray Streets, traffic calming strategies, light-rail transportation network, re-arrangement of mass transportation and vehicle traffic are crucial to set a walkable environment around historic city center. The current planning discourse strongly emphasizes the significance of developing comprehensive governance models for inclusive and participatory planning and design of urban systems. The walkability model of this research can contribute to the design practice by guiding par-

ticipatory planning and inclusive design process through research by design strategies. The model has the capacity to reveal basic principles improving the qualifications of walkability and design strategies. The research findings on the walkability levels of four zones in Ataturk and Uray Streets by this model also help us what planning and design strategies need to be pursued to develop capacity by design principles. Furthermore, the model illustrates the potential of ‘research by design’ studies to principally develop inputs for master and regional plans. Instead of rigid hierarchical relations between plans, human-oriented planning and design processes letting two-way information flow will be possible via this model. Moreover, the model lets evaluating the walkability capacity of alternative design projects by the method of design by research. However, this aspect of the model is not yet developed to evaluate performance of each measure with morphological analyses. Additionally, means of action research (questionnaires, workshops and focus group discussions with in-situ stakeholders) or information channels like websites, brochures with 3D simulations can be used to provide two-way information flow between planners/designers and actors.

REFERENCES: Appleyard, D. (1981) Livable Streets, University of California Press, Berkeley, CA. Belge, Z.S. (2012) Increasing Walkability Capacity of Historic City Centers: The Case of Mersin, unpublished master thesis in Urban Design, METU, Ankara. Duany, A., Speck, J., Lydon, M. (2010) The Smart Growth Manual, McGraw-Hill, United States of America. Forsyth, A., Southworth, M. (2008) Guest Editorial: Cities Afoot—Pedestrians, Walkability and Urban Design, Journal of Urban Design 13(1) 1-3. Hildebrand, F. (1999) Designing the City: Towards a More Sustainable Urban Form. Spon Press, London, New York. Jabareen, Y.R. (2006) Sustainable Urban Forms: Their Typologies, Models, and Concepts, Journal of Planning Education and Research 26: 38-52. Kolody, A.D., (2002) Planning for Physical Activity, The Need for Comfortable and Convenient Pedestrian Movement in the Urban Form, unpublished master thesis, The University of Calgary, Calgary. Litman, T.A. (2006) Transportation Cost and Benefit Analysis; Techniques, Estimates and Implications, VTPI. [http://www.vtip.org/tca] Accessed: 19.03.2015. Litman, T.A. (2014) Transport Cost and Benefit Analysis Techniques, Economic Value of Walkability, VTPI. [http://www.vtpi.org/walkability.pdf] Accessed: 19.03.2015. Lotfi, S., Koohsari, M.J. (2009a) Analyzing accessibility dimension of urban quality of life: where urban designers face duality between subjective and objective reading of place, Social Indicators Research 94(3) 417-435. Lotfi, S., Koohsari, M.J. (2009b) Measuring objective accessibility to neighborhood facilities in the city, Cities 26(3) 133-140. Moughtin C., Oc, T., Tiesdell, S. (1999) Urban Design: Ornament and Decoration (2. Ed.), Architectural Press, London. Montgomery, J. (1998) Making a City: Urbanity, Vitality and Urban Design, Journal of Urban Design 3(1) 93-116. Newman, P.W.G, Kenworthy, J.R. (1996) The land use-transport connection-an overview, Land Use Policy, 13(1) 1-22. Southworth, M. (2005) Designing the Walkable City, Journal of Urban Planning and Development 131(4) December 246-257. Victoria Transport Policy Institute (VTPI) (2014) Community Livability, TDM Encyclopedia, VTPI [http://www.vtpi.org/tdm/tdm97.htm] Accessed: 30/08/2014. VTPI (2015) Smart Growth (More efficient land use management). TDM Encyclopedia, VTPI [http://www.vtpi.org/tdm/tdm38.htm] Accessed: 30/08/2014.

PLANNING LIVABLE AND WALKABLE COMMUNITIES: INFERENCES FOR DESIGN PRINCIPLEs - Samples from Kadıköy and Atasehir ın Istanbul -

Oya Akın, Cenk Hamamcıoğlu

Yıldız Technical University, Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Istanbul, TURKEY oakinster@gmail.com, chamamcioglu@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION It is feasible to arrange urban spaces referring the state of belonging where acquaintanceship, conjunction and concourse among different social stratifications concerned, if design in walkability criteria. Besides vital and bustling streets and revitalization of commerce activities with public spaces, the creation of safe urban spaces, adoption of active life, improving public health, adaptation of compact, accessible pedestrian settlement patterns and conservation of natural resources can also be established at walkable communities. As a matter of fact, the ‘Pedestrian Rights’ declaration adopted in 1988 by the European Parliament underlined that “the pedestrian has the right to live in a healthy environment and freely to enjoy the amenities offered by public areas under conditions that adequately safeguard his physical and psychological well being and necessity to redefine spatial planning and design principles compatible with pedestrian oriented lifestyle”. In this context, this paper focuses on the analysis and comparison of a recently developing residential area at West Ataşehir and a traditional residential area at Bahariye in Kadıköy downtown that are both located at the Anatolian side of Istanbul in terms of walkability criteria in threestep assessment processes. Accordingly, the first step involves the evaluation of accessibility and distance to the public transportation modes in both residential areas. The second step analyses the level of public and private facilities at 20 minutes of walking distance from the residents and the results of The Walk Score. And in the third step, walkability conditions collected by the researchers from the spatial observations in terms of the streets assessed by using Likert scale approach [1]. The scope of this paper provides opportunity to draw attention to both automobile dependent planning process of suburban residential areas in Istanbul, where the streets and public spaces do not conform to the content of walkability measures and to identify design proposals in order to lead more walkable communities in this regard.

2. PLANNING AND DESIGNING PRINCIPLES FOR LIVABLE AND WALKABLE COMMUNITIES Pedestrian access as one of the most fundamental modes of transportation allows movement for varying characteristics (gender, age, disadvantaged groups etc.) of people to meet their daily needs, connecting them to the parks and waterfronts, and facilitating peoples’ ability to walk to schools including their trips between origin and destination, places of employment, and neighborhood amenities (Mehndiratta, 2012; 243-244). As well as contributing to accessibility and increasing choice of public transport, the scientific researches appertaining enhanced pedestrian movement in cities further reveal substantial benefits related to economic capital, land values, social life, involvement, equity, public health and climate resilience (Banister et al., 2007; 18-20; Rogers et al., 2010; 202-203). Ensuring ‘walkability’ as an efficient mode of transportation and a prerequisite for a healthy, livable urban environment requires a set of basic principles. These are; - design pedestrian-friendly and compact residential areas in human scale, - respond to the daily requirements of different social layers in variety of activities, - provide permeable and safe ground floor level by complex and diversified land use, - discourage sprawl by revitalizing neglected areas in downtowns, - enable face to face interaction by creating inviting and orienting public spaces and display common use by public celebrations and arts, - design walkable residential areas concerning state of belonging, identity and authenticity, - arrange accessibility by public transport modes supported by pedestrian and cycling, - conserve natural resources and reduce pollution, - preserve and consider natural landscape,

- utilize healthy and environment friendly materials and structures (AIA, 2005; Ewing & Handy, 2009; 80-81). These basic principles indicate the necessity to enable accessibility by public transportation modes in residential neighborhoods both in downtowns and suburbs and to develop attraction nodes concerning public and commercial facilities within walking distance through the planning phase. The context of designing vital walkable community spaces refers perceptible space, enclosure and human scale, where considerable permeability, safety, accessibility and connectivity principles are provided within a continuous variety of activities and environment (Ewing, 1999). Ideally, the provision of these principles at the street scale can be established simply by the installation of public squares and parks; allocation of readily and identifiable buildings and art objects those serve as external reference points; placement of signs in an appropriate scale and character orienting pedestrians; organization of sky apparent to pedestrians that affects the sidewalk’s overall sense of enclosure as well as the amount of shade and shelter; balance in the distance appear to the distance walk, walkable urban block length and street pattern (that should not exceed 100m.) as well as visible and approachable entrances that will attract pedestrians providing an adequate transition between public and private spaces. Designing an inviting, safe and comfortable pedestrian access requires to be regulated in accordance with human perception and scale. At the same time, designing the space for pedestrian paths, particularly sidewalks, should be conceptualized within an extent of four planes consisting of ground, roadside, sky and building wall that are considerably shaped by the zoning regulations (Active Design, 2013; 46; Hamamcıoğlu, Akın, 2015; 450). Accordingly, the ground plane covers the aesthetic and functional design of an adequate clear path that should allow an accessible platform for multiple users composing appropriate width according to the pedestrian volume, density and land use, height, curb ramp, pavement (material, texture and pattern), planting and street furniture like trashcans, benches, newsstands, subway grates, the bases of lighting and signage poles, and tree pits and tree trunks. The roadside plane is defined primarily by the rhythm of vertical physical elements like tree trunks and light poles that line at the edge of the sidewalk and also shaped by the immediate roadside adjacency, and varies greatly depending on whether it is a bike lane, a parking lane, or a moving travel lane. Therefore, safe distances with the moving vehicles as well as prevention from the pollution caused by vehicles are important. The sky plane is the area composes the roof of pedestrian way that affects the overall sense of enclosure. It changes seasonally with tree foliage and the top of streetlights becomes evident. Awnings, balconies, fire escapes and signage can protrude into this plane, and unique tower-tops

or landmarks often appear at a distance. The building wall is the diversified urban plane whether a building is set back often feature plantings, cafes, signs, trashcans, stoops, and other street furniture; zones marked by larger setbacks with curb cuts tend to contain parked cars, larger trees or other plantings, and front yard furniture or sits directly on the property line forming a street wall, the vertical rhythm, depth, and textures of the facades help create interest and break down the building mass to the pedestrian scale greatly affect the pedestrian perception. Multiple entrances along the path spaced closely and level of transparency ensure active public use and safety. 3. ASSESSMENT OF WALKABILITY CONDITIONS IN BAHARİYE-KADIKÖY AND WEST ATAŞEHIR RESIDENTIAL AREAS In order to compare and analyze walkability conditions, two different residential areas in the Anatolian side of Istanbul, Bahariye in Kadıköy downtown built through the traditional development process and West Ataşehir that continues to develop since 2000s in gated communities particularly preferred by high income groups have been selected. Although these two sample residential areas do not comprise the current and plenary administrative neighborhood boundaries, the equivalent walking distance in size identified by natural and artificial thresholds are taken into consideration during the specification of these research areas. Accordingly, the assessments of walkability analyses are realized in the following steps. Accessibility to the Selected Sample Residential Areas via Public Transportation Modes Accessibility of a residential region from other parts of a city by the public transportation modes concerns one of undeniable principles of a livable city. In terms of this principle, the residential area in Bahariye-Kadıköy benefits a highly developed network of varying transportation modes such as metro, tram, metrobus, bus, minibus, ferry and boat that are accessible maximum in 800 m. walking distance. (See: Figure 1.) Whereas the residential area in West Ataşehir located at the junction of urban highways weakly supported by public transportation modes that mandating the use of private car and ownership. As a matter of fact, recently, the accessibility in West Ataşehir can be provide only by three different bus routes operating from Kadıköy (downtown) and a metro (Kadıköy-Kartal) stop that is located approximately within 2 km. walking distance which is drastically impossible to reach because of the access-limited highways that have been designed for high-speed vehic

ular traffic. In this context, we can argue that accessibility conditions to the public transportation modes in the suburban residential area reveals and imposes a planning and design condition that encourages full automobile dependency. (See: Figure 2.)

Walkability Indicator (the walk score) One of the preferential indicators for an urban region to be adapted as walkability requirements is higher accessibility to eating, drinking and shopping facilities, parks, school, culture, entertainment and transfer nodes within 20 minutes walking distance. According to The Walk Score (2016) assessment taking this indicator into account, the region yields a score between; 0-24: assigns as car-dependent virtually no neighborhood destinations within walking range, 25-49: car-dependent and only a few destinations are within easy walking range, 50-69: somewhat walkable that some stores and amenities are within walking distance, but many everyday trips still require a bike, public transportation, or car, 70-89: very walkable and possible to get by without driving,

Figure 1. Accessibility by public transportation modes in Bahariye-Kadıköy

Figure 2. Accessibility by public transportation modes in West Ataşehir

90-100: (Walkers’ Paradise) most errands can be accomplished on foot and many people get by without using a car.

Figure 3. The walkability index in Kadıköy (Source: www.walkscore.com/score/rıhtım-caddesi-kadıköy-istanbul-turkey)

By the indicator for The Walk Score assessment given above, Kadıköy is rewarded as 98 score that reveals a totally walkable content, which is acceptable when the approximate location to the public and private commerce activities and advanced public transportation network are considered. (See: Figure 3.) On the other hand, although West Ataşehir do not included in the same assessment, East Ataşehir which expresses similar characteristics assigned with 84 score referring that most of the activities are easily accessed by walking. (See: Figure 4) So that, the walkability index in Ataşehir rather earned a high score depending on the public and commercial facilities’ immediate allocation along the main streets that reflects absolutely contrary inferences realized onsite due to the observations and the data collected. What misleads is the restriction of the physical and social walkability conditions that can be proposed as a criticism to the Walk Score assessment approach.

Assessment and Principles for Walkable Urban Spaces At this stage, the researchers evaluate the results of spatial investigations on the basis of streets observed at two residential areas on behalf of two different criteria approaches. Accordingly in criteria 1 the data were assessed with respect to the principles that affect walkability in terms of (1) imageability, (2) legibility, (3) enclosure, (4) human scale, (5) safety and transparency, (6) linkage, (7) complexity, (8) coherence (identity and integrity), and (9) tidiness and comfort as variables by a fivefold Likert scale approach (very bad-1, bad-2, average-3, good-4, very good-5). Criteria 2 involve the evaluation of analysis about the conditions of streets in terms of four planes consisted of ground, roadside, sky and building wall respectively, again by using fivefold Likert scale approach. Criteria-1: According to the findings carried out by the researches in 32 streets, Bahariye-Kadıköy is identified as good quality with the average score of 4.2. (See: Table 1.) The conventional street network and particularly the lanes reserved for vehicular traffic and parking lots compel the sidewalks to be narrow and the separation between vehicles and pedestrians to be provided with barriers. Direct entrances spaced closely together, with people entering and exiting buildings at regular intervals and the continuity of transparent mixed land-use at the ground floor level comparatively ensure security and an active use of streets and sidewalks in Bahariye. Moreover, the active life intertwined with commerce (market, greengrocery, hairdresser, cafes etc.) education (kinder garden, primary and high schools) and cultural (social associations, theaters, cinemas etc.) functions that sustain complexity emerges as the foremost features of this residential area. Appropriate urban block length (max.130m.) and legible almost grid street pattern contribute a better linkage and connectivity level. Thus reveals a vibrant and dynamic content that promotes walking in the streets. However, in terms of comfort, level and problems in walking, due to carelessly implementation of pavement materials and infrastructure elements (lightening, gas and electricity caps etc.) have been observed. Consequently, in terms of walkability principles, the researchers qualified Bahariye-Kadıköy with average scores (average-3 and good-4). (See: Table 1.)

Figure 4. The walkability index in Ataşehir (Adapted from www.walkscore.com/professional/neighborhood-map.php?address=Ataşehir%20Bulvarı%20Ataşehir%20 İstanbul%20Turkey)

WEST ATAŞEHİR AVERAGE

TIDINESS & COM FORT

COHERENCE

COM PLEXITY

LINKAGE

SAFETY & TRANSPERANCY

HUM AN SCALE

ENCLOSURE

LEGIBILITY

KADIKÖY

IM AGEABILITY

Table 1. Walkability in Bahariye-Kadıköy according to criteria 1

2,33 2,89 3,67 2,63 4,20 4,00 3,60 3,00 3,00

Maximum

5,00 5,00 5,00 5,00 5,00 5,00 5,00 5,00 5,00 1 2 3 4 5

Likert Scale

Very Good

Good

Bad

Table 3. Assessment of walkability in Bahariye-Kadıköy based on criteria 2

Very Bad

5,00 2,00 3,2 Sidewalk Width

Bad

5,00 1,00 1,5 Distinction from Vehicles

Average

5,00 1,00 4,5 Sidewalk Height

Good

5,00 1,00 2,8 Curb Ramp

VeryGood 5

WEST ATAŞEHİR AVERAGE

TIDINESS & COM FORT

COHERENCE

COM PLEXITY

LINKAGE

SAFETY & TRANSPERANCY

HUM AN SCALE

ENCLOSURE

5,00 2,00 4,1 Safety (social) 5,00 1,7 3,3 Ground Floor Plane Average 5,00 1,00 1,5 Secure Distance from Vehicles 5,00 1,00 1,5 Buffering Elements 5,00 1,00 1,5 Roadside Plane Average 5,00 4,00 4,8 Transperancy 5,00 2,00 4,1 Sustainability and Resilience

1,00 1,00 1,33 1,00 1,00 1,00 1,00 1,29 1,00

5,00 2,5

Maximum

2,17 1,67 1,67 1,00 1,00 1,00 2,20 2,29 1,25

5,00 2,6

Average

Bad

Li kert Scal e:

Very Bad

Very Good

1,35 1,27 1,36 1,00 1,00 1,00 1,47 1,71 1,02 1,24

Minimum

Good

Average

5,00 1,00 3,1 Complexity & Variety in Land Use 5,00 3,00 4,5 Livable & Vibrant Space 5,00 3,00 4,1 Building Plane Average

WEST ATAŞEHİR

On the other hand, the assessments performed at 12 streets of West Ataşehir reveal a very poor content with the average score of 1.24 (See: Table 2.), which demonstrates the great importance of physical and social conditions in walkability. It is observed that in West Ataşehir notably human scale, safety and transparency and complexity principles have been entirely neglected with the clearance of the residential buildings

BUILDING

LEGIBILITY

5,00 1,00 2,5 Safety (physical)

ROADSIDE

IM AGEABILITY

5,00 2,00 1,7 Signage, Lightening, Street Furniture 5,00 1,00 2,5 Entrances & Pavements (Mobility)

Table 2. Walkability in West Ataşehir according to criteria 1

Max. Min. Ave. KADIKÖY

GROUND FLOOR PLANE

Li kert Scal e:

Average

3,64 3,94 4,38 4,10 4,96 4,97 4,50 4,10 3,89 4,28

Very Bad

Average Minimum

more than 25 floors (nearly 80m in height) located behind the concrete high walls (approximately 3m in height) where the communication with public streets could only provide through the security gates (mostly for vehicles). Furthermore, this pattern shaped with urban blocks exceeding 300 meters in length and the establishment of introverted community colonies within the walls display completely isolated, thereby deserted and unsafe streets lack of any public activity adversely affecting linkage and connectivity in terms of walkability, although average physical sidewalk features such as width are provided. Additionally, this type of residential pattern obliging automobile oriented accessibility also stresses contradictions with the principles of planning and design.

Total Average (including Roadside Plane)

3,7 Total Average (instead of Roadside Plane)

Criteria-2: In Bahariye-Kadıköy it is observed that the ground plane exhibits moderate characteristics with an average value of 3.25. Unavailability of landscape elements in pedestrian-vehicle separation and less space for street furniture due to the narrow section of conventional street pattern and the lack of signage system to guide pedestrians was regarded as inappropriate conditions in the ground plane. On the other hand, the collapse of pavements and headpieces of infrastructural systems such as natural gas, electricity and etc., that narrows the sidewalk section and causes to stumble and lack of proper curb ramps are other problems ascertained in the ground plane. Because of the traditional narrow

street layout, a considerable secure separation between traffic, parking lots and pedestrian could not be maintained, but in some cases continuous parking lots directly on the edge of the sidewalks as buffering elements separates pedestrians from rapidly moving vehicles in the roadside (1.48 very bad). In building wall plane (4.13 good) the variation in land use as well as direct building entrances from the streets creates a dynamic, active and safe environment. (See: Table 3. and Figure 5.)

side of the streets, sidewalks are designed with necessary width and landscape elements, but on the other sides of the streets, an attitude monitored completely different is determined. For this reason the relation with the roadside obligating automobile priority earned the score of 1.43 (very bad). And the building wall and sky planes of the streets that are completely isolated and daily life behind the high walls display very bad conditions with the score 1.21. As a result, it is possible to argue that unsafe, uncomfortable and isolated streets of West Ataşehir created an urban space where people avoid walking. Table 4. Assessment of walkability in West Ataşehir according to criteria 2 Likert Scale

Max. Min. Ave.

WEST ATAŞEHİR

2,71

Sidewalk Width

Bad

2 5

1,86

Distinction from Vehicles

Average

3 5

3,5

Sidewalk Height

VeryGood 5 1

Signage, Lightening, Street Furniture

Good

4 4

1,64

Curb Ramp

1 1 1 1,14

2,71 1,86 1,07 2,34

Entrances & Pavements (Mobility) Safety (physical) Safety (social) Ground Floor Plane Average

1,43

Secure Distance from Vehicles

1,43

Buffering Elements Roadside Plane Average

4 1

1 1

1,43 1

ROADSIDE

5 5 2 4

GROUND FLOOR PLANE

Very Bad 1 5

Transperancy

BUILDING

Sustainability and Resilience

1,86

Complexity & Variety in Land Use

Livable & Vibrant Space

1,5

1,21

Building Plane Average

2,89

1,05 1,66

Total Average (including Roadside Plane)

2,18

1,07 1,78

Total Average (instead of Roadside Plane)

Figure 5. Walkability level of streets based on criteria 2 in Bahariye-Kadıköy

Although West Ataşehir is a recently developing neighborhood and the street sections have been planned taking into account the current requirements, significant problems observed in all planes (spatial room) of the pedestrian sidewalks. In terms of problems such as division with driveway, curb ramps, signage, orientation and physical and social safety conditions ground plane expresses relatively a bad quality below average with the score of 2.34. (See: Table 4 and Figure 6.) While in one

Therefore firstly, the design of residential areas should corresponds to authenticity, identity and belonging where face to face communication can be provided, and to people enabled to meet their daily needs through lively public spaces by walking. At this point one of the most important inferences for the priority of design should consider human and its scale. In this context; orientation through the space, perception of sky and horizon within sense of scale and enclosure, observation of historical and cultural landmarks, designing spaces to be able to easily reach various daily needs supported by green, resting and recreational areas for all groups of ages and physical properties of pedestrians and bicycle users are critically substantial issues for the quality of life. This paper demonstrates the adverse conditions of pedestrian access particularly at the suburbs of Istanbul developing since 2000. The results of observations also explicitly confirm that pedestrian access and walkability principles could not be involved the planning and design agenda of contemporary residential areas. It reveals mainly automobile oriented design approach in new residential areas. In the absence of walkability criteria the state of belonging where acquaintanceship, conjunction and concourse among different social stratifications cannot be concerned; unsafe, featureless urban spaces lack of green, resting and recreation areas without any landmarks are created. NOTES:

Figure 6. Walkability level of streets according to criteria 2 in West Ataşehir

1. The assessment methodology developed by the authors benefiting from the sources of Ewing, R., Clemente, O., Handy, S., Browson, R.C., Winston, E., (2005) and Edwards, P., Tsouros, A.D. (2008). PREFERENCES:

4. EVALUATION AND CONCLUSION The adoption of a compact city model aiming to protect natural resources at the suburbs and peripheries of the future cities entails relatively dense populated downtowns where environment friendly transportation modes should be operated and healthy, livable and vibrant urban spaces should be created. In order to ensure such ambiance and experience, first, urban environments dominated by mixed-land use should be planned. Additionally, it is also necessary to provide safe, comfortable and perceptible access to residential, working, recreational, educational, and cultural activity areas of all interests of social strata by pedestrian and bicycle. In this context, the need for land use and transportation decisions in planning scale as well as the arrangement and conditions of movement paths and spaces in urban design scale emerge as priority issues. Whether the context is in an urban downtown or a suburban development, the principles should be available for both and imply the option to walk to a local store, playground, park, or other local amenities from an office or home without needing of a vehicular trip.

Active Design (2013). Active Design: Shaping the Sidewalk Experience. New York: New York Municipality. American Institute of Architects - AIA (2005). What Makes a Community Livable? Livability 101. Washington DC, US. www.aia.org/aiaucmp/groups/aia/documents/pdf/aias077949.pdf. Banister, D., Pucher, J., Lee-Gosselin, M. (2007). Making Sustainable Transport Politically and Publicly Acceptable. Rietveld, P. and Stough, R., ed., Institutions and Sustainable Transport: Regulatory Reform in Advanced Economies. Cheltenham: Edward Publishing, 2007, pp. 17-50. Edwards, P., Tsouros, A.D. (2008). “A Healty City is An Active City: A Physical Activity Planning Guide. Copenhagen: WHO Regional Office for Europe. Ewing, R. (1999). Pedestrian and Transit Friendly Design: A Primer for Smart Growth. Washington DC: American Planning Association. Ewing, R., Clemente, O., Handy, S., Browson, R.C., Winston, E. (2005). Identifying and Measuring Urban Design Qualities Related to Walkability, Final Report the Active Living Research Program of the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. Ewing, R., Handy, S. (2009). Measuring the Unmeasurable: Urban Design Qualities Related to Walkabilty, Journal of Urban Design: Volume 14, Issue 1, 2009 pp.65-84. Hamamcıoğlu, C., Akın, O. (2015). Çevre ve Toplum Yaşamına Duyarlı Kentsel Yaklaşımlar Bağlamında Yaya Erişimi ve Yürünebilirlik (Kadıköy Örneği). 11. Ulaştırma Kongresi 27-29 Mayıs 2015, İstanbul: TMMOB İnşaat Mühendisleri Odası İstanbul Şubesi Yayını, ss.447-457. Mehndiratta, S. (2012). Cycling and Walking: Preserving a Heritage, Regaining Lost Ground. Sustainable Low-Carbon City Development in China. A. Baeumler, E. Ljjasz-Vasquez, S. Mehndiratta ed. The World Bank, Washington, pp.243-269. Roger, S.H., Halstead, J.M., Gardner, K.H., Carlson, C.H. (2010). Examining Walkability and Social Capital as Indicators of Quality of Life at the Municipal and Neighborhood Scales. Applied Research in Quality of Life, June 2011, Volume 6, Issue 2, pp 201-213. The Walk Score (last access 2016) www.walkscore.com

Impact of Quality of Wind on Urban Form: Analysis of Vernacular and Contemporary Wind-Adaptive Urban Design Approaches Hakan Baş, Yakup Eğercioğlu

İzmir Katip Çelebi University, Department of Urban and Regional Planning, İzmir, TURKEY hakan.bas@ikc.edu.tr, yakup.egercioglu@ikc.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION Urban public space has a central role in urban life. Ensuring its comfort and livability for the inhabitants is vital in urban design. However loss of climate responsive design with intensive urbanization and scarcity of knowledge of urban climate (Eliasson, 2000) makes the urban public spaces uninhabitable. The appropriate use of wind can vitalize urban public space yet again by enhancing health, comfort and livability. In this respect, well definition of wind and adaptation of urban form to the quality of wind is necessary. Vitruvius remarked the significance of the quality of wind in formation of urban street orientation. He identified the cold winds as disagreeable, warm winds as enervating and moist winds as unhealthy (Vitruvius, n.d.). The quality of wind differs in various climates. It might be in low quality to be protected or in high quality to be exploited. However, urban settlements are responsive to the diverse wind qualities and urban form serves to resist and modify the wind flow behaviour to balance the negative effects of the wind in poor quality while providing maximum benefit from the wind in high quality. An effective use of winds in urban settlements is vital for enhancing urban quality of life. However, wind in urban settlements leads to some conflicting effects (i.e. positive effects such as controlling air temperature distribution by moderating urban micro-climate and removing polluted air out of the urban environment and negative ones such as, causing thermal and pedestrian discomfort with unpleasant disturbance of body) thus reduces the quality of life. While wind is essential for ventilation and cooling built environment, high wind speed and turbulences are unwelcome in urban public spaces. Wind as a climate element has considerable potential in moderating urban air temperature. It has been widely reported that a heavy urbanization and a dense city conﬁguration cause urban heat island phenomenon (UHI). In reduction of the intensity of UHI effect in urban areas, wind

has been reported as a dominant factor (Morris et al., 2001; Memon and Leung, 2010). Most researchers are carried out on urban microclimate and outdoor thermal comfort of urban public spaces by focusing on mainly solar radiation access in winter and shading in summer (Bourbia and Awbi, 2004; Johansson, 2006). Moreover studies conducted on urban geometry related to urban micro-climate are abundant (Nakamura and Oke, 1998; Santamouris et al, 1999). However, very limited researches have been conducted on the quality of wind associated with urban form. The focus of this study is to investigate the impact of quality of wind in shaping of urban form not only in contemporary urban planning but also in traditional settlements to demonstrate how the quality of wind influences urban form and how urban form influences the urban wind pattern. Factors that affect wind flow patterns in urban environment are divided into two parts: primary factors such as distribution of buildings and street network configuration and secondary factors such as vegetation and surface characteristics (Franke, 2010). This study merely examines the primary factors in compatible with quality of wind. 2. METHODOLOGY This study has been conducted by means of a qualitative methodology through the case studies. Appropriate two samples, Korcula and Xeritown have been selected particularly from the Mediterranean and hot-humid climates since in these climates, quality of wind substantially influence the urban form and settlement pattern. The case studies were selected by taking into account the existence of different wind flow regimes in different qualities to investigate the complex relations between urban form and various wind regimes.

3. QUALITY OF WIND The development of winds on Earth is mainly dependent on either the distribution or the location of land, water source, and green areas. The diurnal and seasonal surface temperature differences between these areas generate winds. For instance, when a land is warmer than a sea, the wind blows from the sea to the land and it carries the thermal properties of the air molecules where it was arisen. Accordingly, the source of the wind mainly affects its quality by influencing its direction, temperature and velocity. Depending on the source, wind can be dry or humid, clean or dusty, hot or cool, fast or slow and constant or irregular (Fislisbach and Zollikon, 1993). Wind has both heating and cooling effect. In coastal regions, wind plays a pivotal role as a natural phenomenon to mitigate with the humidity. It provides relief from heat since they accelerates the transpiration of the body. When the temperature of the wind which is blowing from the sea is cooler than the inland air temperature, the cooling effect is started. The cooling effect of the wind increases with an increment of air velocity. 1 m/s wind velocity (equals to walking speed) can drop the air temperature from 30,25 °C to 27,25 °C (Krautheim et al., 2014). In tropical regions such as Singapore, a wind velocity of 1-1,5 m/s result in 2 °C drop in temperature (Erell et al., 2011). Wind velocity also affects the sensible temperature significantly. The Table 1 shows the cooling effect of the wind velocity on sensible temperature. At low temperatures and for the dry skin, wind velocity causes more cooling effect. When the ambient air temperature is at 15 °C, 2 m/s wind velocity causes 10 °C drop in temperature but it causes merely 2.3 °C drop when the ambient air temperature is at 30 °C. In hot climates the cooling effect of the wind is crucial. In this climate, wind which has more cooling effect is defined as the wind in high quality. Table 1. The cooling effect of wind (HABITAT and CSC, 1983)

Cooling effect (OC) Dry skin

Indoor wind speed

15 C O

Moist skin

Ambient air temperature 20 OC 25 OC Temperature Drops (OC)

0.1 0.25 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0

0 2 4 6.7 8.5 10

0 1.3 2.7 4.5 5.7 6.7

0 0.8 1.7 2.8 3.5 4

0 0.5 1 1.7 2 2.3

30 OC

Wind not only has thermal effects but also causes pedestrian discomfort. To keep the wind velocity at certain limits is crucial for urban quality of life. When the wind speed exceeds 5 m/s, it causes an unpleasant disturbance of clothing and hair (Wise, 1970). Wind can also results in dangerous environment for urban inhabitants at speed of 23 m/s (Melbourne and Joubert, 1971). 4. WIND-ADAPTED URBAN DESIGN STRATEGIES The overall city form has not the ability to change the local climate but it can enhance comfort conditions for the inhabitants by modifying urban wind patterns (Fislisbach and Zollikon, 1993). However, to design an optimum urban form in accordance with quality of wind is hard as first it is not straightforward to change whole city structures and second the direction and the velocity of wind is unpredictable and at random. Urban settings as an open space and a “porous obstacle” are exposed to various wind patterns in different qualities (Skote et al, 2005). Urban form can act as a kind of “selective filter” for these wind patterns (Nakamura and Oke, 1998). It can manipulate the wind behavior or force the wind to change its direction (Krautheim et al, 2014). However, urban fabric as a static structure has limited potential in response to dynamic and multi-directional wind pattern. Because of that, to design a more reactive urban form, it is necessary to distinguish prevailing and occasional wind patterns (Fislisbach and Zollikon, 1993) and primarily to improve the strategies in response to the prevailing winds in urban design stage. Urban form can either be designed against to the winds in low quality for protection of open public spaces or as in porous form to the wind in high quality for thermal improvements. For instance, the desirable wind in high quality can be channeled into the urban fabric whereas the wind in low quality can be diverted over the site. However in all situations to keep the wind velocity at certain limits is vital both to ensure the pedestrian wind comfort and to provide sufficient ventilation in urban environment. Urban design parameters, such as density, ground coverage area, geometry of street canyons and sky view factor influence the wind flow pattern and change the wind velocity in urban canyon significantly (Skote et al., 2005). Buildings with a high-ground coverage ratio diminishes the wind speed (Kubota et al., 2008) and results in stepping effect. Whereas the buildings with a low-ground coverage ratio raises wind velocity and causes the funneling effect. On the other hand, aspect ratio of urban canyon, height-to-width ratio,

H/W (where H is the building`s height and W the distance between the buildings) is basic in analyzing the wind effect on urban fabric in relation to the various wind patterns. Oke (1988) conducted an investigation of air flow regimes related to aspect ratio of urban canyon and he defined three principles airflow regimes i.e., isolated roughness ďŹ&#x201A;ow, wake interference ďŹ&#x201A;ow and skimming ďŹ&#x201A;ow. The Figure 1 indicates these three principles air flow regimes shaped by distinct aspect ratios of urban canyon. In general, the lower the aspect ratio results in more air circulation in urban canyon. Increase of H/W makes the urban canyon deeper and more isolated from the air above and also it reduces the air exchange rate while creating wind protected areas. The aspect ratio which is below 0.5 represents a shallow street canyon whereas the aspect ratio of 2 is called deep street canyon. When the aspect ratio equals to 1, it represents a uniform street canyon (Ahmad et al., 2005).

so long as the aspect ratio of courtyard (H/W) is properly designed. The Figure 2 illustrates various urban form typologies in hot-arid climate. In urban configuration, a concentrated form consists of several alleys excludes the undesirable winds from the alleys and creates more protected open public spaces. In this climate, high aspect ratio (H/W) of urban canyon is adapted to construct sun and wind protected open spaces. Irregular urban form shaped by narrow, zigzagging alleys and centrally courtyards blocks the free flow of air but it enables the urban fabric to access to sufficient ventilation. Staggered building configuration showed in Figure 3 allows the urban form to respond the different wind regimes in different qualities. This configuration blocks the influx of hot wind into the urban fabric while giving way to the desirable wind.

Figure 2. Urban form typologies in hot-arid climate (Source: Memon et al., 2010)

Figure 1. The flow regimes as a function of H/W (Soruce: Oke, 1988)

Design with Wind in Hot-arid Climate In hot-arid climate, winds are greatly strong due to the high diurnal temperature variations. While North wind carries cold air and leading to a sense of relief, winds blowing from a desert carry hot air and cause sand-blasting turbulences. It is undesirable to enable free flow of hot desert wind since it is dusty and fast. Therefore optimal protection from this wind (in low quality) is vital to enhance urban quality of life for inhabitants. This was achieved by concentrated and dense urban form (not compact), inward looking buildings and narrow streets. This semi-porous urban layout reduces penetration of hot and dusty wind to the urban fabric and creates less windy streets. A fully compact structure in this climate is not suitable since it is not likely to be well ventilated. In this climate, ventilation rate should be sufficient but must be controllable. The treatment of centrally located courtyard is desirable

Figure 3. Staggered building configuration (Source: Memon et al., 2010)

Design with Wind in Hot-humid Climate In hot-humid climate, winds are light, gentle and short term (Fislisbach and Zollikon, 1993) due to the small diurnal temperature variations. However summer breezes blowing from a sea are very desirable and have considerable cooling effect since it accelerates cooling by perspiration and thus reduces sensible temperature. In this climate, cross ventilation appears as the most important strategy to mitigate high temperature and humidity. Elongated settlements (See: Figure 5.) arranged in a line are more appropriate to promote cross ventilation.

axis. They act as an air channel which enables westerly and easterly summer breezes to pass through the urban fabric. However the cold North wind (Bora) is being blocked by the buildings in order to avoid its disagreeable force on urban fabric. Figure 6 indicates the urban pattern of Korcula which is open to summer gentle breezes and but close to the North winter wind. Figure 4. Elongated settlement area (Source: Memon and Leung, 2010)

In urban configuration, an open and dispersed settlement pattern maximizing wind exposure is desirable to provide sufficient ventilation and cooling. An urban fabric providing more permeability and minimum resistance to summer breezes is advantageous in this climate. However rigid urban patterns are not desirable since it obstructs the wind flow and causes windless large spaces behind the built structures. The Figure 5 shows a typical urban configuration in hot-humid climate. The settlement is windswept and has low built-ratio. Free flow of wind is provided by leaving large open spaces between buildings.

Figure 6. Wind flow regimes in Korcula (Source: Ahmad et al., 2005)

Xeritown

Figure 5. Dispersed settlement pattern in hot-humid climate (Source: Memon and Leung, 2010)

5. CASE STUDIES Korcula The island of Korcula in Croatia is located at 43 °N latitude and 16 °E longitude. The climate of Korcula shows the characteristic features of typical Mediterranean climate. The city mostly experiences hot/dry summer and wet/mild winter. July is the warmest month with an average air temperature of 26.9 °C and January is the coldest month with an average air temperature of 9.8 °C (Climate of Korcula, n.d.).

The city of Dubai that is located at 25 °N latitude and 55 °E longitude has a tropical desert climate. Summers are extremely hot and humid with an average maximum temperature is around 41 °C. Most days are sunny all the year round and sunshine hours are 3508 (Climate of Dubai, n.d.). Two different prevailing winds, cool breezes blowing from the sea and hot desert wind from N-S direction are effective on local climate. Xeritown in Dubai (UAE), a sustainable mixed-use development is located in Dubailand as a new extension of the city towards the inland desert. Xeritown is a settlement which reacts to the local climate particularly the prevailing winds which influence the whole urban structure significantly.

Korcula is a historic example to show the adaptation of urban fabric to the various wind regimes in different qualities. The wind pattern in this island is multi-directional and there are three dominant winds blowing from the East (Jugo), West (Maestral) and North (Bora). In urban configuration, streets are arranged along the east and west

Figure 7. Xeritown project (Source: http://www.archello.com/en/project/xeritown)

Figure 9. Plan layout of Xeritown (Source: http:// www.archello.com/en/project/xeritown)

Figure 8. Prevailing wind patterns on site (Source: http://www. archello.com/en/project/xeritown)

In Dubai, the winds blowing from hot Arabian Desert cause sand blasting turbulences in urban environment. Also, extreme air temperatures and high humidity rate affect adversely the comfort and the quality of life in urban open public spaces. However cool breezes blowing from the sea provides relief and moderates urban micro-climate. Accordingly, design of appropriate urban settlement pattern in compatible with quality of wind is crucial. To achieve this in this project, various street canyon flow regimes were applied. First, an elongated urban form with high building density (See: Figure 9.) was planned in order to easily access to cool breezes whereas to block the hot desert winds. In this configuration, the cool breezes from the sea are channeled by aligned buildings and easily penetrated to the urban fabric. In Xeritown, long courtyards whose widht-height ratio is above 2.4 are exposed to cool breezes and result in isolated roughness flow. However courtyards with a width-height ratio of more than 0.7 causes narrow shaded street canyons and a skimming flow (Krautheim et all., 2014). In this configuration, the open public spaces are protected from the hot desert wind and thus better micro-climate is provided in urban environment. The Figure 10 indicates the two different street canyon flow regimes and the flow behavior of winds in Xeritown.

Figure 10. Flow behavior of winds in urban fabric (Source: Krautheim et. al., 2014)

Another wind responsive design strategy in Xeritown is the application of a turbulent skyline by varying building heights. Locating a taller building between the buildings at various heights results in turbulent flow and enhances and accelerates natural ventilation rate in dense urban fabric. In this turbulent flow regime, the polluted air on ground level is easily purged. 6. CONCLUSION Investigation and well definition of the quality of wind and its effects on health, comfort and urban micro-climate is crucial to design a more habitable urban environment. In this study, various urban settlement patterns in two stressful climates, hot-arid and hot-humid were analyzed and two case studies -Korcula and Xeritown- which are very reactive to the distinct wind patterns have been presented in order to investigate how the quality of wind shapes urban form.

This study shows that there is no universal street configurations and no best possible urban configuration to be generalized since design with wind is specific to the location and requires a deep understanding of quality of wind. The adaptation of the urban form to the quality of wind eliminates the negative effects of the wind penetration into the urban fabric while leading to improve comfort and the quality of life in urban environment. It is expected that the wind responsive design strategies presented in this study may be of particular interest to urban designers and architects in early design stages.

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morphology

OF Urban desÄągn 95

A PUBLIC PARK DESIGN PROPOSAL IN iSTANBUL’S HISTORICAL GALATA DISTRICT: THE CASE OF sısHANE PARK Ayşe Sema Kubat, Fatma Gençdoğuş, Demet Yeşiltepe

İstanbul Technical University, Department of Architecture, İstanbul, TURKEY kubat@itu.edu.tr, fatmagencdogus@gmail.com, demetyesiltepe@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION As an ineluctable part of everyday life, walking behavior is an embodied activity with particular qualities of life. Walking is also a mode of experiencing spaces and in this context; it is an aesthetic and perceptual spatial practice (Wunderlich, 2008). There is a common approach that configuration of the street network is the primary factor of the pattern of movement. Therefore, in shaping movement, it also shapes the patterns of human co-presence and co-absence that are the keys of our sense (Hillier, 2005). It could be said that, as a conscious or unconscious human action, walking behavior is the lifeblood of the city. For this reason, walking activity has a crucial role to create vital urban spaces. There is a wide range of studies which explore the relationship between the spatial configuration of cities and pedestrian movement by the help of using space syntax methodology. (Kubat et al., 2015; Hillier et al., 1987; Hillier et al., 1993). “Space syntax helps us to analyze the patterns of connection, differentiation and centrality that characterize urban systems and the relationships of parts to whole that they engender” (Peponis et al., 1997). In general manner, space syntax is an inclusive concept and a set of specific theories. Additionally, there are several analytical models and tools that are direct outputs of the main theory. Methods applied in space syntax studies are based on representation and quantification of built environment. By using this data-set, it is possible to create analytical analysis to understand observed behavior. Although there is a great deal of research fields of space syntax, central focus of this paper is defined as analyzing the association between built pattern and pedestrian flow. Penn (2003; 1) mentioned, the concept of space syntax and the relationship between spatial configuration and movement behavior, as “It is a specific representation and set of measures that appear to best correlate with movement.” According to him, it has found out even though lots of aspects of the built environment can be analyzed, the best correlation is obtained with spatial integration (Penn, 2003).

A previous study (Kubat et al., 2004, 2005; Eyüboğlu et al., 2007) was achieved by a group of researchers from İTÜ and consultants from Space Syntax Ltd. from UCL, which were commissioned to undertake a study about urban form and pedestrian activity in the historic core of Galata, applying Space Syntax methodology and developing urban planning and design proposals for the zone which is declining within Galata. (See: Figure 1.) Although the comparative study of the pedestrian movement of the two different time periods (2004 and current surveys on 2015) is not the scope of this paper; it is believed that the previous study shed light on this study by testing the new design implementations through Space Syntax on a park next to the Galata area which is still a part of İstanbul’s CBD. It is known that İstanbul is a very dynamic city and the spatial structure of city changes rapidly. Galata region also has been affected from these rapid changes since it is located in the heart of İstanbul. Especially a new park, known as Şişhane Park, has articulated and created an open space in a densely built up area. Regarding this significant open space example in such a dense historical area, it is decided that a new research could be done to examine integration of the park and its surrounding connections to the historical site.

Figure 1. Aerial photograph from Galata (Source: Kubat, 2004)

Galata is located in the European side of İstanbul and Beyoğlu region where the Golden Horn meets the Bosphorus. The area is connected to the Historical Peninsula by three bridges; Galata, the Golden Horn Metro and Atatürk Bridges. The historical background and containing Golden Horn waterfront features make the area significant. Kasımpaşa is the west edge neighbourhood of Galata. Kasımpaşa and Galata are separated by Tarlabaşı Boulevard which has heavy traffic. Besides these characteristics, Golden Horn Dockyards in Kasımpaşa region has a potential to have a key role to create connection with Galata region. The case area and its surroundings have unique monumental buildings such as Galata Tower, Beyoğlu Municipality and Golden Horn Dockyards. All of these features cause densely pedestrian flow in the area by local users and tourists. To objectively identify walking behavior of these users in the case area, pedestrian flow was observed in specific points and time periods. After this observation; detailed spatial analyses were integrated to the study to provide better understanding about the reason of low pedestrian density of Şişhane Park, although it is surrounded by high pedestrian flow. The results of researches were pointed out that there is an inactive area, which is Şişhane Park, in compare to other parts of the region. Regarding to this problem that was determined after the analysis, several research questions were considered about the park and its surroundings which are; - Why Şişhane Park is not used by pedestrians although it is surrounded by high pedestrian flow? - In which way would it be possible to integrate the new design within the historical texture of the Galata? - Would it be possible to create an active area by suggesting new linkages between the park and its surrounding area?

well as a link to Kasımpaşa neighborhood and the Golden Horn dockyards. - To cut off high traffic around Şişhane Park and make it pedestrian active zone. Study Area Şişhane Park is located between the southwestern edge of Beyoğlu and Tarlabaşı Road and designed by SANALarc architectural office. It is precious land for Galata region as; being a kind of public open space in such kind of densely historical area and having dramatic vistas through the Golden Horn and Historical Peninsula. Having these kinds of features in central İstanbul make this park unique and alternative public space to engage visitors and locals. (See: Figure 2.) The design of park, regarding public and private transportation opportunities, has potentials to encourage gathering people. The underground part of the public area serves as parking lot and connects the area to the metro station. On the other hand, the ground level is evaluated as public zone that people can enjoy. Additionally, the design of park allows seeing Golden Horn, Dockyard zone, and the Historical Peninsula with creating vista points. Therefore, this park adds value to the historical zone with presenting different views of historical beauties of İstanbul. Taking all of these into account; this park should be a vital zone, however pedestrian counting and the observations show that this park is not used as expected.

Aim The fundamental aim of the project is to create a lively and active pedestrian park in the historical site of Galata. To achieve this goal, new structural network between Galata region and its environment was suggested. Moreover, it is also aimed to create an active pedestrian public zone in the dense built up area of Galata. To succeed and support the scope, following matters are taken into consideration: -To create new connections between disused new Şişhane Park and its close surroundings. -To increase the integration of the park by making it more visible and well connected with main axes those come from building of Beyoğlu Municipality in Şişhane and Galata Tower. - To create a gateway to Galata and the other districts of Beyoğlu as

Figure 2. Şişhane Park (Source: İtez, 2014)

2. METHODOLOGY This study is focused on increasing the spatial relations of Şişhane Park with the surrounding texture and integrating this area with the spatial structure of the whole city.

The Gate Count Method In order to obtain pedestrian flow in an area one can use gate count as a method. Gate is a conceptual line across a street used for counting movement flows in observation studies. The gate count method can be clarified as counting people or vehicles that passing through determined constant points within the city during the course of the day. By using this method, researchers can collect a large quantity of data which can be represented statistically and graphically in terms of study theme (Grajewski and Vaughan, 2001). Axial and Segment Map Analysis Axial maps show the fewest and longest lines of sight and access of a region. To move from any line to another involves passing through minimum number of lines; each line is a minimum number of changes of direction from all other ones (Hillier and Hanson, 1984). However, axial lines are insufficient for the detection of semi-continuous lines in a system. Therefore, to detect these semi-linear connections, angular configurations are employed and segment maps are integrated to the study (Hillier and Iida, 2005). While local values measure the relationships between one segment and its immediate neighbors, the global value represents the relationship between one segment and all others (Hillier et al., 1987). Connectivity: Connectivity can be described as the number of lines which intersect a line (Hillier & Hanson, 1984). Integration: Integration measures the relationship between one line to all the others in a system. The integration value of a line is a function of the minimum number of other lines that can be used to reach all other parts of the system (Peponis et al., 1997). Choice: Choice is defined as the potential for each segment to be selected by pedestrians as the shortest route. A choice analysis means an analysis of the ‘through movement’ potential of each segment in systems (Al Sayed et al., 2014). Application of The Methodology to The Case Area

“Most city centers measure one square km which enables pedestrians to reach all important city functions by walking one km.” (Gehl, 2013; 121). Therefore, regarding pedestrian mobility, new boundary of the study area is shrinked to 1 km surrounding zone of Şişhane Park. This study includes two different analyses: gate counts and angular segment analysis. Using depthmapX software helps to demonstrate integration and choice values.

Figure 3. Location and Segment Map of Şişhane Park

The first stage of the research was to detect how people were flowing through the area. For this stage, numerous locations around Şişhane Park and Galata region, which have different syntactic values and street network configurations, were counted. (See: Figure 3.) Pedestrian movement levels were recorded at 73 locations and the observations were carried out both on weekdays (as working days) and weekends (as holidays) for two days. (See: Figure 4.) Pedestrian movement levels were recorded at specified time periods as 5 minutes, (08.00-10.00, 12.00-14.00, 18.00-20.00) considering five categories of people (male, female, elderly, teenagers, and children). Thus, the pattern of which user group use this space at which time was specified. Therefore, new activities considering these users and their usage times were defined. In the gate points, observers were made their pedestrian counting considering walking directions of people as people going north to south which is named as direction 1 and people going south to north which is named as direction 2. In order to find the commonly used routes, routes of pedestrian flows were recorded. All these research stages helped to collect data that show the pedestrian flow in the region.

Hendek and 62-Meşrutiyet Boulevards.

Figure 4. Description of the directions for gates and gate points

Street segments were used to study the relation between the spatial integration values and the current movement levels. To find integration and choice values, axial and segment maps were prepared considering both current and proposed situation by using special software called depthmapX. Through the use of this technique, integration, choice and connectivity of the Şişhane Park with the system as a whole are analyzed. Global (n) and local (r3) analyses are created for the better representation of the characteristics of the case area. Considering these values, current situation and new design proposal were comparatively tested. Thus, space syntax may used as a design tool and defined as main methodology in the process of the research. 3. ANALYSIS

According to pedestrian flow, it is observed that at weekday pedestrian flow of all gates except gate 62, which is chosen in front of Beyoğlu Municipality, is higher than the weekend. In 5 minutes counts for three different time periods, it is understood that, at the weekday there are 432 people (total number of pedestrians for morning, afternoon and evening periods), pass through these gates however at weekend these numbers are decreased to 296. At weekday, gate 54 (Büyük Hendek Street) which gives a connection to the business areas, has the highest amount of pedestrian flow (135 people in 5 min.), whereas at weekend gate 62 (Meşrutiyet Boulevards) shows the highest number of pedestrians (87 people in 5 min.). This is because of the closeness to the İstiklal Street which is the most charmful strip with its commercial & entertainment activities in İstanbul. Therefore, surveys show that at the weekday, people used Şişhane Park as a passage to reach their destinations (school, work, etc.) and this through movement causes pedestrian flow in the area, whereas at weekend, pedestrian flow is low around Şişhane Park because people do not use this area regardless of the physical conditions. Additionally, when the users of space are observed in both weekend and weekday, it is noticed that the area consists of male-dominated spaces. There is not enough space to encourage children and teenagers. (See: Table 1. and Table 2.)

Table 1. Pedestrian Counts around the Park Area for Weekend

Initially, gate counts were used to observe current situation of the pedestrian flow in the study area. Several gate points were chosen considering different syntactic measures within the boundary of the region, were defined for creating this data set. Around Şişhane Park, two main pedestrian axes are crossing each other throughout north to south and northeast to southwest. From north to south, Sadi Konuralp and Okçu Musa connect Kasımpaşa neighborhood and Galata Tower whereas from northeast to southwest Meşrutiyet Boulevard and Yolcuzade İskender Boulevard connect Historical Beyoğlu Municipality building and Karaköy recreational and port region. Therefore, the gate points for pedestrian counts are chosen from the main pedestrian axes connecting these focal zones. (See: Figure 3.) Considering weekday and weekend counts 5 gate points gained importance, which street segments close to the entrance of Şişhane Park, are represented with gate numbers. These gate numbers were defined as; 53-Sadi Konuralp, 51-Yolcuzade İskender, 52-Okçu Musa, 54-Büyük

Table 2. Pedestrian Counts around the Park Area for Weekday

Figure 5. Design framework for Şişhane Park and its surrounding

Considering observations, relation of segment analyses and pedestrian counts were analyzed. Likewise, pedestrian flows syntactic measures around the park area, especially in the park and its northwest and northeast connections (Meşrutiyet and Büyük Hendek Streets), are defined as spaces where spatial integration value is lower than average integration value of the study area. Average integration R3 value of the area is 2,440 while the integration value of Meşrutiyet and Büyükhendek Streets were 1,912 and 2,325. Additionally, average global integration value (n) of the study area is 2,548 while the integration value of Meşrutiyet Street and parkways are 2,519 and 2,520. (See: Figure 7.) 4. CONCLUSION: Final Decisions on The Design Framework for Şişhane Park and Its Surrounding After all results and discussions, several design approaches were determined to increase integration of Şişhane Park with its surroundings. All these approaches are about to link the park to the region and increase its usage and create vitality.

Figure 6. Design framework for Şişhane Park and its immediate surrounding

Existing 3D Landscape and Visibility Problem To increase visibility of the park, raise the 3-dimensional landscape elements in the “A” region. (See: Figure 6.) Also, reducing high traffic encourages pedestrian passage from Şişhane (1), Municipality (2), Galata Tower (3) directions to the entrance point (A) of the park. New Linkages A new pedestrian path is recommended which will connect Şişhane (1), Municipality (2), Galata Tower (3) directions to Haliç Dockyards (5). (See: Figure 5.) Additionally, a new footbridge is proposed, which has a vista terraces through Haliç and the Historical Peninsula. With this footbridge not only Şişhane and Kasımpaşa neighborhood (6) are connected to-

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gether but also new vista terraces will be added to the area. This path also helps to increase the usage of stairs at the region “B”. Furthermore, with new landscape decisions in the region “C “ which allows to direct entrances to the park area may increase usage of space. (See: Figure 6.) Avoid Block Effect To make park visible from Karaköy region and Haliç Dockyards (5) raise the built elements that block the park entrance. New Activities and Shady Spaces in The Park Suggestion of new activities, considering children and teenagers, and providing shady spaces may help to increase usage of Şişhane Park. Space Syntax methodology is used to propose a spatial configuration model for Şişhane Park, which aims to create a vital public park by improving physical connections amongst Galata Tower, Beyoğlu Municipality Building, Kasımpaşa neighborhood and Haliç Dockyards. The proposal takes potentials of each focal point into consideration. This approach is focused on significant design solutions regarding historical pattern of surrounding environment.

from 2,59 to 2,61 and local value(r3) increased from 2,46 to 2,70. Additionally, global integration value for the other part of Yolcuzade Street, where makes a connection with Dockyards, increased from 2,60 to 2,61 and local value is raised from 2,54 to 2,73. However, both local and global values of Meşrutiyet Boulevard, which give a direct access to the municipality building, are increased from 2,51 and 1,91 to 2,59 and 2,60. Local and global integration values of Sadi Konuralp Street are increased from 2,52 and 2,572 to 2,54 and 2,574 while these values increased from 2,32 and 2,55 to 2,44 and 2,57 in Büyük Hendek Street. Finally, these values increased in the park area from 1,73 and 2,52 to 2,25 and 2,55. (See: Figure 9. and 10.) On the other hand, local choice (r3) value changes from 3,81 to 4,54 in Yolcuzade Street. Moreover, local choice value of Yolcuzade Street, where makes a connection with Dockyards, rises from 4,18 to 4,65. In Meşrutiyet and Sadi Konuralp Streets, the local choice values are increasing from 3,12 and 4,10 to 3,97 and 4,13. Local choice values of Büyük Hendek Street changes from 3,67 to 3,76. Finally, in the park area, local choice is increased from 2,68 to 3,13.

By succeeding these design solutions, a vital park that associates all focal points and creates a new focal zone can be created for Galata. Thus, Şişhane Park will then become an integral part of Galata having a chance to be a part of rest of the area. By the time the design approach is tested with space syntax method. It is observed that Şişhane Park becomes more accessible and more integrated. When the syntactic values are analyzed, Refik Saydam, Tersane and Kemeraltı Boulevards are identified with the highest global (n) and local (r3) integration values for both before and after design decisions. When values are analyzed, Global integration(n) increased from 2,54 to 2,55, integration (r3) increased from 2,44 to 2,46 and connectivity increased from 2,47 to 2,49 due to design solutions. With these new connections not only Şişhane Park, but also its environment gets more integrated and accessible. (See: Figure 8.) As mentioned previously, although it is surrounded by highly integrated roads from north, west and east parts, integration value of Şişhane Park is not significant. However, due to the design approach, it is possible to state that connectivity, integration and choice values increased specifically around the park.

Figure 7. Spatial Integration (n): Analysis of existing situation

Global integration of Yolcuzade Street (across the park area) increased

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Figure 8. Spatial Integration (n): Analysis of proposed situation

Figure 10. Spatial Integration (R3): Analysis of proposed situation

5. CONCLUDING REMARKS This study focused on a public park, named Şişhane Park; in a historical zone which has been left segregated and isolated from vital parts of neighborhood, was analyzed and tested with Space Syntax techniques. It is understood that syntactic analyses allow us to make a judgement and makes the exploration of problematic parts in the area possible. In detailed evaluation, although Şişhane Park has qualified design decisions, designing an area without considering surrounding linkages does not make an area livable, attractive and preferable. In this study, using space syntax methodology makes possible to evaluate existing design and test the new interventions for more integrated spatial configuration to create more preferable spaces.

Figure 9. Spatial Integration (R3): Analysis of existing situation

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To sum up, the aim of the authors of this study can be clarified as to understand how the spatial structure of a city affects pedestrian movement and how it can be more attractive by some basic urban design proposals. To achieve this goal, the design proposal of Şişhane Park which has potential to integrate with historical Galata core, is tested through the syntax methodology. By proposing new linkages and small interventions, it will be possible to increase pedestrian usage of the area, which is the fundamental aim of the paper. The proposed new linkages of the Şişhane Park to its neighboring area such as the Histori-

cal Galata district, the underground station, Kasımpaşa mixed-use zone and Haliç Dockyards in the Goldenhorn will all make the Şişhane Park to be a crucial gateway among these points. After set of interventions, the strategic locations of the park became more intelligible and also higher user rate is expected than before. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The pedestrian observations are performed under the guidance of Prof. Ayşe Sema Kubat in the ‘Social Logic of Space’ graduate course at the City and Regional Programme of İstanbul Technical University. The authors would like to thank the students of the course; D. Yeşiltepe, F. Gençdoğuş, S. Afridoon, C. Akbaş, S. Baghbanferdows, A. Boeri, M. Husni, M. Jafari, A. Kiblawi, I. Povilaitiene, A. Ulubaş, T. Vosskaemper for their dedicated work.

REFERENCES Al_Sayed, K., Turner, A., Hillier, B., Iida, S. and Penn, A. (2014), Space Syntax Methodology, 4th ed. London: Bartlett School of Architecture, UCL. Eyüboğlu E., Kubat A.S., Ertekin Ö. (2007), ‘A new planning approach for the regeneration of an historical Area within İstanbul’s central business district: practice note’. Journal of Urban Design, Vol. 12 (2), p.295-312. Gehl, J. (2013), Cities for People, Island press. Grajewski, T. & Vaughan, L. (2001), Space Syntax Observation Manual, London: UCL Bartlett and Space Syntax Limited. Hillier, B. (2005), ‘The art of place and the science of space’. World Architecture, Vol. 185, 96-102. Hillier, B., Hanson J. (1984), The Social Logic of Space, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hillier, B., Burdett, R., Peponis, J. & Penn, A. (1987), ‘Creating life: or, does architecture determine anything?’. Architecture et Comportement / Architecture and Behaviour, Vol. 3 (3), p.233-250. Hillier, B., Penn, A., Hanson, J., Grajewski, T. & Xu, J. (1993), ‘Natural movement: or, configuration and attraction in urban pedestrian movement’. Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design, Vol. 20 (1), p.29-66. Hillier, B. & Iida, S. (2005), ‘Network and psychological effects in urban movement’. International Conference on Spatial Information Theory, Springer Berlin Heidelberg, p.475-490. İtez, Ö. (2014), Şişhane Park Kentsel Meydan ve Yeraltı Otoparkı. [online]. Istanbul: Arkitera. Available from: http://www.arkitera.com/proje/2573/sishane-park-kentsel-meydan-ve-yeralti-otoparki [Accessed July 2016]. Karimi, K. (2012), ‘A configurational approach to analytical urban design: ‘Space syntax’ methodology’. Urban Design International, Vol. 17 (4), p.297-318. Kubat, A. S., Ertekin, Ö., Eyüboglu, E., (2004) ‘Application of Space Syntax in regeneration & transformation of Galata and Büyük Hendek Street’. An unpublished report prepared for the Greater Municipality of İstanbul; Settlements & Urban Transformation Directorate-Urbanism Atelier. İstanbul. Kubat, A. S., Ertekin, Ö., Eyüboglu, E. & Özer, E. (2005), ‘Movement activity and strategic design study for Istanbul’s historical Galata district’. In: van Nes, A. (ed.), Proceedings of the Fifth International Space Syntax Symposium, Delft: University of Technology, p.13-17. Kubat, A. S., Özer, Ö., Gümrü, F. B. & Argın, G. (2015), ‘Evaluating the impacts of an urban design project: Multi-phase analyses of Taksim Square and Gezi Park, Istanbul’. In: Karimi, K. Vaughan, L. Sailer, K. Palaiologou, G. Bolton, T. (eds.), Proceedings of the Tenth International Space Syntax Symposium, London: University College London, p.73 Penn, A. (2003), ‘Space Syntax and Spatial Cognition or Why the axial line?’. Environment and Behavior, Vol. 35 (1), p.30-65. Peponis, J., Ross, C. & Rashid, M. (1997), ‘The structure of urban space, movement and co-presence: the case of Atlanta’. Geoforum, Vol. 28 (3), p.341-358. Wunderlich, M., F. (2008), Walking and rhythmicity: sensing urban space. Journal of Urban Design, Vol.13 (1), p. 125-139.

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Application of Graph Theory in Liveable Cities Emine Duygu Kahraman [1], Esra Kut [1], K. Mert Çubukçu [1], Fatma Tuğba Canan [2] [1] Dokuz Eylül University, Department of City and Regional Planning, İzmir, TURKEY [2] İzmir Istitute of Technology, Department of City and Regional Planning, İzmir, TURKEY kahramanduy@gmail.com, esra.kut@deu.edu.tr, mert.cubukcu@deu.edu.tr, canantugba@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION ‘Livability’ means a desire to live, work, invest or to do a business (Woolcock, 2009). Livability contains comprehensive human needs ranging from food and basic security to beauty, cultural assets, and a sense of belonging to a community or a place (National Research Council (US), 2002). It differs due to the socio-cultural and physical conditions of the settlements in terms of quality of life or in general well-being of a community. Cities are not stable organisms, but rather dynamic structures that deal with the issues including population growth, climate change, social and economic diversity, environmental pressure, and globalization (Newton, 2012). Measuring livability provides a comparison between the cities, and addresses how to take action to make cities more desirable to live in. The interaction between people and places is the main issue of livability which can well be enhanced through “good” urban design strategies. Studies about livability varies in terms of indicators such as the natural environment, crime and safety, education, employment and income, health and social services, housing, leisure and culture, local food and other goods, public open space, social cohesion and local democracy, and transportation (Badland et al., 2014). Vuchic (1999), mentioned that the term of livability comprehends safety, economic opportunities and welfare, health, convenience, mobility and recreation of a neighborhood or metropolitan area. As Woolcock (2009) mentions, benchmarking of cities according to their social and economic structure has been quite popular. In “The Economist”s Intelligence Unit’s (EIU’s) 2015 report, cities have been ranked according to their livability index values calculated using measures from stability, healthcare, cultural and environmental, educational and infrastructural conditions (The Economist, 2015). At this point, an important question can be raised: “What about the urban morphology of the cities?”

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A city cannot be fully examined separately from its physical elements such as streets, buildings, and open spaces. From this point of view, this study aims to understand whether there is a relation between the livability measures and the measures of spatial structures or organizations pertaining to the cities. To do this, a quantitative theoretical frame is used, namely The Graph Theory. The ten most livable cities in the world, according to EIU (2015) are examined: Melbourne, Vienna, Vancouver, Toronto, Adelaide, Calgary, Sydney, Perth, Auckland, and Helsinki. The spatial organizations or structures of these cities are quantified using five common Graph Theoretic indices: (1) edge density, (2) edge sinuosity, (3) eta index, (4) node density and (5) beta index in a 1-kilometer radius area from their city centers. Spearman’s Rank Correlation test is initially used to understand the relationship between cities’ livability scores and their Graph Theory indices values, to obtain information on the individual effects of Graph Theoretic indices on livability rankings. Then, regression analysis is applied to uncover combined effects. The results show that the Graph Theory indices are able to explain 89% of the variation of the livability scores for the selected sample. The indices of sinuosity, eta index, and node density are statistically significant explanatory variables in explaining the livability scores. The findings indicate that there is a measurable relation between the cities’ livability levels and their spatial structures or spatial organizations. This study is important as it reveals the quantitative relation between livability and spatial organization of the cities. 2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND Graph theory as quantitative framework allows us to measure and compare the urban pattern of cities. Kansky and Danscoine (1989) investigated urban transportation network by using mathematical models using the Graph Theory. Jiang and Claramunt (2004) asserted that the network systems could be developed regarding to the cultural clues of

the streets by using the Graph Theory-based network analysis. Likewise, Cubukcu (2015) and Kut et al. (2016) examined the relationship between the urban pattern, urban history, and urban culture by applying the Graph Theory. Crucitti et al. (2006) aimed to distinguish 18 cities whether that is self-organized or planned by using Graph Theory-based network analysis. These studies show that the Graph Theory provides a suitable and functional quantitative framework for measuring the spatial layout in cities and relating it to other urban phenomena including cultural, historic and social structures. As stated by Minor and Urban (2008), Graph Theory has two main components; nodes and edges. While nodes count as the solitary components of the network structure, edges represent the connecting links among the nodes. In this study, five common Graph Theory-based network indices have been calculated for the cities’ urban cores: (1) beta index, (2) eta index, (3) edge density, (4) node density, and (5) edge sinuosity. A 1-kilometer radius areas from their city centers are considered. Beta index (β), as stated by Kansky and Danscoine (1989) and Cubukcu (2015), equals to the average number of edges per node. It is the division of the total number of edges to the total number of nodes and can be written as:

β = e / v, where e is the total number of edges, and v is the total number of nodes. Expectedly, higher values of the beta index, indicates presence of high number of alternative routes, that results in a more complicated network structure. Eta index (Ƞ), as stated by Kansky and Danscoine (1989) and Cubukcu (2015), is the average edge length. It is derived by dividing the total edge length to the total number of edges:

Ƞ = M / e, where M is the total length of edges, and e is the total number of edges. Edge density (or network density) (£), as stated by Hammond and McCullagh (1978), and Cubukcu (2015), equals to the ratio of the total length of edges to the total area and can be written as: £ = M / A,

where M is the total length of edges and A is the total area. Expectedly, networks with the high number of edges have higher values of the edge density, when the study areas are equal. Node density, N, as stated by Hammond and McCullagh (1978), and Cubukcu (2015), equals to the ratio of the total number of nodes to the total area. It is the division of the total number of edges to the total area: N = v / A, where v is the total number of nodes, and A is the total area. It can be said that, networks that have a higher number of nodes have higher values of node density when the total study areas are equal. Edge sinuosity, as stated by Hammond and McCullagh (1978) and Cubukcu (2015), is the ratio of the shortest distance between the two ends of an edge to its length and quantifies the straightness of a line segment. As expected, if the edge is a straight line, the sinuosity value is equal to 1. 3. DATA COLLECTION AND PROCESSING The ten most livable cities in the World as reported by EIU (2015) are: Melbourne, Vienna, Vancouver, Toronto, Adelaide, Calgary, Sydney, Perth, Auckland, and Helsinki. EIU’s report (2015) is the source of livability scores for the cities in the sample. In this report, the cities are ranked based on over 30 qualitative and quantitative parameters in five main categories. These categories include: stability, healthcare, culture and environment, education, and infrastructure. Stability is related to civil unrest, terror and violence, protest, police brutality, racism in cities. These acts have triggered stability that this score declines, the global average livability level will also decline. Stability level of cities has 25% weight in overall rating scores of livability. Healthcare indicates the maintenance or improvement of health that is influenced by social and economic conditions. Also, availability and quality in private and public healthcare are considered. Healthcare level of cities has 20% weight in overall rating scores of livability scores. Another main livability parameter is culture and environment that weighted in overall rating scores of livability by 25%. While culture is related to cultural degeneration, social restrictions, food and drink, environment contains availability of sport activities, climate conditions (humility and temperature). Education associated with the availability of private education, quality of private education provision, public education that weighted in overall rating scores of livability by 10%. Infrastructure concerns quality of road network, availability of public transportation and international links, quality of housing, quality of energy and water provision, quality of telecommu

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nications infrastructure. Infrastructure level of cities is weighted by 20% in overall livability scores. The descriptive statistics for the five main categories of liveability and the overall rating scores are presented in the Table 1. Melbourne has the highest overall rating score in the sample, while Helsinki has the lowest one. Stability is one of the five main categories that is the highest level in the cities of Toronto, Calgary and Helsinki, whereas Sydney appears to have the lowest stability level in the sample. Healthcare level is at the same level in all cities with the exception of Auckland. Culture and environment score is the highest in Vancouver, while Perth and Helsinki have the lowest score. Education levels of ten most liveable cities are the same. Finally, infrastructure is highest in the cities of Melbourne, Vienna, Sydney, and Perth. On the other hand, Toronto has the lowest infrastructure level in the sample. (See: Table 1.) Table 1. Overall Rating Scores and the scores of five main categories of liveability (Source: EIUâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s report, 2015) Overall Rating (100=ideal)

Stability

Healthcare

Culture & Environment

Education

Infrastructure

Melbourne

97.5

95.0

100.0

95.1

100.0

Vienna

97.4

95.0

100.0

94.4

100.0

Vancouver

97.3

95.0

100.0

92.9

Toronto

97.2

100.0

97.2

100.0

89.3

Adelaide

96.6

95.0

100.0

94.2

100.0

96.4

Calgary

96.6

100.0

89.1

100.0

96.4

Sydney

96.1

90.0

100.0

94.4

100.0

Perth

95.9

95.0

100.0

88.7

100.0

Auckland

95.7

95.0

95.8

97.0

100.0

92.9

Helsinki

95.6

100.0

88.7

100.0

96.4

For each city, the spatial data is collected for a 1 kilometer radius circular area. The center of this circle is the most well-known structure of the city. (See: Figure 1.) It can be a main train station, a religious building, or a famous square located within the city center. The pedestrian paths used for calculating the Graph Theory-based indices are obtained from the OpenStreetMap, and processed in ArcGIS. Public open spaces are also considered in drawings, but the private spaces such as private paths connected with the inside of the courtyards etc. are ignored (Buhl et al., 2006).

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Figure 1. Graph Theory representations for 1 km. radius zones at the city center for the most ten livable cities (2016) Table 2. Descriptive statistics for the nodes and edges (2016) Liveable Cities Melbourne Vienna Vancouver Toronto Adelaide Calgary Sydney Perth Auckland Helsinki

number of edges 1718 768 1119 672 1074 927 1539 1972 959 876

number of nodes 1132 507 667 475 627 564 843 1051 615 629

sum length of edges (m) 95793.89 62358.77 84550.59 58482.59 72207.00 73439.79 90902.05 99316.57 66542.40 59422.21

total area (m2) 3141593 3141593 3141593 3141593 3141593 3141593 3141593 3141593 3141593 3141593

In Table 2, the descriptive statistics for the nodes and the edges pertaining to the cities in the sample are presented. The highest sum length of edges is in Perth, followed by the Melbourne and Sydney. Similarly, Perth has the highest number of edges, followed by Melbourne and Sydney. The highest number of nodes is in Melbourne, followed by Perth and Sydney. On the other hand, lowest number of edges and nodes are in Toronto, Vienna, Helsinki, and Auckland. (See: Table 2.) Table 3. Descriptive statistics for the Graph Theory-based network indices (n=10, 2016)

4. ANALYSIS AND RESULTS Spearman’s Rank Correlation test is a non-parametric measure of rank correlation. It is used to examine the statistical dependence between two variables, which are both in “rank” format. In this study, Spearman’s Rank Correlation test is initially used to understand the relationship between the cities’ livability scores and their Graph Theory indices values, to obtain information on the individual effects of Graph Theoretic indices on livability rankings. The rankings in the variables considered are presented in Table 4.

beta

eta

Edge d.

Node d.

Sin.

Melbourne

1,517667

55,75896

0,030492

0,00036

0,989202

Vienna

1,514793

81,19632

0,019849

0,000161

0,987931

Sydney

1,677661

75,55906

0,026913

0,000212

0,987748

Perth

1,414737

87,02767

0,018616

0,000151

0,970124

Melbourne

Adelaide

1,712919

67,23184

0,022984

0,0002

0,988908

Calgary

1,643617

79,22307

0,023377

0,00018

0,980905

Helsinki

1,825623

59,06566

0,028935

0,000268

0,98646

Vancouver

1,876308

50,36337

0,031613

0,000335

0,986242

Auckland

1,55935

69,38728

0,021181

0,000196

Toronto

1,392687

67,83357

0,018915

0,0002

Table 4. Livability measures and network indices ranking of the ten most livable cities in the world beta

eta

Edge d.

Node d.

Sin.

Overall

Stabil.

Vienna

Vancouver

Toronto

0,979411

Adelaide

0,974608

Calgary

Sydney

The descriptive statistics for the Graph Theory-based indices pertaining to the cities in the sample are represented in Table 3. The edge density and node density are the highest in the urban core of Perth and Melbourne. That is to say, the urban core of Perth and Melbourne is denser in pedestrian paths and pedestrian decision points. (See: Table 3.) Melbourne has also the highest sinuosity value, followed by the Adelaide, and Vienna. That is to say, Melbourne has the straightest streets with fewer turns compared to other cities in the sample. (See: Table 3.)

Perth

Auckland

Helsinki

A higher beta index value means a more complex layout. According to Table 3, the highest beta index value is in the urban core of Perth, followed by the Sydney, and Adelaide. We may say the city centre of Perth has the most complex urban pattern in the sample. However, when the eta index values are considered, Perth has a lower value than the other cities. Eta index can be accepted as a proxy to the speed of a network. Although longer streets may indicate a decrease in the availability of alternative routes, they provide uninterrupted pedestrian flow. Thus higher eta index values mean higher pedestrian speeds. Perth has the lowest eta index value of the sample. (See: Table 3.)

Health.

Cultur.

Educat.

Infrast.

Melbourne

Vienna

Vancouver

Toronto

Adelaide

Calgary

Sydney

Perth

Auckland

Helsinki

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In Spearman’s Rank Correlation test, the null hypothesis (H0) is that “There is no relationship between two variables”. The alternative hypothesis (HA) is that “There is a relationship between two variables”. The results of Spearman’s Rank Correlation analysis of network indices with livability parameters are shown in Table 5. Table 5. Spearman’s Rank Correlation analysis of network indices with livability parameters (n=10) beta eta edge node sinuosity index index density density Overall Rating -0,127 0,248 0,115 -0,042 0,648* Stability

-0,638*

0,527

-0,590

-0,527

-0,617

Healthcare

0,058

-0,058

0,174

0,290

Culture& Env.

-0,148

0,400

-0,154

-0,185

0,098

Education

Infrastructure

0,324

-0,604

0,585

0,540

0,572

*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed) **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)

Spearman’s rank correlation analysis results are not statistically significant except for two pairs. That is to say the null hypothesis cannot be rejected for the variables in question except for the variables sinuosity and overall rating scores, and beta index and stability. That is to say there is no statistically significant relationship between two variables (ranked network indices; beta index, eta index, edge density, node density, sinuosity and ranked overall rating scores of livability parameters; overall ratings, stability, healthcare, culture and environment, education and infrastructure) when the Graph Theory-based indices are considered individually. The only plausible outcome is that there is a statistically significant positive relation between sinuosity and overall ranking scores of livability (RS= 0,648, n = 10, p <0.05). (See: Table 5.) Thus, in the next phase regression analysis is applied to explain the overall livability scores of the cities using the Graph Theory-based indices simultaneously. The parameter estimates are presented in Table 6. The results show that three Graph-Theory-based indices, sinuosity, eta index and node density explain the 90% of the variation in the overall livability scores for the selected sample (R2=0.899). The estimated regression equation is as follows: Overall Livability Score= 29.291 + (55.791 x sinuosity) + (0.128 x eta index) + (15811.675 x node density)

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Table 6. Parameter estimations Model

Unstandardized Coefficients

Standardized Coefficients Beta

B Std. Error Constant 29,291 16,531 1 sinuosity 55,791 16,740 0,504 eta index 0,128 0,019 2,053 node density 15811,675 3201,173 1,540 * Dependent Variable: Overall Rating (100=ideal)

Sig.

1,772 3,333 6,688 4,939

0,127 0,016 0,001 0,003

That is to say, all three indices have a positive coefficient, and an increase in these variables increases the overall livability score. For example, when eta index increases by 1 unit, the livability score increases by 0.128. The standardized coefficients indicate that the most influential index is the eta index, followed by node density and sinuosity. The positive relationship between livability scores and sinuosity mean that an environment with straight streets and fewer turns may lead to the desire to live in a settlement. Likewise, the positive relationship between livability scores and eta index may indicate a desire to live in cities which have longer streets providing uninterrupted and speedy movement. Finally, a positive relation between livability and node density, show that a city with more pedestrian decision points (node density), meeting the potential of pedestrians and alternative routes resulting in higher livability scores. (See: Table 6.) 5. CONCLUSION Cities are often ranked based on various parameters to put forward which city has most attraction to live in. This study brings together the parameters of both physical structural characteristics and livability scores. Physical structural characteristics represented through walkable public open spaces and pedestrian pathways. On the other hand, livability scores are obtained through the widely popular EIU’s livability rankings. The results of this study show that the variation in livability scores that are based on various set of variables can be explained by Graph Theory-based indices. That is to say, the physical layouts of the cities are clear reflections of their social, economic, and cultural life. The findings also indicate that urban design is an invaluable tool in achieving livable cities. Further studies may consider a wider range of cities with a greater variation in their livability scores.

REFERENCES: Badland, H., Whitzman, C., Lowe, M., Davern, M., Aye, L., Butterworth, I. and Giles-Corti, B. (2014). Urban livability: emerging lessons from Australia for exploring the potential for indicators to measure the social determinants of health. Social Science & Medicine. 111, pp. 64-73. Crucitti, P., Latora, V., Porta, S. (2006). Centrality measures in spatial networks of urban streets. Physical Review E. 73(3), 036125. Cubukcu, K. M. (2015). Examining the Street Patterns in Izmir in the 19th Century: A network based spatial analysis. Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences. 202, pp. 436-441. Economist Intelligence Unit. A Summary of the Liveability Ranking and Overview [white paper]. Retrieved from http://www.eiu.com/Handlers/WhitepaperHandler.ashx?fi=Liveability-Ranking-Aug 2015.pdf&mode=wp&campaignid=Liveability2015 Hammond, R. and McCullagh, P. S. (1978). Quantitative techniques in geography: An introduction. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jiang B. and Claramunt C. (2004). Topological analysis of urban street networks. Environment and Planning B. 31, pp. 151-162. Kansky, K. and Danscoine, P. (1989). Measures of network structure. Flux. 5(1), pp. 89-121. Kennedy, R. J., and Buys, L. (2010). Dimensions of livability: a tool for sustainable cities. In Proceedings of SB10mad Sustainable Building Conference. Kut, E., Canan, F. T., Kahraman, E. D., and Ă&#x2021;ubukĂ§u, K. M. (2016). Examining the Relation Between the Urban Pattern and Urban History: using graph theory-based network indices. In: 17th IPHS Conference. Minor, E. S. and Urban, D. L. (2008). A graph theory framework for evaluating landscape connectivity and conservation planning. Conservation biology. 22(2), pp. 297-307. National Research Council (US). Committee on Identifying Data Needs for Place-Based Decision Making, & National Research Council (US). Committee on Geography. 2002. Concept of Livability and Indicators: WHY LIVABILITY MATTERS. Community and Quality of Life: data needs for informed decision making. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Newton, P. W. (2012). Livable and sustainable? Socio-technical challenges for twenty-first-century cities. Journal of Urban Technology. 19(1), pp. 81-102. Woolcock, G.W.E. (2009). Measuring up?: assessing the livability of Australian cities. In: State of Australian Cities (SOAC). Promaco Conventions. Retrieved from http://www98.griffith. edu.au/dspace/bitstream/handle/10072/29808/61038_1.pdf?sequence=1 Vuchic, V. (1999). Transportation for Livable Cities. Rutgers, NJ: Center for Urban Policy Research.

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AN ADVANCED ARCHITECTURAL GRADUATE STUDIO EXPERIENCE: MICRO PUBLIC SPACES Gamze Şahin, Dilara Dülger, S. Bahar Durmaz Drinkwater

İzmir University of Economics, Department of Architecture, İzmir, TURKEY gamze.sahin@hotmail.com, dilara.dulger@hotmail.com, bahar.durmaz@ieu.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION The changing production and consumption relations and the differentiation of life styles has transformed urban space especially in the second half of the 20th century. The need for changeable, flexible, adaptable, small-scale urban design is one of the essential responses to adapt these changes. As Gehl (2010; 118) posited, “the battle for the quality is the small-scale”. This is important in architectural design, urban design and urban planning. It is possible to argue that small-scale urban interventions, small-scale architecture, small-scale urban places (e.g. micro urban public places) are the essential components of the urban space and urban design and could be a solution to creating social cohesion, creating inspiring environments, contribute to urban memory and catalyzers of sustainable urban change. Over the years there have been several practical works emphasizing the importance of small-scale; such as pop-up spaces, parklets, pocket parks, activities such as park(ing) days, and the terms such as urban acupuncture (small-scale interventions to transform the larger urban context), micro urbanism, tactical urbanism, in-between space, interstitial space and junk spaces etc. Following this introduction part, in the second section, the paper focuses on these concepts aiming to bring together the recent approaches to place-making both in practice and research. Furthermore, in the third section, the paper presents the projects of two the graduate students which are named as Microtecture and Biosks, of Arch 510 Advanced Architectural Design Studio at IUE, Department of Architecture which took place between February-June 2016. The studio focused on the theme of micro public spaces, and the projects are located in the historic multicultural area of Izmir, Basmane, which is the main transportation hub as well. The paper concludes with the evaluation of integrating a new approach to architectural/urban design education at graduate level and discusses the lessons learnt from that based on both students’ perspective and tutor’s perspective.

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The outcome and contribution of this paper is to introduce the new trends in research and practice in terms of micro public spaces and application of them within the studio education It brings together research and practice regarding the projects and terminologies related to micro public places. Besides, the paper discusses the experience of integrating these new approaches in urban/architectural experimental graduate studio teaching which the outcomes and lessons derived from it could contribute to the pedagogy of urban design 2. RESARCH AND PRACTICE OF MICRO PUBLIC SPACES Research Public spaces provide possibilities for people to socialize, interact and meet and people-watch. These spaces are used by all. It tends to be self-appropriate itself to a shared space and unplanned spaces for urban development that called urban void. Dolan (2001) argues that the character of an urban void is determined by the built environment, which defines the appearance and function of the enclosed space. According to him, the voids have possibilities and can re-integrate in the urban realm. The urban void dominate the potential to form for open spaces. They can allow to active noncommercial uses, creative uses and temporary uses. So, they can be illustrated as leftover space of built environment that includes many possibilities for interaction. According to Heike Rahmann, urban voids are like “possibilities in absence”. He defines the urban void as an ephemeral object yet not only a space. According to him, the voids have possibilities and can re-integrate in the urban realm. The urban voids have important roles between existing and new built environments under the difficulty of urban growth and densification. These spaces can be functioned as a generator for creative expression that enables recognition of a human

scale (Rahmann, n.d.). In addition, they could provide the conditions to rethink existing urban open space. In order to create an ecologically sustainable urban development, smallscale interventions might result in social changes which is called urban acupuncture. It leads to the procesed to using small scale interventions to transform the larger urban context. “Acupuncture relieves stress in the body, urban acupuncture relieves stress in the environment. Urban acupuncture produces small-scale but socially catalytic interventions into the urban fabric” (Harrison, 2013: 11). There is not any empty field in the urban environment. In order to get identity, it should be the part of coherent system in urban environment. Therefore, the city territory is important to see the continuity and discontinuity in the city structure that creates the tendency of using space. It provides to strengthen a space by using different purpose than the initial one or (re)function the urban voids. Local and small-scale interventions, without having a permanent character, represent a socio-urban hybrid that turns a local tendency for the vision of space. In terms of micro urbanism, the focus is to identify an intervention strategy that respects the spirit of place and to (re)function the urban voids that become to be element of urban cohesion by through generating a new identity. As the term of micro urbanism, tactical urbanism is defined as low-cost, temporary interventions to develop built environment (Pfeifer, 2013). It offers ideas for partial alternative to activate the city. The movement of tactical urbanism has been introduced by Mike Lydon and Anthony Garcia in 2010s, and since then it has become popular movement. Also, the movement has influenced the research in urban studies. It offers local solution for local challenges, realistic expectation, low risks and low budgets (Lydon, M. et al, n.d.). According to Markoff (Markoff, 2004 in Furnari 2014), the small-scale settings can host informal and occasional interactions among people. Also, Furnari (2014) argues that every small-scale space could facilitate social interaction. Another term related to micro public spaces is interstitial space. There are some features to define interstitial space: individuals positioned in different fields, occasional and informal interactions; and common activities to which limited time is devoted. Actually, the interstitial space can be defined basically as a condition of in-between situation. So, interstitial space has a significance to create micro public spaces to facilitate social interaction. As well as these, Steele and Keys (2015) determine the interstitial space as hin-between space located in the

shadows of conventional built form and everyday practices. Rem Koolhas defined a space of flows, at the same time purposeful but useless as a junk space. In that sense, these non-spaces called ‘junk space’. Eventually, these terms could be introduced within the literature related to micro public spaces and scale urban interventions that are used to define interventions on public spaces. These micro public spaces have potentials to contribute to urban memory through the social interactions they stage, .Urban memory is collective impressions of the formation, change, and development of a city. Thus, changing use and re-functioning of the public spaces helps to contribute urban memory, as a catalyzer of urban change. In addition, it encourages public to explore relationship and enhance social interaction. Practice There are many project examples that are implemented or suggested as micro public space proposals. These projects are mostly interactive ones allowing user intervention, i.e. people can create or shape the public space. Thus, they have been aimed to create urban memory. Some examples of recent micro public spaces are listed in Table 2. These projects are named as parklets, pop-up spaces, pocket parks and they are first initiated in Canada (Vancouver and Toronto), America (San Francisco and New York) and France in 2010s. These projects are mainly designed by architects and funded by various public, private agents and also NGOs. Furthermore, at local level, there are some ongoing projects and workshops in Izmir organized and conducted by Izmir Greater Municipality and Akdeniz Academy. The first organize workshops as both for micro public spaces and to support Izmir’s cycling-friendly city vision. The latter organized a design competition called `Tasarim Koridorlari` the products of which proposed as micro urban space solutions enriching the public activity mainly along Izmir’s waterfront area, Kordon. Small-Scale Interventions Versus Large-Scale Interventions Many architects, designers and developers have produced grand project proposals as part of urban scale projects which have been the common understanding of place making. Large-scale projects dominated urban and architectural proposals. However within the last decade, especially the growing importance of small-scale interventions has pointed out the scale-shift in design, practice and theory. It has been debated that

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large-scale interventions require big changes in the urban environment and also lead to big loss in terms of time, management and cost. However, small-scale interventions can contribute to small, incremental changes with less time and cost. In addition, it can have a direct impact on urban environment and public life through a relational, situational but mainly cultural approach. The impact of a large-scale design, can result in a way that cannot be reversed and might create negative consequences on public and social life. In other aspect, large-scale interventions might not create the possibilities for interactive social relationships to take place. In this context, it is important to think at macro scale and have a different perspective to urban issues when developing solutions. This scale-shift does not mean that all urban design projects should be small-scale but it points out the need to think at micro-scale as well. In this context, this studio aimed to adopt this approach and explore this issue at a graduate studio. The framework of the studio, projects of the students and the pedagogy of the studio explained below. 3. ARCH 510 ADVANCED ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN STUDIO The theme and framework of the studio is outlined as “Micro public spaces”. As introduced above, this issue has become one of the new practice and research areas of urban design and place making as contrarily to the common understanding of urban design which is designing large urban plots. Within the mentioned context, the students, two of them are the authors of this paper, were asked to think at micro level and work in Basmane area, in İzmir. Basmane has been the main transportation hub of Izmir Besides, Basmane district has been accommodating many im/migrants from different places around the world and Turkey and nowadays Basmane has become an important place for Syrian refugees. It is rich in terms of socio-cultural diversity but there are some integration problems between the locals and refugees and also tourists due to the lack of communication and language differences. Furthermore, there are urban problems due to the lack of accommodation and support centers for the refugees. In addition to this socio-cultural issues, Basmane’s potential as an urban hub has not been revealed and it has not been integrated with the rest of the city. In this context, this studio aimed to exercise and explore the ways of achieving integration and suggest some solutions to the problems that Basmane has been having. The students focused on empowering the urban memory by creating activity and micro-scale flexible, interactive spatial solutions.

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One of the projects focused on creating urban memory by identifying urban voids and refunctioning them by `biosks`. The project departed from Izmir’s vision of ‘making a bicycle friendly city`. This project, named as “biosks” aimed to develop micro-scale spatial solutions meeting the needs of the cyclists. The project focused on Basmane Train Station and the voids along Fevzipasa Boulevard. The other project, Microtecture, proposes refunctioning the urban voids in the residential part of Basmane, named as “microgaps” by means of locating/placing different micro urban place alternatives. Below, these projects are introduced based on their conceptual approaches, site and material selection and architectural and urban solutions that are supported with 3D images and explanations. Microtecture Microtecture is the name of the project that means discovering the potential of micro public spaces and suggesting alternatives to create place attachment with appropriation. At the same time, it is a system which works with municipality and community. Also, it encourages people to build ‘their own public space’ which is aimed to create public space with appropriated spaces as Lefebvre suggests in the production of space. It has aimed to make local solutions for local challenges by means of low cost construction and budget, as suggested by tactical urbanism. As well as these, microtecture aims to facilitate for production by installation toolkit that enhance the people’s participation. The project is located in Basmane to mingle all people in order to create livable atmosphere. To achieve that, some public spaces have been redesigned to compose coexistence of different groups of people and provide social interaction. The project has started with the identification of urban voids in Basmane district. (See: Figure 1.) Three voids have been selected and named as Microgap 1, Microgap 2 and Microgap 3. Microgap 1 is a space, which is located as adjacent to existing functions such as Ayavukla Church and media museum. Microgap 2 is located in a residential area in between the houses which is enclosed by these houses. Although it is not designed as a courtyard this enclosure reflects the characteristics of a courtyard. Microgap 3 is located in a public space, Hatuniye Square which is located along the main commercial street of Basmane, hence just right in the middle of the activity. . All gaps have been refunctioned in accordance with the needs and characteristics of their nearby environment.

The selected voids have the potentials to provide a catalyst and to increase interaction between people and the space. Thus, these microgaps have the potentials enhancing the feeling of place attachments. In these spaces, the main aims are to create alternative spaces by different type and scale of interventions. These three types of microgaps have different levels of public access and sizes. In addition, the intervention levels are determined according to these features. (See: Figure 2.)

modular and demountable micro public places. Actually, this method is somewhat restrictive since design has to be based on some rules. At the same time, by means of the simple instructions to follow, it provides a practical production method for people to whom would like to build their own public space.

Figure 3. Production typologies

Design: Modules (Wood-ups)

Figure 1. Urban voids in Basmane

Figure 2. Types of microgaps

Material and Production Wood pallet is chosen as the only material to be used. It is selected in accordance with the principles of tactical urbanism such as low-cost, allowing temporary interventions to the built environment, affordable and recyclable characteristics which wood pallet meets these strategies (Lydon, M. et al, n.d.). It is aimed to increase public awareness by means of physical intervention i.e. the use of wood pallets which can be easily obtained by all. This material is used through three production typology: assemblage (including endwise, side by side and on top of each), reassembling and carved out. These production relations define the voids. (See: Figure 3.) Based on this production typology, it is aimed to make systematic,

The microgaps are activated with modules called wood-ups. Microgap 1 is activated by those wood ups which are designed as bookshelves, coffee shop and sitting spaces for media projections to strengthen the existing function. Microgap 2 is activated as a car parking and as a communal garden. Microgap 2 is surrounded with houses and it is difficult to notice this gap from the street because it is connected with a narrow road to street. Because of that, it is considered to work backyard and turns as a farming area. Many people have been living in this area for a long time. They had grown their own fruits and vegetables in the past. However, this habit has been changing within the city life. The farming areas provide the continuation of old habits. By that, vertical and horizontal farming spaces with some sitting and activity areas are created by wood pallets. As for the Microgap 3, the small spaces are produced by wood pallets that are sitting places and billboards. These show that intervention levels are not same for three types. Microgap 1 has more intervention whereas Microgap 3 has less intervention than others. However, this intervention level has opposite relation with size of spaces that is shaped according the context relations. Also, these spaces reflect small space intervention on micro public spaces. (See: Figure 4.)

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cling facilities, and the renovation of the urban environment. To expand and integrate cycling into transportation systems, so that it can more readily become a daily transportation mode. Cycling is also important to improve conditions according to needs for non-motorized transport ways, which leads to minimize negative impact of automobiles on environment. In this context, cycling offers a fast and cheap transportation option for short trips than driving a car. Streets are generally optimized according to automobile use because of the fact that car-centric model has dominated the planning for infrastructure for decades. However, there are many urban strategies and solutions to improve mobility for cycling in cities such as; reducing traffic congestion, promoting and improving public transportation to promote, healthy urban living, physical and mental health, road safety etc. Furthermore, Transit Oriented Development (TOD) principles are one of the pathfinders to analyze the Basmane Station as TOD referred to the relationship between the built-environment and transportation hubs. In addition, TOD principles provide to increase land and property values near transit intersections like Basmane station and district.

Figure 4. Types of wood-up

‘Biosks’ (Bike + Kiosks) Theory and concept: This project, mainly departs from the concepts such as urban void, junk space, urban mobility, urban cycling, new urbanism, transit oriented development, micro spaces and pop-up spaces. It is aimed to introduce new meaning and function to the abandoned or less used spaces of the urban environment and create public memorials for those spaces by respect to urban history. These non-spaces called as junks space: “as a space of flows, at the same time purposeful but useless” (Koolhas, 2000). If architects or landscape designers deal with those junks paces and arrange them with giving an identity, it encourages public to explore and get experience of that space by creating social cohesion and interaction. Thus, this kind of changing use and refunctioning of public space, automatically contributes to urban memory. Thus, to find alternative user types and create alternative spaces by different small scale interventions at selected urban voids in Basmane district provides to revive the dead spaces in urban environment. In addition, in terms of mobility, it is important to promote cycling, to increase mobility choices, to improve air quality and reduce congestion. For urban mobility, it promotes the public transport and improvements to walking and cy-

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There are many cities around the world such as Copenhagen, Munich, Amsterdam, and London which have developed innovative solutions towards meeting the needs of cyclists and offering efficient cycling routes, and public spaces to meet their various needs. Those public spaces provide the necessary safety, comfort and convenience for the users through an efficient design of form and function. It is possible to argue that these micro public spaces as shown in Figure 11 may contribute to social interaction and cohesion. Izmir Greater Municipality aims to increase the use of bikes as a transportation tool and also improve the infrastructure of the city facilitating and encouraging cycling in Izmir. As part of its vision to make Izmir ‘a bicycle-friendly city‘, the municipality’s one of branches, Izmir Tarih-Tasarim Atolyesi organized a workshop called ‘bisiklet atölyesi’. Students from different universities participated in the workshop which is conducted by various academics. The participants produced examples of micro urban space proposals meeting the needs of cyclists’ as seen in Figure 13. Moreover, the participants suggested some routes within the historic part of Izmir, Kadifekale, allowing the visitors, residents and tourists to explore the area. (See: Figure 12.) Site and locations of biosks: The project’s sites are located within Basmane Train Station and along Fevzipasa Boulevard which is the main thoroughfare connecting Basmane Train Station to the waterfront area of İzmir, Kordon. In this con-

B-LO CKER

B-SHO P

B-CAFE

cated in these urban voids. Cafe involves a quick service area, sitting and resting places. Shops are to sell toolkits for cyclists. Repair place has workshop areas that cyclist also can use individually or as a group to fix their bike and storage. Also, there are information points to get brochures/routes/maps for Basmane-Izmir. It is aimed that these biosks encourage people to cycle, walk, and reduce air pollution and to achieve healthier urban life and environment. (See: Figure 7.)

B-PARK SEAT

B-FIX

B-LO CKER

text the project identified these junk spaces in Basmane and suggested reactivating them by Biosks. The locations of Biosks (B-1, B-2, B-3, B-5 and B-6) are shown in Figure 5 below.

B-PARK SEAT

TICKET O FFICE

B1= B-FIX + B-LOCKER

B2= B-CAFE + B-SHOP

B3= B-CAFE + B-LOCKER+ B-PARK&SEAT

B-PARK SEAT

B-SHO P

B-CAFE

OC B-L KE R

K SE AR B-P AT

B-CAFE B-SHO P

B4= B-PARK SEAT

B5= B-SHOP + B-CAFE

B6= B-SHOP + B-CAFE + B-LOCKER+ B-PARK SEAT

Figure 6. Program of biosks (B1-B2-B3-B4-B5)

Figure 5. Map of expected locations of biosks in Basmane (1/2000 scale) and expected biosks locations (1/500 scale)

Design of biosks: There is a lack of public hubs for cyclists in İzmir. Cyclists do not have enough convenient public spaces to rest, lock their bikes and belongings, to get shower, to park their bike, drink or eat something, get together or meet, have conversation etc. Thus, to achieve this, this project aims to offer small-scale public space solutions in Basmane area, which in return it might enhance, social interaction and contribute to urban memory as well. The project aims to re-function those urban voids in Basmane by different combinations of the modules that the project offers. Micro public spaces are designed in accordance with cyclists’ needs by creating different types of modules. In the project and some expected locations are identified for those biosks according to their potential of needs for cyclists. The names of modules are called “Biosks” that comes from the combination of bike and kiosks. These ‘biosks’, B1, B2, B3, B4 and B5, which have the combinations of functions such as café, bike shop, parking areas, and repair area are lo-

Figure 7. Models of biosks (B1-B2-B3B4-B5)

In design process, in terms of dimensions, modules are designed in accordance with bikeable toolkits and design guidelines that defined as a bikeable design for bike-friendly development (Jun S. 2013. Bikeable Design, City of Los Angeles, Department of City Planning, 10-21.) It is developed through research on bicycle key tools and strategies in order to create a bike-friendly development. The existing guidelines to design

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bike roads and routes are also reviewed in the project such as; road sections standards, junctions, parking areas, bike station. B-café, b-fix, b-shop, b-locker and b-parkseat are designed by considering minimum typical dimensions and spatial relationship rules. For instance, locker facilities should be built adjacent to long or short term parking facilities. Thus, each b-locker and b-parkseat modules are designed adjacent or those biosks including b-parkseat and b-locker are built in the same area for those who want to cycle to the city but do not have a safe place to park and store clothing, helmets and other bicycle accessories.

Production scenario consists of two different styles to create structure for modules. For four modules, which are indoor, such as; b-café, b-fix, b-shop and b-locker, layering-wrapping style is used to create floor, roof and wall. There is no strict separation between floor, wall and roof. The modules are made up of the continuity of the planes that are assembled in different configuration. Hereby, the continuity of floor creates wall and the extension of wall creates ceiling. For some modules, ceiling continues to the ground and it becomes floor. For one module, which is designed outdoor space as an urban furniture, for b-parkseat, section-cut is used as a style to create sitting and parking area for cyclists.

Figure 8. Corrugated cardboard (Source: www.wikkelhouse.com)

Material and production: In terms of material use, modules are sustainably produced and made out of corrugated cardboard as which is made of materials that have minimal impact on the environment. Furthermore, it is finished with waterproof but breathable foil and wood paneling in order to protect it from all weather conditions. Thus, using cardboard and wood as the material helps to design a sustainable, durable, affordable and recyclable micro public place. If needed, the design also allows to add extra segments in order to get extra space. Thus; the segments get together and create the big module that is more durable and eco-friendly. Corrugated cardboards come together with eco-friendly superglue. It leads to create structure by bonding together like sandwich. In addition, using cardboard and wood materials and the modular set up makes modules more flexible. It is also ultra-light and it is possible to complete all modules within one day. In this context, the use of wood and corrugated cardboard provides a more durable, affordable and recyclable design proposal.

Figure 9. Ondule cardboard material (Source: http://marmara.all.biz/ rulo-oluklu-mukavva-g226251#. V7Ia1fmLT4Y)

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Figure 10. Renders of Biosks in Basmane Station

4. EVALUATION OF THE STUDIO Tutor Perspective The tutors introduced the topic as “micro-scale urban spaces”. Students are asked to develop their own micro-spaces solutions to the design problems that they define in their chosen sites in Basmane. In the first half of the semester, students successfully formulated the design problems of their projects through various site visits, literature and case study research. As the studio was an advanced architectural design studio, it was important to introduce the chance of exercising at a different scale than the scale they worked on during their undergraduate studio. Besides, it was important to work on a new topic which let students to find their own way and to interact with the scale and the user which are asked to be defined as part of the design problem.

The studio aimed to give more responsibility to students in terms of taking their design decisions and scheduling and planning their design process. This experimental process led both students and the tutor to discover new areas of research which also have potentialities to be applied in practice. On the other hand, it has been a challenging process to build on the knowledge and examples which are just a few. We, all had difficulties in terms of conducting the studio and also in terms of communicating the aims as there was a lack of proper understanding of the terminology.

Figure 12. Bycyle workshop: furniture (Source: www.pinterest.com)

As architecture can be practiced at different scales and with different user groups, this studio provided the chance to exercise between different scales from industrial design to urban design. Architecture being at the intermediate scale made it possible to think at different scales and bring the solutions at architectural scale with the various user groups. Student Perspective To begin with, students found the process and given framework of the studio challenging since it was difficult to find related literature about micro public spaces. However, the projects and examples from practice were accessible online as there have been several architects, designers and planners designed examples of these projects. Thus, it let the students to scratch this topic and it makes them more curious about the theme. In addition, this is the first experience they had chance to contribute part of the theoretical framework of the given studio theme. It was not the same mentality and design process as high experienced at undergraduate studio. Another difference and also challenge was to be able to integrate the theory, concept and practice in a design project. Within the undergraduate education, students generally dealt with large scale architectural projects. However, the small-scale relationships with space and people can be overlooked in this intensive process. This study of urban/architectural experimental graduate studio has contributed a different perfective to the students. By means of the small-scale relationships, they have attempted to create flexible, interactive design proposals which they have not worked on before.

Figure 13. Bycyling workshop: “yola gel”

5. CONCLUDING REMARKS This article presents an example of advanced architectural studio education at graduate level in terms of its aims, structure, content, and pedagogical approaches. It also discusses the outcomes of the studio within the framework of “micro public spaces”. Instead of being a research paper, it is a descriptive paper which introduces a way of conducting architectural design studio. The issues introduced here are suggested to be advanced with future research and to be tested with other studio settings and different pedagogical approaches with environmentalist approaches.

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The article suggests design-based solutions to the urban problems aiming to create awareness within the dominance of large-scale urban interventions and design projects both at practice, and education. Moreover, the paper suggests that designing micro public spaces could be a solution or an approach to creating social cohesion, creating inspiring environments, contribute to urban memory and sustainable urban change. The paper suggests that the theory of micro spaces need to be advanced and placed within the public space literature.

Figure 11. Examples of micro public spaces (Soruces: www.pinterest.com)

Table 1. Some examples of public interventions

Micro public spaces

Pop-up spaces

Parklet

Pocket park

Park(ing) days

Noe Valley Parklet A Modular Office Pop-Up

Greenacre Park

Examples

Ave Parklet

Toronto, Canada

San Francisco, USA

Location

France

San Fransisco,USA

Designer

Dubbeldam Arhitecture+Design

Riyad Ghannam, RG-Architecture

Hideo Sasaki

Balzer & Kuwertz’s Office Company

Mayor’s Office of Economic and Workforce Development

Greenacre Foundation

Funding

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Parallel-Park

Vitamin Water Pop up Bar

New York, USA

San Francisco, USA Vancouver,Canada

Falco UK Ltd

Rebar

REFERENCES: Jun S. (2013). Bikeable Design,City of Los Angeles, Department of City Planning, 10-21 Gehl, J., Kaefer, L.J., and Reigstad, S. (2006). Close encounters with buildings. Urban Design International, 11(1): 29-47 Madanipour, A. (1999), Why are the design and development of public spaces significant for it. Environmental and Planning 26, 879-891. Dolan, H. (2001). Urban Threshold, Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University. Frei, H. and Bohlen, M. (2010). The architectural league of New York, situated technologies pamphlets 6: MicroPublicPlaces, Available at: http://www.situatedtechnologies. net/?q=node/104 [Accessed September 14, 2011]. Furnari, S., (2014). Interstitial spaces: micro interaction settings and the genesis of new practices between institutional fields, Academy of Management Review, Vol. 39, No. 4, 439–462. Ilgın, C. & Hacihasanoglu, O. (2006) A model for migration – attachment relation, itü dergisi, 5, 2, 1: 59-70. Lydon, M., Bartman, D., Woudstra, R. and Khawarzad, A., (NA), Tactical Urbanism. Nextgen, the Street Plans Collaborative. Rahmann, H. & Jonas, M., (NA), Urban voids: the hidden dimension of temporary Vacant spaces in rapidly growing cities, RMIT University, Melbourne. Steele, W. & Keys, C., (2015). Interstitial Space and Everyday Housing Practices, Housing, Theory and Society, Vol. 32, No. 1, 112–125. N.A, (2016), Design: wikkelhouse Available at: http://www.wikkelhouse.com/#home Casagrande M., (December,2010). Urban Acupuncture, Accessed from: http://helsinkiacupuncture.blogspot.com.tr/ Cornelia T., Alexandra A. (2015). Micro-urbanism and identity. Case study_Bucharest, the city as palimpsest. Nipesh.( 2012). Urban Voids& Shared Spaces, Available at: https://nipppo.wordpress. com/2012/05/07/urban-voids/ Koolhas R., Courtesy of OMA, (2000). Junkspace http://changingcities.prd.uth.gr/wpcontent/themes/virtue/documents/Bricolage_Urbanism_ Special_Session_2015.pdf Minkjan M., (2015). Tokyo Void: Possibilities in Absence, Available at: http://www.failedarchitecture.com/tokyo-void-possibilities-in-absence/ SORUCES OF TABLES: http://www.core77.com/posts/24376/A-Modular-Office-Pop-Up-Office-Made-from-ReclaimedPallets http://pavementtoparks.org/parklets/featured-parklet-projects/noe-valley-parklets/ http://placemaking.pps.org/great_public_spaces/one?public_place_id=70# http://beautifultrouble.org/case/parking-day/ http://www.falco.co.uk/products/pocket-parks/ http://inhabitat.com/wowhaus-transforms-4-lane-highway-into-moscows-first-year-roundurban-park/wowhaus-krymskaya-muzeon-park-4/

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EXPERIMENTING STREAM-BASED URBAN TRANSFORMATION WITHIN THE REGIONAL LANDSCAPE CONTEXT Adnan Kaplan [1], Koray Velibeyoğlu [2]

[1] Ege University, Faculty of Architecture, Departmant of Landscape Architecture, İzmir, TURKEY [2] İzmir Institute of Technology, Faculty of Architecture, Department of Urban and Regional Planning, İzmir, TURKEY adnan.kaplan@ege.edu.tr, korayvelibeyoglu@iyte.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION It is widely acknowledged that today’s cities are capable of acting as landscape systems within and beyond urban domain. In this regional context, hydrological pattern provides urban fabric with physical, ecological and social advocacy while addressing multiple challenges of rapid urbanization and its resultant effects such as dense and uncontrolled urban development (Kaplan, 2016). Within the last decade, cities have been identified with their own natural assets, particularly with water/ hydrological infrastructure, upon which a growing number of works focusing on water-based regional/urban design in public and private sector as well as the academia that have been employed to mitigate or face with multi-faceted challenges of urban landscapes. Within this overview above, it is evident in geographical context that İzmir coastal city was made up of a wide range of water catchment regions such as Bakırçay, Gediz, Küçük Menderes and Bornova Plain. Among which, with itsextending between urban periphery (i.e. Homeros Valley) down through Bornova Plain to İzmir Bay consecutively, Bornova (Kocaçay) Stream Basin (Sub-region) is the case study of this paper. (See: Figure 1-a, 1-b, 1-c)

Figure 1-a. İzmir city in regional context was made up of a series of micro-basins towards the urban hinterland and Aegean Sea (Source: Atalay, 1997).

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Figure 1-b. The urban geography has relevancy with its periphery through a series of stream basins (particularly Bornova Stream Basin; 9 and 10 in number) scattered across İzmir Bay (Soruce: http://www.izsu.gov.tr/Pages/standartPage.aspx?id=205)

Figure 1-c. Bornova Stream Basin (Source: Karadaş, 2012)

İzmir urban pattern was formed with or grounded onto three natural units; İzmir Bay, Narlıdere-Balçova Plain and Bornova Plain, foothills and ridges enclosing urban basin. The cross-section of the stream across Bornova Plain-İzmir Bay is tight and canalized, mostly isolated from urban landscapes, and flux of the stream is seasonal (Koçman, 1991; Karadaş, 2012). Bornova and Laka Streams constitute the micro-basin with an area of 47 km2 and the length of the Bornova Stream is 9.6 km (See: Figure 1-b, 1-c) (Kaya and Daneshfaraz, 2006; Alkan and Eriş, 2006). The paper’s regional landscape context elaborates the case study in ‘region-urban-local’ hierarchical order, and its context and scales have an affinity with the works of Rem Koolhaas’s ‘OMA’ (Office for Metropolitan Architecture) and Kongjian Yu’s ‘Turenscape’ such as country (XL), region (L), urban (M), local (S). Thus, Bornova Stream Basin has been grounded into these contexts and scales below; - region/basin (L): Bornova Stream and its tributaries within “Homeros Valley-Bornova Plain (urban)-İzmir Bay” continuum - region-urban (L-M): Homeros Valley, Bornova Plain - urban (M): Bornova Plain - urban and rural communities (S): rural communities, squatters, CBD, urban settlements, brownfields, historical settlement, coastal strip (İzmir Bay). (See: Figure 1-b, 1-c)

planning and urban design with urban transformation phenomenon. Thus, re-conceptualization of urban system across Bornova Stream Basin definitely diagnoses challenges of urbanization process including new urban center in Bayraklı (i.e. CBD), and is to be addressed in-depth in the joint project studio in preceding section. In applying the stream system into the projected areas, natural and cultural traces of the past as well as actual situation will support the content of sound landscape infrastructure that would be able to build some cohesive linkage within regional landscape context (Kaplan, 2016). Based on theoretical underpinnings of this section, the structure of the study has been illustrated in Figure 2.

The feature of the paper “stream-based urban transformation” in regional landscape context needs to operate across-scales in “nature – urban” transect (Homeros Valley down to İzmir Bay) through a well-conceived landscape infrastructure alongside Bornova Stream. So the regional stream system will become the backbone for urban transformation and comprehensive ecological network, instead of a series of, but isolated canal systems exposed predominantly be challenges of urban density and water contamination. Figure 2. Structure of the study

This paper basically came out from inefficiency of prosaic urban planning and design practices remaning insufficient to in deliver the necessary briefs against multi-layered challenges of urban development through the city’s natural infrastructures and values such as stream/hydrological pattern. In this gap, market-driven urban development and its detrimental effect in urbanization process have exponentially hold way across the urban domain. Besides the failure of on-going planning framework, some environmental problems derived from geological formation and susceptibility to earthquake, flooding, misappropriate urbanization and lack of urban and/or natural infrastructure along with climate change effects decrease the resilience of urban community (system) against either external or internal forces. Rationale of the paper lies in the relevance of Bornova stream basin

2. THE PROJECT STUDIO Research-based joint project studio “Re-naturing, Healing the Cities”, which was consisted of two graduate courses [LPD548 (Landscape Planning and Design Studio, Ege University Landscape Architecture Program) and UD502 (Urban Design Studio, İYTE Department of Regional and Urban Planning Urban Design Program)], explores to introduce graduate students (majoring in urban planning, landscape architecture and architecture) with regional water-based design through which a myriad of challenges -ecological, spatial, social, economic and engineering- is to be confronted with in the micro-basin. The studio reflects the way of multi-functional design aspect in con

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ceptualizing urban transformation, and is concerned with the stream infrastructure and its place attachment within regional landscape context (i.e. comprehensive landscape system). So Bornova Stream (İzmir) would act as a key figure for urban transformation of Bornova and Bayraklı Counties. The hypothesis that the project studio was structured onis the way to develop a new mode of design thinking to integrate a consistent regional stream system into the urban transformation process (Kaplan and Velibeyoğlu, 2016). Today, a shift within the cycle of ‘nature-culture’ sequence is observed towards the fourth nature -an action of restoration/re-naturing- (Carver, 2013). The whole idea of the graduate studio is to apply or embed landscape infrastructure and the fourth nature into “the regional landscape and urban transformation” equilibrium. Course works involves (guest) lectures, site surveys, discussions and project evaluations with project charrettes. Students worked in either individually or design teams. Studio work involved team presentations and research-based evaluations to cope with different aspects of project themes. Students’ projects were evaluated consecutively in two jury meetings by interested experts from public and private sectors and academia. 3. REGIONAL DESIGN THINKING The project studio justifies regional design thinking through; - highlighting nature types (zero nature through the fourth nature) and “nature-urban” transect in healing/restoration of pre-selected parts of the region, - planetary urbanism that explodes spatial boundaries and administrative divisions in “nature-rural-urban” continuum in re-calibrating urbanization process, - regional (and urban) design phenomenon that will substitute for the lack of conventional planning process, - landscape infrastructure that establishes a regional landscape system across scales. Aspects and tools that build the regional design thinking as the way of planning and design intervention are as follows; -landscape context and “nature-urban” transect as regional analysis tool, -planetary urbanism and regional design as theoretical fundamentals, -landscape infrastructure and fourth nature as key forces/concepts of urban transformation. (See: Figure 2.)

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Types of Nature Our first assumption is that nature could be understood within a plural form (many natures) beyond the basic dichotomy between nature and city. Most of time, nature can be seen as equal to wildlife free from human interventions. In fact, an exact dichotomy between nature and city destroys interaction between culture and nature. Since the nature is completely transformed by human activity, in a new anthropogenic age, we cannot defend such oppositions. In today’s highly urbanized world, this close encounter of the nature and the city is everywhere and go towards the extinction of the natural assets and biodiversity. During the past three centuries, the human population has increased tenfold to more than 6 billion and is expected to reach nearly 10 billion at the mid-21st century. About 30–50 % of the planet’s land surface is exploited by humans (Crutzen, 2002): “…we are no longer disturbing natural ecosystems. Instead, we now live in “human systems with natural ecosystems embedded within them.” The long-held barriers between nature and culture are breaking down. It’s no longer us against “Nature.” Instead, it’s we who decide what nature is and what it will be” (Crutzen and Schwägerl, 2011; quoted by Ellis and Ramankutty 2008) The most common delusion is to think about natural ecosystems as one single entity. The question here is which ability we add our design thinking should we think about the many natures. The early answers come from Italian garden theory from ancient times that has re-conceptualized within the writings of John Dixon Hunt (2000) on the idea of gardens. Within the plurality of nature, Hunt describes three categories of nature: • The ‘first nature’ can be seen as the unchanged nature, it is untouched by human activity. These sites generally in-situ nature protection areas (i.e. upper part of Homeros Valley free of human occupancy and intervention). • Second nature is the land changed by human intervention. It is manmade and the use of nature for utilitarian purpose such as agriculture. For instance, the design project site is placed on Bornova Plain that was once important for agricultural production for its nearby territory. • Third nature resembles to designed landscape, an attempt to place making efforts of designers within the form of gardens, parks, recreation fields and the like. Then, “Aşık Veysel Recreational Park” adjacent to Bornova urban settlement was realized by Izmir Metropolitan Municipality. When Hunt sees plurality of nature within the frame of human inter-

ventions, J.B. Jackson (1986) defines via political power relations on the different conceptions of nature. He makes a difference between vernacular and political projections. His first landscape explains nature as “landscape as theater”, a background for vernacular, traditional life settings. Landscape-two, according to Jackson, refers to isolated and individualistic relations of industrial age (where Anthropocene has started). The nature is under control and exploited by human activities like private farmlands, industrial forestry. Landscape-three has been shaped with the needs of local community and events that repairs the destructive aspects of the landscape two, a kind of restoration of the nature. Another landscape architect, Gilles Clement sees third landscape as the protected spaces of human activity (nature as reserve). Compared to Jackson’s landscape-two (territories submitted to the control and exploitation by man), the third landscape forms a privileged area of receptivity to biological diversity. A nature pocket in the urban park, a little piece from the earth’s biodiversity and leftover and fragmented places in our cities describes his conceptualization of third landscape. In Clement’s mind, a planetary understanding of nature could be discerned. Charles Jencks, American architectural historian and a landscape sculpturer, proposes “zero nature” to the categories of the nature. Jencks (2004) sees ‘zero nature’ under those three natures (wilderness, farmland, garden), in a planetary level: “…zero nature, the planet, that level of nature that interests me particularly--the cosmos, its laws, and the underlying physics”. Jencks goes one step further and describes the nature under threat of human activity (global economy, climate change etc.) as the fourth nature. It is hard to incorporate the idea of fourth nature to the above categories of nature. The essence of the fourth nature could be treated as planetary understanding of nature as a whole that requires massive regeneration and restoration via re-naturing activity of the human. In other words, today, we observe a shift within the cycle of nature-culture towards fourth nature as an action of restoration, (re)creating or re-naturing. It highly refers to the balance with ecosystem. To start with the fourth nature, we first need to know urbanism in a planetary level. Planetary Urbanism The history of human settlements has been built on a rural-urban continuum. A prominent urban historian Spiro Kostof (1991) sees amalgamated relation between urban and rural, and find the separation of the town and country is useless: “cities are places that are intimately engaged with their countryside, that have a territory that feeds them and which

they protect and provide services for ... Often the city form is locked into rural system of land divisions”. Center for Applied Transect Studies quotes the similar expression by Henry David Thoreau “A town is saved, not more by the righteous men in it than by the woods and swamps that surround it”. A transect is a method to measure those urban-rural continuum referring to biology: “A transect is a cut or path through part of the environment showing a range of different habitats. Biologists and ecologists use transects to study the many symbiotic elements that contribute to habitats where certain plants and animals thrive”. In the era of Anthropocene, the dominance of automobile and resultant urban sprawl has changed the structure of cities and annihilated the healthy continuum between urban and rural areas. We now see the exploded boundaries between urban, rural and nature in a new form of urbanism has been flourishing in a planetary level. The concept of planetary urbanization proposed by Brenner and Schmid (2015) offers new manifestations beyond traditional models of metropolis and hinterland, center and periphery, city and countryside. They propose that the oppositions and boundaries are exploded. Therefore we need to discover emergent patterns and pathways of socio-spatial restructuring around the world. In the hyper mobile understanding of world today the aim should be rebalancing or hybridization between city and the nature relations and restoration of the crucial links between them. Regional Design and Landscape Infrastructure Regional design phenomenon takes on stream basin as a basis to formulate design brief at regional, urban and local levels. And its primary tool landscape infrastructure, as a suite of blue and green networks, overlapped hydrological/stream pattern with natural and cultural tissues. Forming a theoretical description of the regional design process is recognition of the breadth of the spectrum of ways that land can be used: urban core, central business district, suburbia, productive farmland, forest, wilderness fringe, wilderness, and all the variations among these uses (Lewis, 1996). Landscape infrastructure is being explored in urban studies as a concept and a reality that expands the traditional set of spatial planning and design strategies towards the definition and realization of a multi-functional system. It engages the full capacity of post-Euclidean planning and global contextualism of capital flow while exploiting the techno-spatial capacity of the 21st century civil engineering in order to deploy ecology as the agent of urban transformation, and is developing new ways to conceive and shape the organization of the human/natural

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environment for the future transformation of urban regions (Bélanger, 2009). Since traditional urban design is oriented towards building massing and grids. Urban design based on principles of Landscape Infrastructure is focused on landscape-based integration of the built and natural environments -seeking out innovative opportunities for building nature and public amenities into the infrastructure of a city (The Infrastructure Research Initiative at SWA, 2013).

It is envisaged that urban patches would incrementally account for balancing and healing effect in restoration/re-naturing phases of urban transformation for the regional continuity. Thus, patches attribute farmland, eco-boulevard and promenade while thresholds act as a balancing effect on recreational amenities, trails and stream beds. (See: Figure 4.) Patches consider the stream as the skeleton of the basin so that it could relate in rapprochement the urban realm with the basin. Amidst these, Smyrna (historical settlement) square has been selected as a focal point that will juxtapose the history with stream ecology and social life.

4. OUTPUTS FROM THE JOINT PROJECT STUDIO This section involves in part the culmination of the project studio works of three groups that each represents different aspects of urban transformation. The projects presented below basically deliver regional design thinking –from the whole basin down to site-specific district- within Bornova Stream Basin to release new ways of urban transformation. Project 1: Urban Patches (Berna Saba) This project concentrated upon interfaces and patches as the multiplied challenges through the nature-urban transect analysis. Henceforth, it provides the continuity alongside the stream and laterally into rural/urban tissue. In order to secure nature-urban equilibrium across the basin, patches and thresholds are particularly utilized in the form of interfaces to tie different or fragmented landscape types. (See: Figure 3.)

Figure 4. As representing nature types each in the ‘transect’ context, the patches and thresholds were designed

Project 2: Re-considering the Bornova (Kocaçay) Basin over the Water Cycle (Hüseyin Öztürk, Ahenk Karcı, Alev Orhun, Serhat Tümer)

Figure 3. A suite of patches and thresholds associates different land uses alongside the transect while constituting a whole regional system in spatial context.

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Bornova Basin acts as an overarching phenomenon between culture and nature, and re-interprets the water cycle so as shaping urban dynamics in a cohesive way. The engagement of hydrological pattern with natural and urban landscapes calls for site-specific design interventions in some

critically addressed cross sections of the stream, exposed to a myriad of challenges. These interventions would in a regenerative way help heal the complete region by water cycle, storage, purification and use while increasing the efficiency of water-related design. (See: Figure 5 and 6) For instance, water pools in rural communities have been exploited for ecological and agricultural pursuits, in urban communities for ecological, social, recreational and aesthetic purposes. The design framework also involves re-configuration of stream bed and its associated landscapes in particular sections to repurpose storage and use of the water. For instance, from the outset of the stream on, some existing levees along the course have been realigned to maintain the natural flux of water on its bed.

Project 3: Riparian City (Hande Gündel) Linkage of Bornova Stream with (un)built environments has been posed to recognize some challenges with their spatial boundaries. Urban squatters, disconnection of the stream with the urban (dwellers), degradation and loss of agricultural land, disruption of historical traces, flooding are some remarkable challenges against which some measures have been poised to under the concept “riparian city” that is contingent on three fundamentals: edges, trail system and riparian corridor. (See: Figure 7.) ‘Edges’ is related to describe the characteristics of problems and potentials while trail system enables us to experience urban landscapes and the region. Riparian corridor is the mainstream of the riparian city that places some linkage between edges and trail system around and alongside the stream to ensure “nature-urban” continuity. Trail system -cultural and industrial- is made up of the traces of history and the stream itself. The system operates as a bridge between problems and potentials in spatial context. Riparian corridor renders some special emphasis on infrastructure, nature restoration, retrofitting of urban squatters, improving the health of urban ecosystem, reclaiming the historical sites. Based on these, the project introduced some strategies upon conservation, water, history and ownership to acknowledge riparian city concept.

Figure 5. Engagement of the water with the micro-basin proceeds to a rigorous landscape infrastructure

Figure 6. Operational design interventions alongside the stream imprint new and productive landscape language while recovering ecologically and socially neglected milieus.

Figure 7. Edges, trail system and riparian corridor alike decipher the content of the riparian city concept

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5. EVALUATION AND CONCLUSION Implication of regional design thinking in the project studio has extremely been challenged by judicial landscape, political exigency, administrative structure, boundaries of territory and authority, and technical framework, to name a few. Rather than highlighting these constraints and the resultant ‘green-washing’ work, visionary and multi-functional aspects of regional design thinking should be exhibited and supported by research-based project studios. More emphasis should then be placed upon how this creative process would progress in the way indicated within the margin of the paper, and which kind of revisions in political, judicial and administrative landscapes is applied to. The project studio framed the micro-basin at regional scale while devising operational and tactical intervention to urban landscapes. That accommodates the region-wide design brief as an alternative urbanization process. This mode of thinking leads us to re-conceptualize innovative and expanding nature of urban design practice using landscape infrastructure and fourth nature. The future of urban design, as Meijer et al. (2005) pointed out, can produce an urbanism that naturally resolves spatial challenges, such as sustainable spatial development. It is proven that this approach is immensely applicable to İzmir Metropolitan City, which has severely been subjected by hyper dense urban development and its resultant effect “misappropriate urbanization”, and needs more operational interventions at all scales instead of insisting on the status-quo planning schemes. To grapple with these, regional design process should work together with climate change, green infrastructure and coastal management strategies of the city and basin-level local development strategies. Within this premise, each basin that all constitute İzmir urban hinterland (See: Figure 1-b.) should prescribe their planning and urban design frameworks upon which outputs of the project studio fit well too. In this regard, consistency with design interventions in “nature-urban” transect and across scales is the methodology of the studio applicable to ecological systems, region-urban dialectic and infrastructure alike.

Figure 8. Constructing a series of, yet distinctive riparian corridors necessitates technical insights in both ecology and engineering scholarships.

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Since there is a clear ‘mind gap’ between engineers and planners/designers in ways to understand technical solutions including regional design, these fields, beyond the disciplinary cul-de-sacs, should decisively work together to overcome administrative and technical barriers as well as bureaucratic procedures in order to deploy a viable regional design process insofar as this paper proves the reconditioning of the urban infrastructure.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper has benefited substantially from the Joint Project Studio. We therefore would like to extend our appreciation to the graduate students [Hande Gündel and Berna Saba (İzmir Institute of Technology); Hüseyin Öztürk, Ahenk Karcı, Alev Orhun and Serhat Tümer (Ege University)] for their project works. Particular thanks are also due to guest lecturers, especially Prof. Emeritus Asaf Koçman, and jury members/evaluators. REFERENCES: Alkan, A., Eriş, E. (2006). Bornova Deresi Havzasının Hidrolojik Etüdü. Ege Üniversitesi Bilimsel Araştırma Proje Kesin Raporu (Proje No: 02-MÜH-017), Ege Üniversitesi, İzmir. Atalay, İ. (Ed.) (1997). Türkiye Bölgesel Coğrafyası. İnkılâp Kitabevi, İstanbul, 416 sy. Bélanger, P. (2009). Landscape as infrastructure. Landscape Journal, 28(1), 79-95. Brenner, N., Schmid, C. (2015). Towards a new epistemology of the urban?. City, 19(2-3), 151-182. Carver, S. (2013). (Re)creating Wilderness, Rewilding and Habitat Restoration. In Howard, P., I. Thompson, E. Waterton (Eds.), In Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies. Routledge, 383-394. Center for Applied Transect Studies, http://transect.org/, viewed 5 March 2016. Crutzen, P.J. (2002). Geology of Mankind. Nature, 415, 23. Crutzen, P.J., Schwägerl, C. (2011). Living in the Anthropocene: toward a new global ethos. Yale Environment 360, http://e360.yale.edu/, viewed 26 July 2016. Hunt, J.D. (2000). Greater Perfection: The Practice of Garden Theory. University of Pennsylvania Press, 273 pp. İZSU, http://www.izsu.gov.tr/Pages/standartPage.aspx?id=205/, viewed 3 April 2016. Jackson, J.B. (1986). Discovering The Vernacular Landscape. Yale University Press, 180 pp. Jencks, C. (2004). Nature talking with nature. Architectural Review, 215, 66-71. Kaplan, A. (2016). Experimenting regional stream pattern as landscape corridors in urban transformation. In Jombach, S., İ. Valánszki, K. Filep-Kovács, J.Gy. Fabos, R.L. Ryan, M.S. Lindhult, L. Kollányi (Eds.), Proceedings of 5th Fábos Conference on Landscape and Greenway Planning: Landscapes and Greenways of Resilience. Szent István University, Budapest, 201206. Kaplan, A., Velibeyoğlu, K. (2016). Syllabus of joint project studio (UD502 and LPD548). İzmir. Karadaş, A. (2012). Bornova Ovası ve Çevresinin Fiziki Coğrafyası (Yayınlanmamış Doktora Tezi). Ege Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Coğrafya Anabilim Dalı, İzmir. Kaya, B., Daneshfaraz, R. (2006). Bornova Deresi Akımlarının İncelenmesi. Ege Üniversitesi Bilimsel Araştirma Proje Kesin Raporu (Proje No: 02-MÜH-018), Ege Üniversitesi, İzmir. Koçman, A. (1991). İzmir’in kentsel gelişimini etkileyen doğal çevre faktörleri ve bunlara ilişkin sorunlar. Coğrafya Araştırmaları, 3, Ankara, 101-122. Kostof, S. (1991). The City Shaped: Urban Patterns and Meanings Through History. Bullfinch Press, 352 pp. Lewis, P.H. (1996). Tomorrow by Design: A Regional Design Process for Sustainability. John Wiley and Sons, 258 pp. Meijer, M., Dubbeling, M. and Marcelis, A. (Eds.) (2005), Sustainable Urban Design: The Next Step. Blauwelruk, The Netherlands, 239 pp. The Infrastructure Research Initiative at SWA (2013). Landscape Infrastructure: Case Studies by SWA. Birkhäuser, Basel, 192 pp.

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CREATING A PUBLIC INTERIOR WITHIN A GRID LAYOUT: THE CASE OF BARCELONA/AVINGUDA DEL BOGATELL STREET Büşra Durmaz, Cihan Erçetin

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, TURKEY durmaz.busra88@gmail.com, cihanercetin@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION Grid urban layout was preferred as an effective pattern for many ancient settlements and contemporary cities. Barcelona city has started to experience grid layout process together with the Cerda Plan in 1850s in order to respond the question of urban growth. Today, Barcelona is considered one of the cities, which owns a spectacular reputation regarding its grid structure and Gaudi’s architectural interventions in the city. In recent few years, policy makers in Barcelona have initiated a process to make changes in grid structure to make it work more effectively due to several problems which is called new Superblock structure -a new public transport regulation on grid system which enables to make changes physically on Cerda’s grid system-. In this research , an old canal footprint will be studied to create an effectively working public street as a diagonal in a spesific part of existing grid structure. Research question is established on ‘how can a public interior be created on a historical canal in relation with new superblock structure?’ Finally, detailed alternative design solutions will be produced to contribute variety of thoughts in design solutions together with problems and benefits.

supported with 35m large streets and big avenues. Cerda plan also proposed to increase green spaces and gardens in each block (Wynn, 1979).

2. HISTORICITY OF BARCELONA’S MODERN GRID STRUCTURE

Figure 1. The Cerda Plan, 1859 (Source: Barcelona Municipality History Archieve)

In grid urban layout, roads create a rectangular network which creates identical building blocks having the opportunity to extend in any direction. This structure has been criticized due to its prodigality in terms of having all the streets with the same standard, excessive use of land, aesthetical monotony and lack of focus. However, creating hierarchical grid by diagonal arterials and minor grid streets seems to be solution for this critique (Lynch, 1985).

The Cerda grid plan basically depends on continuity of infrastructures and productive and residential forms. The main goal of this idea was taken as a new modern concept of the combination of multitude of movements between inhabitants and the elements of the contemporary city, which was thought to strengthen the relationship between human, economic growth and public space. In addition, within this grid layout local streets constitute the orthogonal grid layout and diagonal avenues create territories. The streets also create built and unbuilt spaces. Big building blocks between streets were assigned as industrial or non-residential, and other square small ones were as residential functions (Busquets, Joan and Corominas, & Miguel, 2009). In Figure 2, the residential uses in plan are obviously seen as mostly square blocks. Besides, main arterial diagonals and minor cross roads create variety in urban layout in Barcelona by the formation of different-size building

In Barcelona, Catalan civil engineer, Illdefons Cerda, prepared the first plan for the urban extension, which was considered as a revolution regarding its emphasis on hygiene, easy mobility and transportation on a modern grid-iron urban pattern. Living standards were optimized by creating 6m2 volume of air per person within the structure of orthogonal city blocks with 113 by 113 meters. (See: Figure 1.) The pattern was

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blocks for today’s current situation. However, some serious problems have started to emerge within this strict grid Cerda plan making policy makers take new precautions on urban transport design.

parks and green spaces-. According to World Health Organization cities need to own at least 9m2 per inhabitant; however, the whole Barcelona city only has 6.6 m2 green-spaces per capita -moreover, the pioneer implementation territory of Superblock project namely Eixample Neighborhood has only 1.85 m2 per inhabitants (Bausells, 2016). As a result of environmental and health problems among inhabitants, policy makers of local government in Barcelona has decided to implement a new superblock idea to decrease the occupancy of cars on urban space, increase the percentage of green areas and green streets and eliminate air pollution in the city. The specific project area in Eixample Neighborhood within one of the newly created superblock basically focusses on formation of a continuous public interior connecting three superblocks on one single green spine. 4. SOLUTION: ‘SUPERBLOCK’ IDEA

Figure 2. Overall network structure of Barcelona (Source: http://tr.depositphotos. com/12853525/stock-photo-barcelona-plan.html)

3. PROBLEMS EMERGED IN BARCELONA GRID URBAN LAYOUT Cerda grid plan emphasized mainly the fact that Barcelona city needed to be opened up ideologically and physically, and to distribute the population in the area evenly together with enabling green areas within each building block. However, almost all the grid lines were dominated by cars which also triggered pollution and increase in noise levels. In short, the reasoning that made policy makers think about the solutions against the problems of greening and health in 1850s has emerged again as a serious problem in contemporary grid of Barcelona (Bausells, 2016). According to a research carried out by Environmental Epidemiology Agency in 2015, if Barcelona performed the air quality standards of EU, it was seen that almost 1200 deaths could have been prevented in the city. The study also notes how the number of hospital cases increased in recent years in Barcelona due to air quality problems. Moreover, noise levels in the city become 61% higher because of city traffic and congestion levels (Trentini, 2016). In addition, air pollution in Barcelona itself has resulted in 3500 premature deaths in a year and also in detrimental effects on agriculture and ecosystems. Furthermore, some of the main reasons to generate a new superblock grid pattern idea are excessive road accidents -9,095 occurred in 2015-, sedentary lifestyles mostly effecting the future of kids who have not been got used to walking and sport, and scarcity of green areas in the city –particularly open public

According to ‘Agencia de Ecología Urbana de Barcelona’ (2015), superblock definition designed for Barcelona city as a new urban layout reforming the existing grid is mentioned as:

“The superblock (in physical terms) is composed of a set of basic roads forming a polygon or inner area (called intervía) that contains within it several blocks of the current urban fabric. This new urban cell has both an interior and exterior component. The interior (intervía) is closed to through vehicles and open to residents, primarily. The exterior forms the basic road network on the periphery, and is approximately 400 metres wide for use by motorized vehicles”. Superblock consists of several building blocks in which traffic flow is reorganized around the outside of main roads. The priority inside part of a superblock belongs to pedestrians and bicycle users (Figure 3). Exceptionally, inhabitants in superblock can drive inner streets with a low speed of 10km/h. those inner streets are also projected to fill with parks and recreational gardens. In addition, the new inner grid streets, left by cars, will become spaces of citizens for them to have new rights and functions such as commercial, culture and knowledge, participation and leisure time activity spaces in addition to use of inner streets as passageways (Peters, 2016).

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5. PROJECT AREA SELECTION, PRINCIPLES AND RESEARCH QUESTION The Eixample Neighborhood is selected as the pioneer implementation of superblock idea. The main research interest for the project area is derived from the issue of how an old diagonal can behave in new superblock structure of Barcelona as an integrative green spine of three different superblocks. The specific project area is called as a public interior (positioned in one of the superblock) between two welcoming entries (positioned in two separate superblocks) on an old historical canal, namely Av. De Bogatell Street today. Consequently, problems and potentials in the area, aim, vision, and finally design principles are noted as follows: Problems Figure 3. Entire superblock design layout for Barcelona (Source: http://www.barcelona.cat/ca/)

The new superblock renovation on Barcelonaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s grid will regain almost 60% of road space from car occupancy to citizens for different functions. Existing building blocks of the neighborhoods will be turned to superblocks which means joining almost nine building blocks into one continuing the orthogonality. (See: Figure 4.) The Eixample Neighborhood will be the first area selected for implementation. Main principles of Superblock design are humanizing public space, livability, sustainable mobility, green areas, biodiversity and local participation.

- The diagonal (old canal) has been used just as a passage and fragmented pedestrian way interrupted by many streets - Entries into todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s area are not clearly defined - Problems in the organization of unbuilt spaces existing within the area to attract citizens into it Potentials - The area has a strategic position within the Cerda Grid located as a diagonal - It has the potential to integrate three different newly proposed Superblocks on a single green line - The diagonal is an old canal which can be revealed as an historical attraction point - Existing public programs in the area create potentials to enrich newly projected public interior (library, schools, and sport areas). - Proposed Superblock urban layout perfectly fits into the strategy of creating public interior and its two welcoming entries Aim

Figure 4. Functioning of superblock Idea in comparison with current and new situations (Source: http://www.barcelona. cat/ca/)

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- Designing the area as a destination itself; not just a passageway together with the aims which are creating a public interior within superblock structure and integration of public programs with public interior. In Figure 5, it is seen that existing situation contains fragmented grid streets on diagonal and strict property boundaries shown with red line. In design case, existing public program potential is used to create a linear pedestrian public interior inserting more public programs and open spaces. In prospective design aim, urban functions are flourished by the uses of residential, commercial, urban parks, school and library.

- What kind of a public interior? - How unbuilt spaces can be used? How can they be organized? - How can it become a destination? - What kind of activities will bring special qualities to urban space? Design Principles Diagonal is planned as a destination itself; so the principles are; - Creating a public interior and two welcoming entries - Revealing old historical canal on the diagonal as a value - Accessibility: parking (park-and-ride & kiss-and-ride), cycling, public transport stops - New public private space hierarchy - Social inclusiveness - More public programs - More commercial activities Research question: â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;How can a public interior be created on a historical canal in relation with new superblock structure?â&#x20AC;&#x2122; 6. FINDINGS AND DESIGN SOLUTIONS

Figure 6. Proposed Design for Public Interior and Welcoming Entries as Conceptual Scheme

Figure 5. Design aims for public interior formation within proposed superblock structure

Vision - Design of a public interior together with two welcoming entries to make the diagonal a destination itself The questions asked by the project before design process are; - What to keep, what to change?

The line was old canal carrying water to old city. In 1861, a new plan was prepared for Barcelona applying a new grid pattern. This plan kept the line as an underground canal. In 1958, the line lost its canal activity; it owned being a vehicular road diagonal. Today, the line is used as not a canal or vehicular road; but as a pedestrian line. The diagonal does not even work as an efficient, continuous pedestrian line. It is fragmented by streets of Cerda Plan and only small public spaces remained. Today, despite the existing public programs in the area, the diagonal cannot be counted as a destination itself; it is used just as a passage from one place to another. In the new design, east and west blocks of the project are kept as welcoming entries on different Superblocks, and in the middle, a public interior is created with new commercial activities, cultural uses, sport areas and green spaces to create a linear continuous spine on an historical old canal. (See: Figure 6.)

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REFERENCES: Agencia de Ecología Urbana de Barcelona. (2015). BCNecologia. Superblocks, Retrieved from http://bcnecologia.net/en/conceptual-model/superblocks Bausells, M. (2016, May 17). The Guardian. Superblocks to the Rescue: Barcelona’s Plan to Give Streets Back to Residents, Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2016/may/17/ superblocks-rescue-barcelona-spain-plan-give-streets-back-residents Busquets, Joan and Corominas, & Miguel. (2009). Cerdà and the Barcelona of the Future: Reality versus Project. In Barcelona: Centre de Cultura Contemporània de Barcelona (s. 14-29). Lynch, K. (1985). Good City Form. Cambridge: MIT Press. Peters, A. (2016, May 23). Fastcoexist. Barcelona’s New, Huge “Superblocks” Are Designed To Stop Traffic, Fight Pollution, Retrieved from http://www.fastcoexist.com/3060066/ world-changing-ideas/barcelonas-new-huge-superblocks-are-designed-to-stop-traffic-fightpoll Trentini, S. (2016, June 02). TheCityFix. Creating “Super-Blocks” in Barcelona, Retrieved from http://thecityfix.com/blog/super-blocks-barcelona-sergio-trentini/ Wynn, M. (1979). Barcelona: Planning and Change 1854-1977. The Town Planning Review, 50(2), s. 185-203. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/40103366 IMAGES -Barcelona Municipality History Archieve -http://tr.depositphotos.com/12853525/stock-photo-barcelona-plan.html -http://www.barcelona.cat/ca/

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Parametric Morphology: An Interface Opening Morphology to Design Sadık Deniz Akman, Merve Başak, Ilgın Kurum, Burcu Uysal, Elif Eda Uzunoğulları

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, TURKEY sadikdenizakman@gmail.com, merve1784@gmail.com, ilginkurum@gmail.com, buurcu.uysal@gmail.com, elifeda1988@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION Etymologically, the code as a term was evolved from the Latin word of caudex, which means book of laws. In parallel with its root, it is, now, lexically defined as systemic statement of a body of law. Its originary meaning refers to its use in the domain of law; however, in the course of time, it has been entered in different domains such as genetics, computer programming, semiology and architecture with different meanings and attributes (Gleiniger & Vrachliotis, 2010). Therefore, codes may behave as regulatory in law, communicative in semiology, or generative in computer programming and genetics. As to urban planning, the use of codes is traced back to 14th century when a set of codes was annunciated as the regulations regarding the formation of cities in the American colonization period under the reign of Spain, known as the Laws of the Indies (Melendo and Verdejo, 2008). These regulations were attributed to as “the first town planning law in the modern era” (Benevolo, 1980, as cited in Carmona, et al., 2006). They were also been deemed as urban codes which establish the relationship between urban elements, rather than being rules for design of the buildings. The laws of the Indies consists of 148 ordinances. To illustrate, Ordinance 112 states that: “The main plaza is to be the starting point for the town […] the plaza should be square or rectangular.” and Ordinance 113 states that “The size of the plaza shall be proportioned to the number of inhabitants […] and it shall be not less than two hundred feet wide and three hundred feet long, nor larger than eight hundred feet long and five hundred and thirty feet wide. A good proportion is six hundred feet long and four hundred wide.” Urban coding in the modern context of urban design operates as a tool to control the urban form produced in accordance with the urban development pattern (Baş, 2003; Ünlü, 1999). Yet, it does not only pertain to modern era. Even in the antiquity, Vitrivius, in his work titled Ten Books on Architecture, presents the codes for urban order, public and private

buildings and building materials (Carmona, et al, 2006). With the evolution of the approaches to urban planning and design, the use of urban coding were exposed to alterations. According to Baş (2003), by the changing economic conditions of West after the modernist era, redefinition of the relationship between planning and design led to posit urban design outside the boundaries of urban planning, and, hence, urban coding has been given a new role within this emerging condition. In 2014-2015 academic year of METU Urban Design Master Program, urban coding and design codes have been considered as a control mechanism for the design process within a context in which the basic elements of the urban form and the coherence between them were defined. In the following part, this paper discusses the rationale behind the formation of code index and code matrix. 2. PARAMETRIC MORPHOLOGY: An Interface Opening Morphology to Design Through parametric morphology approach which is employed to conduct the design research, a code index and code matrix were produced to provide the layout for the formation of the parametric language of the urban form and to define the urban codes with their expected performances. Code Index: parametric definitions of the morphological elements of urban form The main aim of the research is to find out the relationship between the morphological elements of urban form. In the consequence of a wide literature research, the basic elements of urban morphology are defined as follows:

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- Street as a public thoroughfare in a built environment (Roth, 2001) - Block as the smallest unit of development that gives access to plots by streets or to streets by plots - Plot as a piece of land that represents â&#x20AC;&#x153;the smallest expression of undivided ownershipâ&#x20AC;? (Conzen and Conzen, 2004; 75).

A plot has edges and corners. (See: Figure 3.)

Building as any relatively permanent enclosed structure on a plot of land usually has covering surfaces, vertical surfaces and openings However, the basic definitions of these morphological elements is incapable of establishing a measurable relationship between them. Therefore, the elements of the urban form are re-defined by splitting them into smaller components. Accordingly; Figure 3. The components of plot

A street has sidewalk, lane, street median, frontage zone, pedestrian thorough zone, street furniture zone, buffer zone, travel lane and median strip. (See: Figure 1.)

A building has edges, corners, surfaces and openings. (See: Figure 4. and Figure 5.)

Figure 1. The components of street Figure 4. The components of building

An urban block has edges and corners. (See: Figure 2.)

Figure 5. The components of building

Figure 2. The components of urban block

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The code index is not limited to the definitions of the elements. In the following steps of the code index formation, the definitions through components fail to describe the existing typologies of urban elements.

Therefore, a column is added to the index, which categorizes the urban elements with respect to their attributes. Each attribute in the index is measured by a parameter. Oxford Dictionary defines the term parameter as â&#x20AC;&#x153;a numerical or other measurable factor forming one of a set that defines a system or sets the conditions of its operationâ&#x20AC;?. Figure 6 shows the attributes of each morphological element.

Code Matrix: the performative definitions of urban design codes Code matrix is a relational table of urban codes defined by rows and columns. Each relation between the urban elements corresponds to specific urban code which is parametrically established. That is to say each coupling corresponds to a certain parametric definition of a generative urban code. As an example, variety in depth code is the relation between lateral edge of the plot and lateral surface of the building, which is defined based on the parameter of length. Any changes in the length of the lateral side of the plot alters the extension potentiality of the building. As a result, one of the expected performances of variety in depth code is to increase the variety in configuration inside the urban block, in other words it provides opportunity to form various courtyards within the block.

Figure 6. Attributes of the elements of urban form

Figure 8 shows the notation of variety in depth code in code matrix.

For instance, in the case of plot, proportion attribute, is measured by frontal edge/lateral edge ratio whose parameter is length. Proportion attribute characterizes the plot whether it is deep and shallow or narrow and wide. Figure 7 illustrates the proportion attribute.

Figure 7. Proportion attribute of plot in code index

Code index is the table that enables to construct the language of urban morphology. Yet, it is not sufficient to illustrate the relationality of urban components with one another. In this regard, a code matrix was prepared so as to build the compositional and structural relationality between urban elements.

Figure 8. Variety in depth code

Based on the parameters, urban codes display flexibility in their performances. In other words, there is no precise performance that a code may provide. If its parameter changes, its performance varies accordingly. Thus, the expected performances were also given in the matrix. Furthermore, it is important to indicate how to read code matrix. If peered at, it is noticed that the code produced by the relation of plot with

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building is dissimilar with the one produced by the relation of building with plot. Code matrix and the correlation between urban elements are structured as seen in Figure 9. It should be noted that some codes based relations between the elements are one-way, which means only one conditions the formation of other coupling one.

the design codes and design framework.

Figure 10. Code-based transformation of the street (left: existing situation, middle: smooth transition, right: intersection)

As shown in Figure 11, it is a concept based on the continuity in transitionary space structure, and uses morphological interspaces as a tool to provide variety in pedestrian movement pattern both in horizontal and vertical space.

Figure 9. Structure of code matrix

By the definition of generative urban codes via the code matrix, it is assumed that certain urban areas with the desired performances can be designed. 3. CASE STUDIES Bostancı neighborhood in Kadıköy district of Istanbul was selected as a hypothetical study area for the design research conducted in METU MUD Programme. Through the test process, plug-in, called Grasshopper 3D was used to create design algorithms and to visualize the form variations produced. Case Study 1 : Continuity in transitionary space structure Case study 1 adopts a street based urban design approach. It focuses on the characteristics of the “street” and its capabilities to foster public life. Form generation aims to address the following issues; - Separating public and private domains from each other - Providing an integrity within domains - Ensuring the transitions and barriers Figure 10 shows the transformation of study area in accordance with

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Figure 11. Controlled variations in horizontal elements such as bridges, canopies, and terraces

Design algorithm: Frontal facades of the buildings in each level are recessed and extended from the street median in order that the volumetric transitionary spaces are formed in each street level. To that end, the main relationship that is established between the elements of the urban form in this design algorithm is between the street and building. The parameter on which street-building relation is established varies in each code constituting the design algorithm. Accordingly, The design algorithm starts with the designation of the points where the primary street intersects with the secondary streets. - Code 01: The number of intersections on the secondary streets determining the hierarchy (magnitude) of the intersection points on the primary street. (See: Figure 12.) Elements: Street-street Parameter: number of intersections on the secondary street

- Code 03: To create interspaces above the street level, the target points designated on the street level are moved to the upper levels. (See: Figure 14.) Elements: Street-Building Parameter: Expansion factor Figure 12. Hierarchy (magnitude) of the intersection points on the primary street

In each street segment -the segment of street between two intersection points on the primary street-, a target point is designated with a magnitude and location which are specified by the the attractor points. - Code 02 Expansion factor on the street level : The vertical surface of the building on street level is undulated (only recessed) in accordance with the magnitudes of target points designated, which is called (Figure 13). Elements: Street-Building Parameter: Expansion factor

Figure 14. Expansion factor above the street level

Since the form and distribution of undulation in each level vary, the variations in volumetric horizontal and vertical spaces are created by means of various recessions and extensions of the frontal facades. - Code 04: To increase horizontal interactions between the street levels, connections are formed where the distance between opposite vertical surfaces is the closest. Similarly, the vertical interactions are provided by vertical space volumes connecting the different street levels. (See: Figure 15.) Elements: Street-Building Parameter: Distance between vertical surfaces of buildings

Figure 13. Expansion factor on the street level.

Since the building envelope is kept same in each step of the algorithm, any changes in the coverage of plot by floor area of the building directly impacts the height of the building. Figure 15. Horizontal and vertical connections

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Variations: At the end of the design algorithm, generative urban codes provide diverse design variations. Figure 16 and 17 show the variations produced by the generative urban codes. Figure 19. Transformation of the area on the ground level (left: existing situation middle: courtyard system on the ground level, right: Increased permeability of the courtyard)

- Above the ground level, common and private spaces on each level of the buildings are created. (See: Figure 20.)

Figure 20. Transformation of study area above the ground level: common and private spaces on each level Figure 16. Two variations by the codes

Figure 18. Perspective view of an alternative form

Case Study 2: Continuity in Transitionary Space Structure Main aim of this study is to create open spaces within a hierarchical order consisting of public, common and private spaces on different levels of buildings. Rather than designing solids, voids are articulated within the urban block as design tools, in order to explore the block based design variations. - On the ground level, a public courtyard system is created by increasing the permeability of the block. (See: Figure 19.)

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Design algorithm: In parallel with the main design principles, the generative urban codes are collected under three headings as follows: - Codes to control the form and proportional distribution of voids in total envelope and in each level of block - Codes to control the articulation of form, spatial and proportional distribution of voids on the ground level - Codes to control the spatial distribution and height of voids above ground level - Code 01: Form of the voids; The block is placed on a grid layout consisting of 5x5 m2 units without any changes in the existing plot layout. (See: Figure 21.)

Figure 21. 5x5 grid layout on the existing plot layout

The grid system provides effective use of space within the urban block. Proportional distribution of voids in the total envelope and in each level of block: In the total envelope of block, void percentage is defined as 33%, according to the existing total building coverage ratio. Starting from the ground level of the building and moving upwards, the total percentage of voids is distributed with an increasing percentage rate. (See: Figure 22.) Elements: Plot-Building Parameter: Ratio between building coverage and height

Figure 24. Proportional distribution of voids on the ground level

Articulation of form of voids on the ground level: In order to provide variation in the form of courtyards, 5x5 grid units are attached to the voids on the ground level. (See: Figure 25.)

Figure 25. Articulation of form of voids on the ground level

Figure 22. The distribution of total void percentage with an increasing percentage rate

The ratio of voids is increased in order to create more common and private spaces on upper levels of the buildings. - Code 02: Spatial distribution of voids on the ground level: the attractor points are defined where lateral edges of plot intersect with block median. In order to specify the center of each courtyard, the impact area of each attractor point is illustrated by red. The public courtyards emerge from the center of the most intersected areas, illustrated by brighter red and mark of by X. The most intersected impact areas the most accessible points on the block median are provided. (See: Figure 23.) Elements: Block-Plot Parameter: Number of intersections of the impact areas

Figure 23. Spatial distribution of voids on the ground level

Proportional distribution of voids on the ground level: The void percentage of ground level which is predefined in accordance with proportional distribution of voids in the total envelope is distributed to two centers with the proportions of 1/3 and 2/3. (See: Figure 24.)

- Code 03: Spatial distribution of the voids above ground level: the voids above the ground level, named as carved spaces, are randomly distributed in each plot. If the carved spaces intersect with vertical surface of the building, they are characterized as private spaces. If not, carved spaces are characterized as common spaces. (See: Figure 26.)

Figure 26. Spatial distribution of voids above the ground level

Height of the voids above the ground level is determined by the criterion of the height of building level that is equal to or larger than width of the void. Common spaces are open up to the highest level of building. (See: Figure 27.) Element: Building-Building Parameter: Height of building level/width of void â&#x2030;Ľ 1

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Figure 29. 3D view of the form generated

4. CONCLUSION

Figure 27. Height of the voids above the ground level The determination of height of the voids by the ratio given above provides effective sun exposure for each private and common spaces.

Variations: n order to test the capacity of generative urban codes to create alternative design solutions for desired performances, a variation matrix is prepared, which is formed based on number of floors and void percentage. In the vertical axis void percentage in total envelope of block is kept constant, while the number of floors varies. In the horizontal axis, the number of floors is kept constant while the void percentage in total envelope of block varies.

Adopting parametric morphology approach, the urban design research concentrates on generating complex urban fabrics with the design codes. In order to systematically define generative urban codes with the aspects of urban morphology, a code index constituting the language of complex urban forms and a code matrix correlating the different elements of urban form on a performative basis, were produced. As a follow up phase of the design research, the generative urban codes were tested on a hypothetical context in Kadiköy district of Istanbul, Turkey. The tests were aimed to reach more than one unique end product. In line with the digital form generation techniques, variations in the formation of block were enabled by the algorithmic thinking. The design research conducted by METU Master of Urban Design investigated the the intrinsic relationship between code and design, and operates a code based design approach to generate and control the complex urban forms. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This research is a collaborative work of UD studio members and Parametric Urban Design class in 2014-2015 academic year of Urban Design Master Programme. Therefore, we owe our colleagues, Elif Eda Uzunoğulları, Ilgın Kurum, Sadık Deniz Akman, Ensar Temizel, Nilay Nida Can and Didem Yönter and our professors Mehmet Adnan Barlas, Olgu Çalışkan, Cansu Canaran, Yavuz Baver Barut, Gökhan Ongun a great gratitude. REFERENCES: Baş, Y. (2003). Designing urban space with the tools of the development legislation, unpublished MSc thesis, Ankara: METU Carmona, M., Marshall, S. & Stevens, Q. (2006). Design codes: their use and potential. Oxford: Elsevier Conzen, M. R. G. & Conzen, M. P. (2004). Thinking about urban form: papers on urban morphology, 1932-1998. Oxford: Peter Lang Gleiniger, A. & Vrachliotis, G. (2010). Code: between operation and narration. Basel: Birkhaeuser Leonard, W.R & Crawford, M. H. (Eds.). (2002). Human Biology of pastoral populations. Cambridge, NY: Cambridge University Press

Figure 28. Variation matrix

Melondo, J.M.A. and Verdejo, J.R.J. (2008). Spanish - American Urbanism Based on the Laws of the Indies: A Comparative Solar Access Study of Eight Cities. [Presentation]. Paper presented at 25th Conference on Passive and Low Energy Architecture. Dublin, Ireland Roth, L. (2001). American architecture: a history. Boulder, CO: Westview Press Ünlü, T. (1999). Urban Coding as a Tool to Control Urban Form, unpublished MSc thesis, Ankara: METU

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QUESTIONING DIFFERENT PERSPECTIVES IN COURTYARD HOUSING: TULOU COLLECTIVE HOUSING PROJECT IN CHINA Cihan Erçetin, Büşra Durmaz

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, TURKEY durmaz.busra88@gmail.com, cihanercetin@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION Courtyard housing owns its roots from many centuries ago in different parts of the world. When courtyard housing is mentioned, it is mostly considered as one of the housing design tools to form an architectural type which creates a semi-private urban space in between housing blocks. On the other hand, there are many different types of courtyard housing which constitutes different sorts of the relationship between private and public spaces. In this research, for the first part, courtyard housing perspectives will be investigated as indicators considering its several attributes such as different privacy and public space mechanisms, relationship with culture&tradition, and means of communication within and outside of courtyard. In the second part, Tulou Collective Housing Project in China will be analyzed. Tulou housing project is basically a prototype for social housing -for low income people- inspired by traditional the multi family, fortress like circular ‘earth house’ in the rural areas of Fujian district. The modern prototype is a representation of the traditional one designed to enable a courtyard housing life style as social housing. This project will be examined in this research by mentioning at first the traditional one and then the modern one putting the emphasis on courtyard housing attributes of the first part. In the end, this research is expected to reveal some facts and perspectives about adopting traditional courtyard housing into our modern world emphasizing the positive and negative aspects. 2. DETERMINED INDICATORS OF COURTYARD HOUSING FOR THE ANALYSIS Privacy Mechanism The very first appearance of courtyard housing dates back to 6000s BC. in Jordan Valley. Attaining a courtyard privacy and semi-privacy was even one of the major concerns of nomadic people in Middle East by orienting the tents towards a conserved central space. In the Gulf, a

similar circular orientation was made for tents to enable and organize security and privacy (Aldersley, 2014). The inhabitants of these nations tried to obtain privacy as one of their fundamental ambition and courtyard was used as a prior tool for privacy. Basically, in ancient times and nowadays, people seek protection from environmental disasters and outsider people, and the concept of privacy in courtyard housing was derived to create a control of connection between inside private and outside public area as a sequence of spaces (Nejadriahi & Dinçyürek, 2015). According to Rapoport (2007), “the form of the relation between the private and public domains — via a ‘lock,’ rather than without such a lock and with a permeable boundary — is more fundamental than the shape of the domains”. In other words, the transition point is quite significant to determine privacy sequence of urban space in courtyard housing. Besides, there are two basic courtyard form typology which are the inside-out city and the houses face outward relating to directly to the street. The forms of private and public spaces may vary regarding tradition, tribe, culture, religion and the degree of modernization (Rapoport, 1977). The privacy levels of these different typologies are also different; i.e. outward facing ones have an abrupt interface from private to public, and the inside-out city ones has sequence levels from private to public which are designed to create a separate an inner life at the inside of courtyard. Means of Communication A house reveals the social communication which determines interpersonal relationship and communication styles. It also dedicates the social network within the living environment and social class of its owner (Heathcode, 2012 and Altman & Chemers, 1984). Communication in courtyard houses means the relationship between different layers of publicity and privacy hierarchy in urban space among inhabitants. This communicating behavior is determined by the form and function of courtyard

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sub-spaces which create interfaces between private and public domain. Rapoport (2007) considers the means communication in courtyard housing as mostly a problem. The focus on individual identity and private life rather than a community identity, although it is considered as the advantageous aspect of courtyard housing for some people, this circumstance creates problems for those forming a part of settlement fabric. This kind of self-enclosed courtyard houses own communication problems with outer environment compared to the residential units positioned on free standing houses or blocks.

oped in terms of defense village residences in history (Architecture in Development, 2011).

Relationship with Culture and Tradition In this research, what is meant by the relation with culture&tradition is whether re-implementation of a historic traditional courtyard structure can (need to) maintain its original habits in the contemporary one or not. This topic also analyzes the relationship between dwelling culture and courtyard physical form questioning whether this relationship is controllable through architectural design or not. 3. AIM AND METHOD OF ANALYSIS The aim of this research is questioning the adaptation of traditional courtyard housing into current architectural implementation upon an example from China, Tulou Collective Housing Project by determining some facts and perspectives. In this research, sequence of analysis is firstly literature review on courtyards to determine specific indicators to question the implementation of traditional courtyard design into current modern world, explaining the Tulou project to reveal a specific case to achieve the aim of research, and finally addressing some questions to project regarding the indicators at the first part to bring the Tulou project and traditional courtyard implementation to today’s world up for discussion in order to contribute the progress of research. 4. TULOU COLLECTIVE HOUSING PROJECT (CHINA) The architectural approach of Tulou project is originally a courtyard housing dwelling unit specific to Hakka people as a communal composition of residential units (Urbanus, 2008). In this analysis, Fujian Tulou is used to refer traditional living house in Fujian for Hakka people as a specific community established between 13th and 20th Century as a multi-storey living settlement made of clay. As a result of migration to north China, many of them were Hakka people, Wuyi Mountains were inhabited by constructing these circular settlement units. The ancient circle shaped courtyard houses were enclosed with fortified buildings to protect themselves from external dangers such as fierce animals and thieves. (See: Figure 1.) The Tulou is considered as the largest, devel-

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Figure 1. Fujian Tulou for Hakka people in China as the inspiraton for contemporary courtyard housing in China (Source: http://architectureindevelopment.org/ project.php?id=19#!prettyPhoto)

The modern project is called ‘Tulou Collective Housing’ established in Nanhai, Guangdong/China. The migrant population to Guangdong increased the real estate prices in the district which made owning or renting a residential unit difficult for the new comers and existing inhabitants. Therefore, local policy makers came up with a creative solution as a pioneer alternative to China’s contemporary housing which is Tulou Collective Housing Project. The social class target of this project is low income people as social housing. The architectural design of residential blocks is as fortified circular blocks having 7-storey. There is also a roof garden and a square shaped courtyard inside the block as a communal semi-private space. Geometric layout of architectural design consists of an outer circle and inner rectangular block, connected by bridges to each other. The space left in between these outer and inner blocks, corridors, bridges, terrace and middle square are also in communal use of courtyard inhabitants as interaction spaces. (See: Figure 2.) The project is inspired by traditional Tulou Housing in rural areas of Fujian province. This social housing project also includes living, storage, shopping, religious amenities, and public entertainment facilities within a single circular outer shaped building block entity. The design philosophy of new social housing project was mentioned as “closed outside, open inside”. The main distinction between vernacular Tulou design and new modern design as courtyard housing is related to climate sensitivity. Fujian traditional Tulou has few windows to disable the penetration of sun into block and smaller courtyard with thick walls due to longer summer sea-

son. On the other hand, the contemporary courtyard implementation project in Guangdong gives extra living spaces to inhabitants by the addition of balconies to each residential unit. (See: Figure 3.) For most of the observers, the project is considered as successful since it addresses how an old vernacular architectural design can reveal inspiration for modern low income housing (Lin, 2013).

Figure 3. Contemporary Tulou Collective Housing Project (a) the Main and Only Entrance of Courtyard, (b) Faรงade with Balconies, (c) View from the Street and Fenced Surrounding of Courtyard (Source: http://www.architectureindevelopment.org/project.php?id=346#!prettyPhoto)

5. QUESTIONS OF ANALYSIS In this final part of the study, the research is elaborated through several questions regarding different perspectives from pre-determined three indicators of courtyard housing. In this respect, some questions are mentioned to conclude the discussion as follows. - What are the basic features of privacy mechanism in traditional Tulou houses and its contemporary adaptation? - If modern collective housing project of Tulou is considered together with its surrounding socio-economic context, does the increase in privacy in such a courtyard housing make the environment more socially sustainable or not?

Figure 2. Contemporary Tulou Collective Housing Project as an Inspiration of Vernacular Tulou Housing (a) General Layout of Outer Circular, Inner Rectangular Blocks and Courtyard in the Middle, (b) View from Corridors as One of the Communal Interaction Spaces, (c) Bridges as Common Spaces within Building Block (Source: http://www.urbanus.com.cn/projects/tulou-collective-housing/?lang=en)

Firstly, in each project privacy mechanisms are established with separate living units adjacent to each other within courtyard. In traditional Tulou housing, middle courtyard, transition corridors and spaces, and communal storage rooms inside the building were used as places other than private spaces of individual entities. Although the privacy mechanism in traditional Tulou reflects a private defense to outside externalities because of security reasons, a sort of communal life and semi-privacy was provided inside the courtyard. As in traditional Tulou, private life goes on inside individual living units in contemporary collective housing project. Different from traditional one, private living units are not shared with other persons; that is, a living unit is considered as completely private and it is isolated from semi-private and semi-public life of courtyard housing. Inside the courtyard, there are middle court, corridors between set of single living units and bridges between structural parts of build

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ing which are semi-private and semi-public spaces. As in traditional one, the social life is almost segregated from the outside environment and its sociality by the existence of a locked gate which can only be opened to residents of courtyard housing and their pre-allowed guests. The contemporary Tulou courtyard housing project was positioned to an area. The socio-economic condition of that area is different from the residents living in contemporary Tulou project. Tulou project was positioned to an area close to city center; thus, high-rise offices and prestigious residences are seen at the surroundings. The population living in contemporary Tulou project is consists of laborers and low income workers which puts forth the socio-economic differentiation. In this project, privacy within courtyard is increased between individuals through creating a sort of gated community with a controllable entrance against outside environment. Regarding the correlation between the old and new Tulou designs, whilst the old one was a fortified one to be protected from enemy attacks and fierce animals, the new Tulou project has been strictly enclosed against the outside social life. Consequently, this feature makes contemporary Tulou project more socially exclusive. In other words, in social aspect, this project created alienation to outside environment for the residents of Tulou project since it provides almost all the residents need for living inside the courtyard block. Therefore, what makes the project more socially-unsustainable is focusing intensively on privacy of community and individuals living inside, because this project makes any difference from prestigious gated-communities in terms of social inclusion and privacy. - Can the re-implementation of Tulou historic traditional courtyard structure in the contemporary project reflect cultural&traditional characteristics of the old one? - Is the relationship with culture&tradition is controllable through architectural design or not? The cultural-traditional identity of the old Tulou houses consists mainly of living a communal life inside the block. The residents of traditional Tulou were sharing almost all they have as goods and other things to sustain their life. They had common storage for foods and collective work inside the block was quite prominent. Their tradition was established upon staying and acting together to have a better life quality and to protect themselves from externalities. In the new Tulou design, much of those traditional characteristics have changed. They do not share with each other or act together anymore in the new courtyard block. The only fact remained as the thing that they share is the communal spaces as middle court and corridors-bridges. However, it is obvious that the historicity contexts of these two projects are completely different, and one cannot expect to observe these two projects as traditionally

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same. Yet, the architect tried to reflect some cultural aspects of the old Tulou design. The architectural principle of ‘e-shaped loop’ was kept, and architectural design achieved to insert that much of residents on a relatively small land by making them benefit from communal rights and, sun and residing advantages equally. Architectural design also achieved to provide various residential unit types to low income workers, which is not commonly seen in parts of cities. And also, architectural design achieved to keep a communal social life inside the court as in the traditional one. In conclusion, the new Tulou re-implementation project can be considered as successful in terms of architectural design and physical space use. However, there are still questionable areas in the new design in terms basically of communication between individual, and communication of community living inside the block with outside environment. The fear of social segregation of courtyard houses as small set of communities have the possibility to come off with the existing understanding of this type of architectural design.

REFERENCES: Aldersley, J. (2014). The National Arts&Life. How courtyard houses and gardens are being reintroduced in the UAE, Retrieved from http://www.thenational.ae/arts-lifestyle/home-garden/ how-courtyard-houses-and-gardens-are-being-reintroduced-in-the-uae#page2 Altman, I., & Chemers, M. (1984). Culture and Environment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Architecture in Development. (2011). Re-connecting Sustainable Development to Architecture. Fujian, China-Fujian Tulou, Retrieved from http://architectureindevelopment.org/project.php?id=19 Heathcode, E. (2012). The Meaning of Home. London: Frances Lincoln Limited. Lin, S. (2013). Architecture in Development: Re-connecting Sustainable Development to Architecture. Nanhai, Guangdong, China: Tulou Collective Housing, Retrieved from http://www. architectureindevelopment.org/project.php?id=346 Nejadriahi, H., & Dinçyürek, Ö. (2015). Identifying Privacy Concerns on the Formation of Courtyards. Open House International, s. 18-24. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/ docview/1792477234/fulltextPDF/99ABEFC67FA14C57PQ/1?accountid=17215 Rapoport, A. (1977). Human Aspects of Urban Form. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Rapoport, A. (2007). The Nature of the Courtyard House: A Conceptual Analysis. TDSR, 18(2), s. 57-72, Retrieved from http://iaste.berkeley.edu/pdfs/18.2e-Spr07rapoport-sml.pdf Urbanus. (2008). URBANUS. Tulou Collective Housing, Retrieved from http://www.urbanus. com.cn/projects/tulou-collective-housing/?lang=en

Plot-BY-plot URBAN TRANSFORMATION IN INNER CITY NEIGHBOURHOODS OF IZMIR Işın Can [1], Berna Yaylalı Yıldız [2], İpek Ek [2]

[1] İzmir Institute of Technology, Faculty of Architecture, [2] Gediz University, Faculty of Engineering and Architecture, İzmir, TURKEY

isincan@iyte.edu.tr, berna.yildiz@gediz.edu.tr, ipek.ek@gediz.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION Is it regeneration or transformation? Although there is a subtle difference between these two words former is more related with bringing new life while the latter is mostly about changing the form or character of a thing. In the western literature ‘regeneration’ is being used more frequently compared to its counterparts such as renewal, revitalisation especially since 1990s (Tallon, 2010). However, it is also interesting that in Turkish literature, we use ‘transformation’ more compared to the other, which is more related with alteration. In Turkey ‘urban transformation’ was called together with the reclamation plans of gecekondu areas. This was realized through acts and policies. As well as the regeneration projects of historical centres and their peripheries were put in agenda by local and central authorities since 1980s via series of laws and bylwas by the one called. (i.e. 3194, 2981, 5104, 5366, 5393-73) (Sisman and Kibaroglu, 2009), and recently 6306. This bylaw is about the urban transformation via buildings under the risk of earthquake and damage. It is related with the identification of reserved building areas, demolition of the risky buildings, planning, estimating the value of the property, and agreeing with the owners/residents about the subsidies during the process. In this paper we concentrate on plot-by-plot transformations rather than urban blocks. Therefore we will look how the transformation is realised on plot scale in inner city neighbourhood of Izmir, Hatay district. With the act of 6306, one of the condominium owners is eligible to apply for the identification of the building under earthquake risk. Province Department of the Ministry of Environment and Urbanization (PDMEU) prepares the report of the building whether it is under risk or not. Report is sent to Land Registry Office and they inform the owners via written notice. And within 60 days owners should agree with a developer and have the building knocked down. After this stage, the process operates between developers, owners and the municipalities. Central government supports residents for renting a flat for 18 months or providing

bank loans and condominium owners are exempted from various taxes. There are different usage and negotiation models between developers and owners. For instance, developers can reduce the total construction area and try to have more households. Or they pay the price of the building and freely redesign the building within the plot. Authorities we have interviewed usually complained that in Izmir, there is not any transformation on urban-block, instead it is plot-based which does not offer much in terms of spatial organisation and design. Regarding the definition of urban transformation or regeneration, in the literature, it is mentioned that this practise would achieve its goal if it considers the so-called area under urban transformation within the context of ‘people, business, and place’ (Turok, 2005 cited in Tallon, 2010; 5), socio-economic development, conservation, democratically organized groups, community involvement, and governance (Tallon, 2010; Ataov and Osmay, 2007). Neither in plot-by-plot transformation nor ‘piece by piece’[1] (Lang, 2005) transformation, it is difficult to say that those criteria are involved in Turkey. They are not a part of a strategic plan or vision. We should criticize the transformation, which is only driven by one classification in law that is being under disaster risk. Although they are incremental developments, we should consider how these projects could be operated under a holistic view and planning. Otherwise they cannot move beyond being ‘ad-hoc’ attempts and temporary solutions (Hausner, 1993 cited in Tallon, 2010; 5). 2. METHODOLOGY Case Definition In this study we focus on Hatay, district locality in central Izmir. It is difficult to define a boundary of the district as each period and government defines districts’ names and boundaries differently. We came across with the name ‘Hatay’ in literature (Bilsel, 2009, Güner, 2006, Yüksel, 2006) by 1950s. Hatay was uttered together with the construction

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of Mısırlı (Hatay) Street after the approval of ‘Izmir City Development Plan’ in 1953. Kemal Ahmet Aru and his colleagues developed the plan according to functionalist planning approaches. There was continuity with the Corbusier’s plan regarding some of the proposals. Development plan and the report of Corbusier were important in terms of giving the initial ideas about the new residential and development areas of Izmir to subsequent plans.

Figure 1. Registered risky buildings in Hatay, İzmir

part of İnönü Street and Çankaya Neighbourhood, Murat Reis Neighbourhood, and Piri Reis Neighbourhood at the north. In 2008 with the act of 5747, neighbourhoods within the south part of İnönü Street were linked with Karabağlar County and Governance and the other three stayed under the governance of Konak County. This division created some bureaucratic problems in the management of the district. In this study, our aim is to understand the urban transformation concept within the scale of plot-by-plot development from the perspectives of various actors such as local authorities, developers, and residents. Due to the time limit, in this research, we only focused on developers and authorities, as a further study we will involve residents. We developed semi-structured interviews with the local authorities and developers. First, we have collected data from PDMEU on the risky buildings of Hatay district. We did an interview with PDMEU and ‘Izmir Urban Transformation Incorporate’ (IUTI). We registered those risky buildings (74 buildings in total) on the map to see where they are dense. As you can see from the map (See: Figure 1.), south part of İnönü Street is denser than the north part; therefore we chose to focus in two neighbourhoods of Hatay, Arap Hasan Neighbourhood and Basın Sitesi Neighbourhood. (See: Figures 2 and 3)

He was proposing a new residential area with a linear axis called Mısırlı Caddesi (İnönü Street) and with Varyant Road connecting the city centre Konak with Hatay. This was realized through Aru’s plan in the 1950s. Hatay district developed around this road with rent houses and family apartments. In this period, Hatay was becoming a residential district for mainly middle-income groups. As Güner (2006) mentions, till the end of the 1960s it was possible to see buildings designed by a few qualified architects in the centre, but as well as in the periphery districts such as Hatay, Güzelyalı, Karşıyaka, and Buca. Consequently, Hatay developed after the 1950s with the new development plans and due to the need for new residential areas. In 1965 , with the ‘Condominium Act’, as a different type of speculator, previously mentioned family and rent houses/apartments knocked down in order to build 5-6 storey buildings. This situation increased the vertical silhouette of the district and ‘1985 Development Plan of Hatay’ legitimized this vertical and horizontal expansion of the buildings. Therefore there is lack of green areas and footprints of the houses enlarged within the same plot and same infrastructure; therefore the recent urban morphology of Hatay is very compact. Method of the Research Today, Hatay district mainly forms of five neighbourhoods, which are Arap Hasan, Neighbourhood, Basın Sitesi Neighbourhood at the south

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Figure 2. Development Plan of Hatay, Basın Sitesi and Arap Hasan Neighbourhoods (2016) (Source: Karabaglar County Municipality)

Secondly, we did interviews with developers who were operating mainly in this area. We have chosen different types of buildings: both from the main street and side streets. From our interviews we have defined four criteria to discuss plot-byplot development in Hatay: • Definition of urban transformation in plot-by-plot development, • Bureaucratic and legal process (problems faced within the process) • Design criteria, spatial organization of the new building, plot-stree,t relationship • Participation of residents.

“We are doing development planning not urban planning. Our criterion is to consider and follow regulations, setbacks such as 5m from front, 3m from rears. We cannot include design and three dimension, we are only using technology by registering the buildings and using GIS”. (County Municipality). Bureaucratic and Legal Process: Problems Faced within the Process All local authorities mentioned that Izmir consisted of old buildings from the 1980s, which were produced by yap-sat (build-sell) systems. Therefore there is a need for regeneration. However due to the licensed buildings, now it is even more difficult to pursue the transformation blockby-block. As PDMEU emphasized in Izmir applications for the evaluation of risky buildings are more than in Istanbul and Ankara per month. In Izmir, there were 397 applications and 349 approvals in June 2016.

Figure 3. Urban transformation in Hatay, Arap Hasan Neighbourhood on 260 Sokak in 2016

3. CASE STUDY Definition of Urban Transformation in Plot by Plot Development PDMEU define the main aim for pursuing urban transformation under eight categories such as; safer cities under disaster risk, with a good infrastructure, environmentally-friendly, energy efficient, and aesthetical buildings, higher life quality, an area providing economic and social development, and in-situ transformation (WEB1, 2016). All these issues mentioned above are debatable since they are included in plot-by-plot transformation. Urban transformation covers total or piece-by-piece developments rather than plot-by-plot changes. In our interviews, all actors either from local authority, central government or developer define urban transformation in similar ways:

“Urban transformation is a kind of regeneration. Here main aim is to have more green spaces, parks, children playgrounds, more liveable, modern, spacious, and more robust buildings”. (IUTI). “Now when buildings are knocked down and rebuild, their infrastructure is the same, there is not any car parking, façade arrangement, green spaces, nothing. Maybe you have one more floor due to total building area ratio (Emsal), or maybe less which is even worse.” (PDMEU). “This name is wrong, we should not call it as ‘urban transformation’. This is renewing the old, knocking the old building in order to build the new one” (Developer-1).

With 5393/73, we know that municipalities are exempted of developing large-scale urban areas. In addition to the lack of communication, specifically county municipalities complain about being out of the authorization about these areas both by the central government and metropolitan municipality. They use the term ‘by pass’ for being not commissioned for those areas, and therefore, they cannot develop a strategy for an area as they don’t know what it is going to be in future. There is a hierarchy within the bureaucracy and there is no coordination between these institutions. Laws are changing frequently and this also creates confusion. County municipality emphasizes that there was ‘metropolitan law’ before and now there is ‘planned areas type development law’ (Planlı Alanlar Tip Imar Yönetmeliği). We can see their influence in the built environment. There is a difference between the heights; one is 2.40 m while the other is 3.50 m. When 6306 Law was first enacted, it was abused both by users and developers. For instance, some owners had rent support for ten units or they registered an annex of a building as risky building and benefit from the law without paying fees to the municipality and at the same time having many apartment units. There is acceleration in the transformation of Karabağlar County, because housing units consist of mostly risky buildings from the 1980s. Therefore Karabağlar County Municipality prepared development plans in a limited time in order to, at least, give space for gardens through setting back the building foot prints, enlarging roads, and proposing detached houses. As Developer-1 mentioned, it is expected that most buildings will be risky and cannot take an accreditation because they were built with C20 concrete. When the law first operative there was more advantages. But due to the negative use, this has changed. There is also a conflict between developers and municipalities regard-

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ing the mass (gabari) of the building. Developer-2 mentioned that there are implementation problems within the law because there are various kinds of owners and tenants, thus, there must be different models. 3/2 is problematic, municipality has a speculation fear, but there has to be floor area ratio (FAR) implementation, where the land is assembled and designed together with free building heights. Because inner city neighbourhoods lack green spaces, there are mostly attached buildings and car parking is a big issue. In the development plan, there is still the rule of one car to three households, which is out of date. There are infrastructure problems; existing infrastructure does not match with the new building’s requirements. Developers are not encouraged and commissioned within the process. Owners who bought a house through mortgage can have a debt when they are transferred to the new house. There is a big time-loss during the processing of documents within the departments of the municipality. Additionally, there are differences between the progressing and procedures of each municipality. As well as requirements for the development of the site can be different from one county to the other. Developers pay fees to different departments either to central or county municipalities depending on the area they pursue building (Developer-2). Design Criteria, Spatial Organization of the New Building and Plot-street Relationship Perspectives of the local authorities and developers differ based on scale: the former considers the situation generally in urban scale, while the latter interpret it in architectural scale. The authorities that we have interviewed have parallel views in terms of the design criteria, spatial organization and plot-street relation in recent implementations. They stated that design decisions taken on urban scale are only determined according to the development plans of the pieces rather than the plots. The only aim of the developers as well as the residents is to gain much area to build, more floors and units to possess. Thus, much profit to make. Setback distances are adjusted to the minimum to provide the most profit for only developers and residents. Relationships between the new buildings and streets are ignored by undervaluing transitional zones in-between the two for providing spatial hierarchy as well as green areas for urban-users. Some of the plots should also be reserved for playgrounds, car parks, and green areas in the development plans; however, these decisions should be taken holistically to provide the whole piece with green-continuity, rather than providing single or a few plants in different plots. On the other hand, these authorities described the design criteria in architectural scale as durable, spacious, environmentally-friendly, and modern. Here, by ‘durability’, they refer to Vitruvus concept of firmitas, while by ‘spaciousness’, they imply that of utilitas (utility). They accept that the buildings erected after the

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final act of urban transformation only meet durability by the very aim of this act. Loss in building area is one of the main problems determining the plan typologies of housing as well as the financial gains. The three developers have parallel views about that the residents living in Hatay are mostly middle-income inhabitants and elderly people. Therefore, the decorative qualities of the units are determined accordingly, with modest quality-preferences for materials and details. Room types and numbers are also determined in accordance with the incomes of the residents as well as the general tendencies seen in the vicinity housing. In Hatay, neither an additional space nor the quality of the material or décor increases sales potential and monetary value of the units. The developers try to produce more commercial units at the grounfloor, if the building locates on İnönü Street, while they try to produce more housing units, if the building locates on the side-streets. Apart from the profit-based changes, almost nothing is offered by the developers to increase design quality; for example, designing an environmentally-friendly, energy efficient or smart building is not among the design considerations. For the purpose of landscape design and integration of the building with the street, the developers may sometimes add a garden having a few plants. They fit the building to the minimum limits of setback distances to raise the profit, without considering the losses in proportional relationships between urban solids and voids, and the use of street. Similar to the local authorities’ views, to prevent an arhythmical settlement-design in both section and plan, the developers emphasized that the design of plots should be considered holistically. The developers also criticized that the implementations in Turkey can be considered as ‘building’ regeneration projects rather than the ones of ‘urban’ regeneration or transformation, because the main aim of the related bylaw is only about erecting buildings having better resistance to earthquakes. Design preferences about exterior spaces should be defined by design codes. Therefore, the municipalities should prepare design guides of the prevalent/conventional architectural styles for the plots by offering design principles for façades with proportional and materialistic alternatives. Only these codes, according to the developers, can set a respectful collaboration between all parties including the architects, developers, residents, and local authorities. Participation of Residents Plot-scale planning process in Hatay is mainly based on development plans and plan notes. Additionally, participation of the residents to the

design and decision-making process occurs hardly. As the setbacks, plot coverage and building heights in Hatay region within the plot are strictly defined in the 1980s’ development plans and not changed in years by the local authorities; both the developers and inhabitants don’t participate to urban transformation process. One of the local authorities defines this process in Hatay insoluble and heavy going because of the density of licensed plots. Most of the developers define the production of new apartments in existing plots considering the urban transformation rules as difficult and slow to make progress. Nevertheless, both the local authorities and developers find some ways for the public participation in the design and decision making process as a way of preserving the needs of the existing inhabitants within the limits of development plans. Especially, private developers had a great influence on shaping the physical form of Hatay. Developers stated that participation of the users is based on keeping their rights in the private zones: They meet with the different request of the users, some require the change in their floor levels or the positions of the units in the floors, some require different payment models that they don’t need to take the loan for finishing the construction. It is unsurprising that first priority all of the inhabitants is to keep the square meters inside the homes. Developers offer different models to integrate the users into design process of the unit. Developer-3 stated that he draws the plan himself by considering the needs of residents after making negotiations with them, and then, makes an agreement with an architect to get his/her sign for that plan officially. The same developer also gave an unusual example about the change in spatial organization required especially by the residents: they asked whether the entrance to the new unit opens directly to the living room; and the developer drew the plan accordingly without an entrance hall. In addition, choosing some interior design materials like colours of the rooms, materials of the doors etc. are left to common decisions of the users. On the contrary, Developer-2 defines each step in the design process both in interior and urban design scale. Before making an agreement with the households, it presents the possible floor plans designed for other buildings, gives the lists of the construction materials that will be used inside the units as well as it shows the households the previous units. He stated that they don’t give any chance to users for participate into design process because they think encouraging participation of inhabitants is time-consuming. Urban transformation is also an opportunity in solving the car parking problems and upgrading green spaces within the plots. However, the most surprising aspect in participation of the users is that users do not express any comments about the use of open spaces, car parks and landscape design within the plot. Although most of the existing apart-

ments do not have enough space for car park both under the buildings and on streets, as developers stated inhabitants don’t request for car park area or green spaces because of the loss of private space within the plot. All the developers follows the car park regulations of ministries and they state if the ministry gives an option for not to construct car park and give additional fee to municipalities, they prefer not to design car park. In reality, according to public housing laws (article 64), developers should plant a tree for every 25 square meter open space in order to have residence license. However, the local authorities do not control the type of trees planted, and the obligation of planting trees turns into an activity of adding some ornamental trees or putting some benches regardless of any serious attempts for upgrading public environment. 4. CONCLUSION In this study, we have questioned the so-called urban transformation based on plot-by-plot development. In this type of development, we cannot talk about urban transformation as it ideally more related with ‘urban’ issues such as people, green spaces, social and economic development, providing business, and place making. Moreover, there is the question of incremental development with the lack of coordination between small scale and urban scale developments and plans. Additionally there is inadequate communication and conflict between different actors of the process. What we can see from the research is that we should encourage place making in our inner city neighbourhoods. All actors support urban block based transformation but then there is the fear of speculation and controlling the design process. In Hatay, globally known companies such as Starbucks, McDonalds, and KFC started to take place and this is a sign that the neighbourhood is globally integrating but, on the other hand, isn’t it a sign of gentrification? Where do the local shops go? Where do the previous residents go? We have to keep in mind that all the actors have responsibilities in this process. There should be collective works between all the actors together with transparency. Different urban design tools can be developed in order to manage the urban change and management such as design codes and guides for each district and quarter. However, we have to understand that plot is the main cell of the urban tissue and this bottom-up development should be in cooperation with top-down decisions. There must be more incentives for developers through controlling design process while involving both the users and developers within the process. The bylaw should be definitely reformulated again by covering these issues. Recently in the UK and EU, there is a new approach to place making, which is called ‘plot based urbanism’ (PBU). The ways to cope with change with plot based development, are discussed since

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design of large quarters most of the time resulted in losing our street culture and fined-urban grains, compact urban forms (Romice and Porta, 2015). Therefore we found plot based development/urbanism very important and believe that there must be more studies on this issue to make the processes more effective and operational within our own context.

NOTES: 1. In this paper, we follow Lang’s (2005) conceptual framework for the typologies of urban design procedures. He defines four types of procedures in urban design: ‘total urban design’, ‘all of a piece urban design’, ‘piece by piece urban design’, and ‘plug in urban design’. 2. In the text, “Developer-1” refers to “Güler Construction Inc,” “Developer-2” is “Erginci Construction Inc.,” and “Developer-3” represents “BYC Construction Inc.”

REFERENCES: Ataov, A. and Osmay, S. (2007). Turkiye’de Kentsel Donusume Yontemsel Bir Yaklasim (A Methodological Approach to Urban Regeneration in Turkey). METU JFA 2007/2 (24:2) 57-82. Bilsel, C. (2009). Izmir’de Cumhuriyet Donemi Planlamasi (1923-1965): 20. Yuzyil Kentsel Mirasi, Ege Mimarlik, Ekim, pp. 12-17. Güner, D. (2006). Izmir’de Modern Konut Mimarligi 1950-2006. Planlama, 3. Lang, J. (2005). Urban Design: A Typology of Procedures and Products. Architectural Press, London. Romice, O. and Porta, S. (2015). Plot Based Urbanism: A roadmap to Masterplanning for Change , JAOU 2015. Sisman, A. and Kibaroglu, D. (2009). “Dunyada ve Turkiye’de Kentsel Donusum Uygulamalari”, TMMOB Harita ve Kadastro Mühendisleri Odası 12. Türkiye Harita Bilimsel ve Teknik Kurultayı, 11-15 Mayıs 2009, Ankara. Yüksel, N. (2006). Esrefpasa’dan Karantina’ya, Planlama Dergisi, 3, pp. 149-151. Tallon, A. (2010). Urban Regeneration in the UK. Routledge, London and New York. (WEB1, 2016). http://www.csb.gov.tr/iller/izmir/index.php?Sayfa=sayfa&Tur=webmenu&Id=15529

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A Critical Evaluation on Urban Resilience: Limitless Urbanization within a Limited Capacity of Kyrenia Cemaliye Eken, Resmiye Alpar Atun

Faculty of Architecture, EMU, Famagusta, NORTH CYPRUS cemaliyeken@gmail.com, resmiye.alpar@emu.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION Increasing population and rapid urbanization has drastically enforced the specified urban limits to widen towards the close surrounding of rural areas. With the impact of growing population and urbanization; the urban-rural fringe has become the major attraction zones mainly for the recent construction activities. The unauthorized and unplanned development in urban-rural fringes adversely interfere incoherent transition/change of characterized built environment. Apparently; the utility of building pattern met with correlation evolving recent morphological adjustments that are not vital or identical to their built environment (Fesenmaier, Goodchild and Morrison, 1979). Indeed, the limitless urbanization within a limited capacity fragmented the identical morphology within a dispersed discontinues spatial structure. Therefore; the urban spatial identities are remained un-illuminated in-out of urban limits (Reza and Depriest, 2014). Distinctive alteration in characterized built environment intimidates the morphological sustainability of a particular urban area. However, this manner has been the subject of various morphological studies through debate (Moudon, 1997). The physical complexities are analyzed by various morphologists as the major catalysts that influence the formation of the urban built environment (Larkham, 2005). Rahman, Alam and Sirajul demarcate a strong discussion on haphazard development in urban-rural fringe, where the realm of urban growth is conflicted with the nature of growth. Significantly, the alteration in morphological change is jointed to the intermix haphazard of old pattern with residential development in the fringe areas (Rahman, Alam and Islam, 2008). On the other hand; Saxena notifies dispersed formation through discussing the development of dynamic and contemporary built pattern alongside with spatially characterized context (Aruna, 2008). Following; Fesenmaier, Goodchild and Morrison put an illuminative insight on examining the zones of morphological alteration amongst questioning the urban sub-zones with their archetypical characteristics (Fesenmaier, Goodchild and Morrison, 1979). The transformation change as a result of physical alteration is adversely challenging the future correlation of urban-rural fringe development. The problem appeases that indicating the transformation a valid rep

resentation through current condition is tricky due to great complexities of these environments. In many planning development instances, this problem is resided; so the adverse results cannot be conquered. Therefore; it is important to understand the complexity of dynamic formations while addressing its unsuitable physical impacts (Bhatta, 2010). The complexity mostly ensures gigantic and rich visual details in microscales that affect the macro-scale morphology (Shalabi. 1998). Since; the change in built environment appeals in minor scale and reaches to macro scale (Moudon, 1997); the study indicates examining the building pattern as the smallest system of the whole. The study seeks analyzing physical morphological pattern as an adequate measure to visualize the haphazard complexities in built environment, where melting parts with change in old pattern can be obtained. Under this approach; the study brings an insight to discuss the resilience of the urban-rural fringe regarding to compelling transformation/change in the system pattern. Moreover, the study provides a critical insight towards the problems posed or might pose through rapid urban growth and development. 2. EXPLORING THE URBAN MORPHOLOGY AND TRANSFORMATION Transformation is an observable manner appearing in the physical structure of a particular entry; or it is the phase of entering to a novel state from another state (DoÄ&#x;an, 1994). Transformation and change are both ongoing paradigm that never ends; and always exists. On this basis; there is a strong correlation between past and present; present and future. Therefore, the impact of transformation continuously influences the formation of the morphological structures of the cities or other relevant scales. Yet, this phenomenon acquired magnetism upon understanding the negative effects of the unauthorized planning due to urban growth and urbanization. With the fact of entire shift in formation through diverse development of 21th fabric; the compactness and continues structure of the cities transformed into a diffuse, loose and discontinuous pattern (Ruhlokh, 2013). Whether the growth poses good or bad results in urban formation; urban morphology refers obtaining the transformation/change in time and place through examining the physi-

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cal urban form. The first hints of urban morphological studies inherently developed by Schlüter with the heavy influences of historian John Fritz publications in 19th century. The early examples of tracing the transformation in urban form delineated with simple diagramming of the urban pattern (Schlüter, 1899; Whitehand, 2007). Hugo Hassinger and Walter Geisler leaded the initial studies of the pioneer theorists Otto Schlüter to an organized field of knowledge with mapping the building utilization and land uses (Hassinger, 1916; Geisler, 1918). This impact grained considering the morphological elements within built environment elements to signify the physical formation in whole. The transformation with estimated elements is mainly developed in the approaches of Conzen, whose resided understanding the urban form as process. On this basis; the major correlation with transformation is pragmatically endured within the studies of Conzen, where change in urban built environment is elucidated through comparison of maps referring to different time dilemma of particular cities (Conzen, 1960). Conzen signifies an analytical discourse on analyzing the urban built environment as an adjusted system that is formed upon physical elements of urban fabric. More specifically; Alexander aspires to demonstrate significant pragmatic dogmas of transformation in an empirical correlation through overlapping the layered use patterns to visualize the whole from the layered elements (Cristopher, 1965). In the light of the studies of Conzen and Alexander; Krier endorses the dogma of questioning the transformation in time with correlating the morphological elements to formational system with typological analysis (Krier, 1979). However; Hillier conveys a new way thinking in the perception of measuring the urban morphology. The urban form is ensured with quantification of morphological analysis in a mathematical way of resembling spatial transformation (Hillier and Hanson. 1984; Sima and Zhang 2009). Then, Nigam utilizes an informative analyzing system, GIS as a restriction of visualizing and quantifying the transformation appearing on the urban built environment as a distractive fact of the urban growth (Nigam, 2008). Following the above cognitive correlation of either in quantitative or qualitative indicated approaches on urban morphology; it can be illuminated as the main focus of the morphological studies is always resided in obtaining transformation by examining the physical formation in building parcels, buildings, streets, open spaces etc (Conzen, 1960). Extensively rationalizing the transformation in different elements (building parcels, buildings, streets, open spaces etc) in whole prospects signifying a systematic degree of measuring and scaling from macro to micro scale (Ünlü, 2006). ( See: Table 1.) Ideally in general approaches; the physical urban elements estimate to represent illuminative subsystems forming the whole system- which is the physical character of urban fabric. Moreover; each urban element as a subsystem reveals a common manipulation on urban built environment transformation (Moudon, 1997).

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This impact significantly exposes thinking the physical components of urban morphology as a correlated system operating the whole. Yet; an adequate resultant could be enhanced for obtaining the evolutionary process of transformation (Bentley, and Butina, 1990). Throughout that way; the implementation of pragmatic decisions towards transformation in relational dimensions either in planning process, or decision making, or actors can be reliable and valid. Table 1. Scale of built environment and transformation (Source: Ünlü, 2006)

3. METHOD OF THE STUDY The framework of the study is developed on examining the physical alteration in the urban-rural fringe, where more or less discontinuous formations are assumed as striking the limits of old pattern through transformation and change. The study endorses a predictive method on morphological formation of urban resilience deriving the significant role of rapid growth as a risk in this process. In the study; the resilience is adjusted as the maximum capacity of evolving the recent morphological formations with the challenge of the limitless urbanization in a limited area. The density of the recent formations is considered significant tool

to provide predictive correlation for resilience within the examined area. Hence; the building pattern is the fastest changing component (Alper, 2009). With following the discussed literature as well; the transformation is aimed to be discussed in the second degree of correlation. To address the complexities in detail through distinctive case study; the key parts of second degree correlation-height, pilot size, setbacks, density, and building pattern are considered. First; the study provides general information on contextual morphology of the distinctive case. Subsequently; an expanded system (that is urban-rural fringe) is examined through mapping the physical changes with novel formations. This will help to determine the transformation that poses high risk areas striking the resilience of the morphology in urban-rural fringe. The visual materials such as photographs belonging to past and present are used to strengthen the correlated method of predictions on morphological resilience. The study endorses a predictive method on urban morphological resilience, displaying the rapid urbanization in urban-rural fringe as a risk in this process. The resilience is adjusted as the maximum capacity of evolving the novel morphological formations with the challenge of the limitless urbanization in a limited area. The density of the novel formations is considered as significant tool to provide predictive correlation for resilience within the city. Kyrenia and Rapid Transformation Upon Rapid Urbanization Kyrenia is one of the significant cities of Cyprus formed through the northern coastal line (Bayraktar, 2015). With its physical built environment, the city physical pattern mainly evolves with diverse representations belonging to various civilizations throughout the history. Throughout the history city has been the important attraction point due to providing availability for the trade activities in Mediterranean Sea. Therefore, the most significant embracement with historical pattern is sensible in the city center that is the linked to old harbor. (See: Figure 1 and Figure 2)

Figure 2. Showing the historical pattern and the scale of built environment, Kyrenia harbor in the 1950s

The city has always been the attraction point for development activities due to potentials inducted in environmental, social and economical dimensions. This fact grained the realm of continuous development in the city pattern. Since 1946 till recent paradigm; the construction rules (FasÄąl 96- Management Law of Roads and Buildings) in North Cyprus display a vision that each site linked to the road is open to construction activity (HoĹ&#x;kara and HoĹ&#x;kara 2007). According to endorsed rule, in each site accessible by any road has been the potential area for construction activities throughout the years between 1946 and 2000s. On this basis; the development phases of the city mainly can be adjusted between the periods of 1950s-1980s, 1980s-2000s and after 2000s upon the introduced mandates regulation in zoning planning map for city development (Arnavut, n.d.). In general, the generic structure of the built environment signifies unique sense of human and city scale development throughout the periods of 1950s-1980s, 1980s-2000s, till years of construction bomb-in in the 2000s. The development after 2000s claims a dramatic transformation in the built identity of the city with the expansion of development towards close surroundings to rural areas. The city imposes an unauthorized rapid development, where such a growth prospects a negative impose on the urban-rural fringe areas within a un-unified physical alteration (K.T.M.M.O.B, 2014). (See: Figure 3.) On this basis; the Kyrenia urban built pattern has been one of influenced dimension from such an uncontrolled urban growth.

Figure 1. The Kyrenia harbor in the 1920s and in the 1950s Figure 3. The Density of built environment occurred based on Development

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However, transformation is significantly observable in physical characteristics, especially in building typology. The alteration on identity of buildings is mainly the most dramatic results of the transformation based on urban growth (Arnavut, n.d.). Through reclaiming the research done by Asli Arnavutlu, the building typology between the periods of 1950-1980, 1980-2000 does not pose a strict differentiation in archetype of the buildings. The organic city pattern indicates between these periods; a unique harmonization in morphological characteristics. After the 2000s, the identical building typologies formed by 2-3 storey height responding the scale of building block faced with destructive alteration with construction of higher storey buildings together with expanding city towards mountain curtains where rural settlements take place. Significantly the external limits of the city towards rural areas demonstrates an adverse alteration morphologically. Recently; the most of the 2-3 storey residential buildings are under the transformation towards more than 10 storey high apartment blocks with their depressing massiveness in the urban built pattern. (See: Figure 4.) This impose a huge transformation not either in physical morphological pattern of the city, also in life style.

Figure 5. Urban-rural fringe transforming building pattern in case strip

Figure 4. Urban-rural Fringe transformation upon dense apartment blocks

Morphological Analysis The Kyrenia urban-rural fringe is defined through a developing strip by recent constructions. Strip is the linkage evolving the city from entrance edges of Doğanköy Village and south entrance axis of Kyrenia. The strip evolves into residential and commercial areas, where it also provides an appropriate evaluation on morphological formation/transformation of urban-rural fringe. Therefore; the study focuses on the defined strip as a system in micro-scale city pattern. (See: Figure 5.)

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To indicate an analytical analysis within the framework of the study; a particular small scale- strip, which acquired upon urban-rural (Kyrenia- Doğanköy fringe lying the site between the Doğanköy village and south entrance edge of city) has been defined as the analysis site. (See: Figure 6) In the distinctive strip the height, pilot size, setbacks, building pattern are analyzed by fragmenting the organic structure into the grid- axis segregations based on adjusting accessibility parameter. Significantly, the morphological analysis is merely conducted with the strip surface without enterprising the inner surfaces as the major limitation of the study. The area as an expanded system (that is urban-rural fringe) is analyzed in four headings of consideration as height, pilot size, setbacks and building pattern. Since the building heights introduce the first observable image in third dimension rather than looking the details on building pattern; the height analysis is merely resembled in the paper as an instanced analysis method as limitation.

miliar morphological appearances are given below (belonging to height analysis). (See: Figure 8. and Figure 9.)

Figure 6. Showing the Map of Kyrenia and Distinctive Strip Area for Analysis

Since the city has an organic structure; the unplanned development appears in a disorder structure. However, the study provides an assumption of grid-segregation method upon following the organic form of accessibility. The findings on accessibility character have been the catalyst for defining the grid system for analysis. The fractal-grid axial system or defined portions is demonstrated as in the below map with established axial assumptions through accessibility (See: Figure 7.) Moreover; major surface of the strip is adjusted as the major limitation of the analysis part.

Figure 8. The phases of the height analysis inventor compromising the resilience basin ball

Figure 9. The phases of the height analysis inventor based on resilience basin ball Figure 7. Fractal axial segregation, Y-X coordinates upon accessibility linkages

The four main indicator is examined within the study; height, pilot size, setbacks, and building pattern. For each indicator, the represented analysis inventor has been established. Resilience has been checked through mapping the non-unified physical characteristics as a risk striking the existing pattern. The way of approaching to obtain the unfa-

The outcome of the examined indicators imposed the fact that; there is a drastic transformation in the height, pilot size and building pattern. This is more discernible in newly constructed buildings. These are mainly determined as the apartment blocks together with commercial units. The significant transformation in height is realized while as there is gigantic bound from two, four storey to ten storey. Following the height

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challenge, the pilot sizes has resided from 1 furor to 4-5 furors, which is an extreme demarcation. Especially the building pattern is totally been destructed with the prototype influences of the contemporary kitsch design; that almost every building unit speaks in different architectural language, without not any contextual relation. Conversely, only the setbacks from road are protected and kept in relation with the whole. The building relation with road significantly imposes a unified continuity by means of setback pattern. As a result of the examined parameters upon developed inventors, the strip involving in urban-rural fringe demarcates a rapid transformation, especially in two edges of the strip. Two edges of the strip are under a heavy dense of newly constructed nonidentical buildings. Apparently, the most of risks are involved that zones. However, the density of recent appearances is softer and already not strongly sensible due to low degree of density in height, plot size, setback and building pattern. Therefore, the structure of the strip towards inner zones demonstrates more resilient character. However, the realm of rapid diffusion towards inner surface of the strip claims a pragmatic transformation process, where the existing pattern is about being demarcated by adjusted rising apartment blocks. 4. RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION The rapid urbanization and development activities in built environment, especially in urban-rural fringe, have been adversely enforced with unauthorized urbanization in planning. In a broader sense; the lack of planning and regulations that are promoting responsive approaches on continues-readable-holistic identity in built environment, extremely strike the resilience of morphological identity that makes a place unique. Especially; disordered, widened and diffused developing activities with rising-discontinuous building blocks (that even destroy the natural characteristics of the region) in urban-rural fringe areas increase the risk on sustainability of unique morphological formations. Besides; the stroked limits of the city identity explicitly shoves loosing the existing urban morphology that makes a city distinctive. The built environment that poor in morphological language in whole cannot be sustainable due to resilience of development capacity is adversely pushed into the change upon un-authorized morphological identity. On this basis; the implantation of planning strategies especially in the regions that are under the stress of rapid urbanization and transformation must be critically investigated in order to guide the recent formations in an adequate morphological language with the existing pattern. Apparently; the built environment might be integrated and defragmented within a more controlled and continues urban morphology. Especially; the construction developments in urban-rural regions must be identified as the crucial transformation impact due to open structure of urban-rural fringe to rapid change. The critical investigation of transformation with the im-

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pact of signifying recent constructions would endorse lack of planning strategies and regulations. Moreover, the risky levels striking the resilience obtained would demarcate a lens on integrating development or redevelopment plan in urban-rural fringe areas through the framework of master plan. In a broader sense; the construction plan must be defined through in a holistic integration of master plan where distinctive urban morphology is valid and represents a significant data for recent/ future formations. Through compromised development plan regarding to morphological data evolved in master plan. Therefore; the morphological development can appear in a relation with whole, where resilient built environments can be possible to be uttered. By this way; with a continuing resilient environment would endure change through melting the transformation in its resilient structure. In this manner; the morphological character of the built environment signifies an important fact on investigating a resilient contemporary urban processes and environment with claiming the recent and future development and design in urban-rural fringe areas. REFERENCES Alper, S., (2009). Quantitative Analysis Of Urban Morphology: Exploring Ethnic Urban Formations And Structure In The City Of Izmir, Doctor Of Philosophy In City Planning, The Graduate School Of Engineering And Sciences Of Izmir Institute Of Technology. Arnavut A. (undated). Değişim’e Uğramış Kent Girne: Cephelerin Tasarım Prensipleri Çerçevesinde Değerlendirilmesi. Arun, S. (2008). Monitoring of urban fringe using Remote Sensing and GIS techniques, Research Paper. Bayraktar, Ü. A. (2015). Fractions In Urban And Collective Memory And Transformation Of Public Space: The Harbor Example In The Kyrenia Town, Marmara Üniversitesi Öneri Dergisi • Cilt 11, Sayı 44, Issn 1300-0845, Ss. 291-317. Bentley, I., and Butina, G. (1990). In Gleave, S. [ed.], Urban design, Architects Journal, October 24, v.192, no.17, pp.61-71. Bhatta, B. (2010). Analysis of Urban Growth and Sprawl from Remote Sensing Data: Causes and Consequences of Urban Growth and Sprawl, Chapter 2., Advances in Geographic Information Science, DOI 10.1007/978-3-642-05299-6_2, C _Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg Conzen, M.R.G. (1960). Alnwick: Northumberland: A Study Of Town-Plannin Analysis, Insti tute Of British Geographers Publication 27, London. Cristopher, A., (1965). A city is not a Tree, Architectural Forum 122. Fesenmaier, D. R., Goodchild M. F., and Morrison S. (1979). The Spatial Structure of the Rural-Urban Fringe: A Multivariate Approach, Canadian Geographer, XXIII, 3. Geisler, W. (1918). Danzig: ein Siedlungsgeographischer Versuch, Kafemann, Danzig. Hassinger, H. ( 1916). Kunsthistorischer Atlas von Wien, Österreichische Kunsttopographie 15 (Vienna). Hillier, B., and Hanson J.(1984). The social logic of space. Cambridge University Press. Hoşkara Ş. and Hoşkara E.(2007). Kentleşme: Annan Planı Sonrasında Kuzey Kıbrıs’ta İnşaat Sektörüne, Mimarlık ve Planlamaya Eleştirel Bir Bakış, MİMARLIK 334 MART-NİSAN. Krier, R. (1979). Urban Space, Academy Editions, London. Larkham, P. (2005). Understanding Urban Form, in Evans, R. [ed.] Urban Morphology, Urban Design, Winter, Issue 93, London, Urban Design Group. Moudon, A. V. (1997)., Urban Morphology as an Interdisciplinary Field, International Seminar on Urban Form, Journal of Urban Morphology.

Nigam, R. K. (2008). Application of Remote Sensing and Geographical Information system for land use/land cover mapping and change detection in the rural urban fringe area of Enschede city, The Netherlands. Rahman, G., Alam D., and Islam, S. (2008). City Growth with Urban Sprawl and Problems of Management for Sustainable Urbanization, City Growth with urban Sprawl and Problems of Management, 44th ISOCARP Congress. Reza B. and Depriest, T. (2014). Urban Sprawl: Definitions, Methods of Measurement and Environment Consequences, Journal of Sustainability Education, Vol. 7, December 2014 ISSN: 2151-7452. Ruhlokh, I. K. (2013).Urban morphologies of mill towns and positive transformation: analyzing the regenative capacity of the morphology of the Holyoke, 9th International Space Syntax Symposium, Sejong University. Sima Y., and Zhang D. (2009). Comparative Precedents on the Study of Urban Morphology , 7th International Space Syntax Symposium Edited by Daniel Koch, Lars Marcus and Jesper Steen, Stockholm: KTH. Schlüter, O. (1899). Bemerkungen Zur Siedlungsgeographie, Geographische Zeitschrift, 5, 6584. Shalabi S. M. (1998). Analysis Of Urban Morphology For Real Time Visualization Of Urban Scenes, Massachusetts Institute Of Technology. T.M.M.O.B Mimarlar Odası U.C.T.E.A. The Chamber of Architects, (2014). Girne Kent Kurultayı Görüşü Hk., Sayı: 2014/49 – Gi-133. Ünlü, T. (2006). Kentsel Mekanda Değisimin Yönetilmesi, Orta Doğu Teknik Üniversitesi Mimarlık Fakültesi Dergisi (23:2). Whitehand J. W. R. (2007). Conzenian Urban Morphology And Urban Landscapes Proceedings, 6th International Space Syntax Symposium, Istanbul.

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DELIMITATION OF MORPHOLOGICAL REGIONS OF FAMAGUSTA OLD TOWN Nevter Zafer Cömert [1], Nezire Özgece [2]

[1] Eastern Mediterranean University, Famagusta, NORTHERN CYPRUS [2] Cyprus International University, Nicosia, NORTHERN CYPRUS nevter.zafer@emu.edu.tr, nozgece@ciu.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION Morphological and syntactic studies in urban design are playing an important role in order to increase the quality of urban environment and draw the guidelines for urban design, as well. Additionally, these studies help to understand the formation of urban environment during the historical process. However, investigating the uniqueness and richness of places, as opposed to an abstract and constrained approach, makes it possible for urban morphological research to be connected with people’s daily experience and to incorporate such experience in urban plans and designs. By analysing the context of urban environments, researchers and designers are responsible for ordering and processing this information using their skills and knowledge. Oliveria (2016) defined the study of urban morphology as a way of introducing the element of form in planning processes by removing that element from the realm of arbitrariness. The methodological approach links methodology in planning without disregarding the non-rational aspects of form. This approach makes it possible to discuss the form of towns based on morphological methods. Moreover, morphological analysis plays an important role in the development of urban conservation plans. Various definitions of urban morphology have been suggested by researchers in different disciplines. For instance, Moudon (1997; 3) describes urban morphology as “the study of the city as human habitat”. Thus, the common definition of urban morphology is that it consists of the study of the form, shape, plan, structure and functions of the built fabric of cities or towns and is concerned with the historical development of this urban fabric over time. This leads the urban designers take morphological analysis as guidance in design. Italian school considered the typological dimension of urban morphology, British school focuses on the geographical point of view. On the other hand French schools studied on social and economic dimension of towns. In this regard, this paper focuses on the British school’s morphological

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approach in urban studies. MRG Conzen (1981) focuses on towns based on the evolution theory and analyses the towns according to (i) street and street pattern, (ii) plot and plot pattern, (iii) building and building pattern. Additionally, MRG Conzen (1988) applied morphological regions by understanding the evolution of urban development and defining the morphologic character areas in urban analysis in order to lead the urban designers to draw their guidelines on preliminary stages of urban areas or put the guideline of conservation plans in urban spaces. On the other hand, Space Syntax is another important tool for understanding the spatial quality of urban spaces which is pioneered by Bill Hillier and Julienne Hanson (1984). It’s defined as a set of theories and techniques used for analysing and representing architectural and urban spaces which are used to develop design strategies and master plans for urban areas. As it’s a science-based and human-focused approach, Space Syntax is widely used in urban studies in order to investigate interrelationships between spatial layout and a range of socio-economic, socio-cultural and environmental parameters. Moreover, it is used along with morphological analyses in order to gain a better and complete understanding of urban morphologies. In the context of this study; syntactic analyses are correlated with morphological analyses in order to assemble an integrated theoretical and methodological basis for the evaluation of morphological regions. Space Syntax represents spatial configurations of urban layouts through syntactic maps which can be evaluated through various calculations. At urban level, the methodology helps to reveal the interrelation of city’s spatial structure and movement/activity patterns. If the city is defined as “large collections of buildings held together by a network of space” (Hillier, 2008), street network is the key factor in Space Syntax analysis in order to understand how people move and how spaces are used. As the network of streets is the mean to get to the spaces, analysing street network helps to define the most acces-

sible spaces where accessibility is also related with the integration levels. As itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s argued by Hillier (1993), the more a space is integrate within the system, the more possibility to be visited or passed in the random movement from one point to the next. As the paper aims to identify the morphological regions and define the spaces that are needed to be preserved, integrated and segregated areas should be revealed in order to produce comprehensive urban design proposals. Within this context; morphological and syntactic methods are used together for the analysis of Famagusta Old Town with an attempt to make recommendations towards more comprehensive design polices and conservation strategies. 2. MORPHOLOGICAL REGIONS Conzen has put major emphasis on the importance of morphological regions for urban conservation practice and in two of his papers he has formed a map of morphological regions for Ludlow. (Conzen 1975; See: Figure 1-a.) A map of morphological regions represents the historical stratification of the townscape and also shows its historical development.

Conzen describes morphological regions, or townscape units, as areas of homogeneous urban form in terms of plan type, building type and land use (Conzen, 1975). They are formed by a combination of units for all three of these form complexes and are characterised by a hierarchical system. However, Conzenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ideas on this may not have been decisive because he proved that 4 ranks are sufficient for smaller historical cores (Conzen, 2004). In that publication the system of ranks is put forward as follows: 1- The Old Town or traditional core. 2- Town quarters, represented by plan units 3- Street units and precinctual units forming major neighbourhood units 4- Morphotopes, or the smallest building groups of distinctive period mixture or period dominance. It is clear that Conzen put more emphasis on the town plan and the building fabric, because these form complexes are the most persistent through time and thus determine the higher ranks of morphological regions. In addition to this, there are morphotopes, in the recognition of which the building fabric plays a big part. Morphotopes are the smallest morphological regions, representing the lowest rank in the hierarchy (Conzen, 1988). The Early Studies The delimitation of morphological regions is problematic, most importantly because there is no published method available. Nevertheless, members of the Urban Morphology Research Group of the University of Birmingham have attempted urban morphological delimitation. These works are characterised by the use of different approaches. A. Jones Jones (See: Figure 1-b.) has applied a method to mature residential areas in England. First, a composite map of the town plan and building fabric elements was created. This method provides a hierarchy of three orders that is calculated from the number of occasions where element-type boundaries correspond. The thicker lines divide areas of greater contrast and contain areas of stronger similarity (Jones 1991, p. 544). This approach, however, brings about problems of legibility and comprehension of the map since some regions or parts of regions are bounded by boundaries of varying ranks. H. J. Barrett

Figure 1. Different interpretations of morphological regions

Barrett (1996) applies a different method to delimitation in her work on the conservation areas of two major city centres. She first produces

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three separate maps that show a hierarchical system of three orders within first, the plan units, secondly, the building form pattern and thirdly, the land utilisation pattern. To avoid confusion in the hierarchy of units, she introduces a system where lower orders within a higher order unit are labelled as sub-sets of this unit. This labelling schema is also used for the two other form complexes and the morphological regions (Pp. 133-136). (See: Figure 1-c.) Within primary plan units, intermediate and lower order divisions show where plots have been transformed or redevelopment has taken place. In Birmingham, for example, she finds five plan units, the principal of which (plan unit 1) indicates the extent of the settlement prior to 18th century expansion. Barrett’s creation of a map showing building form units is in line with Conzen’s ideas on the nature of the building fabric, namely that it contributes principally to the lower order. The delimitations of land use units separate commercial functions, offices, retail and industrial/warehouse areas and civic functions. Main problem arises where, for example, mixed uses exist within one building, causing difficulties when mapping the area. N. J. Baker and T. R. Slater

entation. All the discussions above show that, each morphological analysis has shown some changes based on the characteristics and level of homogeneity of the area. As Conzen stated the spirit of past and current societies is represented in the historico-geographical character of townscapes which shows that each town has its own dynamics and inputs. This brings some changes on the morphological region methodology upon the character of the region. 3. DELIMITATION OF THE MORPHOLOGICAL REGION OF FAMAGUSTA OLD TOWN Famagusta Old Town is located in the Eastern Mediterranean cost of Cyprus that enjoys a rich architectural and urban history stretching back one millennium, where every period is marked by the distinct characteristics of civilisations such as Venetians, Lusignans, British and Ottomans. Throughout the history, these cultures had been effective on the development of Famagusta Old Town in terms of urban and architectural characteristics. The Greeks, Romans, Byzantines, the Crusaders, Lusignans Franks and Italians from the so called Sea Republics, the Ottomans and more recently the British until 1960 when Cyprus became an independent republic had left their imprint on what is known as the island’s cultural heritage (Demi, 1991).

Baker and Slater (1992) have explored some of the problems and possibilities of the definition of plan units and morphological regions in English medieval towns. It has to be emphasised that their focus is on historical morphological regions instead of current ones and their particular interest clearly is the town plan. One of the main issues that arises when they first attempt to establish plan units is the matter of scale. Areas with a ‘measure of morphological unity’ can be found at different levels. Their approach, that focuses on the town plan and thus on delimiting plan units, is justified by the fact that there is a lack of evidence for building fabric and land use from the medieval period. This work is for the greatest part an historical study of a town and its plan, and not a study of morphological regions, as the title implies. J. W. R. Whitehand Finally, Whitehand (See: Figure 1-d.), recognises a number of townscape units in a study that focuses on the agents of townscape change in Amersham. In this fairly simple area, Whitehand does not recognise a hierarchy within the morphological regions. The most striking difference of this work compared to Jones’s and Barrett’s efforts lies in the pres-

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Figure 2. Location of Old Town within the city of Famagusta

Methodology of the Analysis In this study, the main structure of the analysis is based on morphological regions and syntactic data of Famagusta Old Town. Thus, the methodology has two parts including the morphological analysis and syntactic analyses of the town. In the first part, the morphological regions are identified through morphological analysis of genetic plan unit, building pattern and land utilisation based on MRG Conzens’ 4-hierarchical order system. The starting point for the identification of the morphological regions is the historico-geographical structure of the town. The method generates a set of plans, on archival documentation and on field survey, to understand the development process of the streets, plots and buildings, both within and around the study area. Accordingly, this study takes MRG Conzens’ 4 hierarchical order system to apply on genetic plan unit, building pattern and land utilisation. The identification of the main region is based on the genetic plan unit regions. It takes account the form and historical process of the street, the types of the plot and the building block-plans and the position of buildings occupying the plots. This is the first order of the region. Second order of the region is building pattern and the height of the building structure. The third is land utilisation which is less extensive as it has more possibility to change through the time. The overall intersection of those regions aims to reflect the entire composition of the urban form, within the historical process, to be included in urban studies and as well as urban design practices. In the second part; Space Syntax methodology is used to reveal the integrated and segregated streets and regions of Famagusta Old Town. As the Space Syntax method investigates different spatial arrangements for defining the structural environment; the city is examined through line and grid analysis by using University of Michigan’s Syntax 2D software. Introduces by Hillier and Hanson (1984),Axial line analysis is a method used to obtain the ‘most integrated axes’ - those from which all others are shallowest (Hillier, 1993). The most integrated axes in the network of Famagusta Old Town are interpreted in terms of their connection to the identified morphological regions. On the other hand, grid analysis is used to define the most integrated and segregated regions where grid is specified as 6x6 m units repre-

senting the maximum public distance of interaction. Within the context of this study, line and grid analyses are especially interpreted through integration-n levels, i.e. global integration, denoted by Rn as the measure is up to radius ‘n’. It gives a value which indicates the degree to which a node is more integrated or segregated from a system as a whole. Results and Discussion Morphological regions of Famagusta Old Town are analysed through building pattern, genetic plan unit and land utilisation areas and thus the overall composition is called morphological region. The building pattern area of Famagusta Old Town is emphasised that the highest rank is located in between the two main gates - Ravalin and Porto del Mare. It spread, to the east and west part of the town as seen in Figure 3. The buildings with historical values coming from Lusignan, Venetian, Ottoman, British periods are located in the area along with the recent buildings. The building patterns which carry the homogenous character but don’t carry a historical value are located on the second rank. And some streets in this area characterised by its unity which are shown as a third rank in the area. The fourth rank is marked as morphotopes which don’t have any unity or homogeneity within the surrounding. Genetic plan unit area shows the homogeneity of the plot pattern, building fabric and street network. Based on the genetic plan unit areas; the first rank, which genetically shows a homogenous character, is placed between the two gates on Liman Yolu Street and Namık Kemal Street. The second rank presents the areas that are developed after the formation of the first rank. They differ in the third rank where the plan unit areas show the transformation of the unit to another formation whereas the overall composition presents the same plan unit area. The fourth rank of the genetic plan unit area introduces the new formation of plan units. These changes have been occurred especially in the second half of the British period as a result of CAP 96- street and building regulations. Hereafter, all the plan units have been changing causing dramatic changes on the plan unit of the Famagusta Old Town. Land utilisation pattern area is ranked in according once with the commercial, residential, public community and industrial premises. The commercial premises are grouped in the first rank where public community facilities are in the second order. Residential facilities are ranked in the third and industrial facilities are delimited on the fourth rank.

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Delimitation of the morphological regions of Famagusta Old Town is based on the overlap of those three distinct areas: genetic plan unit, building pattern and land utilisation. Genetic plan unit is in the first priority amongst the overlapping of the three elements. Building pattern is in the second priority due to the durability of the buildings which might be less-lasting than plan units. Land utilisation, on the other hand, has less priority because of the functional changes. Within this context; the first rank, located between the Ravalin and Porto del Mare gates, is the central business core and pedestrian mall of the walled town.

tegration levels) to the dark blue zones (the lowest integration levels), are presented in Figures 4 and 5. Based on the axial map (See: Figure 4.), the average global integration of the town is 4,96x108 where the highly integrated streets in the town are located horizontally and vertically close to Porto del Mare Gate. The most integrated axis is on the border of the first rank of morphological regions presented in Figure 3.

First-order morphological regions were identified with two storey low-density buildings along the street line and their pertinent character attached the street. The building pattern shows homogeneity within this rank. Where the community buildings are identified along the street near to the Del Mare Gate. Only Lala Mustafa PaĹ&#x;a Cami (St. Nicholas Church) unit is differentiated from its surroundings which can be defined as a morphotope, carrying a significant character area in the first order. The second order regions were recognised due to the differentiation between the plan units and ground plans: Low - density building structures, attached or giving a setback to the street. Historical stratification shows heterogeneity in this rank with different period characteristics. Third order regions were predictable as different character areas within the first or second order, but they are not significant within the overall morphological region. Lastly, the fourth order division comes from the area which is not integrated with the existing landscape.

Figure 4. Line analysis of Famagusta Old Town

Figure 3. Morphological regions of Famagusta Old Town

On the other hand; global integration analyses of Famagusta Old Town, where the integration levels are graded from red zones (the highest in-

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Figure 5. Integration-n analysis of Famagusta Old Town

The integration-n analysis of the town is presented in Figure 5. In this case, average global integration is 8,99 x1011 where the highly integrated areas are mainly located around public buildings on north-east direction. Visual scope widens denoting a shift from central dense areas to wider streets of fringes and thus integration values get higher towards north-east direction. It is clearly revealed in the maps that visual boundaries formed by building blocks affect the integration values. Although the dense organic pattern creates valuable character areas in terms of urban morphology, it may cause segregation of the regions due to the denser housing structure. Although these two methodologies reveal different dimensions of urban areas, they are shared by the concepts of the morphological region and spatial configuration. Streets are essential elements for the identification of regions of high and intermediate rank, and streets alone are the basis for the recognition of high accessibility. The application of the concept of the morphological region provides a number of results related to the historico-geographical structure of the landscape. The result for each street is mainly concerned with its morphogenesis, the plot and building pattern and its position upon those system. As Oliveira (2016) stated, the examination of spatial configuration reveals something that the morphological region studies does not examine: the accessibility of each street within the urban system. It might be expected that higher density of streets, plots and buildings would correspond to a higher accessibility of streets. The data obtained through the application of the two concepts are different from each other that need to be correlated. The purpose of the application is not only descriptions and explanations but also prescriptions where both approaches offer important outputs for urban design. The morphological region facilitates the definition of the rules for the future transformation of the main elements of urban form in urban settings, which directly affect the urban design approaches. On the other hand spatial configuration allows testing of different alternatives for transformation of the street system. These two concepts can be combined in a formulated proposal for the development of the street systems and fragmented spaces on the plan units.

This might open a question on the comparative studies regarding the necessities in urban design practices. 4. CONCLUSION Identification of morphological regions is important in the decision making process of urban design. Moreover, it is essential for urban conservation projects in order to define the potential areas and/or buildings that need to be preserved or changed. The concept of morphological region is not enough to examine all the dimensions of urban spaces as it only deals with the physical structure. At this point, Space Syntax methodology can be integrated with Urban Morphology for a better understanding of the urban areas as it provides a computational dimension to urban morphology by analysing spatial configurations through human movement. On the other hand, itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s difficult to take design decisions by following morphological region analysis especially at the mixed-use areas, as itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mentioned above. In such a case, Space Syntax helps to reveal integrated and segregated areas which are important for land use proposals regarding privacy or publicity requirements. Within this context, this study proposes an integrated theoretical and methodological approach for understanding and analysing urban areas. By applying this integrated approach, itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s expected to provide more comprehensive design strategies for improving the performance of the built environment which does not depend only on the physical structure but the social and economic structures as well. In the case of Famagusta Old Town, morphological and syntactic data are revealed through the study with the aim of guiding future planning and design projects. The appropriate method should reflect on the past experiences and explore new solutions beyond the existing models.

In urban design, morphological regions help to understand the physical form of the places but within itself, it is not enough to enrich the conclusion. Therefore, the spatial configurations are needed in order to understand the integration values in terms of physical and visual accessibility and to interpret spatial relations together with other findings.

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REFERENCES: Baker, N. J., Slater, T. R., (1992), Morphological regions in English medieval towns, in: Larkham, P. J., Whitehand, J. W. R. (eds.), Urban landscapes, international perspectives, (Routledge, London). Barrett, H. J., (1996), Townscape change and local planning management in city centre conservation areas, Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Birmingham. Conzen M.R.G, (1960), Alnwick, Northumberland: a study in town plan analysis, Institute of British Geographer planners publication, No: 7, George Phillip and Sons. Conzen M.R.G. (1988), Morphogenesis, morphological regions and secular human agency in the historic townscape as exemplified by Ludlow, in Denecke,D. and Shaw,G.(eds) urban historical geography, (Cambridge Uni. Press, Cambridge) pp. 253-272. Conzen, M. R. G., (1969) Alnwick, Northumberland: a study in town-plan analysis, Institute of British Geographers, London. Conzen, M. R. G., (1981). ‘Geography and townscape conservation’, in Whitehand J.W.R. (Ed.), The urban landscape: historical development and management, Academic Press London, p.75-87. Conzen, M. R. G., (2004) ‘Morphogenesis and structure of the historic townscape in Britain’, in: Thinking about Urban Form: Papers on Urban Morphology, 1932-1998, Peter Lang London. Conzen, M.R.G., (1975), Geography and Townscape Conservation, H. Uhlig, C. Lienau (Eds.), Anglo-German Symposium in Applied Geography, GiessenWürzburg-München, Lenz, Giessen, pp.95-102. Demi,D, (1991), The Walled City of Nicosia, A Typology Study, Nicosia Master Plan (Un published report), (UNDP- Nicosia) Hillier, B. and Hanson, J. (1984), The Social Logic of Space, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hillier, B., Karimi, K., Stonor, T. (2008) Using Space Syntax to Regenerate the Historic Centre of Jeddah. Presented at: UIA World Congress, Tools for Governance, Turin, Italy. Hillier, B., Penn, A., Hanson, J., Grajewski, T. and Xu, J. (1993), Natural Movement: or Conﬁguration and Attraction in Urban Pedestrian Movement. Environment & Planning B: Planning & Design, 20, 29-66. Jones, A., (1991). The management of residential townscapes, Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Birmingham. Moudon A.V., (1997), Urban morphology as an emerging interdisciplinary field, Urban morphology, V1, Heron press, Birmingham U.K,3-10. Olverira V., (2016), Urban Morphology, an Introduction to the Study of the Physical Form of Cities, Springer Publication. Whitehand, J. W. R., (1989), Residential development under restraint: a case study in London’s rural-urban fringe, School of Geography, Occasional Publication number 28, University of Birmingham.

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OF Urban desÄągn 167

DESIGN: A TRANSCENDENCE FROM SHOCK TO COMFORT Jessica Rahi

Cyprus International University, Faculty of Architecture, Lefkoşa, CYPRUS Jessica.rahi@live.com

1. INTRODUCTION Habituation is the state of getting used to our surroundings to the extent of forming a nonchalant attitude. Blindly performing the daily routine of passing through the same route: looking without ever seeing anything. People are surrendering to the normality of things, to being contempt with the banal and approaching surroundings as mere pathways to diverse destinations.

“A public space can become so familiar that a person doesn’t see it anymore. People pass through a space that they’ve been through dozens, even hundreds of times before, and it has become completely invisible, utterly strange to them” (Spring, Frock and Hofman, 2015; 6). Looking to resolve this state, design communities are responsible to inspire change. The key in the midst of this as Cornelius Gurlitt suggests is not aspiring to change the forms that surrounds us, but also, to change our eyes. This is a participant-observation study on contemporary city life discussed not as an architect or an urban planner but, as a storyteller. This study suggests the usage of shock as a primary design formation. Looking into urban scenarios that stir people out of ‘comfort’ into the world of surprise, change, and shock. Demolition and re-building schemes are both looked into, showing how urban design is used as a social engine to reform and reinforce change. Change is an expression of choice, constrains, and alternatives. Choice of change occur when new opportunities arise. In that sense, urban change might be thought of as an evolving process of constraints on the social, political, cultural, and ideological formations. The issue of people’s reaction to newly introduced designs is a long process that transcends from shock to acceptance or refusal. Looking at a new design through the public eye shifts how urban planners, architects and artists deal with the development of spatial expansion. What exists in any city is a result of layering: time, memories, stories, re

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lationships, events, shared by tens, hundreds of people. However, what designers introduce is a simple transverse of imagination, illusion, and vision of one school of thought, one designer into the material world shared by thousands. The current spatial demarcation between the forces of the existing, and the new design phenomena is perhaps best described as the following: “An alien is an alien only in relation to its paired icon” (Costonis, 1989; 58). 2. THE DISCUSSION Urban Design

“Environmental intervention can be defined as any change in the physical structures of a place that directly or indirectly, causes an alteration in the ecosystem, the social structure, and the social interaction of the population including the natural and the built environment. It may be a spontaneous, or a planned action” (Pol 1996, as cited in Betchel and Churchman, 2003; 60). “As used generally within the practice of urban design, the term ‘design’, rather than having a narrowly aesthetic interpretation is as much about effective problem solving and/or the process of delivering, or organizing development” (Carmona, Heath, Oc, Tiesdell, 2003; 3). Macro scale urban design processes develop in two distinct forms. Either the unknown design, a method conveying slow experimental embodying of change, or the known design an intentionally shaped functional and aesthetic composition impacting the city’s sensibility of space.

“Unknown design is an ongoing accumulation of relatively small-scale often trial-and-error decisions, and interventions. Many towns develop in this way, slowly, incrementally, never being designed as a whole. The pace of change is relatively slow, and the increments of change relatively small. Known design is a process by which different concerns are intentionally shaped, balanced, and controlled through development and

design proposals, plans, and policies” (Carmona, Heath, Oc, and Tiesdell, 2003; 55). Attempting to answer questions on the nature of design interventions in a city, it is essential to look at the possible outcomes, thus leading to more unanswered questions. Sense of Shock

“How people interact with the built environment at a micro level has been traditionally a dominant focus of environmental psychology” (Proshansky, Ittelson, and Rivlin, 1976). “In the theory of environmental turbulence, the period of incubation, discovery, and announcement is followed by a sense of shock, as a formally assumed sense of protection” (Wolfestein,1957 as cited in Betchel and Churchman, 2003; 563). Sense of shock speaks of the resistance against the newly introduced programs and built forms offered to people. The task of addressing public spaces is not only about the imagery of the built, but it is about being able to connect and project the cultural conditions of the urban context. Despite the constant demand and need for change, people still feel a sense of loss after changes have been made. The process of change that shock results from, deals with the three levels of memory: collective, communal and personal. Introducing a new element in the narrative of space not only affects people that are already there, but it also affects people that would like to be part of this community and the ones that are unable to be part or coexist with the community’s framework. Foremost, it is essential to distinguish between the type of shock that often occur as an aftermath of change. Are users experiencing shock of the ‘new’? Is it a form of expressing loss of the known/familiar? Or is it simply resulting from the feeling of being out of place? Raising such questions amplifies the understanding of how people influence places they inhabit and how in return, places influence people’s lives. Place Attachment Place attachment is about having a “secure point from which to look out on the world. A significant spiritual and psychological attachment to somewhere in particular.” (Ralph, 1976, p.38) “In urban design, sociological sense has to do with the associational value and meaning of the built fabric. The psychological sense deals with the reference of the built design with local culture” (Norberg, Schulz, 1980, as cited in Lang, 2005; 371). The sense of loss that many people feel has to do with changes on both dimensions.

“In 1914, it made sense, perhaps, to talk about ‘Chinese’ architecture, ‘Swiss’ architecture, ‘Indian’ architecture… One hundred years later, un-

der the influence of wars, revolutions, diverse political regimes, different states of development, architectural movements, individual talents, friendships, and technological progress, architectures that were once specific and local have become seemingly interchangeable and global. Has national identity been sacrificed to modernity?” (Petermann, & Karadjian, 2014; 22). Much of what is being built today does not seek to embrace the local character, it rather transmits a global image in urban design. Breaking away from the past conditions and looking at being part of the global scene. “The desire for universal images in the public realm of cities often mean that the requirements of many local activity patterns are overridden in the search for international symbolic patterns, that enhance people’s self-image” (Lang, 2005; 17). Standardization of place with “tall buildings seen as the new landmarks signposting regeneration, indicating competition on the world stage’ and ‘expressing economic power.’ However, the counter-view is that they are a ‘sign of political and economic immaturity’ and symbols of political and cultural mismanagement” (Marsh, 2004; 22 as cited in Punter, J. 2009).

“Cultures evolve; they are not static. In an era of globalization, not only of the economy but also the information, various patterns of the public realm are perceived by officials as symbolically desirable because of what the international media promote as desirable” (Lang, 2005; 17). Over the past decade, urban process became mostly about the obsession with ‘iconicity’, the preoccupation with the ‘wow factor’ tactics. As a result, the loss of attachment to territory and sense of belonging is a significant problem replacing the fundamentals of place making with design labels. “Places with loss of territory lead to ‘existential outsides’ where people do not feel they belong, thus no longer care for their environment” (Crang, 1998; 122). “If one accepts Maslow’s model, there is a need for people to feel comfortable in engaging in the activities they desire and that are regarded by society as acceptable. Comfort has both physiological and psychological dimensions. Safety and security are related to feelings of control over one’s privacy levels and over the behavior of others towards one” (Lang,2005; 20). “People are oblivious to changes for which they lack a personal baseline for comparison, exhibiting the human adaptation to incremental and gradual change.” However, “people become very sensitive to change that contradict established points of adaptation and expectation.” (Wohlwill & Kohn, 1973, as cited in Betchel and Churchman, 2003; 562).

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“Jurgen Habermas makes a distinction between the ‘life-world’ the everyday world of place experience, social integration, and ‘communicative action’ and the ‘system’, the social, and economic structures of the state and the market.” (Dovey, 1999, as cited in Carmona, M., Health, T., Oc, T. and Tiesdell, S. 2003; 96).

concerning the effects on change in the context of the study conducted. I have collected people’s reaction based on the simple question of how they see their city today. Figures 1, 2, 3, and 4 show the evolution on Beirut city center over the years. Depicting the era before the civil war, during, the destructive state, and the aftermath construction result.

Systems of Change This brings forth the dilemma of the individual rights versus the communal or social rights and the dominance of each in decisions concerning the character of a place. “Placelessness is a reaction to the loss, or absence, of environments we care about.” How many of today’s communities are ‘place-bound’ and how important is it to deal with this change in approach involving urban projects? As Oswald Spengler said, a power can be overthrown only by another power. However, whose responsibility is it to implement change as a process of evolving into a vision that dictates the identity of the inhabitants themselves rather than mirroring a propagandized global vision? City change has different forms; each are with different meanings and different results. “Vauhgan, defined the city as physical and social city. She explaining the classification of the city as a large collection of buildings linked by space, and a complex system of human activity linked by interaction.” Change might simultaneously involve individual, social, and cultural process. Looking from a macro scale, upgrading is changing the physical structure whereas gentrification is changing the social structure. Both imply an alteration in the phenomenology of space seeking the visible, and the hidden expression of change. The critique related to the outcomes lie in the boundaries of urbanity and the methodology of addressing both concepts successfully in today’s city. The attempt to fully understand the systems of change, the complex and dynamic state of each condition is one way of integrating the allure of new construction artifacts with the existing pastiche of building mass. “Intrinsic source of stress comes from a combination of the given uncertainties of the situation as well as from the ‘certainties’ including the cause, consequences, and courses of possible responses.” (Edelstein, 1988, as cited in Betchel and Churchman, 2003; 561).

Figure 1. Martyr Square, a public square in downtown Beirut, Lebanon, year 1972

Case Study The following case study was conducted in Lebanon, July 2016. It included a test on people’s reactions to a series of images shown from Martyrs’ Square Beirut. The city center is shown prior to and after both destructions: once from the war, and another time by the reconstruction project Solidere. Solidere is a private development company overseeing the postwar construction. Findings are focused on urban-specific issues

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Figure 2. Martyr Square, a public square in downtown Beirut, Lebanon, year 1984

- “Failed attempt to erase our memory” - “Central district with no culture no people, it’s difficult for me to discuss” - “Beirut’s rebirth, modern, walkable, organized urban space.” - “Empty but beautiful” - “Unfinished fancy starchitect projects” - “Modern Beirut ruins”

Figure 3. Martyr Square, a public square in downtown Beirut, Lebanon, year 1994

This is only a small sample of the comments given by citizens. Clearly, most of them are not able to connect with the new town development although significant time has passed since the start of construction. “‘Places of memory’ of which Pierre Nora so aptly writes that what we see in them is essentially how we have changed, the image of what we are no longer. What they see projected at a distance is the place where they used to believe they lived from day to day, but which they are now being invited to see as fragment of history. People are sensitive to these things because they carry their images, and the need for them, within themselves.” (Augé, 1995; 55-56). People living in Beirut today tend to avoid going to Martyr’s Square, the public is facing a state of collective denial and amnesia. Almost all prefer not to look at their city as is, but choose to avoid seeing the changes Beirut underwent. The shock of the newly introduced designs on both architectural and urban context affected people’s physical, social and psychological attachment to their city. Beirut underwent gentrification in addition to change in the physical structure. Both working together with the constant turbulence happening on the political and economic level led to negative reactions from the public towards their own city. Is this a form of cultural crisis or is it simply a matter of time before people are able to adjust to the introduced imagery?

Figure 4. Martyr Square, a public square in downtown Beirut, Lebanon, year 2016

Lebanon, nearly two decades after the civil war how do you see Beirut’s downtown today? Below is a selection of the answers given by Lebanese citizens.

- “It is the robbery of the century!” - “They took a city and left us with a maquette” - “They drained the city of its life!” - “It does not feel Lebanese, it is isolated, this city is only for the rich class” - “Does not define Beirut”

How does a designer acting from an outsider’s point of view succeed in reflecting what people want the city to be? Does the ‘new’ always fail in comparison to the grandeur of the ‘old’?

“If a place can be defined as relational, historical, and concerned with identity, then a space which cannot be defined as relational, or historical, or concerned with identity will be a non-place. The hypothesis advanced here is that Supermodernity produces non-places.” (Augé, 1995: 77-78) Ending the case study with one last critical question: are the cities built today places or non-places?

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3. CONCLUSION Mary Renault once said “there is only one kind of shock worse than the totally unexpected: the expected for which one has refused to prepare.” Prior to implementation, interventions should be dealt with not only as design vision but also as a shock elements having the potential to change how people live. Urban change is the process of responding to people’s needs to establish better, more desirable environments for communities. Comfort has both, physiological and psychological dimensions. However, in order for change to become a comfortable part of one’s life, it has to be dealt with as an evolving context within a setting not as alteration at one point in time. Ending with a quote by Alvin Toffler: “culture shock is relatively mild in comparison with a much more serious malady that might be called ‘future shock’. Future shock is the dizzying disorientation brought on by the premature arrival of the future.” Are we inside measured time or are we in a constant race trying to catch up with time, change, and the future itself?

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REFERENCES: Augé M. (1995), Non-Places Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity. New York: Verso Bechtel, R., and Churchman, A. (2003). Handbook of Environmental Psychology. New York: John Wilet & Sons,Inc Carmona, M., Health, T., Oc, T. and Tiesdell, S. (2003). Public Places – Urban Spaces. Oxford: Architectural Press Costonis, J. (1989). Icons & Aliens: Law, Aesthetics and Environmental Change. USA: University of Illinois Press Francis M, H. and Contandriopoulous, C. (2008). Architectural Theory: An Analogy from 1871 to 2005. UK: Blackwell Publishing Koolhas, R. (2014). Fundamentals Catalogue. Venice: Marsilio. Lang, J. (2005). Urban Design: A Typology of Procedures and Products. Oxford: Architectural Press Moussa Spring, J., Frock, C. and Hofman, F. (2015). Unexpected Art: Serendipitous Installations, Site-Specific Works, and Surprising Interventions. San Francisco: Chronicle Books Punter, J. (2009). Urban Design and the British Urban Renaissance. Uk: Taylor and Francis Relph, E. (1976). Place and Placelessness. London: Pion. Vaughan, L. (2007). Suburban Urbanities, Suburbs and the Life of the High Street. London: UCL Press, University College London.

`Parametric Landscape Urbanism`: A Model Proposal for Operational Framework SadÄąk Deniz Akman

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, MSc Urban Design Program, Ankara, TURKEY sadikdenizakman@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION Landscape urbanism which focuses on the understanding of environment and ecology was in urban design agenda since the early 1990s. Main focus on this chapter is understanding what landscape urbanism generically is about and what are the key aspects of it in terms of urban design and urban morphology. The paper claims that all urbanism discourses are significant and they could interplay each other in order to find a different mixture of theories. They have also significant contributions on urban morphology to create new urban typologies and performativity spaces. So, in landscape urbanism chapter, thesis mainly focuses on creating an operational framework to define new urban design elements which could be the basis for parametrical operations that could explain why landscape urbanism is important and how it is different than other urbanism concepts. Most of the pre-industrialized cities were small and surrounding landscape was always very close to it. In modern times, urban areas cover large areas so the relationship of the natural and urban environments became more important. Changing relationship between urban and natural environments also changed architecture and related professions. Thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s why landscape urbanism became so popular since city and landscape relationship got closer and they have to work together. Changing relationship between nature and city creates differentiation in professional disciplines such as landscape architecture which gain popularity during modern urbanization. In the discourse of urbanism, so many ideas and themes came out through history and they continue to exist. But over time, those ideas and themes became less important or even forgotten. To illustrate, Garden City Idea from Ebenezer Howard (Howard and Osborn, 1965) is currently in contemporary urbanism discourse and has highly influential effects on projects over the world. Landscape Urbanism idea which chapter focuses is not come out of blue. The idea of Landscape Urbanism evolved from recent ideas such as Garden City Idea and also taken

main ideas from Ian McHargâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s book `Design With Nature`. (McHarg, 1969) which discusses the relationship between city and landscape in other words human vs. nature. Landscape Urbanism has, for the last decade, been a topic for debate among practitioners and academicians involved in forming the contemporary urban area. Landscape urbanism offers a new understanding of landscape concept to empower the meaning. With landscape, urbanism discourses present new urban morphologies to overcome conventional urban design methods which looking for new methods and models when designing the city. Climate change is a factor to city design, which is why Landscape Urbanism comes foreground. Likewise, what has seemed to be permanent, began to change visibly, and cities will need to find new ways and strategies to adapt themselves. Since so many cities growing around the seaports, adaptation to rising sea levels will be an important consideration in time. Adaptation is one the concept that introduced in Landscape Urbanism discourse, it means learning new ways to organize the natural environment. To organize urban environment, constant change and adaptation is important to overcome momentary situation occurs in the city. Today cities are facing many environmental and economic problems. So, the concept of the landscape can suggest adaptive elements to create strategies for adaptive cities. People has to create new conditions that will evolve into natural systems over time. Adaptation comes from evolution. Creating new solutions for new conditions is in our instinct. Human race adapted itself for a long time to survive. Cities also evolve and adapt themselves to new conditions. Landscape as an evolving entity rather than a stable one could be a great tool to manage cities which are in constant evolution as well. The main aim of the paper is to define Landscape Urbanism concept and

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creating a framework for parametrical operations. Since today`s cities facing so many global problems, Landscape Urbanism has to ground itself with adaptable tools. We need tools and methods to define design operations which could control evolutionary process of urbanization and create adaptive city scenarios which are coherent with landscape and nature. Experimenting those operations will provide urban design a model of research by design that would define how landscape urbanism practice works and how it can be characterized. 2. LANDSCAPE URBANISM AS A NEW FIELD OF RESEARCH AND PRACTICE Definition of Landscape Urbanism One of urban planning theories is landscape urbanism which is a theory that supports the idea of arranging cities by designing its landscape instead of merely designing buildings. Although the term of ‘landscape urbanism’ has been used in many different forms since it was first found in the middle of the 1990’s, it is commonly referred to as postmodernist or post-postmodernist. This citation is seen as a response to the shortcomings of new urbanism. By the late 1990s, declining post-industrial cities in the United States, such as Detroit, the term ‘landscape urbanism’ was used by landscape architects to refer to such cities. On the other hand, by the early 2000s the European architects used the same term to refer to flexible approaches to fusing large-scale infrastructure, residence, and open space. Emergence of Landscape Urbanism

Through landscape urbanism, the relationship between city and nature was not portrayed in a conflicted manner but rather in an integrated approach in which the systemic and physical interfaces are incorporated by buildings, infrastructures, cultures and natural ecologies. This approach initially aimed to renovate and strengthen post-industrial areas and shrinking cities such as Cleveland, Leipzig, and Manchester. Moreover, it also aimed to remediate deserted and polluted landscapes. The strict techniques of centralized planning were modified through alternative strategies developed by landscape urbanism. These alternative strategies are more flexible and loose. As stated by Stan Allen, landscape urbanism design strategies are utilized to eliminate the cumbersome structure of traditional space making approaches. In the middle of the 1990s, landscape urbanism was shaped as an intellectual and disciplinary domain. It is based on previous projects such as Central Park in New York and Emerald Necklace project in Boston, both created by Frederick Law Olmstead. These projects were not only designed for visual attractiveness, but also for creating a metropolitan sanitation areas and they incorporated feats of civil and hydrologic engineering. The morphology of contemporary cities has been modified through years. Cedric Price’s diagram of `the three eggs` is a good illustration of this case (Shane, 2006). (See: Figure 1.) The structure of cities has changed from having a prominent city walls to a softer structure that is incorporated into the city center. In order to understand the complexity of cities, new techniques and approaches should be utilized. Today, production and recreation are the two main elements of a city.

In the middle of the 1990’s, the concept of landscape urbanism was defined by Charles Waldheim, a former student of McHarg, who had built this concept on the work of James Corner. The development of the concept Landscape Urbanism started in America in 1996 when Waldheim described the practices that intersected urban design with landscape architecture. The dispersed horizontal nature of North American urban form has enforced the concept of landscape urbanism, especially in the post-industrial states. The concept has attempted to fill the gap between two disciplinary areas. In the late 20th century there has been an increase in cultural awareness regarding environmental issues, especially to anthropogenic climate change. This awareness was mainly obtained from the regional planning thinkers of the century such as Lewis Mumford and Patrick Geddes.

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Figure 1. City as an egg diagram (Soruce: Cedric Prince)

The landscape is an evolving system, it is an evolutionary system rather than a static image idea, conceiving model by meaning into the world landscape by referring to the German word `landscaft`. Landschaft can

be interpreted in a more functional way its English counterpart which represents landscape painting and the picturesque. Landschaft covers relationship not only what is visible to our eyes but also process, the formation of landscape. So landschaft word in German covers better looking at the emergence of landscape urbanism to reveal at how contemporary city as an evolutionary system. Landscape urbanism as an emergent field criticizes generic models of modernization and urbanization. It represents a model for coalition between landscape and city, and heterogeneous urbanism rather than homogenizing effects of the late capitalism. (See: Figure 2.)

how infrastructure can change and lead urban morphologies may lead to innovative design ideas and new interventions. Responsiveness to nature and dynamic coalitions are another important aspects of landscape urbanism. In contemporary urbanism discourse, there are more emphasis on bottom-up approaches trying to reveal complexity of cities. Landscape urbanism offers preliminary small-scale operations within the body of its dynamic and organic structure. Rather than huge structures, the solutions offered by landscape urbanism in the sense of materials and scale, especially soft-landscaping installations, which require few resources and cost effective methods, allow step-by-step implementation. 3. MORPHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS OF LANDSCAPE URBANISM AND LANDSCAPE URBANISM OPERATIONS Morphological Elements of Landscape Urbanism

Figure 2. City-landscape diagram (Source: Personal rendering)

Landscape urbanism considers focusing on infrastructure and using landscape as a complex element for the city to rehabilitate urban sites in dense built environment. Brownfields and huge vacant post-industrial sites are another fields of landscape urbanism to operate. In the 1990`s (1997), when landscape urbanism field emerged, James Corner coined the term, and he stated that `landscape` concept is metaphorical associations, especially for many contemporary architects and urbanist. (Corner, 2012) He argued that centralize planning has the linear process over time which landscape urbanism offers non-linear process. Whether landscape urbanism can be an emergent field as an answer to the `new design model` for contemporary city question still remains blurry question. It is important to state that strategies and concepts of landscape urbanism created are various influences on urbanism discourse. One of the main approach considered in landscape urbanism is the structure of multidisciplinary field, which allows different professions working together in the same platform and creating new ideas and developing new concepts. Rather than a gray urbanism, which implies real estate development to accumulate capital by urban land; Landscape Urbanism offers focusing on ecological tactics and infrastructural strategies which have not been in the main line of urbanism discourse. Thinking about

What is the difference between urban design and landscape architecture in term of morphology? Morphological elements of landscape urbanism are different than morphological elements of landscape architecture. Since landscape architecture mainly focuses on streets, open spaces, parks and green areas, landscape urbanism elements can be topography, river, vegetation or infrastructure in addition to the morphological elements such as canals or hard surfaces. With new elements of landscape urbanism, urban morphology can create more adaptable places in cities. Using those elements such as vegetation (soft landscape), ground and pavements (hard landscape), drainage swales by either underground or ground level, and land forms which landscape can be utilized as surfaces are useful tools to create new form concepts which is adaptable to architecture and environment. Middle East Technical University MSc Urban Design Studio in 2014-2015 academic years worked on urban morphology and re-defined urban design elements by urban coding project which has focused on design codes and form generation processes. How these codes perform in the space and the relationship between design and code were the main research questions. Finding the relationship between elements of urban design to fully understand design research field is important to use those elements to generate the design process. Main morphological elements are: street, plot, building and blocks as defined in the studio. So the question is what are the new elements of landscape urbanism and what are their parameters in terms of urban morphology.

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While basic urban design elements have been defined, clear definition of the morphological element set for landscape urbanism was needed to create an operational framework. Definition of new elements of landscape urbanism required research on existing elements and also experimental high level of abstraction to fully create conceptual framework. First, the author made some metaphorical experiments (See: Figure 3.) on landscape urbanism elements. Yet, it was recognized that was not enough in terms of urban morphology and urban form generation.

Figure 4. Main urban elements in some western cities (Source: Personal rendering)

By looking at leading projects the author aims to find out what urban morphological elements are mostly used in landscape urbanism projects. In that regard, main morphological elements of landscape urbanism are specified as follow: river, infrastructure, green space and landform (See: Figure 5.)

Figure 3. Preliminary sketches of defining the elements of landscape urbanism (Source: Personal rendering)

Figure 5. The basic morphological elements of landscape urbanism (Source: Personal rendering)

Using existing topographical shapes and landforms are not enough to shape city form and it does not pose enough parameters to create a generative design tool. While the landscape offers such variety of influence and inspiring concepts to offer designers, topography and metaphorical approaches in landscape urbanism is not enough to exploit full potentials of landscape urbanism for form generation methods.

But those elements are not enough to explain in every context since they are derived from western cities and may not be the case of every cities in the world. Those typological elements are very context based and they are not flexible to achieve adaptable design operations in terms of geometrical definitions.

For landscape urbanism projects the elements such as river, infrastructure, green space and terrain are crucial to define city and they should be considered as main components besides street, building, plot and block. Other than buildings and streets which can be considered as urban morphological elements water canals, city infrastructure represents another level of network in almost every western city. (See: Figure 4.)

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Full set of operational elements can be defined via abstracting those landscape elements as such: -Landmarks, Follies as Points -River, Infrastructure, transportation, canals are as Lines -Hard and soft ground as Surfaces New elements of Landscape Urbanism are points, lines and surfaces (See: Figure 6.) In order to create new and generative framework for landscape urbanism, the operational model has to include all those elements together.

Line Figure 6. Geometrical definition of the basic morphological elements of landscape urbanism

Rather than the design elements involved in conventional landscape architecture, the definition of a geometrical and flexible set of components can be achieved. Landscape urbanism has been criticized for being using traditional methods and tools of landscape architecture with old elements and methods. With new geometrical definition of the morphological elements, landscape urbanism can provide with different design control mechanism.

A line is defined as vectorized axes, running through the landscape with supplement parameters such as width and height. Water canals, green aleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, water and transportation channels or street promenades can be considered as line which is working as connector. Line Operations Pinching: It is an operation for lines (channels) to measure the distance between canal networks and create new lines (Channels) in a network with pinching points that modify with overlapping lines in desired points. Pinch points work as connection hubs for new attraction points. (See: Figure 9.)

Point Points as a landscape urbanism element is the basic element by which every other elements can be defined. Points are location based solid elements such as landmarks, follies, meeting hubs. Points provide connection, integration, attraction to be associated with other elements and surroundings. Point Operations Alignment: It is one of the most important designs concept that is utilized to line up elements. The logic behind this operation is to organize elements along their base points to achieve ground of organized, controlled repetitions on the land. (See: Figure 7.)

Figure 9. Pinching operation creates pinch points

Pulling lines in line (channel) network create overlapped attraction points working as the generator of hub points. The logic of operation results in the creation of new urban hubs by joint lines. Distortion: As an act of `spreading`, the operation is to distort lines by using point elements. Distorting lines with a point is curving or changing the angle of straight lines which can create new paths for vector channels in the network. (See: Figure 10.)

Figure 7. Alignment operation for landscape urbanism

Composition and increasing sense of unity can be utilized by alignment operation for point elements. Branching: It is conceptually parenting one `point` successively to achieve `controlled morphologies` by using branches as lines with using `parent points` to create new clones. (See: Figure 8.)

Figure 10. Distorted lines with using point element

The logic behind this operation is spreading points and distorting lines in accordance with their distance between point and lines. Distortion operation can create new directions and bind them together in certain radius. Surface

Figure 8. Branching operation to create new points with the logic of rhizome concept

Branching operation creates subdivided new points following `trunk` route to develop new emergent scenarios from `parented` point. It creates controlled locations which could be utilized as space formations.

Surfaces are geomorphic entities such as plain, valleys, hills, plateaus or mountains. While landform is very complex geographical shapes and features, in urban design landforms works as operative models. As morphological elements, geometrical definitions and process of landforms are important inputs for urban design space generation. The surface

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in landscape urbanism includes no buildings rather it has potentials for recreation, vegetation, activities and social spaces. Surfaces or planes in geometrical terms are infinite definitions of landscape grounds. The surface in the landscape is dynamic components that have thickness rather than two-dimensional flat surfaces. The soft (green) ground and the hard (paved) surface are two different surface types. The shape of the surfaces can be determined either by the curves or straight lines. Different shapes of surfaces can be utilized as sports fields, entertainments, open space or public space. Surface Operations: Segmentation: It is a landscape urbanism operation to creating new thickness and layers on landscape surface. While traditional ground landscape operation is limited to create variations, segmentation of ground offers a whole new strategy to challenging space vs. landscape relationship. (See: Figure 11.)

Operational Framework Design operations in landscape urbanism are claim to be used in morphological urban form generation. How landscape forces can be parameterized as a generative tool to be used in parametric landscape urbanism as the main question of this paper. Even though there are new tools and techniques, those tools have not been experiment enough to be justified yet. To adapt those tools and techniques there should be a framework which could be operated as experimental models to show what operations can be achieved by using those tools and how it can be adapted in to the contemporary urbanism discourse. By doing that, landscape urbanism can be more clarified to justify itself, showing which in terms of urban morphology. REFERENCES: Corner, J. (2012). Terra fluxus. Lotus International, 150, pp.54–63. Howard, E. and Osborn, F.J. (1965). Garden cities of tomorrow, MIT Press. McHarg, I. (1969). Design with nature, Garden City N.Y.: Published for the American Museum of Natural History [by] the Natural History Press. Shane, G. (2006). The Emergence of “Landscape Urbanism.” The Landscape Urbanism Reader, (19), pp.55–67.

Figure 11. Segmentation of ground can create new spaces.

New open space variations and usages can be created with segmentation operation to use folding, thickening, lifting and grounding concepts. Pixelation: It displays a section of the surface which could be either square or other shapes as a piece of the surface and doing the same operation on all surfaces. Using base shape as the main domain, size and height parameters can be changed in accordance with to the desired scenario. (See: Figure 12.)

Figure 12. Pixelation is landscape urbanism operation for displaying a section of the surface.

The concept describes the spatial operation for the figure-ground relationship, attempting to understand and re-arrange the landscape as surface relationship which can be pixelated into smaller pieces and shapes. This concept can create new open-closed space relationship by combining surface-line-point elements to allow open ended spatial variations.

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Physical city models in the age of digital representation Pelin Yoncacı Arslan

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of Architecture, Ankara, TURKEY pelinyon@gmail.com

“Urban design deals with the urban macroform at the macro-scale, with the formation and shaping of various pieces of urban land at the meso-scale, and with all buildings and spaces between them at the micro-scale …. The main objectives of the program are to develop the theoretical frameworks which will generate those structures related to form, identity and action at all scales of the city; …”(1). Reading this statement on the METU MSc Urban Design Program’s website, all prospect students would have a more or less clear idea about the limits of the research to be conducted in the Program, but also they would surely feel the emphasis on the multi-scalar approach as one of the definitive cornerstones of the urban design education. Among many other parameters, scale suggests the scope of the work and mainly determines the degree of inclusion of political, cultural, social, economic, historic and physical context incorporated into an urban design project. The tool set to analyze different measures and effects operating at different scales are plans, diagrams, texts, physical models, and lately new 3D digital approaches that have emerged to improve representational methods.(2) Yet, despite urban design’s close alliance with these digital tools and models both in studio and professional field, physical models are still in use in the processes of design and presentation. These models are produced either by traditional handcrafting methods or by 3d-printers but usually, a physical model accompanies a virtual representation. Despite the digital tools providing new modes of visualizing information, layering and deep mapping techniques, why do we still use physical models in urban design? In the concept of multi-scalar analysis in particular, virtual representations have already created a dynamic platform to reveal the interrelations between different scales, different disciplinary concerns, and different time periods. In the age of such endless multilayered information, do we still need solid models that had chosen one specific moment in time of the city and eliminated the other instances, concerns, or ideas? The uncertainty in these questions lays the foundation to discuss the effects of virtual representation techniques on the physical models. By examining couple of physical models from both professional and educational environments, this paper questions whether

it is possible to develop new ways of thinking about physical models in the age of digital representation. The following pages address three types of physical models that can be roughly categorized as traditional city models, physical/virtual combinations and the conceptual models. Traditional city models emphasize the whole more than individual parts and situate the spectacular ‘big urban picture’ within the everyday experience (i.e. unfold the whole city in front of the viewers). The physical models with virtual components, on the other hand, mostly aim to inspire awe in audience. These models are almost poststructuralist in ideology and highly sensational in aesthetics. The accompanied 3D technology creates its own atmospheric environment and thus the presentation materializes the urban spectacle in a more sophisticated way. Different than the traditional physical models, these representations integrate existing conditions with future projections and use disorder and heterogeneity as liberating concepts. The third group of examples reveals complexity in a multi-scalar approach and allowed a conceptual fluidity in representation. Accompanied by various media like drawings and diagrams, this group embodies interdisciplinary thought that allowed a rather smooth transition between scales. By specifically referring to the METU Master of Urban Design Studio’s student projects within this group, the paper concludes with comments on how new digital tools and ways of thinking can further mobilize solid models.

Figure 1. The 1/240 scale model of Rome, Museo della Civiltà Romana, Rome. (Source: http://lucamessinaphoto.altervista.org/REFLEX/museo-civilta-romana/ Model/Museo-Civilta-Romana-13-01-2008-MCR-198.jpg.html)

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Physical city models have been built all over the world, from the 1/240 scale model of the imperial city of Rome hosted in the Museo della Civilta Romana to the plaster model of Paris built on a 1/2000 scale in the 1990s, from Robert Moses’ Panorama, representing New York City in the 1964 World’s Fair, to the 1/500 scale (144 square meter) planning model of Moscow, constructed between 1963 and 1968, and to the massive scale model of downtown Shanghai at the Shanghai Urban Planning Exhibition Center. Each served for different purposes but all played an important role in the making and exhibiting the occupied urban landscape. All represented governing concerns of a certain past, or of their time, or the projected future.

Figure 4. 1/500 scaled model of downtown Shanghai, Shanghai Urban Planning Exhibition Center (Source: http://www.supec.org/spot/spot5.htm)

Figure 2. The Panorama of New York city, Queens Museum, New York. (Source: http://www.queensmuseum.org/2013/10/panorama-of-the-city-of-newyork)

Figure 3. City model of central Moscow, Moscow. (Source: http://www.wurlington-bros.com/DC/miniMoscowModel.html)

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In 2012, in a similar fashion, Ankara was divided into 41 plates with 1 to 1.5m dimensions and put on display for the public for the project called ‘Ankara: From Castle to Tower.’ To reread the city, as stated in the official video prepared by the modelling team, the Turkish Independent Architecture Association (TSMD) commissioned the construction of a relief model of the entire city in 1/500 scale. (3) The model included streets, neighborhoods, as well as the historic castle of the old town and Atakule, the iconic building of the new town, if one can interpret the title of the project accordingly. The model was first displayed in the atrium of one of the well-known shopping malls of the city since the room for the sixty-two square meter object must have been hard to find in Ankara, a city as much limited and dense as the one depicted in the model itself. No digital component accompanied the model of Ankara, nor was there any projection related with future development plans or the challenges faced by the represented area. The gigantic scale, on the other hand, created an undeniable public awareness about Ankara and various aspects of city planning. Also, visitors of the shopping mall had the chance to conceive the city as a whole. The incredibly elaborate modelling skills and details encouraged close inspection and in that way, further contributed to the urban spectacle displaced and recast in a miniature form in front of the eyes of the visitors of the mall. Yet, putting the power of the scale and the detailing aside, one might ask the questions of use and expected impact: what was the use value of this model? Is a sixty-two square meter physical model enough to represent the urban condition of Ankara in 2012? What was the intended effect? Would it have been possible to build a 1/1000 model around thirty square meters and still grasp the complete picture?

that kind of an ideological and material vision without the presence of a physical model?

Figure 5. 1/500 scale model of Ankara, Kentpark Shopping Mall, Ankara, 2012. (Source: http://www.react.org.tr/tr/?page_id=994)

The Ankara model presented the city in the beginning of the twenty-first century and immediately became an invaluable historic resource, as well as an educational tool for urban history. The model reassessed “bigness” as the most effective means for urban design to produce complexity, effect and even meaning. (4) It displayed art and craft of model-making, how a city could start a conversation, not about its dynamic urban conditions or future projections, but about its present. The model represented a temporary present that was even past the moment the model was realized. Moreover, the big scale of the physical model must have become a strategic tool that both organized and occupied the designated atrium space of the shopping mall. The model was almost transformed into a mere object of display. In ‘Koolhaasian’ terms, the expansion of the model – that is, the architecture of the model itself – displaced ‘what used to be called the city’. In 2015, in a similar way but with different purposes, the Istanbul Chamber of Commerce attended to the MIPIM (Le marché international des professionnels de l’immobilier) - an international property event hosted in Cannes, France - with a gigantic 1/1000 scale model of the 96 km2 of Istanbul. Designated as the “most innovative and creative manner” by the official website, this city model featured iconic historical buildings along with numerous new real estate and infrastructural projects, all further animated through motion and light effects and video mapping series repeated every hour. The spectacle projected onto the gigantic model repeatedly blurred the thin line between the representation of the actual and the prospected future. Would it be possible to project

Figure 6. 1/1000 scale model of Istanbul, Cannes France, 2015. (Source: http://realestatenewsturkey.com/tag/ito/)

In the ICC model, two new conditions face the visitor, the urbanist, or the tourist: First, the physical model seems to be no longer an object of close attention. The 1/500 scale Ankara model, despite its ‘bignesss’, still allowed close reading. Anyone interested in a small district, let us say an individual street in Kizilay or a single apartment, could have get close and read the details. But the Istanbul model became a multimedia object that avoided close inspection. Rather people view the model in a state of distraction. (5) It is now about the city image, information flow, branding and pure spectacle. The spectrum of this perception has little tolerance for the possibility of in-depth reading. Second, whether such a close reading is demanded or not, the atmosphere of the event have already modified the subject/object relationship by employing lighting effects and augmented reality projected over the model. The idea was not to show the alternative urban scenarios but to demonstrate the potential of Istanbul to house many diverse residential developments simultaneously. The polemical value of the physical model was more important than the tectonics of it. In that sense, the question of what level of scale to use follows the question of what kind of an effect is to be planned in this international event. Would it be possible for the Chamber to be more ambitious and create an incredibly data-rich digital model of Istanbul simulating dynamic flow patterns such as the city surface traffic, traffic on Bosporus, wind flows, noise, sunlight, rail systems, etc?

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As recent trends and developments in digital techniques of representation and informational tools unfold continuously, contemporary urban design resides more and more on computational software, diagrams, network maps, datascapes and computer aided manufacturing of physical models. Various ecological conditions, sustainability and atmospheric imagination become models of operation and communication. The new generation of students engages more with digital means and thus easily integrates technology into their processes of observation, examination and codification of urban data. This creates suitable conditions for a gradual distancing of the dynamic urban operations from a solid model as well as from any form of easy legibility. More specifically, this paradigm shift brings another process of model-making. Monumental historical models transferred the literal into representation and in this way, the observer easily related the model with the physical world – as in the case of Ankara model. In Istanbul model, however, this relationship becomes reversed with different objectives: being illegible and scaleless. The crucial moment is the elimination of scale system to emphasize the aesthetics of complexity and multilayeredness. The projected lights and videos, in that sense, renders the physical model almost as an invisible or insignificant canvas that only provide a base for the urban speculation.

dynamic flow patterns. The model could have been produced as a more integrated version, or I would call, a hypermodel (i.e. a physical model) with strong digital components. Each digital layer could have represented one type of dynamic urban data, such as the city surface traffic, or the soundscape along the main arteries of the city. Projected on sidewalls or onto the model itself, such digital layers could have created multiple readings coexist at a specific time. While there is a geographical code organizing the multiple overlays, they were not necessarily presented as end products. Instead, a different condition of solid model could have been produced out of what can be contextualized as the permeability between different layers of information. Then, the question of scale could have been legitimized with reference to the scope of representation. Such a multi-layered presentation could have required constant zooming in and out - a kind of flexible scale that is only possible through digital techniques of representation. Then again, such a multi-scalar approach has a cost. In urban design education, different levels of scale structure the complexity of explanation and magnitude of the existing urban condition. Pedagogically, a constant questioning of such a fundamental measure could obviously create confusion and misunderstandings. Therefore, the third group of examples will be selected among the physical models created within the urban design studio. Luckily enough, the works of METU MUD Studio, the generous hosts of the Symposium, present a set of sophisticated student work to discuss within the scope of this paper. The first example is the 1/1000 scale model of Atasehir, Istanbul, produced within the course in Spring 2016 and displayed in the ‘Weaving the City Through the Torn Urban Fabric’ exhibition as part of our Symposium. As stated in the design brief, the project asked for parametric, rule-based solutions and encouraged generative design strategies. By challenging the conventional problems and methods of urban design, the final review presented a colorful palette of hybrid methodologies ranging from nostalgic placemaking ideas, to parametric design, architectural design and rule-based modelling systems generating “a certain level of harmony and unity within diversity” (6).

Figure 7. 1/1000 scale model of Istanbul, Cannes France, 2015. (Source: http://realestatenewsturkey.com/tag/ito/)

In this sense, the ICC model can be considered a missed opportunity. Formerly, the scale model of Ankara, for example, attempted to lessen the importance of spectacular imagery, but mostly intended to represent the vast scale of the urban area in a single frame. The model was intended to be legible. The ICC model, on the other hand, neglected the possibility of synchronicity or interplay between the physical city and

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Figure 8. The scale model of the project, “Weaving the City through the Torn Urban Fabric” exhibition, METU Department of Architecture, 2016.

Throughout the jury, the proposals encouraged creative dialog on residential developments, the issues related with the existing infrastructure and road system, as well as the layout and geometrical complexity, the reasoning behind proposed rule-based systems. As can be followed in the exhibition, the presentation posters has analyses of complex data sets about a wide range of variables, all examined by diverse strategies, technologies at various scales. That’s being said, the physical model was produced with traditional modeling techniques. Remarkably, the construction of the model itself was not as radical as the urban space it proposed. It was a 3D representation of a selected moment taken from the parametric digital model. Neither the speculative features of the given project nor the dynamic urban flows brought by the parametric urban design codes were reflected in the solid model. Despite the multi-scalar interdisciplinary urban view presented in the jury, the model was limited with a singular scale, within a single frame of representation. The spotlight placed very close to the model was hardly enough to situate the model as the central piece of the exhibition. Though one could appreciate the model as a well-designed object, a series of physical models representing several different instances within the suggested system would have worked better. A sequential urban representation, like stills from a movie, could have served better for the implications of the parametric design methodologies. Or else, if singular object-model is decided from the beginning, a more influential example could be Kartal-Pendik Masterplan models by Zaha Hadid Architects, which later ended up as an art installation shown at the Sonnabend Gallery (7).

Figure 9. Kartal-Pendik Masterplan models displayed at the Sonnabend Gallery, Paris. (Source: http://rash.la/gallery/kartal-pendik-masterplan/)

Last but not the least, I will conclude with two models featured in the Future Ankara exhibition, another project successfully conducted by the METU MUD studio in collaboration with the Goethe-Institut Ankara. To organize an exhibition about future imaginations that were mostly based on studio projects could have been risky, particularly in the current political and social instability condition of Turkey. The ideas and the objects produced for display would have failed to engage the viewers as imagining for Ankara’s possible futures needs considerable optimistic effort. Yet, the instructors and students of the parametric urban design studio introduced speculative, highly sophisticated urban projects trigging collective imagination, launched creative conversations and positioned Ankara as a still young city with full of dreams. The exhibition featured several physical models, all set in motion simultaneously. Each model carried different qualities suggesting multiple design possibilities and offered varying paths to end up with versions of Future Ankara. Here are two of those: The Hypercity and The Return. The model of Hypercity is a lightweight three dimensional grid scaled up to the human scale. It invited the visitors inside and produced the effect of an abstract inner volume, an urban interior, that was further defined through the scaled-up urban sections placed on two sides and the bottom. Once inside, the lack of a solid exterior caused the observer to question the suggested interiority and left him/her in an in-between position. Moreover, as one experienced the model from within, tiny human figures placed on the suspended blocks challenged the human scale one more time, more substantially this time. So, not only interiority, but also the idea of scale and scalelessness was further investigated while building the physical model.

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a relief, nor an image – the Return model searched for unexpected overlaps, personal creativity of the reader/observer/designer as opposed to classical figure-ground relationship found in the models of Ankara or Istanbul as discussed before.

Figure 10. Hypercity model by Irmak Yavuz, Onur Tümtürk, Future Ankara exhibition, Goethe Institute Ankara, 2017.

Figure 11. The Return model by Eren Efeoğlu, Ebru Şevik, Ecesu Eşmen, Mert Can Yılmaz, Future Ankara exhibition, Goethe Institute Ankara, 2017.

The Return, on the other hand, represented Ankara in the year 2067 where fabricated high tech building components were placed on the old urban fabric. The tension proposed for the individual units was further emphasized with the physical model that was placed against the flat section perspective pasted on the wall. The dimensions and the position of the model pointed to a partial nature as if representing a fragment of the whole imaginary scenario. The model suggested autonomous parts and structures but at the same time avoided a fragmented urban image: the parts remained in tension with the whole. at the first sight, the model was static, like the other examples so far, yet the fragments of the utopic city multiplied the fantasies and this, in turn, mobilized the model. Most of the visitors got down on their knees and looked at the model from eye-level. The scale in that sense followed the object/observer relationship predetermined by the designer. Not easily legible, not understandable in the first moment, but neither an icon, or

As concluding remarks of this speculative inquiry, one can argue that contemporary urban conditions need to be represented by the use of multiscalar representation. A sequential group or a series of physical models may offer an open field of possibilities for planners, designers, and architects who would face multiple ideas presented on a single plate. A contemporary city model is either a physical or a digital city model that has constantly organized and reorganized information from various sources and presents it to the audience in a multi-layered state. It has to represent the historical layers in a systematic way; to curate the present state of the city by overlaying the physical reality with dynamic information networks; and finally it has to move the city forward by courageously projecting the future possibilities. The ability to be able to zoom in and out smoothly redefines the static condition of models and introduces the notion of scale as a constant variable, rather than a fixed value. In 1977, when Charles and Ray Eames shot their sensational short film “Powers of Ten,” they were commenting on “the effect[s] of adding another zero” and argued that understanding scale “has the power to make us better scholars and better citizens.” (8) 1. For the website, see, http://crp.metu.edu.tr/programs/master-urban-design, last accessed Jan 28, 2017. 2. Dorta and LaLande, 1998 3. For the movie, see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6h2jyFPFvLY, last accessed Jan 28, 2017. 4. As formulated by Koolhass in his S,M,L,XL, bigness, or “the problem of large” is a quantum of scale and extends beyond monumentality. 5. Benjamin, 1969 [1936]. 6. Exhibition Review, ‘UD755 Parametric Urban Design Exhibition: Weaving The City Through the Torn Urban Fabric’, METU Journal of Faculty of Architecture, 2016/2, pp.251, last accessed Feb 15, 2017. 6. For images, see http://rash.la/gallery/kartal-pendik-masterplan/ last accessed Jan 28, 2017. 7. For the movie, http://www.eamesoffice.com/education/powers-of-ten-2/, last accessed Jan 28, 2017. REFERENCES: Benjamin, W. (1969 [1936]). “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction.” Illuminations. ed. H. Arendt. New York, Schocken. 217–251. Dorta, T., La Lande, P., (1998) “The impact of virtual reality on the design process, digital design studios: do computers make a difference?” Proceedings of the 18th Annual Conference of the Association for Computer Aided Design in Architecture, ACADIA, pp. 138–163. Dovey, K. (2016) Urban Design Thinking: A Conceptual Toolkit. Bloomsbury Publishing, Jenkins, E. (2012) To Scale: One Hundred Urban Plans, Routledge. Koolhass, R., Bruce, M. (1997) S, M, L, XL, The Monacelli Press. Schnabel, Marc A., Kvan, T., (2003) “Spatial Understanding in Immersive Virtual Environments,” International Journal of Architectural Computing 1 (4), 435–448. Tokuhara, T., et al., (2010) “Development of a city presentation method by linking viewpoints of a physical scale model and VR,” 28th eCAADe Conference Proceedings, pp. 747–754. Stuart R, (1996) The Design of Virtual Environments, McGraw-Hill, New York.

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AN ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN STUDIO EXPERIENCE WITH A CONTEXTUAL URBAN FOCUS: ARCHITECTURE OF TRANSITION IN BASMANE – IZMIR S. Bahar Durmaz Drinkwater [1], Sertaç Erten [1], Ece Küreli [1], Sema Alaçam [1,2] [1] İzmir University of Economics, Department of Architecture [2] İstanbul Technical University, Department of Architecture bahar.durmaz@ieu.edu.tr, sertacerten@gmail.com, ece.kureli@ieu.edu.tr, semosphere@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION The “Architecture of Transition” is the graduation project of the final year of the Architecture program of Izmir University of Economics (IUE) in Turkey and it is one of the three units given as elective in the 4th year. The unit has an urban focus which has a critical and contextual approach to build environment. Students are given two themes of Refugee and Immigrant Support Centre and/or Living-in transition, rather than outlining a full architecture program. In search for an urban/ contextual approach to architectural education, this 15-week studio took place between February 2016 and June 2016 with the attendance of 22 students registered to the unit. This paper presents the urban approach and the pedagogy applied to an architectural design studio. In this paper, we reflect on our experience of tutoring an experimental studio. The project site is located in one of the main transportation hubs of Izmir, Basmane which has become a place for refugees and immigrants through the years. Being close to Basmane train and metro station and the historic city centre, the site has accommodated immigrants and marginal groups over the years and now accommodating mainly Syrian refugees. There have been many different ethnic and social groups living in the area. The unit aims to include designing a small-scale building in a dense and historic urban environment without a previously set an architectural program. The unit aims to concentrate on the issues such as social responsibility of an architect/architecture, urban resilience and designing for/in transition (i.e. constant demographic, social and land-use change) in Basmane area. Students of the unit are given the choice of some specific urban plots in the area.

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Following this introduction, the second part explains the structure of the 4th year at IUE. Part-3 outlines the objectives and frameworks of Unit 2. The paper focuses on the outcomes of the unit by analyzing the students’ projects according to the given frameworks and objectives in the part-4 and concludes with the evaluation of the studio work. 2. STRUCTURE OF THE 4TH YEAR STUDIO–ARCH 498 GRADUATION PROJECT There are 81 students enrolled in Arch 498 Graduation Project course. The course is structured as 3 units under the overall theme of ‘interface’ such as Unit 1: Surfacing, Unit 2: Layering and Unit 3: Merging. (See: Figure 1.) This paper is based on the processes and the outcomes of Unit 2 only. However, it is useful to give a brief introduction of Unit 1 and Unit 3 as well. Unit 1 Critical Practices has 30 students and their theme is Living-in fill. The site is located in Mimar Kemalettin area of Izmir which is located in between Konak and Alsancak and just nearby of Kemeraltı Bazaar. The unit’s students are asked to develop their projects’ architectural programme around this given theme. Unit 3, Technological Practices, has 27 students and their theme is Environment and Architecture. The unit has a programmatic approach entitled with “Multicultural Urban Hub”. The site is located in Karataş district of Izmir which is located by the sea and just nearby the main road that connects Izmir city center with the west of the city. Each unit has their own structure independent from the others. The coordinators only define the submission and review dates at the beginning of the semester. Besides, the units aim to achieve the same learning outcomes as outlined within the Bologna Syllabus of the course.

Figure 1. IEU Arch 498 Themes of Unit 1, Unit 2 and Unit 3

3. UNIT-2 URBAN PRACTICES: FRAMEWORKS, OBJECTIVES, DELIVERABLES Context and the Site Selection Framework Unit 2, which is a site-focused contextual unit, focuses on specific sites in Basmane which are divided in accordance with the site characteristics defined by Izmir Tarih Project (Izmir Buyuksehir Belediyesi, 2015). Basmane has been going through changes in relation to immigration over the years. Being closer to Basmane train and metro station and the city centre makes the area such an important urban hub that it accommodates immigrants, marginal groups and many others over the years. With the fact that Syrian refugees shelter in Basmane nowadays, the constant demographic change affects the area, its identity, land use and settlement patterns. This ongoing change urges architecture to provide an architectural solution for the urgent and longer term needs of the immigrants/migrants and any other groups, to find solutions for the social cohesion and to think about how to achieve urban resilience, flexibility where cities can adapt to change. The students, who are enrolled in the Unit 2, are given two different areas in Basmane and they are asked to choose their project site within that area in relation to the programmatic and thematic approach they develop. (See: Figure 2.) Area A is located on the south part of Anafartalar Street, within a more residential and quiet area, whereas Area B is located towards the north of the area including Hatuniye Square, and the main commercial axis Anafartalar Street. Area B is busier comparing to Area A.

Figure 2. Alternative project areas: Area-A and Area-B

The aim of the unit is to challenge students to choose their own project site based on the design problem definition of their project. The tutors also aim to provide the students a framework where they can specify the boundaries and limits. However, they also let students to choose other sites within Basmane on the condition that site selection decision is explained well within the project framework. Another aim of the unit is to bridge the multiple urban and social layers, for instance socio-cultural characteristics of Basmane, responding to the current challenges of/in the chosen sites. Designing a building or a cluster of buildings in relation to the existing urban pattern/tissue is another main objective of the studio. It is important to emphasise that students are not asked to design the urban pattern or produce a largescale urban design project. The aim is to design the building or cluster of buildings responding to the urban context, environment, and urban pattern. Hence, the unit is an architectural design studio which has an

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urban approach at different scales. Considering the given site as part of a dynamic urban life and trying to get a comprehensive understanding about urban space is outlined as one of the challenges of students.

social responsibility in architectural design, integration, intersection, communication, refugees, the others, marginal groups are given as keywords to the students.

Thematic and Programmatic Framework

In terms of the scale of the building, students are asked to develop an architectural program which would need approximately 3000 m2 total built up area. Purposefully, the project area is chosen in a dense and historic urban environment aiming to have a small-scale building.

The unit encourages the students to explore the issue of ‘transition’ and designing for/in the transition areas Basmane. Furthermore, the debates, “social responsibility in architecture”, “social responsibility of an architect” is questioned as well. Another issue that the unit focuses on is ‘urban resilience’. Today, the majority of urban resilience studies concentrate on ecological subsystems like earthquakes, floods, tsunami and etc (Allan et al., 2013). This makes the concept of resilience directly and only related with risk management work. However, in the contemporary world, social changes might create resilience situations as well. Huge amount and sudden migration is one of these cases. It tests an urban environment’s flexibility. We can think Basmane within this theoretical context. In accordance with this overall context, students are given two thematic choices. While the former is ‘Refugee and Immigrant Support Center’; the latter is entitled as ‘Living in transition’ Students also are given a third option as “any other original solution responding to the sites potentials, challenges, cultural activities, which fits well within the research/analysis framework of the project”. (See: Table 1.) Table 1. Thematic and programmatic framework of the project

Thematic Choices

Programmatic Key words

Refugee and Immigrant Support Centre

Support facilities for the existing hotels, facilitating the integration of refugees to the city, language support, legal issues, offices for the representations of NGOs, universities, international aid-organizations & unions, eating & drinking places, toilet and shower, social areas, cultural activities, open offices (lawyers, accountants, therapists, agencies, tutors, consultants, international offices)

Living-in transition

An architectural space in-between a hotel and a house, affordable/temporary accommodation, social spaces, common areas, atelier & workshop spaces, working spaces, cultural activities and other support services

Other

Any other original solution responding to the sites’ potentials, challenges, cultural activities, which fits well within the research/analysis framework of the project

In order to guide the students with thematic and conceptual development, some notions such as urban resilience, democratic landscapes, alternative living, displacement, replacement, immigration/migration,

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Design of Public Space Designing the public space in and around the building (eg. inner public spaces and external public spaces, semi-public spaces, private spaces) is introduced as another challenge of the unit. The students are free to shape the existing public spaces as well as proposing new open public uses that are connected to their architectural programme. In fact, the decisions and strategies about public spaces are accepted as the leading design lines that guide the students throughout their studio experience Integrated Design Process Since the unit aims to integrate ‘urban research and analysis with the design proposa’, students are asked to outline their design problems and conceptual development in relationship to earlier stages of the studio process. Instead of following a classic flow of research + analysis + design, the tutors ask students to decide on the process and integrate the analysis and research with all stages of design. In addition, they are also asked to think at different scales and provide solutions considering the integration of ‘conceptual, contextual and theoretical’ issues with architectural design .It is believed that these two frameworks provide an opportunity of continued evaluation and development of the scheme. In-situ observation, site and behavioral analysis, mapping, SWOT analysis, interviewing, photographical analysis, and risk analysis of various natural disasters are the techniques adopted by the students as part of this task. Demonstrating a Design Development Process In this studio, all the three units are built to equip students with an awareness of design development process which is defined as important as the products of the units. This is also one of the main principles of architectural design education at IUE. Hence, it is crucial that students demonstrate a coherent and relational design development process and be able to document and present the process that they follow. Therefore, the students are asked to arrange their design development folder in a way that represents how they develop their archi-

tectural design either in a chronological order, or according to decision-making process based on the design problem statement or any other processes that they define as outlined (Dubberly 2010).

Table 3. Unit deliverables Product

The tutors only guide the students with the weekly applications as introduced within Table 2. They announce that those applications are to guide them through the process. The applications are given parallel to the studio schedule as shown in Table 2 below. Table 2. Schedule and related applications given to the students Schedule of the Studio

Week 4

Readings & initial observations & Site visit Research and Site Analysis, Case Studies Design Problem Definition

Week 5-6

Urban Strategy &Concepts

Week 7

Conceptual Design Proposal Public Space Strategies

Week 1 Week 2-3

Week 8

Applications

2 Boards (85 X 190)

Application 1: Initial Conceptual Approach + Case Study Application 2: Urban Analysis + Theoretical Approach Application 3: Conceptual Design Diagrams (2D +3D) Application 4: Urban Synthesis + 1/500 Site Plan + Model Application 5: Diagramming the Architectural program + Conceptual Model Application 6: Design of Public Space

Physical Models

Application 7: Circulation/Movement Design (1/200) Week 9-13

Final Project Development

Week 14

Project Presentation Design

Application 8: 1/200 Architectural Drawings + Models Application 9: Structural/Detailed Design + 3D Visuals

Students are required to document these applications in relation to their design development process within a separate folder supported with sketches, photos of models, drawings, site photos, diagrams, any other in-class work and homework given by the tutors. They are also asked to submit these folders together with their midterm and pre-final reviews to demonstrate the design development. It is important that the work is their own and produced within the timetable of the course and they received feedback for that work. Unit Deliverables As for the unit deliverables, tutors define a submission list in order to provide an official ground and to grade equally. Table 3 below shows the items asked for the final submission.

Project Portfolio

Contents

Explanations

Illustrated Design Problem Definitions

in response to the site research, analysis and urban & architectural problems

1/5000 or 1/2000 Urban Strategy

as a response to the stated design problems

1/1000 Master Plan strategies 1/500 Site Plan, Site sections and silhouettes Architectural Drawings (1/200 or 1/100 Sections, Plans, Elevations) Conceptual and Theoretical Approach Architectural Program Circulation Strategy Public Space Strategy Structure Construction and Material Details

site selection criteria, location of the architectural mass within the urban plot, redevelopment or demolishment strategies, and etc

1/500 1/1000 1/200 or 1/100 1/50 or 1/20

Including the building mass & public spaces

As a response to the in-class discussions and unit brief-diagrammed 3D masses + Diagrams 3D masses + Diagrams 3D masses + Diagrams 3D masses + Diagrams 1/50, 1/50 or 1/10- your preferred scale Physical model of the architectural proposal together with the site model of your chosen grid Conceptual Model Architectural Model Section/Detailed Model

Digital Design Development Folder Sketchbook

4. OUTCOMES OF THE STUDIO In this part, studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; projects are evaluated based on the aforementioned unit content, objectives and framework. The aim is to evaluate the unitâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s objectives and to explain to what extent they are achieved or understood by the students and conveyed to their design proposals Site Selection Approaches and Response to the Context In the first three weeks of the studio, students visited the site and conducted a site analysis both in groups and individually. Then they were asked to decide the site of their project z their reading of urban space and context of the district in relation to the two given themes. Although the main tendency among students was to make a choice between the given sites A or B; a student group 4 out of 22, preferred to work in other sites in Basmane. These students either chose other

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empty backyard plots or 1-storeyed building lots. It is observed that Site B attracted more students than Site A (13 out of 22) This is partially due to the fact that Site B has stronger and clearly visible connections with its vicinity, which impressed many students in terms of conducting the spatial analyses. Site A, on the other hand, is more residential in character and relatively less connected to the main commercial axes or the main public spaces of the area. Throughout the studio experience, the students attempt to make spatial connections in order to justify their urban strategies or public space design strategies. In terms of urban approach and response to the context, most of the students aimed to develop their own project scenario responding to various layers of urban environment which varies from socio-cultural, economic characteristic to physical characteristics and perceptual characteristics. It is important to note that the students focused on different aspects of urban environment. A majority of the students (10 out of 22) focused on physical and/or spatial issues; Those students who worked on morphological issues focused on the concepts such as integration with urban pattern and existing public spaces (Hatuniye Square), solid-void relationship, plot/lot structure of urban pattern, infill design, , creating new axis connecting the important commercial axis (Hotels street) and public spaces (Hatuniye Square) and finally creating interactive relationship with the street by means of effective design of the ground floor of the building. Some of those students put more emphasis on land use and shaped their building programme in relation to land use dynamics and multi-layered dynamics of the streets. Moreover, a few students aimed to improve the greenery and increase the accessibility of existing disused green areas by suggesting urban patios and connecting them with the main streets. The other group of students focused more on socio-cultural issues and defined the design problems around the issues of gender and disadvantageous groups such as children, teenagers, and women. Majority of those projects offer social spaces for rehabilitation or integration purposes. Besides, a number of students were interested in the perceptual issues and aimed to provide a safer urban environment through their design. In addition to all these, interestingly there are a few students who aimed to discover the commercial potential of the area and suggested commercial functions in strategically defined points in order to provide security, to revive streets, and to connect commercial axis with their proposed building. There are also a few students who could not respond to the site. Thematic and Programmatic Development A majority of the students chose the Theme 1 (10 out of 22) and come

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up with programmatic solutions for refugee support center. Only four of them worked on the Theme 2, and come up with various accommodation solutions. Apart from these given themes, eight of the students preferred other themes and proposed different programmatic solutions especially for children, teenagers and women. These independent themes are entitled by the students as ‘Youth Rehabilitation Center’, ‘Children Playground Area’, ‘Production Center for Women and Children’, ‘Rehabilitation Center for Children’, ‘Information Center’, and ‘Public Kitchen’, ‘Hospital and Public Kitchen’. The projects are based on different conceptual approaches such as ‘life cycle’, ‘welcoming place for newcomers’, ‘belonging’, ‘neighborhood house’, ‘araf’, ‘empowerment’, ‘permeability’, ‘transition’, ‘threshold’, harmony, adaptation, flow, integration, re-’integration’, ‘weaving’, ‘blending’, ‘safety-introverted’, ‘reliance’, ‘playground’, ‘adaptive architecture’ and ‘resilient cities’. Awareness / responses for the refugee crises: Throughout the semester, it became evident that the students were not familiar with the given themes and they did not exercise these issues in previous years. They also did not work on such a complex and difficult site before. When the unit was introduced at the beginning of the semester, it was not the most desirable unit. Some students expressed their worries that they were not used to design refugee spaces or work in these complicated unsafe environments; even there were some saying that they were ‘scared of going to the site’ and hence had considerations about choosing the unit or not. When the tutors announce the content of the studio, the first reaction was how to deal with such a design problem which was believed to be far from a designer’s lifestyle or background or experiences. Either they were anxious about not developing any empathy to this sensitive humanity case, or they were worried about the conditions and security of the site in general. It is observed that the task of getting out from sterile design desks where they generally deal with commissioned architectural drawings. Consequently, it is seen that awareness of socially-conscious architecture was very low in the studio. Therefore, the tutors assigned case studies as well as relevant readings to students in order to point design possibilities and different perspectives to the issue. Besides that, the students observed the site while they also conduct short semi-structured interviews with people of the area and the local official (muhtar) of the district. Interestingly, the definitions used for refugee problem has changed during the studio. In the beginning, the students were using “Syrians” for all kind of the refugee population. In time, they have realized that the site has a strong refugee history and Syrians are only the contemporary

and in transition group. The students also have realized that there are sub-groups under the notion of ‘refugee’, such as children and women, who are more sensitive to living in transition situations. Thus, there are many projects which have focused on these sub-groups in terms of developing the architectural programme. Although the awareness and consciousness are low to begin with, students have achieved to explore and define the issues responding to the refugee crises. Most of them focus on the problems and necessities such as changing demography in Basmane, unexpected increase in population, inequality among the refugees and the residents of Basmane, social and psychological needs of the refugees, lack of secure environment for children, lack of socio-economic freedom for women, alienation to a new culture and urban context, accommodation and orientation, social and psychological needs of the refugees, avoiding aggression and insufficiency in their psychology. As the process continues it is observed that, the general motto of the students is that “refugees suffer from such and such conditions and we should design a building that would solve at least one of their problems”; whereas there are also a few but different perspectives that enlarge the discussions in the studio. There are just a few students who have interpreted this new urban condition as a potential to enrich the socio-cultural environment of Basmane. They highlight the emergence of multi-cultural life styles in the area and diversity in cuisine. One of the students, for instance, have focused on positive outcomes of the refugee problem. The student thought that the multicultural character of the region has a huge cultural richness and it can be turned into a fusion and hybrid environment. So the student designed a public kitchen, which would both function as a kitchen for hotel-occupants and as a multi-cultural cuisine workshop that serves for other tourists and visitors of Basmane. So the building would function as an integration of different layers of the society.

Social responsibility in architecture/of an architect: The students interpret the social responsibility of an architect in a different way. Some of the students identify their role to solve the problems of the refugees and some focus on the consequences of this new urban condition and its effect on wider public. While the former approach focuses on providing socializing and support activities for immigrants, providing spaces for help, integration consultancy and support, providing spaces for physical, social and psychological needs of refugees; the latter approach focuses on different user groups including wider public as listed below. These phrases are written as described by the students: • providing equality for both men and women in the urban context • designing an integrated program as a response to accommodation needs • providing spaces for education needs and unemployment • providing a secure environment where people from different cultures can integrate • providing a support centre that teenagers can benefit from • providing more opportunity for women in social life and economy • increasing the quality of space by creating spaces for different user profiles • a place for healthy and affordable food in service both for immigrants and low-income families • a space for children who need psychological and educational support and social integration increasing cultural diversity of İzmir and decreasing conflicts in society • offering a permanent public kitchen and temporary hospital for a possible natural disaster • designing a low cost buildings for temporary needs occurred from emergency situations

Urban resilience: It is observed that resilience is the least responded and understood objective of the studio. Only seven students have taken this criteria into consideration and tried to develop some solutions integrated with architectural and urban approaches. Furthermore, only one of the projects has been able to provide some spatial solutions. The student has worked on design solutions that convert an existing car parking into an emergency hospital and integrates an additional building it with proposed a public kitchen and food court.

Figure 3. Student work (Public kitchen -located in Site B)

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General approaches of the students` towards urban resilience included providing accommodation and support in case of emergency situations around Ä°zmir, designing small urban units for daily and emergency needs, increasing safety and the accessibility of the streets, adaptive re-use of vacant shops, refunctioning of existing buildings, adaptive re-use of vacant building and land, considering flood and earthquake risks of IzmÄąr, developing urban strategies for emergency cases. Design of Public Space Most of the students have developed sensibility towards the notion of public space. A group of students have intervened the current form and functioning of the existing Hatuniye Square, while most of them have preferred to create their own public spaces around the designed building complex. The main tendency here is to use these newly designed open spaces as social gathering and greeting spaces that are located in front of the buildings. Few projects have dealt with the use of open spaces as an extension of the architectural programme. For instance, a student proposed playgrounds and sports facilities since the project was based on the theme of kinder garden that would bind the children of refugee and local people.

Figure 5. Student work (Playgroundâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;located in Site A)

Figure 4. Student work (Firs+ Aid: Public kitchen and healthcare center -located in Site B)

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Public space strategies target different scales as well. Some students integrated their public space strategies with inner and outer spaces within the building such as courtyards, multiple entrances integrated with outside paths, public stairs, passages, playgrounds and extending public space through an inner street. Some other projects developed strategies integrating with the existing public spaces with building courtyards and also improved the connectivity of this public space with the train station. The projects developed several different spatial

strategies as part of their public space strategies such as corridors, arcades, green wall, gridal/modular systems with reference to existing fabric, interior plazas, interconnected spaces via complex circulation systems and ramps. There were also strategies at larger scale through re-functioning of the vacant sites around the buildings such as providing an open air shopping experience, a temporary camping area to be used in the case of natural disasters, indoor and outdoor communal gatherings, plazas for sports activities, and public parks with active green spaces. Integrated Design Process Responding with scale-sliding: This criterion has been one of the most difficult tasks for students, who are more familiar with conventional architectural scale productions. Although there is a conventional scale-based assignment system, that starts from 1/5000 or 1/2000 urban strategy and urban analysis and then goes detailed in 1/100 or other scales; in the studio the tutors aim to give the message that scale is only a tool to represent the project, especially when the project has an urban concern or urban context. Therefore, the students are encouraged to think out of any scale hierarchy that starts with 1/500 and goes to 1/200, 1/50, etc. The studio structure asks them to define the problem and the related design solutions integrated at different scales. The emphasize made by the tutors was that urban design does not have a clear-cut scale system; instead, it is the ability to think among different scales that sway from larger urban scale to detailed architectural scale. However, only a few students were able to understand this and represent it. Conceptualization of design problem (research + analysis + design): As it is explained in the previous sections, students were free to decide on the analysis part and to formulate the analysis and research process in relation to design problem definition. This is considered as a new method for the studio against a linear approach (design followed the analysis and research process) used to be pursued in the previous years. It can be argued that the students have responded to this approach well and this process resulted in a more productive way since students could make more use of the analysis within the design stages.

scenarios based on the independent analysis of the site. As explained above, the issues of scale-sliding and urban resilience were the least successful approaches. This outcome can be related to the lack of previous experience of working at different scales. It is known that students mostly have worked on architectural scale. To some extent, students have learnt to be able to define the design problems and communicate it through different architectural drawings and diagrams. Comparing to where they start in terms of approaching to a complex urban problem, the studio has achieved to create awareness for the social dimension of the architecture. The studio has had a good dynamic in terms of group-work, student-to-tutor and student-to-student relationship. Overall, it has been a positive environment where students could work together and learn from each other. To conclude it is believed that thinking out of the box and leaving the comfort conditions may create more difficult design process for students to tackle with the given problem; however it may also contribute to their comprehension of urban environment at many different scales and layers. Moreover, a very few students manage to link the concept of ‘architecture in transition’ with flexibility and adaptability of a building. Many of them followed the regular path of designing a building that will be constructed by mainstream methods (i.e beams and columns, concrete etc). Furthermore, with regard to social responsibility of architecture, there was no project that offers a kind of a method or way of dealing with public participation or interactive design in which architect does not only design, but also directs the process by integrating the community and the public. Main observation is that students were not able to free themselves from the modernist position of a ‘designer’, as the creator of space, which do not define any possibility within design for user participation and democracy in design processes.

5. EVALUATION OF THE STUDIO: Success and Failures It is believed that Unit 2 has been a productive and successful experiment within the structure of IUE Arch 498 Graduation Project. Only one student failed out of 22. Students mostly achieved the task of responding to the context since they were able to develop their own project

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REFERENCES: Akpinar, I., GĂźlersoy, N. Z., Koramaz, K., Ozsoy, A., & Gurler, E. E. (2016). The Making of an Urban Designer in the ambiguous global context: an interdisciplinary graduate education at ITU. International Planning History Society Proceedings, 17(7), 21-34. Allan, P., Bryant, M., Wirsching, C., Garcia, D., Teresa Rodriguez, M. (2013). The influence of urban morphology on the resilience of cities following an earthquake. Journal of Urban Design, 18(2), 242-262. Arefi, M., Triantafillou, M. (2005). Reflections on the pedagogy of place in planning and urban design. Journal of planning education and research, 25(1), 75-88. Dubberly H. (2010). How do you design, available at: http://www.dubberly.com/articles/howdo-you-design.html, accessed on 15 january 2016. Hirt, S., Luescher, A. (2007). Collaboration between architects and planners in an urban design studio: Potential for interdisciplinary learning. Journal of Design Research, 6.4: 422-443. Izmir Buyuksehir Belediyesi (2015). Izmir Tarih Projesi Tasarim Stratejisi Raporu, available at http://www.izmeda.org/Upload_Files/FckFiles/file/Izmir-Tarih%20Strateji%20Raporu.pdf, accessed on 15 January 2016. Kesner, B., Burcher, L., Nelischer, M., & del Rio, V. (2002). A Model for Undergraduate Study in Urban Design. In Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning Conference Proceedings: Baltimore, MD. Salama, A. M. (2013). Seeking New Forms of Pedagogy in Architectural Education, Field Journal â&#x20AC;&#x201C; University of Sheffield, Volume 5, Issue 1, PP. 9-30. ISSN # 1755-068. Salama, A. M. (1996). Environmental Evaluation: A New Voice for Integrating Research Into Architectural Pedagogy, Journal of Architectural Research-JAR, Volume 29, Department of Architecture, Al-Azhar University, Cairo, Egypt, P

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SCRUM FOR DESIGN: PEDAGOGICAL IMPLICATIONS IN MANAGING URBAN DESIGN STUDIO Koray Velibeyoğlu [1], F. Geçer Sargın [1], Ömür Saygın [1], Ebru Bingöl [1], Berna Yaylalı Yıldız [2]

[1] İzmir Institute of Technology, Department of City and Regional Planning, İzmir, TURKEY [2] Gediz University, Department of Architecture, İzmir, TURKEY korayvelibeyoglu@iyte.edu.tr, feralgecer@iyte.edu.tr, omursaygin@iyte.edu.tr, ebrubingol@iyte.edu.tr, arch.berna@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION Scrum is a project management tool generally used for ‘software development projects’. It is a process based approach that can be useful for management of a design project in a multi-skill and multi-disciplinary team work, particularly in complex projects with larger amounts of uncertainty. This methodology on of the most popular among Agile techniques that encourages creativity and enables teams to respond to feedback and adapt (or respond) quickly. In a fast changing urban environment, agility and adaptation are important themes for producing urban design projects that are open to modifications to altered circumstances. Scrum makes this process more manageable in such cases. So we adapted this method not as contribution to design, but as a project management tool to guide interdisciplinary teams. By adopting some of their terms to ours, we saw a chance to experience the scrum method adaptable to urban design studio. As usual,scrum has its own content and some of them may be hard to adopt such as product owner, backlog, etc. but the process itself is highly adaptable to urban design or planning project for that matter. So, we decided to take a shot to see if it works or how can it could be used in another field so similar (as a design object) yet different from software development. Needlessly to say, this model is at the start. Scrum was experienced at two successive fourth year urban design studio which is a joint studio both for city planning and architecture students. It must be stated that among all the universities in Turkey, Izmir Institute of Technology is the only design school having joint studio. This unique status is an opportunity to introduce interdisciplinary team-based working environments to students, thus allowing to introduce scrum methods as well. The paper aims to introduce the results of the scrum applied in fourth year urban design studio in Izmir Institute of Technology with co-work

ing of students from the departments of architecture and city planning. This study wants to ‘proof of concept’ to discover usability in the urban design studio process by using scrum in their design management process. The paper introduces the concept of scrum, as a design project management tool in urban design studio and concludes with pedagogical implications for design community, urban design education and recommendations for better adaptation of the scrum for design. 2. WHAT IS SCRUM? Scrum has recently become popular in Turkish software development businesses: “So far 68 % of the companies in Turkey has tried Agile approaches, especially Scrum” (Agile Turkey, 2015). Scrum is a project management tool in agile developments. ‘Agile’ means “ability to move quickly and easily’ and responding swiftly to change” (Waters, 2007). Agile model is used as process developing software models to focus on process change and adaptability. However, this agile method can be used in any complex work in different disciplines. Although the practical details of the methods differ project to project, the aim is to achieve better results according to change in work plan (Van Ruler, 2014). Scrum [1] is also one of the agile planning methods devised by Japanese scientists in 1986. In the scrum method, small self-steering teams collaborate and work together for any complex project in short iterations, called sprints. The team has limited time and sprints organized in every two to four weeks also it meets each day to discuss what they are doing and what they intend to do. These meetings are named as daily scrums. In the scrum process, three roles are identified as scrum master, product owner and team. As a facilitator between product owner and team, scrum master has an important role in managing the team for achieving sprint roles. Lasting between 1 to 4 weeks, in the sprint process, goals are defined in detail rather than for the whole project and sprints end with a review. Product backlog is a check list featuring the works

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containing short descriptions. Scrum master and product owner write down everything in backlog and it can be changed or developed as the team learn more about the product and the needs of the customers. (See: Figure 1.)

Figure 1. Scrum process (Source: PresentationLoad Blog, 2016)

Then, what are the similarities between these scrum process and typical urban design process? (See: Table 1.) Pre-game staging sprint is for the product owner. As there is no product owner in design studio case, the instructors play this role and set the basics and needs the game. The sprint planning can be adapted to urban design education via jury system/panel reviews. At the end of each sprint, a sprint review meeting (equivalent of midterm jury) was held. The jury system provides opportunities to form feedback from outsider actors which can act as product owners besides the instructors. In scrum, there are scrum masters. Dividing the class into teams/groups, each instructor also acts as a scrum master to ease the process. Generally in the design studio process the groups are left on their own for self-organization. In the scrum process, the group is also self-organizing but in this case scrum masters are appointed to each group as observer to track the process. Hence, the groups/teams have more autonomy to develop their own projects. By assigning each team a scrum master, it is provided that the contradictions are to be easily discharged from the group serving both as a buffer between the group members, and a figure of authority leading the group to move more ‘agile’ during sprints. Groups produce their backlogs (work lists, division of labor, schedule, etc.) as seen in any other project and in time they can develop or change the features of the work in accordance with feedbacks via sprint review meetings and sprint retrospective meetings. Using the backlog gives the possibility of evaluating each student’s individual progress and observing the group closely.

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Table 1. Differences between scrum process in general and implementation in urban design studio Issues

Scrum (in general)

Scrum (implementation in design studio)

Scrum master & team relations

Scrum master, observer, conflict facilitator

Scrum master, intervenes with work flow, measuring the individual performance, conflict facilitator, managing daily scrums

Team rules

Team has own rules

Scrum master as driving rules in managing team rules

Teamwork (leadership)

No hierarchy among members

No hierarchy among members but scrum masters intervene the job list, spokesperson in sprint review meetings

Teamwork (skills)

Each member has different expertise

Skill gap (each member has similar skills or expertise)

Teamwork (process and evaluation)

Every member’s job is clearly defined. Passing on unfinished jobs to next sprint

Grading for each sprint review meeting Individual grading with the help of backlog Design is a holistic process thus hard to break into small chunks between team members

Benefits

Responding to changes more quickly Defined work distribution according to background and abilities

Opportunity for individual evaluation according to backlog for instructors

Figure 2. Examples of sprint backlogs from urban design studio

3. SCRUM FOR DESIGN: CASE OF URBAN DESIGN STUDIO Three consecutive surveys were delivered at the second attempt basing on the first years’ feedbacks and experiences. The questions in the first two surveys are the same to gain feedback about the scrum process. The last one is the overall evaluation survey which is delivered to

students at the end of the final jury. Surveys are voluntarily applied to each student who attended the class that day. Thus the number of the surveys differ in each one in accordance with their attendance. The first survey was answered by 71 students, the second one by 65 students and the final evaluation survey by 46 students. Since the surveys do not include personal identification we do not know the how many students answered from the same group either. The surveys for sprint 1 and 2 are the same. The purpose is to find out what differs in each phase of the scrum process. However the third survey is an overall evaluation which was held after the final jury. Each survey included four fields of interest. In this section, we will talk about the first two surveys, and the results of evaluation survey will be discussed in the following section. Introductory Questions First part of the survey is related with the demographic profile of the students as seen in Table 2. This part was important as to seek relations and correlations with the rest of the questions. It allows to compare planning students and architecture students in many ways. The first year, at the retrospective meetings and final evaluation one of the observations is that the process was dominated by architecture students and it caused problems in city planning studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; point of view. But the second trial was much balanced in that sense; so nobody felt overwhelmed by the other domain. Table 2. Demographic distribution of the respondents Gender

Place lived

% thought that moodmap was useful. The scrum process was evaluated as useful on impacts on design process on survey1 (70 %), however not on survey2 (68 %) and it drops significantly on evaluation survey. The students evaluated the impacts of scrum to be much higher when they do not know what it would mean at the pre-design process rather than of design process. At the beginning of the design process, when the work is much more reliant to data collection and evaluation, rather than designing itself, the process was useful to give direction and help with the timing and division of tasks of the early stages. On the other hand, the backlog (78 %) and retrospective meetings (70 %) were found much more useful and sustainable for more than half of the respondents. Especially they found these meetings more useful when they were convinced that their voices were heard and taken actions accordingly. The scrum masters -the instructors in this caseconducted other meetings in harmony with the retrospective meeting to solve the issues that were primary focus of the process and they were worked on neatly to eliminate the problems. Product backlog was also found effective during the pre-design stage since it helped keeping track with the work load and division of labor within timing. But since the design itself much more relies on creativity and everyone may have different and individual techniques, the backlogs also became somehow redundant to them. This is one of the problems in scrum process that was hard for the students to implement. It is both because of their background -architects are more used to working individually and planners recognized to be held back in design by architects.

Department

Female (%)

Male (%)

Campus (%)

Off-Campus (%)

Planning (%)

Architecture (%)

Scrum Checkout One of the main issues of the scrum process is the meeting. Throughout the process, different types of meetings were conducted in the sprints. These meetings were held conducted either by groups or by the whole class, held accordingly. For example more than 85 % of the students held planning meetings. The sprint review meetings were held as jury and panels, sprint backlog, planning and team retrospective meetings were held regularly after the review meetings and almost half of the students found it to be useful in some level. Throughout the process, despite the some kind of fun project, moodmaps found unproductive and unnecessary by the students: only 31 % in survey 1 and even less; 18

Scrum Teams In the design studio, students are expected to form multidisciplinary teams working together on the solutions of urban development problems at urban design level. The previous two years, scrum methodology was used in this design studio as a way for 4 to 6-people teams to work together to develop a design project. In the execution of the studio project, four sprints were applied in three weeksâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; iterative periods. Within them, special meetings were conducted such as daily scrum, sprint planning meeting, sprint review meeting, and sprint retrospective meeting by scrum teams and scrum masters as in the original agile framework for scrum for software development. The instructor profile is more or less the same: planners, architects and in this case landscape architects form the scrum masters team. However, the number of the students from architecture and city and regional planning departments differ each year as well as the studio themes. In

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the first group, the number of architecture students were more (50-20) studying on a historical district of Izmir with the theme ‘social integration in a dilapidated area’ , in the second group, they were less (31-56) studying on ‘sharing and gift economy theme inside the city’. Since the beginning of the undergraduate education, the students participated in group works from time to time whether it was a small project or a group of two. Scrum allows to organize the teamwork more effectively and it is product oriented. The results of the surveys show that the students’ contentment from team organization to be at higher level (82%). It must be noted that since this is a studio work and not a professional work environment, there are many obstacles for the students to tackle with, such as the location of the school (being far away from the city, transportation, different living places being far from each other, etc.), other lectures and exams, or just simply because they may have conflicts within the scrum teams. Although the formation of the studio is interdisciplinary, all the students are more or less at the same level in all the works. Thus the workload is hard to be divided into pieces whereas in the scrum process of a software development. It may easily be torn into pieces to different specialties of the team members. Connected with this issue, inter-team cooperation also drops slightly after first sprint (59 % to 57 %). When one sprint ends, students do not want to dwell on the works of the previous sprint. Rather they want to move forward to other phases. However, the backlog process also contains the management of undone, unfinished or errand jobs. When they are failed to be integrated to the following sprint, it creates problems with the other teams since the data that the whole studio needed was failed to be provided or corrected. This creates weariness and time management problems amongst other teams since they all try to fix the problems within their skills and timing. As a result, relating with the time table of the sprints (3 weeks for every sprint), there may be a need for rescheduling the sprint time granted. Scrum process has some similarities with the design studios. One of the biggest difference of scrum process is mainly the backlog of work plan. The backlog is supposed to be a default process in group works. But when the students left alone with this process, it looks like they have problems in managing the backlog. When an outsider observer is forced (as the scrum master, customer, etc.) it becomes a soul purpose by itself, thus it becomes impossible to dismiss. It also proves that the backlog is created as instinctively rather than a planned and organized work plan. The answers of the survey respondents proves that it is just the case; it is considered to be ‘time lost’, ‘not updated enough’ and ‘hard to break into pieces’. One of the most challenging issue in group works is time management. Wherever the meeting place is (mostly home, studio, and library) the time spent in transportation does not help the sit-

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uation. They rather complain about timing, inadequate working space, remoteness of spaces, sleeplessness, long working hours and uncomfortable studios. The communication medium is mostly social media and face-to-face, followed by texting and e-mailing. Although some of the teams (only 12-18 %) introduced penalty-award system (mostly on eating/drinking and even in one group, pouting), they do not force it or use it to their advantage. Since they are friends, more than colleagues at this point, they do not want to force anything within the group on good faith. But after the first sprint, when the good faith begins to dissolve, bigger issues rise within team members. Grading appears to be the main issue. Since the scrum master is not merely an observer but also has to evaluate each student individually, it seems to be a total stress factor for students, in both terms; to be evaluated individually and to be estranged within their team because they lack of providing and/or not found good enough of what the group had demanded of them. Following the footsteps of this issue the problems of meeting sprint aims are mostly either students did not understand what is expected of them, inter-communication failures with other teams. The issues within teams are not new to the studio facilitators such as coming together, forming an opinion in a big group, problems issued by working together (even at some level the interdisciplinary structure was a problem by itself; since one discipline was forcing on another one; causing trust issues and feeling left-out of the process for the minorities), uneven work load, lack of morale and concentration and even technological problems in some cases like Wi-Fi problems, computer/program failure etc., scrum itself is hard, long distances, not enough critics and lack of knowledge (or trust in their fellow students’ knowledge), and organization of team and their private life. Scrum Actors In this part of the survey, trust relations between masters, students and reviewers were questioned. Although, the percentage of trust drops from first survey to second one, it never drops under 60 % for any of the issues. The students trust scrum masters for problem solving (74 % -67 %), supporting the scrum process (89 %), and even the outsider reviewers were found to be useful, especially for the first sprint (75 % -60 %); that is the analysis and concept forming phase. Furthermore, the belief for scrum masters to be viable for the scrum process (75 %) is a proof of increase of trust to scrum masters that the process continued and controlled accordingly. However, the problem solving abilities are under question in the latter sprints (74 % -67 %). From sprint surveys to final evaluation survey, one of the main issues seems to be time lost for understanding and implementing scrum. It seems like the students get stuck in dismembering the jobs into small

er pieces. Since they do not want to introduce penalty and award system, after a couple of weeks, they do not know how to deal with team problems, thus harming the team spirit. The necessary process should be to inform the scrum master, but they either find it to be snitching on each other. When there is a person in the group who does not meet the othersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; standards, they sideline that person and try to complete the works of this person and it ends with the unequal division of labor. 4. RESULTS OF SCRUM AS DESIGN PROJECT MANAGEMENT TOOL At the end of scrum for urban design experience we applied an evaluation survey to optimize the results for the coming projects as well as larger design education opportunities. Scrum in Design Process The first group of questions aimed to evaluate the scrum process as a whole. Among 87 total number of students, nearly half of them (n=43) replied the survey. Respondents of the evaluation survey suggested that three weeks duration of development sprints were satisfactory (60 %) to achieve given sprint objectives. Negative expressions about the duration of sprint probably come from the complex nature of urban design that total time (14 weeks) spent for such kind of large-scale urban projects never enough. Nearly half of the respondents found impacts of scrum methodology on urban design process somewhat useful (57%). Majority of students in this group stated that scrum is excellent management tool for group-works in terms of effective time management, more control on workflow and job distribution among members, improving individual performances and collaboration. Others believed that, scrum has positive impacts in particular stages of the design process, especially for pre-design (i.e. creating task list, gives idea about doing analysis, determination of design idea) rather than the later stages. Negative impacts (20 %) outlined by respondents was mainly about the method itself. They believed that scrum is not suitable tool for managing design process. Some other respondents indicated that the problem was about the proper execution of the scrum such as measurement of individual performance. More than half of the students (57 %) are very dissatisfied or somewhat dissatisfied about the collaboration among different design project teams. The probable explanation about this result can be found within the competitive nature of the design process. In undergraduate design studios getting higher grades is an end itself.

Some others stayed neutral (18 %) and somewhat satisfied or very satisfied (23 %) respectively. Scrum in Education Second group of questions are about the role of scrum in design education. Respondents were asked to describe the difference of scrum in accordance with their previous design studio experiences. One-third of respondents (36%) were positive in terms of better organization of their project team, enough room for individual evaluations and new tools (mood map, task list, group meetings etc.) for studio organization. However, nearly half of them (46%) were not happy or neutral about the introduction of the scrum for design. Negative connotations were focused on the usefulness of the method and sound gaps between rationality of scrum process and the realities of design team (i.e. extra paper work). Some others acted neutral implying that method seemed useful but implementation did not meet their expectations. This brings the question of project management skills regarding to implementation failures. More than half (70%) of the respondents believed that they would be much more successful if they could achieve project management skills beforehand. Along with this, great majority of the students (81%) neither look at books, internet sites about scrum nor interested with scrum success stories and implementations. These results implied the knowledge and skill gap in the execution of the scrum process. The last question in this group was about the degree of personal benefits from the scrum process. Answers of the students participated in this survey was equally same in terms of usefulness of the scrum. Almost half of the respondents believed that scrum did not have any impact on their personal development for the design process. This group found scrum as a bureaucratic tool that increase paperwork, disrupting informal relations between team members and hence over-controlled working environment. Some others did not give any reasons about their personal dissatisfaction with scrum. On the other hand, supporters of scrum believed that they progressed in time management and project management skills (planning, problem solving, knowledge sharing) individually. Also the respondentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; answers show that scrum makes measurement and recognition of individuals easier within the project team. Scrum After Graduation Agile and scrum are increasingly preferred method in professional work environment, especially in ICT-related jobs. According to Agility Report of Turkey (2015) scrum framework is still the most commonly used approach with a 63 % of usage in companies. We do not know the future use of scrum in design firms for coming years. More than half of the respondents (60 %) declared that they found scrum useful and planned to use after graduation. Alongside with this question, those same par-

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ticipants (60 %) also believed that, in overall situation, scrum is a useful method for design process. 5. CONCLUSION This study applied scrum in the urban design studio for the management of design process. Scrum is fast growing in software industry. The paper revealed that scrum has some opportunity both in urban design education and professional work environment after graduation. Therefore, we should scrutinize scrum’s implications for design community and urban design education as as efficient design tool. Scrum has a value in management rather than design ability itself in a project, hence it should be included in education. “In essence, the time spent working on the things that directly deliver something of value to customers is very little when compared with the time spent working on all the other things that project managers are required to do” (Augustine, 2005). Therefore, project management tools such as scrum for enhancing team works should find its way in education as well as in daily life. Scrum experience also delivers necessary abilities for students after graduation in different working environments which are interdisciplinary in today’s rapidly changing world that seeks for constant agility and quick adaptation. Hence it is important to teach how to manage teams and organizational skills in bigger group management to former students as new colleagues. Although architecture is thought to be more of an individual design process, in today’s market, it can no longer survive without other design disciplines such as urban design and planning. Scrum process can teach these different design backgrounds on how to form and manage a teamwork in an interdisciplinary environment. There are a lot of abilities are needed for running a project other than design, such as project management, real-estate bureaucracy, construction, R&D, sales and marketing, etc. which may take more half of the time not directly related to design (Tekeli, 2014). This study revealed ways of better adaptation of the scrum for design. Firstly, sprint cycles should be aligned in accordance with design stages. For example, in pre-design stage, where the team formation is new and higher uncertainty in design problem students believe that scrum is much more useful than the design stage. Secondly, results of sprint review meeting should be better accumulated within the sprint planning meeting in which follow up works should be prioritized. Thirdly, in scrum there is no individual evaluation or performance measurement. However, for pedagogical purposes, measurement and evaluation should also be done individually in design education. Therefore, we need to develop

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better individual measurement techniques for the better adaptation of the scrum. Lastly, desk critique is still the backbone of design education. Less time should be spent to daily scrum meetings in favor of desk critique for the daily time allocation of the design studio. This study, for the first time, tried scrum in urban design studio. Therefore, the emphasis has largely given to process and overall evaluation in applying scrum as a management tool for design education. Then, other future research opportunities within the domain of the scrum should be developed for coming years. For example, mood map is fun and highly adapted by international scrum team, however, in design education we need to find new tools to watch the weekly (not daily) progress of design teams. Another future research opportunity lies on the professional work environment. Scrum after graduation, use of scrum in architecture-related firms should be examined. Today’s scientific discoveries and professional topics (i.e. smart cities, eco-villages) needs more team work with different backgrounds and tight collaboration with each other. In that sense, scrum’s use and coverage should be better aligned with urban design process that is mostly tackled with such kind of wicked problems.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors thank to other studio instructors; Ela Çil, Semahat Özdemir, Hamidreza Yazdani, Livanur Erbil, Emel Karakaya and all the studio students of CP401_2014-15 and 2015-16 for their help in adapting and implementing scrum process and thus agile methods to urban design studio.

NOTES: [1] Scrum is a term from rugby football to describe a formation of opposing teams fighting for the ball after a foul. (Van Ruler, 2014, p.23).

REFERENCES: Agile Turkey (2015). 4th Annual Agility Report, Turkey, 2015, accessed at: http://www.agileturkey.org/ Augustine, S. (2005): Managing Agile Projects, 1st ed., Indiana, USA; Prentice Hall. Tekeli, İ. (2014). Türkiye Yükseköğretim Stratejisi Bağlamında Mimarlık Eğitimi Üzerine Düşünceler, Mimarlık, 378 (4). Van Ruler, B. (2014). Reflective Communication Scrum: Recipe for Accountability, 1st ed. Netherlands; Eleven International Publishing. Waters, K. (2007). All About Agile; Agile Management Made Easy, e-book.

Mapping Urban Design Knowledge in Turkey Yiğit Acar

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of Architecture, Ankara, TURKEY yacar@metu.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION This paper presents an epistemic mapping of urban design knowledge in Turkey based on PhD studies produced between 1990 and 2015. 343 theses has been identified through a system of cross-check of keywords. The identified studies then have been studied in terms of institutions, academic programs, advisors, language of the study, year the study completed, case study scales, case study locations, temporal focus of the studies and conceptual knowledge such as the problem areas, themes, concepts, methods and the discursive nature of the studies. [1] Then the body of knowledge thus produced is juxtaposed to reveal repeated patterns within the practice of production of knowledge. The patterns enable us to develop insights on the development of institutional characters, the history of the adaptation of certain methods, paradigm changes and shifts, emergence of certain problem areas and discursive positions within the academia. Just like any mapping works, as many studies in the field of critical cartography suggests, this study, by nature, inherits problems of selection, scale and representation. Even though we can consider the field to expand to various disciplines including engineering and social sciences, only the studies in design disciplines have been picked. The scale of involvement with the material has been limited to the abstracts and general information of the studies. The aim here is to produce a general understanding of the nature of production of knowledge rather than detailed account of each and every concept.

landscape architecture, history of architecture, conservation and restoration programs. The final study space thus contained 343 PhD. studies. Table 1. The keywords used in queries

First Tier of Keywords

Third Tier of Keywords

Urban Design

Urban Form

Second Tier of Keywords

Urban Image

Urban Space

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Streetscape

Open Space

Pedestrian

Public Space

Urbanism

Urban Pattern

Cultural Landscape

Green Space

Urban Environment

The term ‘epistemic mapping’ is devised to describe the collection of methodical tools used within the study. [2] The method of the study depends on the isolation of one aspect of the study and juxtaposition of the said aspect with other aspects. This allows us to trace different discursive formations within the field and changes in research paradigms. The method of the study suggest a categorization and mapping of these categories on to other categories, timelines or geographical information.

2. METHOD: EPISTEMIC MAPPING

First type of categories are factual categories. These include; institution, academic program and language of the study and the location of the study object, if applicable.

The major source of information for this chapter has been the digital archive of Higher Education Council (YÖK). It is obligatory to submit a digital copy of every graduate study completed in Turkish universities to the council’s archive. The scope of the study has been limited to studies made between 1990 and 2015 and a method of keyword based selection has been devised as follows and the scope has been limited to studies that have been made in architecture, city and regional planning,

Second type of categories are hermeneutical categories. These are the temporal quality of the study object (is a specific period studied?), scale of the study object (at which scale the discussion is carried?), spatial quality of the study object (what characterizes the study object?), the reflex of the study (the study aim?), study area (what type of a research is carried out?). This categorization is carried out by using

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keyword based mining techniques if applicable or else determined by through reading the materials. 3. CONCLUSION: READING THE BODY OF KNOWLEDGE A number of conclusions can be reached through reading the analyses presented in the study. First, we can say that there exist two major types of academicians in the field. First type is the generalists of the field and the second is specialists. The generalist type of researchers mainly belong to a generation of researchers who initiated the formation of the discipline in Turkey. Eventhough we can expand this list we can count; Baykan Günay, Mehmet Çubuk and Yalçın Memlük are examples of this type. This type of researchers utilize a variety of subject matters and methods of study. The second type of researchers are the specialists with a deliberate selection of methodical tools and similar subject matters throughout the years. We can count; Cana Bilsel, Zekiye Yenen, Aykut Karaman and Güzin Konuk as researchers of this category. The members of this category belong to a later generation of researchers as compared to the members of the generalist group. This fact can be considered as a signifier of establishment of the discipline in Turkey. While the earlier generation experiments with the research methods and subject matters, they also aim at educating a number of researcher who would be active in the making of the discipline in later years. Secondly, considering the selection of subject matters throughout the years, we can claim that some types of studies are established later on. These types are studies on historical centers with design and conservation guidance aims, studies on housing areas with critical reading aims, studies on public spaces with critical reading aims. These types mainly developed after the year 2000. This is most probably due to the increase in the demand for urban transformation and the pressure it generates on historical centers, and the rapid urbanization and social segregation in the years after 2000. We can interpret this fact as a signifier of the condition of the autonomy of the discipline. The discipline is not behaving autonomously but responds to emerging conditions of the country. As the need to develop a discourse to defend the values of historical centers against the pressure of development rises, the discipline produces a number of studies building the necessary discourse to defend and document these areas. With relation to the discussion on the autonomy of the discipline, we can also observe that studies aiming at a critical reading were developed after 1996. These studies aiming critical readings of the way things are done. This can be interpreted in two ways. Once the discipline is established in the country, there arises a need to re-consider the results

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of the operations being done. Second, there may have been a critical turn in the field as parallel to the issues mentioned above with reference to the developments in the country. However, the total number of critical studies in the field is still very low as compared to design guidance or morphological readings, so a claim of a critical turn may be far reaching. A number of comments can be made considering the relationship of the discipline of Urban Design and the disciplines of Architecture, City and Regional Planning and Landscape Architecture. We can argue that both Architecture and City and Regional Planning programs are equally active in the making of studies in Urban Design. However the place of Landscape Architecture programs within the production of Urban Design knowledge is later established. Both Architecture and City and Regional Planning disciplines utilize a variety of methodical tools, on a variety of subject matters with a variety of aims which are all similar. However Landscape Architecture distinguished itself, as the studies in the programs are mainly in emprico-analytical domain of knowledge, these studies utilize rather empirical tools for analysis. The subject matters are also different, as studies in Landscape Architecture focus on Urban Landscape Systems as distinct from the study of districts or streets. This distinctive character of studies can be read as a result of the formation of the Landscape Architecture program in Ankara University under the Faculty of Agriculture, as different from the other programs founded in faculties of Architecture which are all design based. We can make a number of final remarks. First is that between the 1980s and the 1990s the discipline is in the process of formation within academia, many academicians directing studies in the field in those years preferred working on a variety of subject matters and developed different methods and study areas throughout the years. In later years, academicians started focusing on well-defined method-problem couplings as the discipline was institutionalized. Fields like urban morphology, urban ecology, urban conservation, urban sociology and urban history were established. After 2000, studies developing critical discourses on the rapid urbanization processes, loss of public spaces and urban segregation increased as a response to the developments in the country. As a final overview, we can state that urban design research in Turkey has already passed its formation period in the 1990s and it is now in the period of further specialization and variety of discourses and methods emerge. There exists a rich research community producing a wide spectrum of discourses on Turkish urbanism.

Figure 1. Distribution of studies in accordance with: Institution (a) Academic Program (b), Study Areas (c)

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Figure 2. Timeline distribution of studies in accordance witn: Aim of the Study (a), Study Area (b), Spatial Quality (c)

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Figure 3. Correspondance chart showing the relationship between the study area and period

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Figure 4. Correspondance chart showing the relationship between spatial context and aim of the study

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Figure 5. Correspondance chart showing the relationship between institution of the research and the study area in Turkey

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Figure 6. Distribution of studies in the urban design researches in Turkey

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NOTES: 1-The contents of this extended abstract are extracted from a larger study conducted by the author as his PhD. thesis in Architecture, in METU, under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Güven Arif Sargın, titled; The Omnipresent Urban Atlas: An Inquiry into Intersubjective Knowledge of Urban Environments. 2- The methodical approach of the study has been partly- adopted and further developed by the author through his participation in the project: State of Doctoral Research in Architecture in Turkey at the Beginning of 21st Century, at Eskişehir Osmangazi University, under the supervision of Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hakan Anay.

REFERENCES: For further reading on theory of critical cartography. Wood, D., Fels,J. and Krygier, J. (2010) Rethinking the Power of Maps. 1st ed. New York: Guilford. Turchi, P. (2004) Maps of the Imagination: The Writer as Cartographer. 1st ed. San Antonio: Trinity UP.

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URBAN DESIGN AS A LIFE JACKET FOR DEVELOPMENT PLANS: CASE OF SÖKE URBAN DESIGN COMPETITION, 2015 Devrim Çimen, Sertaç Erten

8artı Architecture and Urban Design, İstanbul, TURKEY devrimcimen@8arti.com, sertacerten@8arti.com

1. INTRODUCTION For the last two decades, both urban design and development plan practices have changed in Turkey. Especially in urban design field, competitions have started to take place a significant role in terms of the engagement and the legitimacy of the discipline in shaping urban space. Within this period, the conventional development plan processes, in which a strict hierarchy of scales in planning used to be essential, have realized that there is a missing link between development plans and the construction of buildings in single plots. That is urban design. Urban design, which was used to be a kind of costly and non-essential practice for years, has found itself in a key position in Turkish planning system. Now, local governments, which are in trouble with quality urban space production within their territories, start considering urban design projects that will respond their urban problems. There are mainly two functions of urban design projects in our planning system today. First, they are used as 3-dimensional interpretations of registered development plans. In this case, the project functions as a persuasion document for the actors of the plan. They might be either property owners of the area or land developers that might invest to that area, or both. Second, they are related with redevelopment processes. Pedestrianization of central areas or renewal and reuse of industrial areas can be counted within this group. Urban design projects in this group can serve as a means to bypass the planning process, which will follow urban design afterwards. Third, urban design projects function as operations on existing development plans, which have mostly been produced without any 3-dimensional sense and physical space quality. Urban design competitions play an important role and they are today accepted as one of the main instruments to obtain urban design projects. Starting from the 2000s, local governments, the main actors of development plans, have accelerated

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their aspirations about competitions, one of the ways of getting urban design projects, mostly when their existing plans do not answer visionary, high-quality and livable urban environments. This paper focuses on the relationship between urban design projects and development plans in Turkey within the scope of competitions. It claims that when conventional urban planning practice gets stuck, then authorities give more importance to urban design practice and projects. Urban design competitions take a special role in that respect. Tekeli (2015) summarizes this interaction in the dictum, “competitions have turned into events where incompetence is tackled solely by creativity”. In order to demonstrate the distorted relation between these two practice areas, we, as the authors will focus on the case of Söke Urban Design Competition, in which we have held one of three equivalent prizes with our project. In the competition process, we have realized that the local government had a 1/1000 scale development plan dated back in 2005, which was suspended in 2006 due to that it did not correspond to the future possible roles of Söke within its metropolitan region. The plan was based on a conventional language of ‘heights’ and ‘densities’, which would not able to give any urban quality, form, morphology and structure to the downtown of Söke. Then the municipality decided to call for an urban design competition, while the cancelled plan had already decided the future property rights, which should be protected in urban design competition proposals. Briefly, by focusing on this specific case, we will not only try to verify our claim above but also open a discussion about the question of “what are the tools or ways to make a right interaction between urban design and city planning practice?”

2. THE CITY OF SOKE: Existing Conditions of The Competition Site The City of Söke: Geography, Location and Demography Söke is an inland city located within the territories of the greater municipality of Aydın, which is the southern neighbor province of Izmir. Söke is well-known with its large and fertile agricultural plain that had once hosted the ports of the antique Hellenistic sites Miletus and Priene. Although it is a sub-city of the greater Aydın, Söke has such a wide hinterland that effects not only inland agricultural production villages and but also seaside summer resort towns. It functions as a market for both. Competition site: Downtown of Söke The competition site is almost one third of the whole city, and it covers all historic old city center as well as the main Söke river. (See: Figure 1.) The municipality building, the well-known Söke bazaar and many other public buildings are located within the competition site. It is defined with the Milas-Bodrum motorway on the south-east and historic downtown on the north.

Figure 1. The competition site in Söke (Source: Google Earth maps)

Looking at the demographic structure of the people that live within the competition site, we see that the site is occupied mainly by lower income groups (67.2 %), with a single-income revenue (45 %). Half of them work in agricultural and forestry sectors (52.5 %), while white-collar people are almost not present (0.02 %). The majority is graduated from primary school (67.3 %) (Söke Belediyesi Fen İşleri Müdürlüğü, 2015).

ings (82.67 %). The south-eastern part that is adjacent to Milas-Bodrum motorway is relatively a newly developed area with detached multi-storey housing. Today, almost half of the ground-floor wage is housing (45.67 %) while more than a quarter of the existing building stock (33.72 %) is made up with annexes (müştemilat), which are mostly used for agricultural storage purposes (Söke Belediyesi Fen İşleri Müdürlüğü, 2015). Söke is also unresponsive to its blue corridor, Söke River. There are 1-storey stores covering the river, which is located at the very central downtown of the city. (See: Figure 3.) Analysis of the 2006 Development Plan and Its Generic Patterns The existing plan proposed extra 30.000 population in addition to the existing 13.000, while it did not generate any additional social infrastructure uses (such as parks, schools, nurseries, etc.). It means that the plan does not respond to the new population’s requirements as well as the existing population. The site is approximately 100 hectares, so the gross density is 428 person per hectare, which is quite high for this kind of towns. It equals to 2.15 FAR (floor area ratio), which equals to Kadıköy density in Istanbul. It will bring about serious amount of population agglomerated. Another problem of the existing plan was that it does not propose any legible built environment due to the lack of urban design perspective. Urban corridors, defined boulevards or green structures, pedestrian-friendly environments are lacking. The existing landownership pattern is kept and the development rights are extruded in the same plots without any 3-dimensional consideration. In the project site, the general landownership pattern is single plots that are smaller than 150 m2 (58%). Although the project site has different characteristic regions within itself, almost all of the site is developed by the standard 4-storey and attached buildings. (See: Figure 5.) Moreover, urban dynamics of the whole Söke were not considered. Desperately, the main potential recreation corridor, Söke River, is covered by concrete and turned into parking lots instead of suggesting a green open public space. (See: Figure 4.)

Existing Urban Morphology of The Competition Site Today, there are a great variety in heights, dimensions and setback relations. Dead-end streets and undefined inner empty plots generate a loose morphology in inner areas. (See: Figure 2.) New buildings that are built according to the 2006 development plan look very different from their surrounding since the site is covered mostly by 1 or 2 storey build-

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3. THE COMPETITION Main Dynamics Behind The Idea of ‘Announcing a Competition’ The competition site is approximately 100 hectare-area, which took part within the boundaries of development plans prepared in 2006. These plans were suspended in 2014 for a year, since they did not respond to the upper-scale planning objectives, which would place Söke as a metropolitan sub-center of Aydın. 1/25.000 scale environmental plans and 1/10.000 scale macroform plans were stating that Söke should be a centre of education, commerce, and services that would serve for the surrounding hinterland. According to the competition document, “the municipality provided a ground for alternative planning studies that will fit to the future roles given to the city and that will go beyond the vision of the existing development plan, which solely describes static rules on heights and densities for individual plots” (Söke Belediyesi, 2015). Figure 2. Figure-ground relations in the competition site

This statement shows that there was a search for constructing a link between a development plan and single construction activities. It would give the character to the city that would carry livable and hight-quality urban environments. With the help of consultants, the municipality decided to choose the solution of urban design competition, which would help finding out urban design principles and flexible development scenarios that are alternative to the existing suspended plan.

Figure 3. Existing 1-storey stores covering Söke River (Source: Authors’ archive)

Figure 5. 2006 Development plan and its plot-based ‘urban vision’ (Source: Söke Belediyesi Fen İşleri Müdürlüğü, 2015)

Thresholds Defined in Competition Documents

Figure 4. Rxisting situation of Söke River: Closed parts of Söke River that functions as parking lots, 1-storey stores and public transport stations -left-. 2006 Development plan which proposes concrete parking lots covering the surface of Söke River - right- (Source: Authors’ drawing)

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Apparently, there was a key limitation for the competitors: The suspended but valid development plan had already defined development rights for each parcel, which should be kept numerically while designers were free to make flexible solutions, such as transfer of rights from one region to another within the competition site. However, it was a

quite difficult task to fit extra 30.000 people into the existing site that houses 13.000 people. More than that, the designers were expected to create social infrastructure that respond to those population. Another limitation was about the newly developed buildings within the site. Between 2006 and 2014, while the plan was registered and official, a total number of 106 buildings licenses was given by the municipality, and these property owners had already built their structures. Competitors had to take into account these developments since there was a given and accepted development right. Another threshold for the competitors was the preservation of the existing social infrastructure like schools, hospitals, mosques, administrative units, etc., which would limit urban designers in giving decisions about urban structure (axis, corridors, open spaces, street structures, etc.)

Cinema Building, that can be or should be integrated to any urban development scenario. Third, we tried to define tendencies in terms of urban development dynamics. (See: Figure 8.) We mapped those registered, and licensed multi-storey buildings that have been built in accordance with 2006 plan. We also mapped other 5-6-7 storey buildings in order to see development tendencies, that would give clues about new central business corridors in the competition site. Here, we realized that there is a strong tendency of development that extend along a certain street that goes from the existing famous bazaar to the new municipality land. This gave us the ‘new commercial spine’ that cross the green-blue corridor of Söke river. So in the junction, we thought that we should place our cultural hub, like other prize-winning urban design teams in the competition.

4. OUR URBAN DESIGN PROPOSAL FOR COMPETITION Common Grounds of The First Three Prizes Before mentioning about our proposal, we would like to state that there are several common approaches in the winning design proposals. First, all projects suggested a greenery corridor through Söke river, which will function as a public life spine of the city. It was an outcry against the unacceptable solution of the 2006 plan: It was covering the surface of the river with parking lots and partial greens. (See: Figure 4.) Another approach in common is the site selection of the new cultural hub, for which almost all teams suggested a riverfront location that is close to the new municipality area on the north. Similarly, the majority of the design teams proposed a new morphology for the riverfront Principles of Our Urban Design Proposal We develop three frameworks to state the problem in the competition site. We try to go beyond conventional SWOT analyses or analysis-synthesis-planning steps of development plans. First, we centred Söke River by defining risks and chances together. (See: Figure 6.) We searched for the possibility of making this merit as a green/blue spine of the city. After stating that, we tried to imagine a new life around it, with facades and uses. In parallel to that we questioned possibility of vertical green corridors that connect to Söke River.

Figure 6. Design frameworks of our proposal: understanding and centralizing Söke River, re-evaluating existing social infrastructure and considering tendencies of ongoing constructions (Source: Authors’ drawing)

After this 3-step framework, we developed three other basic design principle frameworks. First, we stated that we should make Söke as metropolitan sub-center with special uses that are close to Milas-Bodrum motorway. We proposed large and private social infrastructure uses for a 200-meter strip, which could attract qualified labour as well as service-consumers form Söke’s hinterland. That can be either private education/health services or malls/construction markets. Second, we principally conserved the lot and street morphology of the historic downtown and keep it free from any extra development right. Third, we offered revitalization of courtyard system in downtown in order to respond to climatic conditions of the geography.

Second, we evaluated potentials of the existing morphology in terms of social infrastructure. (See: Figure 7.) There are valuable building and open space stock, like the famous bazaar area or Öğretmenevi or Efes

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Figure 7. Design principles of our proposal: translating ‘metropolitan sub-center’ into a physical space, conserving the historic downtown and keeping it free from extra development rights, and revitalizing courtyard morphology in historic core (Source: Authors’ drawing)

Ultimately, we proposed an urban design project, which includes a “development rights strategy” in itself. (See: Figure 8.) We defined 6 regions of character in the site, and each region had different development rights. In order to conserve the historic downtown, we transfered extra development rights to the new commercial axis, where we desired a tight and dense street life. We suggested the term “baz emsal” that means “base right”, which refer to individual development facilities. It is the lowest development right. But the landowner might take the plan’s perspective into consideration and open to negotiation in terms or development right transfer and so on, then his/her development right might increase. (See: Figure 9.)

Figure 8. Our urban design proposal (Source: Authors’ drawing)

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Figure 9. Our proposal of development rights strategy (Source: Authors’ drawing)

Briefly, our urban design proposal is based upon a dynamic game theory, which releases the current planning system from its static and immobile persona. If it would be possible to integrate urban design before distributing development rights with an unsound 1/1000 plan, then it would be better and easier to organize the urban structure with livability and legibility criteria. 6. CONCLUSION Planning practice generally labels urban design as an exercise of urban decoration. The physical and spatial configurations of the built environment are often dealt with as an afterthought or a by-product of planning process (Kashef, 2007). Planners draw a red line between “shaping land-uses by distributing development rights” and “providing micro or neighborhood/street level urban life”. So there is an intellectual divide between development plans and single construction processes. Obviously, improving the design quality of the built environment and standards should not be merely the responsibility of urban design. Today, conventional planning practice is stuck in a tight corner of “imarcılık” (amelioration), which creates a kind of vacancy in thoughts and practices. This traditional ‘zones’ and ‘heights’ understanding generates the identical Turkish cities everywhere, which are rarely displaying coherent, legible and quality environments. They all depend on the same fixed A-3 or B-4 or E=1.60 language. One can see some of those codes in Figure 5. We use them as to summarize Turkish static planning system. B-3 means 3-storey building with attached arrangement, while capital E (emsal) means FAR (floor area ratio). It is a commonly used term among

ordinary people who are not specialized in planning practice. For the ordinary inhabitants, development plan equals to E, since everybody is interested in the quantity of building right instead of quality of built environment. Söke example shows that when the conventional planning language of ‘heights’ and ‘densities’ fails, then urban design gets importance. However, if the planning processes already make decisions about development rights without considering quality environment, then it generates a very difficult task for urban design practice which roots its principles in livability, legibility and quality. Therefore, there should be tools to connect these two fields. Urban design should not be a life jacket for urban planning, but they should work as lifeguard buddies for our suffering contemporary cities.

REFERENCES: Kashef, M. (2007). Architects and planners approaches to urban form and design in the Toronto region: A comparative analysis. Geoforum,39(2008), 414-437. Söke Belediyesi Fen İşleri Müdürlüğü (2015). Söke Belediyesi İmar Planlamasına Esas Kentsel Yenileme Eksenli Fikir Projesi Yarışması, Şartname. Tekeli, İ. (2015). Kadifekale / Tandır Platformu toplantısı. İzmir Tarih Tasarım Atölyesi, 19 Aralık 2015.

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Designing an Airport City: Towards a guıdıng framework Ayaz Zamanov, Emine Yetişkul

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, TURKEY zamanov.ayaz@metu.edu.tr, yetiskul@metu.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION

2. AIRPORT DEVELOPMENT AND PLANNING

Cities grow and prosper in relation with their transportation hubs. In the past, coastal towns with adequate harbors grew and expanded quickly. In modern times, similar prospects apply to cities with airports which provide competitive advantages for regional and urban development. In addition to being a complex system of facilities, airports are significant stimulator for economic activities in its catchment area. In the last thirty years or so, airports have become clusters of not only transportation-related operational services but also commercial and business activities (Güller Güller et al., 2003).

In the 19th and the first part of the 20th century the vast majority of passenger travel and freight traffic were done by rail or water transportation. Ports and railroad stations were the major hubs in the cities. The world wars gave a great impetus to the development of air transportation and aircrafts became suitable for long distance travels. Airfields were designed and constructed easily on those years. Any flat ground with proper wind would have been suitable for those aircrafts. Until the end of the 1970s, airports were selected on the basis of performance and geometrical characteristics of the aircrafts (Kazda and Caves, 2007). However, today, these circumstances have been changed and airports became the main transportation hubs and facility centers for cities.

Accordingly, airports have grown into complex and multi-faced mega structures, offering space for longer runways and larger terminals, and accommodating a growing number of functions that have nothing related with aviation (Ibelings, 1998). Hence, aerotropolis defined by Kasarda (2008) is regarded as an urban cluster with similar features to the traditional metropolitan structure. Basically, it is an area of high density developments, stretching up to 25 km in radius from the airport in its core (Menon, 2014). Aerotropolis developed hand in hand with improvements in aircraft technology and air traffic control, increasing demand for small parcel freight shipments, and globalization. In aerotropolis setting, an airport and its close environment are closely related, as they have strong relationships, therefore influence each other significantly. Although numerous design guidelines related to operational services in and around airports have been developed, land use planning and design guidelines are rarely discussed. This paper focuses on the principles and relationships for land use planning and design of airports and their environs. In parallel to the expansion prospects of Sabiha Gökçen Airport in Istanbul where Third Airport is under construction due to the increased traffic in the 2000s and over-capacity reached at Istanbul Atatürk Airport on the European side, we explore planning and design framework of 4 different airport city cases.

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Increase in the volumes of passengers and freight traffic since the beginning of 1980s has caused many airports to exceed their capacities, leading enlargements in technical and service facilities. In United States, many airports are planning to expand their capacities on the basis of the FAA’s plan to modernize the National Airspace System over 2025. Airport expansion has been always a concern for governments due to limited open space and incompatible land uses around airports. Noise issue has been one of the most sensitive and critical concern in airport development because of noise-sensitive urban areas such as hospitals, residential communities and educational institutions. Correspondingly, Kelly (1997) emphasized that airports caused residents, living around them to gain a negative impression about airports. Regardless of such a negative reaction, airports continue to expand their boundaries to locate new industrial usages with new employment opportunities. These workplaces mostly consist of businesses that are mostly dependent on air transportation to increase their profit by reducing transportation costs (Li et al., 2007). In this manner, the more employment opportunities around the airports attract the more residents near airports to minimize their commuting time. As a result new schools, hospitals, commercial and religious facilities are developing immediately (McMillan, 2004).

Airports have a potential of shaping the geography of the urban areas as central railway stations did in the past. This power of airports mostly depends on the keyword ‘accessibility’. Investments which have been done to increase accessibility improve connections between airport and its surroundings. At first, landside access is the most important part of accessibility. Ground transportation determines the airport growth. Secondly, it is essential to provide similar access standards for an airport city just like a city. Thirdly, it is crucial to provide appropriate means of public transportation to make the airport compete with the rapid formation of poly-centric metropolitan areas. (See: Figure 1.)

Figure 1. Accessibility of an airport (Source: Güller Güller et al., 2003)

Airport Master Plan Federal Aviation Administration (2015) defines the master plan as the strategy for the future development of the airport. Besides, the plan should consider all developments which are both in and out of airside and possible socio-economic and environmental factors. The following guidelines should be included. • Development of facilities, • Development of land uses in the airport vicinity, • Determination of impacts of airport construction on the environment, • Determination of airport ground access (International Civil Aviation Organization, 1987). Strategic planning of airports is much more compressive than master planning. Strategic planning gives a background to master plan about the airport’s vision while master plan clarifies the facilities and reserved space according to the vision of the airport (ACRP Report 20, 2009). Airport master plans are approved by the local governmental agencies or authorities which own and/or operate the airport. Airport master plans need to be updated regularly to measure necessary maintenance services, development, expansion, and modernization levels on local, regional and national basis.

Land-use Planning Land-use planning may include on-airport and off-airport components which are compatible with master plan. Off-airport part of the airport development becomes more crucial in today’s new planning concepts such as ‘Airport City’ and ‘Aerotropolis’. Planning both on and off-airport developments gives good results in terms of noise and environmental impact controls. It is advised that off-airport planning should be finalized in coordination with central and local governments, regional planning agencies, local residents and other interested stakeholders. Land-use plans, developed before off-airport planning, should be taken into consideration (Florida Department of Transportation Aviation Office, 2010). Land use planning for an airport is a comprehensive planning task. In on-airport planning the way which runways, taxiways, and approach zones are planned becomes significant to configure the land uses around airports. Airport planning, policies and programs must be carried out in coordination with the objectives, policies and programs of the master plan of airport. It is important to integrate transportation facilities and public services with patterns of residential and other major land uses depending on the size, location and configuration of the airport (Young and Wells, 2004). Strategic Planning Strategic planning is defined as the process preparation of an organization strategy or direction of the way how to allocate its resources to follow that strategy (Mintzberg et al., 2013). As it is generally described as a long-term process, there should be revision of strategies in certain periods of time. Airport strategic planning process can be defined in four main phases: preplanning, analysis/evaluation, implementation/ execution and monitoring (ACRP Report 20, 2009). These steps are considered to be the same for all airport strategic plans regardless of airport size or type. The amount of data to be collected, reviewed, and analyzed may vary depending on organization’s size and complexity, the amount of effort and time used in planning process, and the number of stakeholders involved in planning process (ACRP Report 20, 2009). 3. AEROTROPOLIS Aerotropolis is form of large-scale development which is shaped around an airport city (Kasarda, 2008). This form is a very similar looking to the traditional metropolis. Basically, it is an area of high density developments stretching up to 25 km in radius from the airport in its core (Menon, 2014). Aerotropolis comprises aviation-oriented businesses and their associated residential developments besides the airport city core. For example; retail, hotel and entertainment centers, set of air-

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port-linked business parks, industrial and logistics parks, information and communications technology complexes, wholesale merchandise marts and residential developments make this model to operate as a consistent form of development in itself. In addition, its economic impact may also reach up to 95 km from the major airports. Kasarda’s airport development model is being used for today’s major airports. Some airports choose to even re-build their system around aerotropolis model. The reasons lying behind this process are the followings; • Logistics centers for freight, • Business centers, • Shopping and entertainment facilities, • Accommodation and service providers. Main factor in aerotropolis development is speed which becomes a very important aspect of today’s businesses and life. New economies also demand connectivity and agility to use speed efficiently. Kasarda (2008) defines this development as the form which follows function and continues as follows:

“Airport expressway links (aerolanes) complemented by airport express trains (aerotrains) bring cars, taxis, buses, trucks and rail together with air infrastructure at the multi-modal commercial core (the Airport city). Aviation-linked business clusters and associated residential developments radiate outward from the airport city, forming the greater aerotropolis.” A similar definition was made by Le Corbusier (1987) in the 1920s for the existence of the skyscrapers accompanying multi-nodal grand central station. He mentioned the keyword ‘commerce’ for such an urban form which was highly depended on the speed and said that “the city which can achieve speed will achieve success” (Le Corbusier, 1987). Three important aerotropolis principles are defined by Freestone (2009); 1. Clustered development rather than ribbon one, 2. High quality design standards, 3. Beautification of airport gateways. Kasarda (2010) suggests some planning principles of this model to make more city-friendly. A good infrastructure planning can change our way of living; • Aerolanes and Aerotrains should connect aerotropolis with regional business and residential areas. • Trucks-only roads should be added to give more priority to non-freight traffic.

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• Time-cost efficiency instead of distance-cost should be counted as the primary planning measurement metric between key nodes. • In planning the location of businesses, it is important to evaluate frequency of uses for each business, to maximize time-cost access and minimize congestion. • Activities, such as manufacturing, warehousing and trucking, should be spatially segregated from white-collar service facilities and airport passenger flows. • It is important to place sensitive commercial and residential developments outside of high intensity flight paths to control noise and air pollution. • It is important to have sufficient green space. Cluster development along airport corridor is more capable of creating green space than any other strip development. • Landmark is one of the ‘Lynch’s Five Elements’ for the city (Lynch, 1960). Iconic structures and architectural features are important to make way-finding easier and place-making better. • Housing areas, which serve for airport area workers and frequent air travelers, and also hotels, should be designed to provide necessary local services and a sense of neighborhood (Kasarda, 2010). Aerotropolis should be considered together with sustainable smart growth. The most important part in planning such a huge development is to know how to build such environment in a best sustainable way. Kasarda (2010) emphasizes that new urbanism guidelines are necessary to create healthy mixed-use residential clusters along airport corridors. New urbanism describes design of such terms (Principles of Urbanism, n.d.); • Walkability • Connectivity • Mixed-use & Diversity • Mixed housing • Quality architecture & Urban design • Traditional neighborhood structure • Increased density • Green transportation • Sustainability • Quality of life Airport City Airport-centered urban development is categorized under three interconnected concepts; the aerotropolis (airport-integrated urban economic region), the airport corridor and the airport city. Differences between these concepts depend on geographical scale, business approaches and commercial activities at and around airport. Figure 2 and

Figure 3 conceptualize and compare these concepts by their geographical point of view. Airport City is basically a dense cluster of operations, originating from synergetic and symbiotic relations between the networks of the airlines at the airport and commercial development on the airport landside (Ashford et al., 2011).

It is explained as an “inside the fence” area including terminals, apron, and runways, also with air cargo, logistics, offices, retail and hotels (Kasarda, 2008). Strategically, airports work in a regional system, by combining transport and land-use planning (Güller et al., 2003).

Figure 3. Airport-centered urban development scheme. (Source: Peneda, Reis, and Macário, 2010)

Airport Corridor Another concept of airport-driven development is airport corridor, defined by Schaafsma et al. (2008) and van der Blonk et al. (2006). It is a planned and integrated linear real estate development linking airport with city. Some of the examples are the highway-oriented airport corridor of Denver, the transit-oriented airport corridor of Zurich, and the city-oriented airport corridor of Copenhagen. Formation of airport corridors are summarized by two different stories: it has appeared either in city regions where specific governance structures have been placed for such corridor development, or by a huge investment guaranteed by public authorities in infrastructure, subsidies and marketing of the corridor. Zurich and Paris cases can be given as examples for first story, and for the second case, Kuala Lumpur, Singapore, Dubai and Hong Kong are the best examples (Schaafsma et al., 2008). Such concepts, which affect either positively or negatively the development of airport cities should be analyzed in order to design airport cities to be able to compete in their region. 4. DESIGN AROUND AIRPORTS

Figure 2. Aerotropolis, Airport Corridor and Airport City (Source: aeroSCAPE,2013)

Design around airports can be considered at two main levels: compatibility of land uses such as residents and commercial areas and types of buildings, their density and size of the development, and geographic location relative to the runway environment (Airport Cooperative Research Program, 2010). Airports are very sensitive structures because

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each of those specific elements affects land use type around airports and identifies their compatibility with the environment of the airport. Residential developments around airports are to be designed carefully due to the potential safety and noise issues. Today, almost every airport is under the risk of over construction because of the population increase and need of accommodation. It is very important to discourage, or at least keep residential developments near airports at a possible minimum level. Table 1 shows how different residential land uses are affected by potential concerns. Such tables should guide planners to what they should do and what would be the results of such developments in long term. It is crucial to select necessary type of building by considering both density and airport operations. It is considered that having more of small cluster-type housing projects with sufficient open spaces, rather than several hundred homes with limited open space (Airport Cooperative Research Program, 2010). Geographic location of the development is another issue in design around airports. Runways have certain lighting standards. Any development around an airport, especially around Runway Protection Zones (RPZs), shouldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t cause visual obstructions for pilots. Figure 4 compares typical linear pattern, which is parallel to the runaway, with a more acceptable parcel layout. Commercial development requires specific review and evaluation by planners to determine compatibility with airport operational areas (Airport Cooperative Research Program, 2010). For example; mixed use developments can be given as a good example. However, it shouldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t be forgotten that mixed use has some challenges in defining density that differs in every hour of the day depending upon the location of the commercial area. Double check of the specific types of uses and hours of occupancy becomes important in designing the facilities around airports.

Figure 4. Typical parcel layout vs. modified parcel layout (Source: Mead and Hunt, 2004)

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In any airport-oriented development, industrial and manufacturing areas take a role to provide enough economic benefit. Today, industrial parks are the most popular development concept for industrial areas. They include a mix of industrial businesses, manufacturing facilities, office parks, and R&D complexes. Industrial and manufacturing areas need good connections to major transportation lines and nodes such as highways, interstates, railroads, and airports. Inter-modal connectivity is a key point because todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy depends highly on speed and time (Airport Cooperative Research Program, 2010). Table 1. Land use compatibility chart for residential activities (Source: Mead andHunt, 2004).

Institutional land uses are appeared to be the land uses which has influence in the community. Religious facilities, hospitals, educational facilities (college and universities, public and private elementary, junior, and senior high schools), kindergartens, libraries, museums are included in this category. Every circumstance should be taken into consideration while placing these facilities around airports. For example; kindergartens and health care facilities contain people who are unable to care for themselves so evacuation difficulties for these usages in any accidental situation are noted. Besides, institutional activities differ in densities in a certain area. High concentrations of people always involve high level of risk for airport operational and approach areas. Agriculture, parks, recreation or any open space usage would harm airport developments at the minimum level comparing to other land uses. However, there is a high risk of creating wildlife around and between those areas. Farms around airports should be taken under control by limiting the type of seeding that can be planted. For example; row crops and orchards may cause hazardous interactions for airplanes. Especially on low-level flights, approaching and departing, such plantations may create bird strikes.

5. PLANNING AND DESIGN FRAMEWORK OF AIRPORT CITY CASES Studies, which analyze airports in terms of urban design, have been increased since the 1990s when the economic and social impacts of airports and airport cities was of increasing public and policy interest due to both the positive and negative externalities surrounding them. Beforehand, airports were considered as potential threats for cities. Within last decade, however, researchers and policy makers have realized their positive impacts and started to develop specific urban design principles in order to direct these costly investments and increase their benefits. The reason of the approach change towards airports and airport development was somewhat related to the formation of private-public partnerships and privatization of airports or some of their facilities. It was more related to the commercialization of the airports. Whether retail concession or logistics it is necessary to work through spatial forms of airports and airport cities while developing main urban design principles. Figure 5. Amsterdam Airport Schiphol and Airport City

This part of the article aims to analyze prominent cases of airport cities, whether it was intentionally designed as an airport city transformed to an airport city, in detail and to emphasize common urban design principles, lying behind such structures. Amsterdam Airport Schiphol, Paris Charles De Gaulle Airport, Frankfurt Airport and Incheon International Airport are taken as the best practices for such cases. Focusing on those four different airport cities, we analyze urban design characteristics of each under three main headings, i.e., morphology, movement and mobility, structure/arrangement and organization and develop some sub-headings to clarify certain points such as form and function, composition and configuration, parking facilities, entrances and transfer points, pedestrian circulation and permeability, connections and concentration, buffers and border connections. The Netherlands is one of the leading countries in transportation planning and Amsterdam is the hub of different transportation modes, of which one is air transportation. Amsterdam Airport Schiphol is one of the busiest airports in Europe. Schiphol Group has developed Amsterdam Airport Schiphol since the 1980s in terms of airport city concept. As the development is a project-based one, the connections with the Amsterdam city center and integrity in the region was centered in the planning process. High level of connectivity has increased the chance of Amsterdam Airport Schiphol in the generation of demand for aeronautical and non-aeronautical services. In terms of the airport city concept, all facilities take place in one large site and the structures are connected in a linear form. (See: Figure 5.)

Basically, Schiphol Airport City distributes the facilities on a pedestrian spine which starts with Schiphol Plaza and ends with Hilton Hotel. This pedestrianized cluster includes hotels, parking facilities and entertainment centers. Their buildings and lots have rectangular forms that make them different from other buildings and grounds. Length of the closed pedestrian spine is around 500 meters which is a walking distance for almost everyone. This shows that the connection between this pedestrianized cluster of the airport city and airport terminal is strong. In addition, Schiphol Plaza identifies the main entrance of the airport and serves as a meeting place. The land transportation modes, facilitated by both road and rail are intersected around this area. Parking lots are located in front of the office buildings. Similarly, parking facilities for air passengers are also located in front of the terminal. Paris Charles de Gaulle Airport is the second case in our airport city analysis. Groupe ADP is the contractor for both the development of aeronautical and concession services as well as real estate investments. Clustered office buildings are placed between two terminals. Parisâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s airport city is more dispersed when it is compared by Amsterdamâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. The distance between both terminals is about 2km. However, Paris also has a pedestrian spine, connecting all facilities and services with each other. (See: Figure 6.) On the heart of the spine, there is a semi-closed area that defines the rail station. Rail system has a crucial role about the connectivity of the airport city with the city center and other cities. It can be said that Paris Charles de Gaulle-Airport City was developed like a campus, which gives priority to pedestrians rather than motorized vehicles.

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Figure 6: Paris Charles de Gaulle Airport and Airport City

The other case is Frankfurt Airport in Germany. Only a few office buildings are located near the airport terminal, which is different from the former airport city cases. (See: Figure 7.) The largest and tallest one is The Squaire. It is an office building which was built on to the rail station. Construction was started in 2006 and completed in 2011. The 9 story building has a 660m length, 65m width and 45m height. The Squaire is linked by pedestrian bridges that provide direct connections to the airport terminal and other office buildings.

Figure 8. Incheon International Airport and Airport City

6. CONCLUSION

Figure 7. Frankfurt Airport, The Squaire and Airport City

Incheon International Airport is the last case, presenting a different design perspective when it is compared to the others. Airport city cluster is about 800 meters away from the airport terminal (See: Figure 8.), which makes a direct pedestrian connection meaningless. The cluster is connected to the terminal by a rail road and highway. Some parts of the Incheon International Airport are still under construction and the airport is projected to serve as one of the ten busiest in the world by 2020.

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In Turkey air passenger numbers and freight traffic have been increased since 2003 when the liberalization in the aviation sector was started. There are 40 airports open to civil aviation traffic, 24 of them are serving both domestic and international flights. Istanbul serves as one of the largest hubs in the world, with two international airports, (AtatĂźrk International Airport on the European side and Sabiha GĂśkĂ§en Airport on the Asian side.) The third airport, designed for a capacity of 150 million passengers is being constructed and planned to open in 2017 on the Black Sea coast of the European side. In such a promising hub city, airport cities that offer many competitive advantages in both airports and cities should be developed carefully. Apart from their economic impacts, spatial and strategic design of such costly investments is important to create high quality spaces. The paper tended to underline some points and questions that should be kept in mind during the design process of an airport city.

REFERENCES: aeroSCAPE (2013, April 22). The Airport as an Urban Tool. Retrieved from The aeroSCAPE: an Approximation: https://aeroscape.org/2013/04/22/the-aeroscape-an-approximation/ Ashford, N., Mumayiz, S., & Wright, P. (2011). Airport Engineering: Planning, Design, and Development of 21st Century Airports (4 ed.). John Wiley and Sons. Charles, M., Barnes, P., Ryan, N., & Clayton, J. (2007). Airport futures: Towards a critique of the aerotropolis model. Futures 39, 1009-1028. Federal Aviation Administration. (2015). Airport Master Plans. FAA. Freestone, R. (2009). Planning, Sustainability and Airport-Led Urban Development. International Planning Studies, 14(2), 161-176. Güller, M., Güller, M. (2003). From Airport to Airport City. Barcelona: Editorial Gustavo Gili. Ibelings, H. (1998), Supermodernism:Architecture and Globalization, Rotterdam: Nai Publishers. International Civil Aviation Organization. (1987). Airport Planning Manual. ICAO. Kasarda, J. (2004). Amsterdam airport Schiphol: the airport city. In A. Frej, Just-in-Time Real Estate (pp. 96–104). Washington, DC: Urban Land Institute. Kasarda, J. (2008). Shopping In the Airport City and Aerotropolis. Research Review, 15(2), 50-56. Kasarda, J. (2008). The Evolution of Airport Cities and the Aerotropolis. In J. Kasarda, Airport Cities: The Evolution. London: Insight Media. Kasarda, J. (2010). The Way Forward. In J. Kasarda, Global Airport Cities (pp. 15-36). London: Insight Media. Kazda, A., & Caves, R. (2007). Airport design and operation. Oxford: Elsevier. Kelly, T. (1997). Amendment to Part IV (Aircraft Noise) of Transport Canada’s Guidelines ‘Land Use in the Vicinity of Airport’. Canadian Acoustics, 25(1), 19-22. Le Corbusier. (1987). The City of To-morrow and its Planning. New York: Dover Publications. Li, K., Eiff, G., Laffitte, J., & McDaniel, D. (2007). Land Use Management and Airport Controls. Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Lynch, K. (1960). The Image of the City. The MIT Press. McMillan, D. (2004). Airport Expansions and Property Values: Chicago O’Hare Airport. Journal of Urban Economics, 627-680. Mead & Hunt. (2004). Land Use Survey. National Association of State Aviation Officials. Menon, A. (2014). An aerotropolis evaluation tool for decision-makers. Journal of the South African Institution of Civil Engineering, 48-52. Mintzberg, H., Lampel, J. B., Quinn, J., & Ghoshal, S. (2013). The Strategy Process: Concepts, Contexts, Cases (5 ed.). Pearson. Peneda, M. J., Reis, V. D., & Macário, M. d. (2010). Critical factors for the development of airport cities. Lisboa. Principles of urbanism. (n.d.). Retrieved from New urbanism: http://www.newurbanism.org/ newurbanism/principles.html Ricondo & Associates, Inc., Booz Allen Hamilton, Inc., George Mason University, National Service Research (2009). ACRP Report 20- Strategic Planning in the Airport Industry. Washington, D.C.: Transportation Research Board. Schaafsma, M., Amkreutz, J., & Güller, M. (2008). Airport and City: Airport Corridors: Drivers of Economic Development. Amsterdam: Schiphol Real Estate. van der Blonk, C., Houtsma, W. H., Jenniskens, M., Terwecoren, J., & Verbeet, M. (2006). Airports reviewed. University of Utrecht. Young, S. B., & Wells, A. T. (2004). Airport Planning & Management (5 ed.). McGraw-Hill.

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CITY IS WHAT HAPPENS WHILE YOU ARE BUSY MAKING OTHER PLANS Ceren Gamze Yaşar

Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Urban Policy Planning and Local Governments, Ankara, TURKEY cerengamzeyasar@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION The problem of unpremeditated urban spaces is massive in scale. Lack of comprehensive and amalgamating design especially in the new and emerging fabric on the periphery of the cities is shaping daily lives of the majority increasingly. It is not the unplanned informal housing but planned sprawl through which the development rights are given extensively, the urban space is produced in a partial and fragmented fashion. Projects, rather than comprehensive plans, are forming the cities. Especially the residential areas are produced in this manner. The aim of this paper is to reveal the extent of this problem in the contemporary city and the spatial typology of the urban fabric produced. A characteristics of historical-geographic materialist view is needed to understand the production process of that type of fabric. From this perspective, both the structure and the agents creating these spatial forms will be under focus. The case of Ankara will be the solidifying base for the study. How we live on the periphery of Ankara, in what forms of urban fabric and how these areas can be categorized are the main questions to be asked in the paper. 2. WHAT HAPPENS? Kernel Thought The way in which the cities urbanize seems to be becoming unexpectedly ubiquitous on global, national and urban scale. Apartment blocks are the major ‘style’ of urban development, in almost all cities and even in rural settlements in Turkey. With this form of urban spatial change, some specific elements of urban fabric come along: apartment blocks, higher setback distances, parking lots covering majority of the land, street-less urban ensembles, lower building coverage ratios, higher floor area ratios, concrete surfaces and impervious grounds. (See: Figure 1.)

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Figure 1. An example of ubiquitous urban fabric made of apartment blocks, North-west Ankara (Source: G.Earth, 2017)

Through urban sprawl, the cities lose, centrality, continuity, density,, and proximity in form and mixed land uses (Galster et al., 2001). With this scattered urban pattern, we are losing the spatial typology of street. In the recent developments we are being conducted by two major mechanisms: urban growth and urban renewal. This paper aims to focus on these two major mechanisms and actors beyond the spatial change happening while giving some visual examples of the result to give a clearer sense of produced space to the reader. Context Ankara is the capital city of an developing and politically highly authoritarian and centralized country with a fragile economy relying heavily on foreign financial resources. Increasing amount of capital is invested in urban (and ‘rural’) land via housing and conspicuous mega infrastructure projects, divided highways, elevated interchanges and mostly inefficient and uncoordinated energy production projects.

Apartment blocks in this context, means development in Turkish discourse and represents a higher quality of life for the most. The higher the better is the motto for nearly all income groups in all parts of all cities regardless of rural or urban qualities. Housing is considered as the best way of investment for several reasons. Financing the housing sector depends on debts and credits, and the demand for housing is usually high[1]. This is the context that massive scale apartment blocks are produced. Along with the current political process of authoritarianization and centralization, the form of urbanization is set the by central government with legal framework and discourse. A specific form typology is applied by the central government in all the cities via Housing Development Administration (TOKİ) producing same apartments with same architectural projects disregarding geographical, topographical, climatic and cultural differences of the context. For the last fifteen years, 765.000 houses have been produced in all cities with the same principles, most of them with same architectural types (TOKİ, 2017).

Figure 3. Number of buildings (above) and construction permits (below) from 1954 to 2014. (Source: TUİK, 2015) -prepared by the author.-

Figure 2. One of many housing projects produced by Housing Development Agency in a rural part of Ankara (Personal Archive, 2015)

The core role of construction sector and housing in politics and economy, and the single party government capable of enacting the necessary legal framework with fastened pace catalyzed the spatial change in Turkey.

Facts and Figures: The Dramatic Scale of Spatial Change in Ankara and Turkey Problems of urbanization and development are highly intertwined with power distribution in Turkey where the construction sector has a significant role in economy. Even though one chart is highly insufficient to illustrate this strong and structural bond, it is still informative. In Figure 3, number of buildings (above) and number of housing units (below) in construction permits are shown. The two years pointed out are the two major breakpoints in political history of Turkey. First one is right after the 1980 coup d’etat, and the second one is the elections the current government gained the authority established after a long period of coalition governments right after the 2001 economic crisis in Turkey.

Figure 4. Number of dwelling units -left- and the number of buildings in construction permits divided by the two natural breaks -right- (1981 and 2001) (Source: TUİK, 2016) -prepared by the author.-

In Figure 4, above, the percentage of dwelling units and buildings by construction year is listed. 42,67% of all dwelling units in Turkey is constructed after 2003 and 25% of all buildings are constructed after 2003. This means two things: First, the majority of dwelling units are recently constructed. Second, most of the new buildings are higher apartment blocks. After all, with the lowest percentage of buildings, the highest number of dwelling units are produced between 2003 and 2015.

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As it can be seen in Figure 6, the density of the core continuous settlement area of Ankara is getting low and in recent years the decrease seems to continue (TUİK, 2011). The distribution pattern of density over the metropolitam area of Ankara is also interesting. The distribution is more in the form of a torus rather than a concentric core. The oldest parts of the city and the two planned satellite town-like subcenters are the densest parts, while all the newer settlements, ironically with higher development rights and more high rise apartments have lowest densities. Figure 5. Percentage of households with reference to building ages in Turkey -leftand in Ankara. -right- (Source: TUİK, 2016) -prepared by the author.-

Continuing with the building ages, in national scale, 21,8% of the households are dwelling in buildings constructed after 2001, while in the case of Ankara, it is 34,2%. This is the fifth highest level in Turkey following relatively smaller cities in the south-eastern and eastern regions of Turkey (Hakkari, Bingöl, Van, Şırnak) while Istanbul is the 64th in rank (out of 81). In Turkey, 23,1% of all households dwell in 6+ storied apartments, meanwhile, in Ankara, 39,44% of households dwells in 6+ storey buildings. Another significant statistic about the issue at hand is the number of excess houses. 590.000 flats are excess (TUİK, 2015) in Ankara. The average household size of Ankara is 3,21. Combining these two, excess housing in Ankara is enough to provide dwelling for around 1.568.000 people. Populations in most of the metropolitan cities alongside Ankara are increasing, but in most of the cases the pace of the population increase is decreasing. In addition to population and construction statistics, urban sprawl is also about number of private cars owned and used in a city. The number of cars per 1ooo person in Turkey is 121 while in Ankara this number rises up to 217 and the rank of Ankara is 1st in this subject despite the total population of 5,270 million. On the other hand, in the core of İstanbul this number is 152 with a rank of 7th (TUİK, 2013). In other words, Ankara is a highly car-dependent and sprawled city with the majority dwelling based on detached apartment blocks. New Patterns of Growth: “Questionably Urban” Fabric While the number of storeys, number of floor area ratios and the percentage of new buildings are increasing, what happens to the population density of Ankara? Figure 6. The change in population density of the core urban form of Ankara, between 1924 and 2000. (Source: Ankara 2023 Plan Report, 2007 and Yıldırım, 2007)

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Figure 7. Geographical distribution of population density, Source: (TUİK, 2000)

Sprawl is visible in the map above, (See: Figure 7.) In the map below, the historical progress of macro-form of Ankara can be observed. (See: Figure 8.) The increasing dispersal is mostly not by the sprawl of unauthorized housing (gecekondus), but rather through the authorized and planned developmetns. (with rights given with development plans) (Yaşar, 2010).

Figure 8. Macro-form of Ankara in time (Source: Ankara 2023 Plan Report, 2007; Google Earth 2010)

An abstract schemeto illustrate the difference in scales of sprawl between authorized and unauthorized housing is as follows:

Figure 9. Authorized/planned sprawl versus unauthorized/ unplanned sprawl (Source: Ankara 2023 Plan Report, 2007)

In the map the darker areas represent the authorized housing with development rights given by the plans. They have lower density. Lighter areas illustrating the unauthorized housing are also facing a spatial change as well. As the second major mechanism, urban renewal is transforming these areas into similar urban fabric, the street-less residential ensembles.

Figure 11. Yenimahalle , the western perhipery of Ankara, (Personal Archive, 2010)

The second major process urban renewal, results in high-rise buildings with deeper setbacks and again with extensive parking lots. Whatever the surrounding fabric is, the dominant form of developments are similar. Some examples can be found below. (See: Figure 12, 13, 14.)

The two major mechanisms changing the face of the city are highly visible in this map: urban growth with darker sectors and urban renewal with lighter sectors Yaşar, 2010). Spatial change takes place nearly evenly both in planned and in the previously unplanned parts of the city. Following figures can be good examples to illustrate the space produced by both mechanisms in the context Ankara. First, the urban growth process results in a kind of leapfrog development in agricultural land.

Figure 12. Söğütözü, Ankara, the emerging densified center. (Personal Archive, 2015)

Figure 10. Karacaören, the northern periphery Ankara, (Personal Archive, 2012)

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One of the most alluring promises of capitalism was being different and having a variety of choices, yet in terms of housing in the case of Ankara (and in Turkey in general) There is apperently, a clear limitation in form and space produced within the current system of production. The Two Major Mechanisms and the Actors Figure 13. Yüzüncü Yıl, Balgat, Ankara, (Personal Archive, 2014)

Figure 14. Altındağ, Ankara, (Personal Archive, 2015)

The last image is, probably, the most dramatic one: organic urban pattern of Ottoman period of the city in the foreground and the modern apartment blocks as the new way of life, in the background. Whether it is in the middle of the agricultural fields or in the core of the city with historical urban patterns, same apartments are produced both by the public and private actors. As seen below, the same applies for luxury housing in Ankara as well.

Figure 15. Park Oran, Ankara, (Personal Archive, 2012)

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As the first mechanism, ‘urban growth’ opens up new lands via development plans. Plenty of development rights are given on the periphery of metropolitan cities. In the case of Ankara, the scale of development is massive. Instead of considering the actual need for housing in time with realistic population projections, the development rights are given politically, as a way of reinforcing political power, and economically, as a way of distribution of wealth. Since planning (in the form of distributing development rights) is a highly political and economic action, the rational future projections are excluded in the process. All the land suitable for development is planned, and development rights and permissions are given all at the same time. This generates speculation all over the land. That approach in planning creates two problems: First, land consumption divorced from the need dramatically increases. The urban more than needed land for urban growth is developed, therefore rural landscape, agriculturally productive fields, natural areas and heritage are lost. Second, since there is no phasing for development and the land proposed for development is extensive, usually, most of the space allocated for development remains undeveloped in real. Speculation affects the land use in these undeveloped areas with development rights. Urban land is highly commodified in these zones subject to sprawl. Financial resources are limited in a national and local economy, and the market, the number of possible buyers is also limited, even though the prevailing discourse supports the provision of excessive housing as a way of investment. As a matter of fact, the developed parcels usually remain minority and with the lack of phasing, sprawled over the geography. Urban sprawl is ‘planned’ in this sense. Development plans are the reason for urban sprawl as the major form of urban growth in Ankara (Yaşar, 2010). All the problems attributed to sprawl, such as spatial lack of centrality. density, proximity, and functional diversity results in drawback in the provision of social and technical infrastructure. Moreover, most of the excess dwelling spaces are produced by the first mechanism on the periphery. The process of urban growth transforms rural landscape into a kind of semi-urban landscape. Apartment blocks dispersed over agricultural fields can hardly be considered the source of an urban way of life. The second driving mechanism of spatial change is ‘urban renewal’. Within the existing urban fabric, some parts are selected for transformation.

As â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;rent gap theoryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Smith, 1979) clearly states, the areas selected for transformation are usually with the least existing development rights (in terms of floor area ratio and building coverage ratio), and nearly all the time poorer neighborhoods subject to the renewal projects located in the core part of the city. Having good connections with the central business district of the city, these zones are under the process of extensive scale of urban renewal. As in the case of other countries, in Turkey, urban renewal means removal of existing population. Middle class, upper-middle class and upper class people replace those in the lower status in the transformation areas. The spaces produced with these projects are similar with the ones produced with urban growth mechanism. Point blocks, detached apartments and districts without public spaces. Whether it is for middle or upper classes, the situation remains same. The major problem with the urban renewal mechanism is the number of shareholders making pressure over the number of flats produced. In the case of Ankara, if one hypothetical flat is demolished, three flats have to be produced, at least. One for the metropolitan municipality, one for constructing firm and one for the owner. If Housing Development Administration (HDA) is included in the process, then one more for the HDA is added in the process. This means a dramatic increase in density is realized in the core parts of the city where density is already high and social and technical infrastructure is quite insufficient. This increase conditioned by economic and political structure results in an uncontrolled increase in development rights given. Future projections of population are not counted in decision-making and nearly all areas under transformation face the same problem. Unlike the land developed with urban growth mechanism, with urban renewal, all the parcels are developed due to their central location and speculative expectations on land. The demand is high for these areas; hence the vacancy rates are low.

creasing number of captive riders and excess development rights given, the form of cities gets out of control. Housing market and the construction sector is also effective over the process. Standardization brought by technological developments and the transformative economic power of the market shapes the geography alongside public actors within the framework drawn by the state under impact of the market. The process is dialectical indeed. Spatial planners, urban designers and architects are also actors in the process. Working in municipalities, HDA and Ministry of Environment and Urbanization, public institutions with planning authorities, planning and architecture offices, and as educators educating future planners and architects, are also effective in shaping the geography. Even though in the case of Turkey and Ankara, planning principles and urbanism fundamentals are mostly not applied due to political and economic reasons. Still, development plans are made by planners and housing projects are drawn by architects. The citizens demanding newer houses, prefer them over old ones, investing in housing mainly due to the instable economy, being car dependent and not demanding for mixed use, public transport, streets and urban life, are also responsible for the condition of cities discussed above. 3. CONCLUSION The capitalist city and the fragmentation of spatial planning, the partiality in development plans, land speculation and construction based unproductive economy inevitably end up with the problems revealed in the prosaic urban fabric produced in massive scale.

Power Distribution: the Actors The central government is the central actor in these two mechanisms of urban change. It controls both the legal framework and political approach, and on construction and transportation policies. Ministry of Environment and Urbanization and Housing Development Administration are the major organs of government defining the frame of implementation and producing land. Following significant and locally powerful actors are local governments, especially metropolitan municipalities with monolithic power (Akbulut, 2007). On implementational level metropolitan municipalities are the main actors authorized and responsible for urban development within both mechanisms, urban growth and urban renewal. Via giving excessive development rights with development plans without considering mixed land use, centrality and so on, they encourage automobile dependency with car-basedtransportation policies. With in-

Figure 16. Northern periphery of Ankara (Google Earth, 2016)

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NOTES: 1. Yet, this year (2017), the demand for housing seems to decrease due to the fall in the purchasing power of Turkish Lira, because of the increasing unemployment rates, decreasing wages, and the instability of the economy stemming from political reasons. There seems to be an ongoing economic crisis and housing market and construction industry is right at the heart of it. REFERENCES: Akbulut, Ö. (2007) Belediye Yönetimi Reformu: Monolitik iktidar yapısının güçlendirilmesi – Municipality Government Reform: Empowering Monolithic Power Structure. Çağdaş Yerel Yönetimler Dergisi, Cilt:16 Sayı:1 Ocak 2007. Galster, G., Hanson, R. , Ratcliffe, M. R. , Wolman, H. , Coleman, S. andFreihage, J. (2001). Wrestling sprawl to the ground: Defining and Measuring an elusive concept. Housing Policy Debate 12:4. Smith, N. (1979). Gentrification and the rent gap, Annals of the Association of American Geographers. Yaşar, C.G. (2010). Politics of Urban Sprawl: The case of Ankara, Unpublished master’s thesis, Advisor: Prof. Dr. Çağatay Keskinok, Urban Policy Planning and Local Governments Program, METU, Ankara. Online References: Housing Development Administration (2017). http://www.toki.gov.tr/faaliyet-ozeti, accessed in January 2017 Turkish Statistical Institute (2017) http://www.tuik.gov.tr

Figure 17. Southern periphery of Ankara, (Personal archive, 2015)

Increasing number of populations are now dwelling in apartment blocks in the middle of parking lots without streets or any spatial element of urban way of life. (See: Figure 16 and 17.) Uneven development and uneven distribution of income deepen the problems in urban fabric via creating an increasing security problem and promoting divided and fragmented cities. While making partial plans, debating over other problems, we are missing the sense of ‘fabric’ in the lager context of our cities. In the so-called post-modern times we have lost the sense of comprehensiveness and structurality of the problems. Apartment blocks sprawled over geography with deep set-backs and parking lots are forming the city. Today trend seems to have no end.

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Google Earth (2010, 2017), accessed in January 2017

THE POWER OF URBAN DESIGN IN HIDDEN DIMESION: VALUE-BASED PERFORMANCE IN IUR PROCESS Ebru Gürler

İstanbul, TURKEY ebrugurler@gmail.com

1. INTRODUCTION

Figure 1. Holistic approach by the unified framework. [1]

The parametric framework is designed to model multi-scalar performance of the IUR process by the characteristic function (Gürler, 2013: 130-136). (See: Table 1.) Table 1. Parametric framework of the holistic approach on the value-based performance. [2] parametric framework ◄ ► performance indicators

1. organizational level (OL)

top-criteria (2 codes)

2. spatial level (SL)

The holistic approach provides a unified framework on ‘system’ and ‘strategy’. In the strategic planning cycle, strategic decision planning and analytic process management codify the ‘relational strategy’ to function the visional plan framework. In the performance programming cycle, analytic decision planning and strategic process management codify the ‘system dynamics’ to function revisional program framework. Recirculating the unified framework specifies a relational approach on the multi-scalar connectivity in the planning system to plan and manage the IUR process. (See: Figure 1.)

For planning and managing the IUR process, the value-based performance models are built by the decision and game theoretic mixed-research methods to measure [empirical] performance by the backward induction technique and to program [experimental] performance by the forward deduction technique (Gürler, 2013).

analytic planning and strategic management of IUR process

In the 21st century, neo-functionalist urban planning and design approach both in the neo-liberal and post-liberal paradigms focuses on a unified framework of system and strategy for the multi-scalar (inter) connectivity in the planning system. The unified framework is based both on the ‘divide-disintegrate-manage’ model in the strategic planning system and ‘connect-integrate-manage’ model in the performance programming system in order to provide a multi-scalar system framework by uniting theory, practice, and method in urban planning and design. Thus, the ‘visible features in the actual dimension’, shaping the full-scaled real character of urban space collaborates with the ‘invisible features in the hidden dimension’, shaping the multi-scaled relative character of urban processes by a holistic approach (Gürler, 2002; Gürler, 2013: 45-57).

macro national

criteria (6 codes) 1.1 system

1.2. structure

sub-criteria (24 codes) 1.1.1 integrated planning process; 1.1.2 participation model; 1.1.3 structure-based process; 1.1.4 agency-based process. 1.2.1 organisational process management; 1.2.2 global competitive advantage; 1.2.3 heritage-based process; 1.2.4 regeneration-based process.

1.3 agency

1.3.1 public sector; 1.3.2 private sector; 1.3.3 institutional sector; 1.3.4 local people.

2.1 strategy

2.1.1 operational process management; 2.1.2 policy-based process; 2.1.3 economy-based process;

2.2 principle

2.1.4 place-based process. operational framework codified by 2.2.1 CRP; 2.2.2 UD; 2.2.3 ARCH.; 2.2.4 LA.

2.3 instrument meso regional

2.3.1 integrated framework decisions; 2.3.2 strategic plan/project; 2.3.3 thematic program; 2.3.4 thematic regulations. micro scale local level

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2. HOLISTIC POWER OF URBAN DESIGN IN HIDDEN DIMENSION A Comparative Evaluation on the Performance Models is based on the ‘performance measurement’ of the existing models in the urban planning and design praxis, by the in-depth analysis and synthesis on ‘the multi-scalar framework of the holistic approach’. The characteristic performance function in the planning and management of IUR process reflects the difference between ‘fragmented’ versus ‘integrated’ approaches. These performance models put emphasis on the status of multi-scalar (dis)connectivity in the planning system.

existing fragmented praxis of urban planning/design in the global city Istanbul.

general character: capacity

special character: impact

The Strategy-based [Local] Performance Model The fragmented approach on strategic planning and pragmatic management of IUR process characterizes the multi-scalar disconnectivity in the mechanism-instrument relationship. The local model is operated by a disjointed programme through a tactical value function in the paradigmatic framework of (pre)modern urban planning. The value of fragmented process is degenerative resulting from the public sector-led divided partnership model in which participation of local people to the process is overpowered (Gürler, 2013: 365-391). The characteristic function of the strategy-based model reflects the disadvantage in three categories (Gürler, 2013: 197-217). • general character: The economic urban development-oriented supply-side framework of the fragmented approach along with code-based authoritative, restrictive and primitive strategies of the top-down [incremental] strategic planning-design approach assign an entropic characteristic function to the process. The performance capacity is inactivated by using entangling instruments in paradoxically bounded praxis between macro and micro scales through an unspecified planning mechanism at meso scale/regional level. • special character: The process is functioned by ‘organisational process planning and management at spatial level’ by UDGs as operational tools. The performance impact is set by ‘operational structure’, focusing on the ‘conservation-development dilemma’. • relational character: The control-based ad-hoc operational tool [application scheme] utilised by a rigid and regulatory manner with a negative multiplier effect at meso scale/regional level wherein the multi-scalar disconnectivity of ‘operational structure’ from the system decreases the relational power of the model. ‘The strategy-based model’ (See: Figure 2.) highlights the trilemma of ‘conformance’ (Faludi, 1989) to the irregularity of dominant paradigm in

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relational character: power

Figure 2. The Strategy-based (local) Performance Model: Istanbul, Turkey (Source: Gürler, 2013: 198). [3]

The System-based [Global] Performance Model The integrated approach on strategic planning and analytic management of IUR process characterizes the multi-scalar connectivity in the mechanism-instrument relationship. The global model is functioned by an unified programme through strategic value function in the paradigmatic framework of (neo)liberal urban planning. The value of integrated process is regenerative resulting from the grand-coalition, and grand-competition models in which the multi-agent process is empowered (Gürler, 2013: 365-391). The characteristic function of the system-based model reflects the advantage in three categories (Gürler, 2013: 172-196). • general character: The sustainable urban development-oriented demand-side framework of the integrated approach along with urban design-based collaborative, creative and proactive strategies of the bottom-up [relational] strategic planning-design approach assign a negentropic characteristic function to the process. The performance capacity is activated by using integrated instruments of multi-scalar planning mechanism in functionally balanced praxis at meso scale/regional level with a dynamic synergy. • special character: The process is functioned by ‘spatial process plan-

ning and management at organisational level’ by UDGs as mechanism instruments. The performance impact is set by ‘systematic strategy’, focusing on the ‘issues of quality-sustainability dyad’. • relational character: The quality-based programmed mechanism instrument [quality key] utilised by a flexible and creative manner with a positive multiplier effect at meso scale/regional level wherein the multi-scalar connectivity of ‘structural strategy’ to the system increases the relational power of the model. ‘The system-based model’ (See: Figure 3.) highlights the realization of “performance” (Faludi, 1989) by utilizing the regularity of existing integrated praxis of urban planning/design in the various [global] cities of the World.

general character: capacity

special character: impact

relational character: power

‘the multi-scalar framework of relational approach’. The probability of realization is 33,3% at macro scale, 5% at meso scale and 0,06 at micro scale in the strategy-based model whereas it is 16,7% at macro scale, 6,7 at meso scale, and 0,01 at micro scale in the system-based model (Gürler, 2013: xii). The mechanism-instrument relationship in the planning and management of IUR process reflects the strategy-based model as ’spinning phenomenon’ versus the system-based model as ‘triggering mechanism’. These relational concepts put emphasis on the status of the mechanism-instrument relationship in the models. General Framework of Relational Strategy: Instrument UDGs function on a multi-scalar centre of the planning system as ‘solution-oriented basic instruments for planning and managing the IUR process’ at the meso scale/regional level. • From the pragmatic vision of the fragmented approach in the strategy-based model, UDGs are produced as code-based regulatory tools. The rigid and regulatory character of the UDGs (de)functions by the multi-scalar disconnectivity in the planning system as a result of insufficiency of the system’s capacity to control the performance impact area and to define UDGs. (See: Figure 4.) • From the holistic vision of the integrated approach in the system-based model, UDGs are produced as quality-based flexible instruments. The flexible and creative character of the UDGs (re)functions by the multi-scalar connectivity in the planning system as a result of sufficiency of the system’s capacity to regulate the performance impact area and to use UDGs. (See: Figure 4.) The relational strategy of multi-scalar interconnectivity in the planning system is utilised to facilitate the operational processes for the performance-based models with flexibility in the mechanism-instrument relationship.

Figure 3. The System-based (global) Performance Model: Cities in the World (Source: Gürler, 2013: 173). [3]

the strategy-based model

the system-based model

code-based tool fragmented approach

quality-based instrument integrated approach

In both of the performance models, ‘policy-based process planning and management as the urban planning and design strategy at spatial level’ is utilised by the ‘mechanism-instrument relationship’ with controversial targets in their own [multi-scalar] planning system for the realization of praxis (Gürler, 2013: 218-219). A Critical Re-Evaluation on the Mechanism-Instrument Relationship is based on the ‘performance evaluation’ of the existing models in the urban planning and design praxis by extra analysis and synthesis on

Figure 4. Critical re-evaluation on the general framework of the relational strategy: ‘control scheme’ vs. ‘quality key’. [4]

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Special Framework of Relational System: Mechanism

Relational Framework of the Models: Approach

UD function on a multi-scalar centre of the planning system as a ‘process-oriented pro-active mechanism for planning and managing the IUR process’ at the meso scale/regional level.

The multi-scalar interconnectivity in planning system functions on the intersection of ‘macro-meso scales’ which is the ‘cohesion area of national-regional [meta-regional] levels’ by converting ‘structural system’ in order to assign a ‘decision-based multi-disciplinary program’.

• From the divided approach and disjointed algorithm in the strategy-based model, UD is remained as a pseudo-scientific field that is unspecified by invisible features and undefined in the hidden dimension. The irregular character of the meso scale/regional level (de)functions the multi-disciplinary character of UD by the primitive strategies in the [unbalanced] planning system, triggers the multi-scalar disconnectivity in the fragmented mechanism, and ignores the surplus value at the praxis. The multi-scalar centre produces ‘strategized fluxing control’ and becomes a chaotic focus of the challenging [rent-oriented] problems generated by the gaps in the system feedbacks via strategic [spatial] planning and [budget-based] performance programming in the planning and management of IUR process. (See: Figure 5.) • From the united approach and (sub)merged algorithm in the system-based approach, UD is advanced as a scientific field that is specified by (in)visible features and defined in both hidden and actual dimensions. The regular character of the meso scale/regional level functions the multi-disciplinary character of UD by the pro-active strategies in the [balanced] planning system, empowers the multi-scalar connectivity in the integrated mechanism, and adds the surplus value at praxis. The multi-scalar centre produces ‘systematized collaborative regulation’ and becomes a multi-levelled focus of the creative [sustainability-oriented] solutions generated by the links in the system feedbacks via strategic [spatial] planning and [value-based] performance programming in the planning and management of IUR process. (See: Figure 5.) The relational system of multi-scalar interconnectivity in the planning system is utilised to integrate the organizational and spatial processes for the performance-based models with a balance in the mechanism-instrument relationship with a holistic vision.

the strategy-based model

fragmented mechanism multi-scalar disconnectivity

the system-based model

integrated mechanism multi-scalar connectivity

Figure 5. Critical Re-evaluation on the special framework of the relational system: ‘null power’ vs. ‘full power’. [4]

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• In the strategy-based model, UD as a fragmented urban planning/design mechanism is functioned from the ‘decided program of structural system’ at the macro-meso scale/meta-regional level to the ‘instrumental framework of [strategic] plan’ at the meso-micro scale/sub-regional level by invisible features in the hidden dimension. UDGs as code-based regulatory tools are operated from the ‘supplementary ad-hoc apparatus of [strategic] plan and/or project’ at the meso-micro scale/sub-regional level to the ‘instrumental framework for realization of fragmented process’ at the micro scale/local level by visible features in the actual dimension. The multi-scalar disconnectivity in the planning system minimizes the modifying power of the model as a result of transferring the fragmented approach from sub-regional level by the [jumping and bouncing] pragmatic vision, and spinning the solution-based instruments at the local level by the top-down strategic planning approach. (See: Figure 6.) • In the system-based model, UD as an integrated urban planning/design mechanism is functioned from the ‘decided program of structural system’ at the macro-meso scale/meta-regional level to the ‘strategic agency-based [systematic] action’ at meso scale/regional level in the hidden dimension. UDGs as quality-based integrated instruments are operated from the ‘flexible mechanism of [systematic] action framework and/or plan’ at the meso scale/regional level to the ‘instrumental framework for realization of integrated process’ at the micro scale/local level by visible features in the actual dimension. The multi-scalar connectivity in the planning system maximizes the modifying power of the model as a result of expanding the integrated approach from regional level by the [balanced and regulatory] holistic vision, and triggering the process-based mechanism at local level by the bottom-up strategic planning approach. (See: Figure 6.) The relational approach for the multi-scalar interconnectivity in planning systems is utilised to originate performance-based models for planning and managing the IUR process. This situation put emphasis on functioning of a unified framework for ‘transformational mechanism design’ by the holistic approach to resolve the multi-scalar codes of UD in the planning system(s).

the multi-scalar interconnectivity in planning systems

The relationship between the ‘process-oriented system mechanism’ in theory and the ‘performance-based strategic instrument’ in practice is summarized with reference to the multi-scalar connectivity. (See: Table .2) Table 2. Multi-scalar interconnectivity in the planning system for planning and management of the IUR process. mechanism-instrument relationship in the IUR process field dimension focus

theory

verified|accepted = ‘full’ ≤ 0,01 – 0,05 ≥ ‘null’ = rejected|falsified modifying power + consciousness = performance function Figure 6. Critical re-evaluation on the relational framework of performance-based approach: function and power in praxis. [4]

Due to the statistically proven empirical facts on the probability of realization of planning and management of IUR process, the strategy-based model is ‘probable but not possible’ with reference to the invalid significance value of 0,06% at micro scale/local level praxis whereas the system-based model is ‘probable and potentially powerful’ with reference to the valid significance value of 0,01% at micro scale/local level praxis. The difference between the co-efficiency values of performance function and modifying power highlights the ‘consciousness’ factor for programming the performance-based model(s). (See: Figure 6.) • ‘Spinning Phenomenon’ concept in the strategy-based model (See Figure 4; Figure 5.) resembles ‘a black box in the black hole’ wherein the ‘strategized fluxing control’ does not open a ‘coherent path’ from hidden dimension to actual dimension with ‘alternative frameworks’ just for visible features by the pragmatic vision. • ‘Triggering Mechanism’ concept in the system-based model (See: Figure 4; Figure 5.) resembles ‘a black box of the praxis’ wherein the ‘systematized collaborative regulation’ does build a ‘synergic bridge’ between hidden and actual dimensions with an ‘innovative framework’ for (in)visible features by the holistic vision. Therefore, the strategy-based model –containing a null hypothesis– is rejected whereas the system-based model –containing a full hypothesis– is accepted. The planning and management of the IUR process by the performance-based model(s) is built by ‘performance programming’ in which the hypothetically verified experimental models are developed by the parametric framework reflecting the multi-scalar characteristic function through the holistic and relational approaches (Gürler, 2013).

multi-scalar connectivity

practice

emphasis

system

holistic vision

paradigmatic framework.

process

IUR

planning and management.

mechanism macro

UD decision

methodology.

macro-meso

program

structural system

meso meso-micro

action plan

strategic agency.

micro

realization

instrumental framework.

instrument

UDG

proactive methods.

performance

coordination cooperation

value-based function and power.

strategy

integrated planning relational system

strategic planning and performance programming

3. CONCLUSION Both of the comparative evaluation and the critical re-evaluation on the value-based performance models on the planning and management of IUR process reflect the major debates in the urban planning and design literature by putting emphasis on specific challenges in theory, practice, and method as well as (dis)advantages in the value-based [empirical] performance models in praxis (Gürler, 2013: 3-5). • Theory: Transferring a unified scientific framework –that merges ontological, epistemological, and methodological issues– on planning and management of the IUR process from the domain of theoretical knowledge to the field of empirical practice is a serious challenge as the vicious circle. The theoretical knowledge unifying the multi-paradigmatic scientific frameworks on the IUR process is functioned by the integrated approach in the ‘system-based model’ (EC-ESDP, 1999; Faludi, 2004; UN-HABITAT, 2009 a-b; Hillier and Healey, 2010). The ‘conceptual challenges on urban transformation’ cause a malfunctioning in the [multi-scalar] planning system and [relational] strategies for converting the idea and developing the framework from fragmented to integrated approach in the ‘strategy-based model’ (MEU-KENTGES, 2010).

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• Practice: Identifying a unified praxis framework –that integrates organizational and spatial levels– on planning and management of the IUR process by the multi-scalar planning system is an actual challenge as the hidden bottleneck. The UD [mechanism] and the UDGs [instruments] for planning and managing the IUR process are functioned at the centre of process-based [multi-scalar] strategy by the integrated approach in the ‘system-based model’ (Punter and Carmona, 1997; Bentley, 1999; Hutchinson, 2001). The omission of (re)structuring the theory and practice by “the systematic framework of multi-scalar interconnectivity types” (Tekeli, 1970), and “the rule of multi-scalar and multi-levelled interconnectivity” (Ersoy, 2000; 2006) in the planning system results in the [relational] frameworks of theory-practice-method on UD [mechanism] and the UDGs [codes] to be remained unspecified (Tunçer, 1998; Gürler, 2002; 2009; MEU-KENTGES, 2010) in the ‘strategy-based model’. • Method: Originating a unified multi-method techniques and mixed-research framework –that provides performance-based programming of coordination and cooperation in the recirculating system and strategy– on planning and management of the IUR process by the mechanism-instrument relationship is a relational challenge as the black box. [5] The ‘soft systems methodology’ (Chadwick, 1971; Checkland and Poulter, 2006) reinforces the use of multi-criteria decision making processes by agent-based and collaborative approaches through a relational framework in the ‘system-based model’ (Fainstein and Campbell, 1996 a-b, Healey, 1997; Mintzberg et al., 1998; Carmona and Burgess, 2001). The collaborative decision-making approach and community involvement frameworks –emerging in the [pragmatic] planning processes– have remained undiversified as a result of unspecified methods of the [multi-scalar] planning system in the strategy-based model (Türkoğlu, 1998; MEU-KENTGES, 2010). This study put emphasis on two issues for planning, managing, and sustaining the IUR process in the multi-scalar planning system: • The holistic approach: the ‘performance function’ is proactive at the meso scale/regional level in order to establish ‘the relational framework on action’ by providing a flexible and creative quality for the mechanism-instrument relationship. • The relational approach: the ‘modifying power’ is critical at the interconnection of macro-meso scales/ meta-regional level in order to assign ‘decision-based multi-disciplinary program’ by a neo-functional approach for the ‘transformational mechanism design’. The collaborative utilization of relational and holistic approaches highlights an urgent need to (re)design UD as a multi-disciplinary field under

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a threefold scientific area: • urban sciences for specifying a ‘strategic approach’ on the ‘mechanism-instrument relationship’, • regional sciences for regulating a ‘relational approach’ on the ‘multi-scalar interconnectivity by a system thinking’, • systems sciences for (re)circulating an ‘integrated approach on theory, practice, and method’ by a ‘holistic vision’. NOTES: 1. An earlier version of this Figure illustrating the conceptual framework of the ‘Holistic Approach’ was structured during the PhD research (2009-2011) on an individual basis, and presented at the PhD Jury in January 2013. 2. A summarized and translated version by listing “the features of multi-criteria set in the parametric framework” (Gürler, 2013: 130-136). 3. A simplified and translated version by extracting the data table and the added information on the original Figures. 4. An earlier version of these Figures illustrating the conceptual framework of the ‘Relational Approach’ was resolved during the PhD Research (2009-2011) on an individual basis in order to reveal the rationale behind ‘transformational mechanism design’, and to originate a methodological framework on the performance-based model series. The decision either to reject or accept the value-based performance models was made with reference to the “statistical determination rule” by checking the “significance value” (StatSoft, 2011) in each performance model during the PhD research. All of these figures had produced from ‘the qualitative-quantitative mixed data’ on “the probability of realization” (Gürler, 2013: xxi) of the performance models to emphasize the ‘performance function’ and ‘modifying power’. 5.The concept, ‘black box’ here indicates an analogy between ‘UDG’ and ‘end-product of an integrated process (re)circulated in a system’, and labels it as ‘process data recorder’.

REFERENCES: Bently, I. (1999). Urban Transformations: Power, People, and Urban Design. London; New York: Routledge. Carmona, M., and Burgess, R. (2001). Strategic Planning and Urban Projects: Responses to Globalisation from 15 Cities. Transformation, no. 4. Delft, NL: DUP-Delft University Press. Chadwick, G.F. (1971). A Systems View of Planning: Towards a Theory of the Urban and Regional Planning Process. Urban and Regional Planning Series, no.1. Oxford; New York: Pergamon Press. Checkland, P., and Poulter, J. (2006). Learning for Action: A Short Definitive Account of Soft Systems Methodology and its use for Practitioners, Teachers and Students. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. EC-ESPD; European Commission-European Spatial Development Perspective (1999). European Commission-European Spatial Development Perspective-ESPD: Toward Balanced and Sustainable Development of the Territory of European Union [Report on Regional Policy]. Luxembourg: EC. Available at http://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/sources/docoffic/official/ reports/som_en.htm (Accessed: June 2009). Ersoy, M. (2000). İmar Planlarının Kademelenmesi ve Farklı Ölçeklerdeki Planlar Arasındaki İlişki. In: Ersoy, M. and Keskinok, H.Ç., eds., Mekansal Planlama ve Yargı Denetimi. Ankara: Yargı Yayınları, pp.36-43. Ersoy, M. (2006). İmar Planlama Mevzuatında Planlama Kademeleri ve Üst Ölçek Planlama Sorunu. Bölgesel Kalkınma ve Yönetişim Sempozyumu, 7-8 Eylül 2006, ODTÜ Mimarlık Amfisi, Ankara. Ankara: Türkiye Ekonomi Politikaları Araştırma Vakfı TEPAV/EPRI. pp. 215-231. Fainstein, S.S., and Campbell, S. (Eds.), (1996a). Readings in Planning Theory: Studies in Urban and Social Change. Oxford, UK; Cambridge, USA: Blackwell.

Fainstein, S.S., and Campbell, S. (Eds.), (1996b). Readings in Urban Theory. Oxford, UK; Cambridge, USA: Blackwell. Faludi, A. (1989). Conformance vs. Performance: Implications for Evaluations. Impact Assess ment Bulletin, 7, pp. 67-77. Faludi, A. (2004). The Impact of a Planning Philosophy. Planning Theory, 3, pp. 225-236. Gürler, E. (2002). A Comparative Study in Urban Regeneration Process: The Case of Istanbul. MSc. thesis. Institute of Natural and Applied Sciences, Middle East Technical University, Ankara, Turkey. Gürler, E. (2009). A Comparative Study in Urban Regeneration Process: The Case of Istanbul. Saarbrücken: VDM-Verlag Dr. Müller; Saarbrücken: AV-Akademiker Verlag. Gürler, E. (2013). Analytic Planning and Strategic Management of Integrated Urban Regeneration Process: Performance Measurement-Evaluation-Programming Model. Ph.D. thesis. Institute of Science, Technology and Engineering, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey. Healey, P. (1997). Collaborative Planning: Shaping Places in Fragmented Societies. 2nd ed. (2006). Series in Planning, Environment, Cities. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Hillier, J., and Healey, P. (2010). The Ashgate Research Companion to Planning Theory: Conceptual Challenges for Spatial Planning. Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate. Hutchinson, J. (2001). The Meaning of “Strategy” for Area Regeneration: A Review. International Journal of Public Sector Management, 14.3, pp. 265–276. MEU-KENTGES / ÇŞB-KENTGES (2010). KENTGES Bütünleşik Kentsel Gelişme Stratejisi ve Eylem Planı, 2010-2023 / KENTGES: Integrated Urban Development Strategy and Action Plan, 2010-2023. Ankara: T.R. Ministry of Environment and Urbanism/ T.C. Çevre ve Şehircilik Bakanlığı. Mintzberg, H., Quinn, J.B., and Ghoshal, S. (1998a). The Strategy Process [Revised European Edition]. London: Prentice Hall. Mintzberg, H., Ahlstrand, B.W., and Lampel, J. (1998b). Strategy Safari: A Guided Tour through the Wilds of Strategic Management. New York: Free Press. Punter, J.V., and Carmona, M. (1997). The Design Dimension of Planning: Theory, Content and Best Practices for Design Policies. London; New York; Tokyo: E & FN Spon. StatSoft, Inc. (2011). How to Determine that a Result is “Really” Significant [Elementary Concepts]. In: Electronic Statistics Textbook. Tulsa, OK: StatSoft, Inc. Available at http://www. statsoft.com/Textbook/Elementary-Statistics-Concepts. (Accessed: January 2011; August 2016). Tekeli, İ. (1970). Çeşitli Planlama Kademeleri ve Tipleri Arasındaki İç İlişkiler ve Planlama Organizasyonu Üzerine Düşünceler. TODAIE Amme İdaresi Dergisi, 3.1, pp. 32-68. Tunçer, M. (1998). ‘Farklı Ölçeklerde Kentsel Tasarım, Kentsel Tasarımın Tarihi Çevre Korunmasında Etkin Olarak Kullanımı; Böl ve Yönet Modeli: Ankara, Konya, Antalya Tarihi Kent Merkezleri’ 9. Kentsel Tasarım ve Uygulamalar Sempozyumu. Mimar Sinan Universitesi, Istanbul, 21-22 Mayıs. Türkoğlu, H. (1998). ‘Bir Koruma Aracı Olan Kentsel Tasarımı Zorunlu Kılan Yeni Kent Planlama Süreci’. 9. Kentsel Tasarım ve Uygulamalar Sempozyumu. Istanbul, Mimar Sinan Universitesi, Istanbul, 21-22 Mayıs. UN-HABITAT; United Nations’ Human Settlement Program (2009a). Sustainable Urbanization: Revisiting the Role of Urban Planning [The 2009 Global Report on Urban Settlements]. London; Sterling, VA: Earthscan. (Accessed: June 2009). UN-HABITAT; United Nations’ Human Settlement Program (2009b). Global Report on Human Settlements 2009: Planning Sustainable Cities [electronic book]. London; Sterling VA: Earthscan. Available at http://www.unhabitat.org/content.asp ?cid=7263&catid=7&typeid=46. (Accessed: June 2009).

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URBAN ARCHAEOLOGY AS AN URBAN DESIGN ISSUE: ARCHAEOLOGICAL TRACES IN TARSUS Burak Belge, Züleyha Sara Belge

Mersin University, Department of City and Regional Planning, Mersin, TURKEY burakbelge@mersin.edu.tr, zbelge@mersin.edu.tr

1. INTRODUCTION Archaeological heritage in multi-layered historic city centres, not only sub-soil resources, but also monumental sites, could not be seen, observed and understood by the most of the citizens, so, that means we are not aware of archaeological stratification beneath out foot. In a defined context, an inter-disciplinary research project [1], which primarily aims to develop a method to handle urban archaeological (especially sub-soil archaeological) resources into urban conservation planning process, was recently completed in Tarsus historic city centre. Consequently, urban archaeological character zones are determined to develop varying conservation, planning and design policies referring uniqueness of each character zone. The paper aims to discuss multi-layered towns, visible or sub-soil archaeological traces and recent problems-potentials in terms of urban archaeology as an urban design policy within the context of different character zones. 2. BRIEF SUMMARY OF THE RESEARCH PROJECT Research project in Tarsus aims to develop a method to handle urban archaeological resources into urban conservation planning process of multi-layered historic city centres in Turkey. The method of research project bases on spatial evaluation of probable conserved urban archaeological resources in multi-layered context of Tarsus. Garmy (1995; 3-8) uses “urban continuum” term to define whole topographical and chronological components of urban archaeological resources instead of highlighting specific monumental elements. In defined context, the formula Pr= (Pi-D)q is basically defined to determine real urban archaeological potential. In the formula, ‘Pi’ is theoretically the successive occupation of the city and its topohistorical development. ‘D’ means the massive destruction of archaeological strata by varying factors ‘q’ is directly related with the quality of archaeological deposit that is determined by topographic factors, archaeological sites’ capacity to preserve material and the extent of cultural deposit (Garmy, 1995; 3). As seen, the variables of formula don’t indicate a mathematical process, in fact evaluate spatial factors let one understand historical development of cities by

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nested periods instead of level by level (Belge, 2012; 332). At the beginning of research, primarily, archive documents and literature about archaeological excavations, inquiry soundings, extensive-intensive surveys and ad hoc findings in Tarsus historic city centre have been investigated. Moreover, maps, plans and visual documents about archaeological findings were evaluated. In the given context, the local archives of the Municipality of Tarsus, Research Centre for Cilician Archaeology of Mersin University (KAAM as Turkish acronym), Regional Conservation Council in Adana and Tarsus Archaeology Museum were investigated in detail. In addition to local ones, national archives of the General Command of Mapping, the Ottoman and Republican State Archives of the Prime Ministry of the Republic of Turkey and the National Library were scanned for visual and written documents. Furthermore, research team set contact with the archive of the Museum of Architecture of the Technische Universität Berlin to get digital copies of Tarsus Plan prepared by Hermann Jansen in 1935. After that, all kinds of spatial data collected and created by the research were overlaid with recent map on urban archaeological database by GIS [2]. Consequently, the research team has an urban archaeological database allows evaluating geographical changes, archaeological datasets and recent townscape together to define dia-chronic map or each unique period in the historical development of Tarsus. Defining Ideal Urban Archaeological Potential (Pr) - Dia chronic Maps and Equi-property Zones Dia-chronic maps indicate occupations of the settlements’ spatial-historical development by boundaries, main land-use pattern and inner organization [3]. In defined context, each period of Tarsus with estimated widest settlement area were studied as diachronic maps. For each period, built and open areas, the centre-core of settlement, monumental and administrative buildings/areas and probable residential districts are marked within the macroform of Tarsus. When evaluating current results of archaeological research in Tarsus, it is possible to mention

an ongoing settlement and multi-layered town from Neolithic Ages to recent town. Archaeological researches indicate a settlement pattern starts from Gözlükule (a prehistoric mound) and enlarging to northern area and the eastern bound of Cydnus River (Goldman, 1935-1937, Zoroğlu, 1995a-b, Ramsay, 2000). At the end, six dia chronic maps, 1. Neolithic-Bronze Ages, 2. Archaic-Classical-Hellenistic Periods, 3. Roman Period, 4. Medieval Ages (Byzantine-Islamic-Sultanate of Rum Periods), 5.Ottoman Period and 6. Early Republican Era, were composed according to historical development and the breaking points in the spreading area of Tarsus (Belge, 2016). After the dia chronic maps were prepared, similar and different sub-regions were determined by overlay of dia-chronic views by GIS. That planovolumetric analyse (Sommella, 1984; 4) allow evaluating different areas according to archaeological stratification and let to determine equi-property zones identifying same historical continuity or discontinuity. Consequently, 103 equi-property zones, which present similarities and different characteristics, were digitized on superimposed view of six dia-chronic maps. By means of equi-property zones in Tarsus historic city centre can be classified into main groups such as; 1. Continuously inhabited areas, 2. Not settled from Neolithic Age to Hellenistic Period, and then continuously inhabited areas, 3. Not settled from Neolithic Age to Hellenistic Period, and then settled during Roman Period, later inhabited during Medieval Ages, and then again habited until now 4. Not settled from Neolithic Age to Hellenistic Period, and then settled during Roman Period, but later inhabited until now as fringe or open spaces. Evaluation of Destruction in Archaeological Layers (D) After the evaluation of ideal urban archaeological potential in Tarsus historic city centre by equi-property zone, destruction by nature or modern impacts were determined. Firstly, the impacts of changes of the Cydnus River, on archaeological stratification were evaluated. Archaeological findings including detailed data about stratification indicate that the depths of cultural layer especially at ancient course of Cydnus River are so high and mostly deteriorated by natural effects. The flooding area and near around were evaluated as risk areas and identified by buffer zone. Secondly, destruction by re-use and re-occupation, in details, destructive effects of later periods on previous ones were determined. In addition to natural factors, impacts of modern development and infrastructure works are evaluated as destructive forces on urban archaeological resources. As a result, in addition to archaeologically sensitive foci, open areas, low, partial, moderate and high destruction zones are determined.

The Quality of Archaeological Deposit Research method bases on Garmy’s (1995; 3) basic formula determines preservative effect of topography, soil type and the extent of the cultural deposit as the quality of archaeological deposit (‘q’ factor). Especially the depths of archaeological findings and the extent of archaeological resources in Tarsus historic city centre have a crucial impact to define the ‘q’ factor, but there is insufficient data to define an exact q factor. First of all, data about site’s conservation capacity of archaeological deposit is limited. Furthermore, in fact, altimetric plans that show the altitude of all archaeological layers in plan, is a useful method to define the quality of archaeological deposit. Similarly, trend surface analysis (Wheatley and Gillings, 2002; 163) is a handy method to determine different periods’ altimetric plans by means of interpolation. However, present inquiry soundings and results of salvage excavations are insufficient to examine the extent of urban archaeological resources vertically or horizontally. Consequently, a basic map indicating possible depths of archaeological resources and accumulation of agricultural soil, was prepared. 3. URBAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL CHARACTER ZONES As a result of extracting destructed zones from ideal urban archaeological potential and evaluating possible conserved sites by the quality of archaeological deposits, real urban archaeological potential in Tarsus was determined. Whereby, varying characteristics of archaeological strata, destruction and soil were overlaid to evaluate archaeological potential in different zones. By the way, while archaeological layers have been wholly conserved in some sub-zones, partially or wholly destroyed in others. In defined context, urban archaeological character zones are determined in detail to define conservation and planning strategies As mentioned above, 103 equi-property zones indicating continuous or periodical occupations were determined. Therefore, there are different settlement patterns and archaeological stratification in Tarsus. Superimposition of all layers in urban archaeological database indicate those varying characteristics and 49 urban archaeological character zones were defined in Tarsus historic city centre and near hinterland. (See: Figure 1.) Then, urban archaeological character zones were categorized for planning and conservation strategies according to archaeological potential, recent settlement pattern and the depth of archaeological findings as; - Special Research and Project Areas (See: purple zones in Figure 1.) - Conservation Zones (See: red zones in Figure 1.) - 1st Degree Urban Archaeological Potential (See: orange zones in Fig-

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ure 1.) - 2nd Degree Urban Archaeological Potential (See: beige zones in Figure 1.) - 3rd Degree Urban Archaeological Potential (See: yellow zones in Figure 1.) - Reserve Areas (See: green zones in Figure 1.) - Industrial Archaeology (See: pink zones in Figure 1.) - Development (controlled) Areas (See: blue zones in Figure 1.)

probable archaeological layers that are mostly sub-soil resources and archaeological traces like axis, open areas or topographical foci that are followed in recent settlement pattern. For example, in Athens, Papageorgiou (2000; 181) determines zones as archaeological sites, isolated monuments, neo-classical buildings and neighbourhoods of historical importance to create an uninterrupted environment with archaeological unification. Similarly, in Tarsus, there are monumental structures and seen archaeological remains around historic city centre. One of them is Roman Road in the core of Tarsus that is seen as a crucial problem waiting for a clever site management solution to avoid obstructing the vehicular and pedestrian circulation system for nearly two decades and to create an archaeological focus. Archaeological excavations and rescue works (Zoroğlu, 1996-1999) partially had been completed in the 1990s, however restoration and conservation works have been not started yet. Therefore, the lack of maintenance in site and low quality of site arrangements, citizens and tourist could not learn or aware about archaeological potential in site. Another monumental archaeological remain is Donuktaş, which is Roman Temple (approx. 43 x 100m) dated to the Late Roman Period and one of the biggest temple in its time, is a problem area with conservation problems and site arrangements, although there is ongoing archaeological studies (Held, 2008-2012). The Cleopatra Gate and rock-cut Necropolis around it, Roman Bath (known as ‘Altından Geçme’ in Turkish) and Gözlükule Mound, where earlier settlement layers were found by Goldman (1935-1937), are other seen/known archaeological sites suffering from lack of maintenance and challenges for site management. Only one site, Makam Mosque and Roman Bridge is presented to the public with religious rituals because of a tomb known as Daniel’s tomb (Hz. Danyal). Briefly, known archaeological sites and monuments in Tarsus Historic City Centre are problem areas for planners, architect, archaeologists and citizens with site management obstacles and issues.

Figure 1. Urban archaeological character zones in Tarsus historic city centre.

4. ARCHAEOLOGICAL TRACES AS URBANSCAPE FEATURES In multi-layered historic city centres like Tarsus, archaeological heritage in urban context can be categorized into known/seen archaeological remains, which sometimes include monumental structures, unknown/

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In addition to seen/conserved archaeological remains, there are registered urban conservation zones where traditional and registered buildings that have made minimum destruction to urban archaeological layers and probable archaeologically sensitive areas. In Tarsus historic city centre, registered urban conservation include two neighbourhoods, one of them is Kızılmurat (Urban Archaeological Character Zone-2) is the northern part of historic core and the other one is Şehit Kerim (Urban Archaeological Character Zone-27) eastern part of historic core. According to dia-chronic research, Kızılmurat District could be evaluated as a continuous residential area since Hellenistic-Roman Periods to present at the western side of Cydnus River. Maps from Late Ottoman Period, Hermann Jansen Plan in the 1935s, the aerial views dated in 1948-

55 and the registered traditional buildings indicate residential use of district. Aforementioned Roman Road, St.Paul’s Well and Roman Bath at the southern side indicates archaeological potential in that area. Furthermore, many archaeological objects or materials like parts of columns or architectural objects had been observed in streets while extensive surveys. In addition, recent street pattern and Şahmeran Street, which was one of the main north-south axes in Tarsus until 1950s, present an amorphous grid-iron pattern. Therefore, traditional pattern and structures mean low or partial destruction in site. Also there is a known 0-75cm agricultural soil under present levels. The most obvious Roman archaeological remains approximately 4m under the modern street level. The other urban conservation site, Şehit Kerim District was at eastern side of ancient course of Cydnus River, is probably a residential area since Roman Period. Zone was directly related with Roman Bridge at the south of Makam Mosque and at the southern side of Adana Road. In addition, there would be a Sacred Road between Roman Bridge and Donuktaş Temple that divided district into two parts. Similarly, Maps, Hermann Jansen Plan and 1948-1955 dated aerial views and registered traditional buildings indicate residential use of district. Furthermore, traditional buildings and vacant lands have not caused destruction on archaeological layers and probable archaeological layers under 75cm agricultural soil have been wholly conserved. Only northern part of district has been partially destroyed by modern buildings and infrastructure. Consequently, open areas and un-built parking areas in residential districts offer opportunities for trail archaeology and on street presentation of archaeological remains.

there are many modern and high-rise buildings those destruct urban archaeological layers around recent modern boulevards İsmet İnönü and Adana parallel to ancient axes. Therefore, area was defined as Urban Archaeological Character Zone-3 in 3rd Degree Urban Archaeological Potential. (See: Figure 2.) On the other hand, vacant parcels, open areas or roads have potential to archaeological strata in situ. For example, a Roman Road and adjacent structures were discovered by Tarsus Museum’s experts during an inquiry sounding in December, 2015. Those findings indicate archaeological potential of the site. In addition, pattern partially presents an amorphous grid-iron system in historic city centre. Through this axe, especially corners offer potential for archaeological traces in modern uses like traditional fountains maybe at the location of an ancient Nymphaeum. Then, when following the axe through east, historic city centre would be traditional bazaar of Ottomans or Forum of Romans or Agora of Hellenistic Tarsus. It is a morphological and historical evaluation of places, societies and uses as a socio-spatial process.

As mentioned above, the paper aims to discuss sub-soil urban archaeological resources and archaeological traces in urban pattern instead of site management and design problems in monumental archaeological sites. The main axes of Roman Period and probable boundaries or fortifications walls with gates are crucial potential and challenging urban design problem to present archaeological potential in modern urbanscape. In defined context, area between conserved western gate of Tarsus, known as the Cleopatra Gate, and Roman Bridge at the south of Makam Mosque is an appropriate example to discuss challenging urban design strategies to present archaeological traces to public. In research project, a tentative axe from the Cleopatra Gate to Roman Bridge was evaluated as a western-eastern spine or Decumanus Maximus in terms of Roman planning approaches. After Roman Bridge, that axe go through the eastern gate, probable locations of Iron Gate (Demir Kapı) that was demolished at the beginning of 20th century. Furthermore, aforementioned Roman Road, probable Cardo Maximus perpendicularly crossed that axes in the core of Tarsus. Therefore, the Zone would be clearly determined as 1st Degree Urban Archaeological Potential Site. However,

Figure 2-a. The main Roman axes (Cardo Maximus and Decumanus Maximus) in historic city centre in 1948

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Figure 3-a. Eastern boundaries, an unknown fortification wall (?) around Tarsus historic city centre in 1948

Figure 2-b. The main Roman axes (Cardo Maximus and Decumanus Maximus) in historic city centre in 2004

In similar context, boundaries or fortification walls of Tarsus should be evaluated as an attractive archaeological traces. As mentioned above, there is only one conserved gate of city, the Cleopatra Gate that is actually dated in the Medieval Ages. However, there are some recent archaeological remains, which were found during extensive survey or illegal excavations, indicating probable axis around residential districts. By research team, another axis near TĂźrkistan and Ĺ&#x17E;ehit Ayhan BozpÄąnar Streets were evaluated as possible line of eastern fortification wall. Especially, aerial views dated in 1948 and 1955 clearly indicate aforementioned streets as a boundary of settled area. Boundaries might be assessed as lines between multi-layered city and modern city or past and present. (See: Figure 3.) Therefore, in addition to the Gates, citizens and visitors may be aware that they are in a historic area or without simple design strategies and urbanscape features.

Figure 3-b. Eastern boundaries, an unknown fortification wall (?) around Tarsus historic city centre in 2014

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5. CONCLUSION As briefly mentioned above, presenting archaeological sites in modern urban landscape is a challenging issue for planner, architects, and archaeologists. Williams (2015; 25) mentions about very practical issues presenting archaeological remains in modern urban setting and underlines the physical separation of archaeological remains from modern street levels. Therefore, there are numerous strategies to display archaeological remains in urban setting like archaeological parks. However, other amenities and activities of daily life should be used together to get a visual catchment and a sense of destination (Williams, 2015; 35-36). Sense of destination might be evaluated as an experience for visitors, but in anyway, archaeological remains in historic city centres of multi-layered towns-cities like Tarsus should be essential part of daily life of citizens to enhance the sense of place and awareness and identity. Consequently, following strategies could be evaluated as preliminary suggestions to develop such a guideline for multi-layered cities.; - A pedestrian network in historic city centre especially following historic axes should be developed to enhance archaeological traces. Changing pavements or street features may be used as design strategies for readable and visible relations between past and present. That networks will be a part of touristic routes in Tarsus.

structure is crucial. Cohen (2001, 36-37) indicates needs to broken down city into most basic components to understand in-depth defines. In defined context, diachronic documentation and mapping could be defined as the evaluation of successive occupations of the City layer by layer including occupation area, boundaries, gates and urban division (Belge, 2012, 335).

REFERENCES: Belge, B. (2012). Handling Sub-Soil Urban Archaeological Resources in Urban Planning, Issues in İzmir Historic City Centre, METU-JFA, 29:2, pp. 331-350. Belge, B. (2016). The Development of a Methodological Framework for Handling Urban Archaeological Resources in Planning Process: A Case Study of Tarsus Historic City Centre, Turkey, Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, 18/4 (forthcoming). Bilgin, Altınöz, G. (2002). Assessment of Historical Stratification in Multilayered Towns As a Support for Conservation Decision-Making Process; A Geographic Information Systems (GIS) Based Approach Case Study: Bergama. Unpublished PhD Thesis, Middle East Technical University. Cohen, N. (2001). Urban Planning Conservation and Preservation, McGraw-Hill. Garmy, P. (1995). France. In: Report on the Situation of Urban Archaeology in Europe. Germany; Council of Europe Publishing, pp. 91-102. Goldman, H.(1935). Preliminary Expedition to Cilicia, 1934, and Excavations at Gözlükule, Tarsus, 1935, American Journal of Archaeology, 39/4, pp. 526- 549. Goldman, H. (1937). Excavations at Gözlükule, Tarsus, 1936, American Journal of Archaeology, 41/2, pp. 262- 286. Held, W. (2008). Der Donuk Taş in Tarsos, OLBA XVI, pp.163- 192. Held, W.( 2012). Tarsus Donuktaş Projesi, II. Tarsus Kent Sempozyumu Bildiriler Kitabı, 15- 17 Kasım 2012, Mersin, ed. Y. Özdemir, A. Cerrahoğlu, pp. 197- 199. Papageorgiou, L. (2000). The unification of archaeological sites of Athens: The birth of an archaeological park?, Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, 4:3, pp.176-184, DOI: 10.1179/135050300793138291.

- Archaeological trails in vacant areas or open areas should be designed to experience, to perceive visual interaction between archaeological strata and citizens or visitors. In addition to site management interventions including information boards, fences, orientation boards, etc., primarily, urban design projects and strategies must be developed for known archaeological findings.

Ramsay, W. M. (2000). Tarsus, Aziz Paulus’un Kenti, Ankara.

- Authentic land-use patterns in historic city centre, especially traditional Bazaar, should be enhanced to indicate not only physical but also functional urban continuum in multi-layered cities.

Williams, T. (2015). Archaeology: Reading the City through Time. In: F. Bandarin & R. van Oers, eds. Reconnecting the City, The Historic Urban Landscape Approach and the Future of Urban Heritage. Wiley-Blackwell, pp.19-44

Rother, L. (1971). Die Stadte der Çukurova: Adana – Mersin – Tarsus. ImSelbstverlag des Geographischen Instituts der Universitat Tubingen. Sommella, P.(1984). Methodology of Archaeological Research in Urban Areas, Archaeology and Planning, the Colloquy organized jointly by the Council of Europe and the Region of Tuscany, Florence. Wheatley, D. & Gillings, M. (2002). Spatial Technology and Archaeology, The archaeological applications of GIS. London and Newyork: Taylor and Francis.

Zoroğlu, L. (1995a). Tarsus Tarihi ve Tarihsel Anıtları, Adana. Zoroğlu, L.(1995b).A Guide to Tarsus, Çukurova Sanayi İşletmeleri, Ankara.

NOTES:

Zoroğlu, L. (1996-1999). Tarsus Cumhuriyet Alanı Çalışmaları, Kazı Sonuçları Toplantıları, Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı, Ankara.

1. Research project is supported by The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey / TUBITAK 1001. Project No: 113K132, Project Title: The Development of Methodological Frame for Handling Urban Archaeological Resources in Urban Planning Process in Turkey. Tarsus Historic City Centre as Case Study Area. For more information: http://urbanarchaeo.mersin.edu.tr/ 2. Free and Open Source GIS Software QauntumGIS (QGIS) is used in Research for easy access and sharing data 3. Sommella (1984, 3) defines utilizable documentation as an interdisciplinary study with the assistance of specialists in the fields of ancient history, archaeology, town planning, topography, history, epigraphy, numismatics etc and co-operation between them to achieve a comprehensive understanding of an urban environment by means of horizontal and vertical cross-sectional analyses. Bilgin (2002, 34-40) points out that, an utilizable documentation can only be achieved by diachronic documentation. In diachronic documentation parts of

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