Key Findings: Mapping of women’s groups and feminist Organisations in Francophone West Africa

MAPPING OF WOMEN’S GROUPS AND FEMINIST

ORGANISATIONS IN FRANCOPHONE WEST AFRICA KEY FINDINGS

Key Findings: Mapping of Women’s Groups and Feminists Organisations in Francophone West Africa

Produced and Published by The Foundation for a Just Society (FJS) and The African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF)

Website: https://www.fjs.org/ https://awdf.org/

Copyright © April 2023

Design and Layout: James Chunguli

All rights reserved.

Redistribution of the material presented in this work is encouraged by the publisher, provided the original text is not altered, the original source is properly and fully acknowledged, and the objective of redistribution is not for commercial gain. Please contact the publisher if you wish to reproduce, redistribute or transmit, in any form or by any means, this work or any portion thereof.

FOREWORD AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This landscape analysis was commissioned by African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) and Foundation for a Just Society (FJS). Our goal was to better understand the context and state of women’s rights and feminist organising in Francophone West Africa (FWA) as a region and with a focus on the countries of Burkina Faso, Chad, Cote d’Ivoire, Guinée, Mali, Mauritania, Niger and Senegal.

Our hope is that this study can support AWDF, FJS and other philanthropic organisations to identify feminist groups and movements working in the region, better understand their organising strategies, challenges, and plans for the future. This report, which provides a nuanced understanding of the feminist organising and funding landscape in FWA, can be used as a philanthropic advocacy tool to bring more and better funding to feminist organising in the region.

AWDF and FJS want to express our deep gratitude to the study participants who provided their insights and analysis on the state of feminist organising in the FWA region through interviews, focus group discussions, and questionnaires.

Finally, AWDF and FJS would like to sincerely thank Rainatou Sow and her transnational team of researchers at Make Every Woman Count (MEWC) – Vivian Nilsson - van Iperen, Djelia Diallo, Makalé Soumah, Grace Pattison, Chelsie Loveder, Estrella Chocron, Leysley Nasimyu, Marilyn Saliba, Naomi Ndifon, Adeline Negob, Dieynaba N’Diom and Sylvia Apata - for their work in designing and executing this research study on the state of feminist organising in Francophone West Africa (FWA). We are deeply grateful for their commitment and work on this project.

This report is the embodiment of the idea that, “alone, we each know something, but together we know a lot.”

LIST OF ACRONYMS

AWDF African Women’s Development Fund

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women

EU European Union

FGM/C Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting

FJS Foundation for a Just Society

FWA Francophone West Africa

GBV Gender-Based Violence

ICT Information and Communication Technology

IDP Internally Displaced Person

LGBTQIA+ Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer or Questioning, Intersex, Asexual and More

MEWC Make Every Woman Count

NGO Non-Governmental Organisation

OSIWA Open Society Initiative for West Africa

SRHR Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights

UN United Nations

UNAIDS Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

UNFPA United Nations Population Fund

UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund

UNSCR United Nations Security Council Resolution

US United States

VAWG Violence Against Women and Girls

WPS Women, Peace and Security

ABOUT FOUNDATION FOR A JUST SOCIETY

Foundation for a Just Society was founded on the belief that the liberation of women, girls, and LGBTQI people is an essential element of just societies. Change happens when people facing injustice come together to build a mutual understanding of their experiences, identify solutions that can solve a common problem, and collectively advocate for a shared vision. The most effective and enduring solutions are grounded in the lived experience of people who face the greatest injustice. Our work is guided by the principle that supporting organisations and movements that are led by these women, girls, and LGBTQI people is the best way to advance solutions that address root causes and ensure the essential dignity of all.

FJS supports efforts that advance long-term, structural change and meet immediate needs that enable women, girls, and LGBTQI people most affected by injustice to be leaders, strategists, and agents of change. FJS makes grants to local, national, regional, and global organisations and networks with an emphasis on Francophone West Africa, Mesoamerica, South and Southeast Asia, and the US Southeast. We seek to strengthen movements that create a world where all people are valued and lead selfdetermined lives.

ABOUT THE AFRICAN WOMEN’S DEVELOPMENT FUND (AWDF)

Established in 2000, the African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) is a feminist grantmaking foundation that supports local, national and Africa regional women’s organisations working towards the promotion and realisation of women’s rights and recognition of African women’s leadership in all spheres of life. As Africa’s first women’s fund, AWDF plays a pioneering role in of both feminist movement-building and philanthropy on the continent.

Through specialising in grant making and focused, tailored capacity- and movement building programmes, AWDF works to strengthen and support the work of African women’s organisations, which often have limited access to mainstream funding for a variety of reasons, including size, language, location, and marginalisation. AWDF also amplifies and celebrates African women’s voices and achievements, thus combating harmful stereotypes about African women’s agency and promoting them as active agents of change.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

The most effective and enduring solutions are grounded in the lived experience of people who face the greatest injustice.

Make Every Woman Count (MEWC) is an African woman-led organisation that monitors and documents women’s rights in Africa. This is done through focused research and dissemination of published works in the form of reports and policy briefs to support evidence-based advocacy to uphold women’s rights in pursuit of gender equality in Africa.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Women’s organising and activism in the countries of Francophone West Africa (FWA) predates colonialism. During the periods of colonial exploitation, predominantly by France and the United Kingdom, women joined resistance movements. Yet, despite women’s contributions, their fight for representation and participation in decision-making is mostly unrewarded.

Women’s groups and feminist organisations are active at the national and regional levels in FWA. Despite challenges such as political instability and conflict, which disproportionately affect women and girls, such movements have achieved substantial gains. For example, all countries under review, except Chad and Niger, have ratified the Maputo Protocol.

Meanwhile, across FWA, a young generation of actors and activists is emerging. These use technology to build alliances, fundraise and advance their agenda, such as the right to safe abortion. Many groups now identify as feminist, especially among the younger generations.

At the national and regional levels, groups advocate and work on LGBTQIA+ issues and provide safe spaces for queer persons. Many countries in the FWA region have laws hostile to LGBTQIA+ and gender-nonconforming persons.

SCOPE AND OBJECTIVE

The Foundation for a Just Society (FJS) and the African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) jointly commissioned a landscape analysis to better understand the context and state of women’s rights and feminist organising in eight countries: Burkina Faso, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, Niger and Senegal, and at the regional level in FWA.1 The aim is to enable FJS and AWDF “to engage in philanthropic advocacy to bring the philanthropic community to a more nuanced understanding of feminist organising in FWA and efficiently allocate funding to the organisations identified in this study.”2

This document summarises the key findings from the “Mapping of Women’s Groups and Feminist Organisations in Francophone West Africa” study. It is divided into three parts:

1. Recommendations from national women’s groups and feminist organisations, regional actors and funders in FWA.

2. Perspectives from regional women’s groups and feminist organisations, and funders active in FWA, on the landscape of women’s groups and feminist organisations in the region; the funding landscape; and challenges and opportunities.

3. Country analyses focusing on the landscape of women’s groups and feminist organisations (alliance- and movement-building; areas of work, strategies and approaches; the impact of NGO-isation and Covid-19); the funding landscape; and challenges and opportunities.

METHODOLOGY

To collect the data, Make Every Woman Count (MEWC) used a combination of desk research, key informant interviews/ questionnaires (regional and in-country) and in-country focus group discussions. MEWC interviewed 287 actors (in person and online). The number of interviews by country was as follows: Burkina Faso (37), Chad (34), Côte d’Ivoire (36), Guinea (28), Mali (39), Mauritania (27), Niger (44) and Senegal (28). At the regional level, 14 actors participated.

LIMITATIONS

Several challenges and limitations were encountered by MEWC during the process of mapping study, namely:

The time constraint was a great challenge in the realisation of the study; furthermore, there was a limited comprehensive and up-to-date contact information on organisations.

With limited time and resources, organisations responded in a slow and somewhat staggered manner. This was coupled with unreliable internet connections prevented some organisations from participating for the duration of the FGDs or actors from responding to all questions during the KIIs.

Organisations chose not to answer some questions (in the Word format of the questionnaire and/or in-person interviews). Some answers were ambiguous, especially around topics relating to feminism.

Make Every Woman Count (MEWC) used a combination of desk research, key informant interviews/questionnaires (regional and in-country) and in-country focus group discussions.

Some organisations in Mauritania avoided MEWC’s request for KIIs/FGDs after a rumour of the mapping being associated with the LGBTQIA+ community was spread.

KEY RECOMMENDATIONS

FROM NATIONAL WOMEN’S GROUPS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

Provide long-term, flexible funding that meets the needs and priorities identified by local groups. This should include accompaniment and funding for capacitybuilding (organisational, technical).

Offer more flexible and less demanding application procedures and criteria. If the requirement to be a professional organisation were removed, more actors could apply.

Provide financial support for hiring translators to overcome language barriers and open up opportunities for participation in meetings and conferences (virtual and in person.) Calls for funding and applications should also be available in French and other domestic languages.

Create resilience/emergency/rapid response funds and ease criteria for such funding to assist groups during crises, particularly health crises, emergencies or natural disasters.

Support advocacy efforts by national women’s and feminist groups pushing for legislative reforms such as the

adoption of legislation prohibiting violence against women and girls (Guinea); domestication and implementation of international women’s rights instruments, especially UNSCR 1325; and fight corruption (Mauritania).

Support networking opportunities and platforms created to facilitate organisations and movements to work together.

Create spaces for exchanges of experiences and knowledge and intergenerational dialogue.

Finance women’s leadership training, especially for girls and young women.

Offer training on applying for grants/funding and financial management and accounting and facilitate information on and access to funding opportunities.

Support organisations’ ICT needs and use of the internet and modern media and access to information to support advocacy efforts.

FROM REGIONAL WOMEN’S GROUPS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS AND FUNDERS

Provide flexible funding and establish sponsorship systems allowing registered organisations to accompany unregistered groups/activists in implementing projects and hosting funds. The financing should include accompaniment.

Invest in leadership training to empower women and girls in the region and support mentoring of young women to ensure women and girls lead and direct projects.

Facilitate the creation of spaces and forums where regional groups and activists can meet, discuss, share experiences and advocate for change.

Provide support to overcome language barriers. Many actors said they needed funding to hire translators to facilitate meetings and increase access to information.

Establish trust-based grant-making and responsive and respectful partnerships, and identify problems in collaboration with local actors.

FROM FUNDERS/DONORS WORKING IN FWA

Increase financial support to FWA (core funding) to create and strengthen women’s rights groups, feminist organisations and human rights defenders, and allianceand movement-building in the region.

Provide long-term and flexible funding where actors on the ground determine the need to ensure quality and allow for a more significant impact. Moreover, funders should include flexibility in the contract regarding documentation, accounting and other requirements.

Strengthen women’s rights and feminist funders to help open opportunities for women’s rights groups, feminist organisations and human rights defenders in FWA. This kind of support will also activate philanthropy in Africa.

Protect women’s organisations and human rights defenders and provide them with mental health support, safety and security.

Provide support for translation to overcome language barriers and create spaces/forums where women and human rights actors in FWA can meet regularly, like in other regions.

THE LANDSCAPE OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS GROUPS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS AND FUNDERS AT THE REGIONAL LEVEL

Many women’s groups, feminist organisations and funders are active at the regional level. The interviewed groups work on rights related to women and girls, LGBTQIA+/gender-nonconforming individuals/groups, indigenous women and people, the environment and land. The donors surveyed fund activities related to advancing women’s and LGBTQIA+ rights. Moreover, many funders also work to ensure their partner groups and organisations’ safety and wellbeing, specifically mental health.

During the interviews, women’s groups, feminist movements and funders observed developments and trends in the FWA region. Some of the key observations include the following:

The insecurity in the Sahel, political crises and conflicts, extremism and terrorism are negatively affecting the advancement of human rights. The results have included a regression of women’s rights, increased rights violations and targeted attacks against feminists and LGBTQIA+ individuals and groups, and a shrinking civic space.

The pushback from anti-gender movements in FWA is growing.

Alliance- and movement-building in FWA is unstructured and fragmented. Actors struggle to work together and find spaces to meet. Funders noted a difference between the development of alliance- and movement-building in FWA and other parts of West Africa.

For women’s groups, feminist organisations and funders alike, the advent of Covid-19 had impacts on work and activities at the regional level, as in-person gatherings were banned. Some groups and organisations began working remotely and participating in online events. Others could not adapt because of poor connectivity, which is the case in many parts of FWA. Funders noted reduced funding and adapted to the pandemic by reallocating funding.

THE FUNDING LANDSCAPE IN FWA

Perspectives from regional groups and organisations

Regional groups fund their activities using a variety of sources. The most commonly cited funders are national embassies, UN agencies (UN Women, the UN Development Programme (UNDP), the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the UN Population

Fund (UNFPA)), and funders such as AWDF, the Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA), Urgent Action Fund, FJS, etc. However, the resources received do not meet the organisations’ needs. Many organisations rely on volunteers to carry out their work. The actors interviewed generally perceived partnerships with donors to be complicated. Their ideal relationship with donors is based on trust and mutual respect, with their voices heard. Some saw NGO-isation as positive and beneficial. Others saw it as negative, as it limits their activities and is associated with complicated application processes and costly government fees (one-time or annual). NGOs may also face intimidation from governments.

Perspective from funders

The participating funders provide financial, capacity-building (technical and organisational) support, leadership training and accompaniment, among other activities, to advance the work of women’s rights groups, feminist organisations and human rights activists in both French- and English-speaking West Africa. The donors interviewed often connect international donors and regional organisations, groups and activists.  The interviewed donors saw NGO-isation as a challenge and necessity. On the one hand, it facilitates reporting of financial resources distributed. Conversely, NGO-isation prevents many actors from applying for and obtaining funding.

BURKINA FASO

Since its independence in 1960, Burkina Faso has experienced political instability and several coup d’états, most recently in late January 2022. Burkinabè women most commonly push for change through women’s organisations.3 The Constitution guarantees equality and non-discrimination. Legislation protects women and girls against, for example, violence against women and girls (VAWG), female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C), forced marriage and abortion and promotes political participation (quota set at 30%). In 2017, the country adopted a law protecting human rights defenders.4 Burkina Faso ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1987 and the Maputo Protocol in 2006.

However, overlapping legal systems and prevailing cultural and social norms hinder the advancement of women’s rights. Despite the laws enacted, women’s representation in parliament is still below the quota, and harmful practices remain. The rights of LQBTQIA+ and gender-nonconforming persons are not explicitly protected under the law. Finally, Burkinabè women face disproportionate impacts of climate change owing to, among others, the gendered division of agricultural production and unequal control over land.

THE LANDSCAPE OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

Alliances and movements in Burkina Faso are grouped by field of intervention, such as gender-based violence (GBV) and sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). Some participants saw alliance-and movement-building as easy and unproblematic; others saw it as complicated by jealousy. Several organisations collaborate and work with groups such as domestic workers, farmers and women with disabilities. A few actors work with LGBTQIA+/gender-nonconforming groups. Among the most common obstacles to alliance- and movement-building are organisational and leadership conflicts, lack of internet access and differences in views/politics. Some organisations surveyed engage in cross-sectoral/border movements. In general, the participants viewed collaboration with groups outside of FWA positively. However, girls and young women are not well represented in movements and do not hold positions of responsibility.

The organisations work on various issues. Among the priority issues identified were economic empowerment, health and SRHR; women’s political participation; children and youth rights/ issues; GBV/VAWG; education; women, peace and security (WPS); harmful practices; widows; refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs); food security; agriculture; climate change; and disability.

Participants use strategies and approaches such as advocacy, awareness-raising, community organising, training and direct action, and online activism to advance these issues. Some said no when asked if there were topics they would not work on. Others said they would not promote LGBTQIA+ rights because societal perceptions condemn such initiatives.

The participants viewed feminism differently. Some saw it as positive, while others did not see it as a real struggle. The few organisations describing themselves as feminists said this had affected their work and visibility, as they are often insulted.

Concerning NGO-isation, the actors interviewed felt this was inescapable, as many donors require it. Most organisations need institutional support to become formal NGOs.

The advent of the Covid-19 pandemic affected the activities of the organisations surveyed. The effects of the pandemic include loss of funding and the reduction, suspension or delay of activities. Others had observed a regression in the gains made in the field and a worsening incidence of violence. In response to Covid-19, actors adapted their actions and how they operated, such as by introducing remote work.

THE FUNDING LANDSCAPE FOR WOMEN’S GROUPS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

The participating Burkinabè organisations fund their activities from various sources, such as membership contributions, volunteer work and financing obtained from women’s funds. They mentioned receiving funding from donors such as national embassies (Germany, Canada, France, etc.), United Nations agencies (UNFPA, UN Women, UNICEF, UNDP, etc.), the Fairtrade Action Fund, AWDF. In some instances, the funding received matches the need of the organisations; in others, it does not. Some actors described their relationship with donors as good. Others felt funders were often too demanding and, in some cases, mistrustful.

The few organisations describing themselves as feminists said this had affected their work and visibility, as they are often insulted.

Challenges and opportunities from the perspectives of women’s groups and feminist in Burkina Faso

Challenges

Scarcity of financial resources negatively affects the stability of alliance-and movement-building.

Many groups apply for the same project, and donors display favouritism and demand experience.

Organisations struggle to apply for funding because of unreliable internet connections. Those without internet access cannot obtain information about funding opportunities.

Many associations run by Burkinabè women facing literacy challenges have never received financial support from donors.

Because of the language barrier, organisations cannot apply for funding, engage with organisations outside FWA or participate in international conferences.

Opportunities

Areas of work that need urgent Funding: women’s representation in decision-making bodies to ensure laws are respected; WPS; GBV/VAWG; economic empowerment; the fight against terrorism; and women’s access to land.

Offer training opportunities for female leadership and bring together women from different groups to advance women’s rights.

Popularise women’s rights laws and translate legislation into local languages.

Support awareness and advocacy campaigns for respect and implementation of women’s rights and gender equality legislation.

CHAD

Following its independence in 1960, Chad experienced political uproar and civil war. Years of conflict allowed women to break with traditions, gain autonomy, and progressively acquire rights and participate in public life. The Constitution guarantees equality, promotes non-discrimination and prohibits FGM/C and early marriage. Legislation adopted protects women and girls against FGM/C, child and early marriage, and domestic and sexual violence. Chad uses a quota, set at 30%, for nominative and elective offices.5 In 1995, Chad ratified CEDAW; the country signed the Maputo Protocol in 2004. It has yet to ratify the Protocol.

Challenges such as the unenforceability of laws and issues relating to socio-cultural adherence inhibit the advancement of women’s rights. The rights of the LGBTQIA+ community are not protected and respected. Same-sex sexual activities are prohibited and punishable under the Penal Code. Chad experiences multiple interlinked challenges, such as climate

change, political instability, poverty, and a growing refugee and IDP population.6 It is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change. The impact of climate change is particularly felt by women, many of whom work in the agriculture sector or are forced to move in search of livelihoods.

THE LANDSCAPE OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

Alliance- and movement-building is less active in Chad than in other countries. Perceptions of alliances and movements as a waste of time, dominated by larger organisations; differences in priorities; and religious and cultural constraints hinder groups from working together in larger groups. Even so, the actors interviewed observed more groups participating in movements and increased awareness of networks’ importance. Most participants said they collaborated and worked with all social groups. However, girls and young women are not well represented in movements owing to, among others, literacy challenges and a lack of awareness of organisations advocating for their rights. Several organisations said they had also built cross-sectoral/ border movements, especially in Central and West Africa. This collaboration is based on shared goals and is seen as an opportunity to exchange experiences and strengthen capacity.

While some expressed an interest in cooperating with other movements, others were hesitant or did not engage in multisectoral activities.

The most commonly cited area of work was women’s economic empowerment. Other areas mentioned included GBV/VAWG, SRHR, harmful practices, agriculture, education, political participation and female leadership, WPS, and supporting girls and women with disabilities. As abortion and LGBTQIA+ rights are prohibited in Chad, the participants do not work on these issues. Organisations use strategies and approaches such as direct action, activism, policy advocacy, community organisation, online activism, service delivery and legal reform, and utilise the spaces available to carry out their activities.

Most actors surveyed did not call themselves feminists because of prejudice and non-acceptance.

The organisations interviewed felt NGO-isation legitimised their operations and facilitated participation in events and activities. Some organisations still need to start the process of professionalisation, citing a lack of knowledge and awareness. Others perceived the process as complex, challenging and a waste of time. Moreover, since 2019, the Transitional National Council no longer approves most permits, for political reasons.

The Covid-19 pandemic negatively affected the participating organisations’ organisational and movement-building abilities. Imposed restrictions led some organisations to suspend activities and programmes; others accumulated debt. Some were able to shift the focus of their work and/or began operating remotely and holding meetings online. Others were unable to participate in online events owing to recurring power cuts and limited access to the internet.

THE FUNDING LANDSCAPE FOR WOMEN’S GROUPS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

The actors interviewed often fund their activities through monthly contributions, resources and private foundations. They reported receiving financial support from donors such as embassies (the Netherlands), UN agencies (UNICEF), the ACRA Foundation, the Women’s Associations’ Liaison Group, Arbor Day and CARE Africa. Women’s funds and regional feminist grantmaking institutions did not appear to finance the activities of the organisations surveyed.

The participants said they struggled to access financial support. The resources obtained do not match their needs. Most interviewees had a negative perception of donors. They said many funders did not consider society’s conservative nature and the lived experiences of women and organisations in Chad.

Challenges and opportunities from the perspectives of women’s groups and feminist in Chad

Challenges

Limited capacity and technical support prevent organisational development and implementation of impactful activities.

Because of capacity deficits, the participants struggle to apply for funding and to meet the requirements.

The language barrier prevents actors from applying for funding and cultivating donor relationships.

Pervasive conservatism and active opposition seek to limit rather than expand women’s voices and activities.

The Government of Chad reportedly intentionally invests in creating and supporting organisations opposing women’s rights and feminist agendas.

Opportunities

Areas of work that need urgent Funding: FGM/C, child marriage, sexual and gender-based violence, education, agriculture, gender equality and women’s empowerment.

Growing alliance- and movement-building offer opportunities to create activities that have a more significant impact. The participants said increased pressure from the Transitional National Council and society drove the creation of alliances.

Ensuring the new Family Code is officially codified and implemented is particularly important.

CÔTE D’IVOIRE

Côte d’Ivoire experienced periods of stability and civil war following its independence in 1960. Ivorian women are active members of civil society and increasingly participate in decision-making. The Constitution enshrines equality and nondiscrimination and prohibits FGM/C, physical violence and human trafficking. Legislation protects women and girls against, for example, VAWG. The country uses a legislated quota, set at 30%, for both houses of parliament. Human rights defenders, including women human rights defenders, are protected under the law. Côte d’Ivoire ratified CEDAW in 1995 and the Maputo Protocol in 2011.

Despite the laws and policies adopted, challenges still need to be addressed. Women’s political participation remains below the quota. FGM/C continues to be practised in the country. There are no legal protections against LGBTQIA+ discrimination. Furthermore, Côte d’Ivoire faces environmental and climate change-related challenges, threatening the country’s reliance on crop exports and affecting Ivorians’ livelihoods.

THE LANDSCAPE OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

Most participants were apprehensive about alliance- and movement-building in Côte d’Ivoire, saying it was like a fad and lacking vision. Others saw it as positive and valuable. While many said they recognised their importance, they perceived alliances and movements in the country as strong enough. Nevertheless, the interviews revealed that Ivorian organisations were increasingly involved in cross-sector organising. All interviewees wanted to collaborate with other groups outside FWA. Most organisations said they worked and collaborated with various social groups. Leadership problems, lack of funding and competition among organisations are challenges in collaborating with other actors.

The actors work in various areas. These include GBV, SRHR, forced marriage, FGM/C, abortion, economic empowerment, gender equality, women’s political representation and participation, sex workers’ rights and land ownership. Most organisations are open to working on all issues. Some said they would not or were unwilling to work on specific subjects directly, such as abortion. Some participants said they worked

on LGBTQIA+ rights. Some were open to the issue; others were resistant and were not involved. The most commonly used strategies and approaches include direct action (such as advocacy and awareness-raising.) Others include online activism, community organising, service and care delivery, legal reform and lobbying. While most organisations were aware of spaces dedicated to women, some were not. A few said there were no such spaces in Côte d’Ivoire.

Most organisations surveyed identified as feminists. Some did not and others did not answer the question. For some, identifying as feminist had had a positive impact, as it had strengthened their capacity to act. Others had had a negative experience, as doors had closed.

Most actors interviewed said they had a positive view of the NGOisation as it meant actors became more efficient, credible and reliable. In contrast, some participants had a negative idea of or raised concerns associated with NGO-isation. Young organisations often cannot become NGOs as they are not legal entities and cannot meet donor requirements.

The Covid-19 pandemic and the restrictions imposed by the government harmed organisations’ activities and funding. Some said donors became inflexible and did not consider the reality

in the country. While some organisations were forced to close, others shifted their focus to other activities. Some organised digital campaigns and educational opportunities and created alliances and movements virtually.

THE FUNDING LANDSCAPE FOR WOMEN’S GROUPS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

The participating organisations have received financial support from women’s funds, private foundations, and bilateral and multilateral partners. The funders cited included UN agencies (such as UNFPA, UN Women, UNICEF and UNAIDS), CARE International, AWDF and national embassies (Germany, France, Luxembourg, etc.). For some, the funding received matched needs; others said it did not. Many organisations fund their activities with their own resources (personal investment).

Most participants had a neutral view of funders. Some perceived them favourably. Other participants had an unfavourable perspective, saying that donors imposed unmanageable requirements and their own agendas. The ideal relationship with funders would be based on collaboration and guided by the community’s needs.

Challenges and opportunities from the perspectives of women’s groups and feminist in Côte d’Ivoire

Challenges

The language barrier prevents many actors from joining the larger movement.

It is a struggle to obtain financial resources and other support. This is a concern for young organisations, including members of the LGBTQIA+ community. It also hinders the development of networks.

A lack of collaboration with young organisations or/and organisations working with key populations and insufficient sharing of experiences between groups hinder alliance- and movement-building.

Many girls and young women refrain from engaging because groups refuse to accept them, and they lack access to information and financial independence.

Norms, customs and traditions are barriers and obstacles to women’s participation.

Opportunities

Areas of work that need urgent Funding: SRHR, GBV/ VAWG, economic empowerment, education, food security and female representation and participation in decisionmaking.

There is growing potential for alliance-and movementbuilding in Côte d’Ivoire.

Create a synergy of action to enable networks to carry out their advocacy work more effectively.

UN agencies and State authorities should support and sustain the activities of Ivorian women’s rights groups and feminist organisations.

Inspire more girls and women to join movements and accommodate older generations with younger ones.

GUINEA

Guinea has faced political unrest and three coup d’états since its independence in 1958. The Constitution enshrines equality and non-discrimination, prohibits harmful practices such as FGM/C and sets the age of marriage at 18. Legislation has strengthened women’s and girls’ rights, such as banning FGM/C and discrimination in access to credit based on gender. Guinea uses legislated quotas (30%). Other laws cover domestic violence and rape. Guinea ratified CEDAW in 1982 and the Maputo Protocol in 2012.

Despite advances, challenges remain in realising women’s rights in Guinea. Exceptions to the law, such as parental consent, permit individuals to marry before 18 years. Although FGM/C is prohibited, its prevalence remains high. Women’s participation is below the quota set. The existing anti-discrimination laws do not apply to LGBTQIA+ persons, and the 2016 Penal Code criminalises same-sex activity. Climate change has become a reality in Guinea. Its impact means a reduction in income for many women working in the agriculture sector.

THE LANDSCAPE OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

Concerning alliance- and movement-building, some participants engaged with other organisations. Others had a negative view, associating alliances and movements with competition for funding. The organisations surveyed perceived cross-sectoral and cross-border movements as beneficial, and activities were pursued jointly. As many networks rely on volunteer work to carry out their activities, few girls and young women are involved. None of the organisations works with LGBTQIA+ and gendernonconforming groups.

The organisations interviewed work on various issues. The areas of work include gender parity; women in decision-making; WPS, including popularisation of UNSCR 1325; economic empowerment; disability; child marriage; FGM/C; and SRHR, including abortion. None of the participating organisations works on LGBTQIA+ rights issues. Most commonly, the organisations use strategies and approaches, such as direct action, online activism, advocacy, awareness-raising, legal and policy reform, and community organising. The participants use spaces such as international days, forums and other self-organised meetings to advance their work.

Some interviewees said identifying as feminists affected work positively and negatively. It allowed them to understand feminism in Guinean society. On the other hand, they experienced stigma.

Concerning NGO-isation, the interviews showed that many organisations and movements professionalise following donor requirements. However, many actors are working without permits owing to rising government restrictions and complex criteria for registering and obtaining permits.

The advent of the Covid-19 pandemic affected the participants’ activities as funding was redirected. Many organisations were forced to cancel or delay planned projects; others were left without funding. Many organisations surveyed began operating remotely and using ICT and social media to organise meetings online. While some organisations could continue working using their own resources, others completely disappeared.

THE FUNDING LANDSCAPE FOR WOMEN’S GROUPS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

A mapping of the funding landscape in Guinea shows that participants often rely on voluntary work to carry out their work, and some use members’ contributions. The most commonly cited funders include UN agencies (UNDP, UNFPA, UNICEF), the Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA), Equipop, the EU, Search for Common Ground, the Peacebuilding Fund, the National Democratic Institute, the Independent National Electoral Commission, the Ministry of Women’s Promotion, the Ministry of Youth and France Volontaires.

Many actors are working without permits owing to rising government restrictions and complex criteria for registering and obtaining permits.

All interviewees have good relations with funders. They described the ideal relationship as one where Guinean organisations were partners rather than implementors and where the responsibilities were shared. The participants perceived international donors as acting according to their interests.

Challenges and opportunities from the perspectives of women’s groups and feminist in Guinea

Challenges

There is a need for in-depth capacity-building in advocacy, awareness-raising and communication, among others.

The dominance of English creates a language barrier and many groups are unable to access information, apply for funding and/or participate in meetings.

Access to funding is limited and application processes are complicated.

There is government inaction with regard to popularising legislation, for example the law on safe abortion,

Lack of synergy between Guinean organisations hinders alliance- and-movement building.

Opportunities

Areas of work that need urgent Funding: implementation of UNSCR 1325, GBV/VAWG, rape, reproductive health, gender equality, women’s political participation.

Integrate gender issues into the Constitution, address women’s political participation and increase lobbying and advocacy with the government to adopt related legislation.

Strengthen and facilitate alliance- and movementbuilding through coordinated action and mutual support.

Increase leadership, organisational management, and volunteer training and funding.

MALI

Mali has experienced multiple coup d’états since its independence in 1960. While Malian women’s rights have expanded, political insecurity has negatively affected women’s political participation. The Constitution enshrines equality and non-discrimination. Mali uses a legislated quota (30%) and provides financial incentives for elevating women to senior decision-making positions.7 In 2018, Mali adopted legislation to protect human rights defenders.8 Mali ratified CEDAW in 1985 and the Maputo Protocol in 2005.

Some challenges remain in the advancement of women’s rights in Mali. FGM/C is not prohibited, and the prevalence rate among girls and women is high. Currently, the age of marriage for girls is 16, which is inconsistent with the Maputo Protocol. Malian women are under-represented in decision-making, including post-conflict and peace processes. Homosexual activity is not explicitly illegal. However, there are no legal protections against discrimination based on LGBTQIA+ identity, and same-sex marriage is not yet legal. Domestic and regional insecurity disproportionately affect women, particularly their livelihoods, production and access to food. These challenges are compounded by climate change.

THE LANDSCAPE OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

The organisations interviewed were divided on alliance- and movement building in Mali. Some said networks were formed without encountering any challenges or significant difficulties. Others saw the arena as filled with jealousy and noted a lack of female solidarity owing to the underdeveloped leadership of women. Younger women leaders noted a tension between and within older organisations.

Many groups working on promoting and defending women’s rights and issues related to feminism in Mali are broader human rights issues covering multiple areas. The areas of work cited included economic empowerment, women’s leadership, environment and climate change, food security, education, rural women, health and SRHR, GBV, harmful practices, WPS and ICT. Of the organisations interviewed, only a few said they were comfortable engaging on abortion or on LGBTQIA+ and gender-nonconforming or genderexpansive rights. Some participants saw LGBTQIA+ issues as undermining the struggle by creating divisions in the feminist movement. The organisations working on abortion almost always frame this through other entry points, such as rape and unwanted pregnancy. The most common strategies and approaches are advocacy, awareness-raising and community organising.

Some interviewed organisations identified as feminist. Many were ambiguous in their responses. Others explicitly said they did not so identify. Groups identifying as feminists are often viewed negatively, face challenges such as in collaborating on specific issues with certain groups, and receive criticism.

Many participants use spaces such as national network coordination platforms, both online and offline, conferences, festivals, meetings and international commemorative events. Others said they were unaware of existing opportunities to meet.

Most participants viewed the NGO-isation of organisations positively, as adding legitimacy to the otherwise criticised area of women’s rights and feminist movements. They noted this was especially important considering the negative interpretation of feminism by Malian society. It also facilitates access to funding. A few organisations were interested in registering as NGOs but had yet to do so.

The advent of Covid-19 affected the work of the organisations interviewed. Most reported a sudden reduction, cessation or suspension of funding, resulting in the postponement or cancelling of planned activities. While they noted that a great deal of funding was allocated to responding to the pandemic, women had little access to these resources. When restrictions were imposed, those able to continue activities shifted to online spaces. They said they owed their success to flexible funding. Many were excluded because of their lack of internet access and limited knowledge of technology.

THE FUNDING LANDSCAPE FOR WOMEN’S GROUPS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

The organisations interviewed often fund their activities through membership fees. Other funding sources include donors, foundations, sponsors and partners. Commonly cited funders include, for example, UN agencies and programmes (UNESCO, UNICEF, UN Women, UNFPA), bilateral donors and embassies (Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, the US) and the Global Fund for Women. The funding obtained often does not meet the organisations’ needs.

The organisations interviewed have a poor perception of donors. They feel funders need a better understanding of Mali’s context, specificities and realities and need to consider the aspirations of local organisations. Many said funders were nepotistic and worked with a preferred group of actors, and would not consider organisations outside this small group for funding. The interviewees wanted a more positive and equitable relationship with donors, which is collaborative at each project stage.

While they noted that a great deal of funding was allocated to responding to the pandemic, women had little access to these resources.

Challenges and opportunities from the perspectives of women’s groups and feminist in Mali

Challenges

A decline in available funds in Mali and limited knowledge of sources and internet access negatively affect fundraising efforts.

Limited resources hinder promoting and defending women’s rights and feminist agendas through social transformation.

Donors have different priorities and tend to focus on oneoff activities.

The language barrier impedes actors from accessing funding.

Mali’s security crisis negatively affects organisations’ work and funding opportunities.

Several women’s rights groups in Mali are run by men interested more in benefiting from the funds granted than in advancing women’s rights.

Opportunities

Areas of work that need urgent Funding:: WPS, GBV/ VAWG, SRHR; representation of women in decisionmaking bodies; national, regional, continental and international networking; training of out-of-school girls; intergenerational and feminist dialogues.

Collaborate and lobby for adopting, codifying and implementing draft bills related to women’s rights.

Prioritise coaching to overcome Malian society’s opposing views and interpretations about feminism.

Create spaces for synergy by theme and by the centre of interest and encourage collaboration between feminist and non-feminist movements.

MAURITANIA

Mauritania gained independence in 1960. The Mauritanian legal system is based on secular and Islamic elements, and the Constitution and all other legal frameworks are imbued with Sharia law.9 The Constitution enshrines equality and nondiscrimination. Mauritania uses legislated quotas stipulating that 20 seats are reserved for female candidates.10 The same law also provides financial incentives to political parties to elect more women than set by the quota. Other legislation related to women’s rights sets the age of marriage at 18 for girls and boys and provides women with 14 weeks of maternity leave. Mauritania ratified CEDAW with reservations in 2001 and the Maputo Protocol in 2005.

Mauritania still faces challenges in advancing equality. While a fatwa has been pronounced encouraging the abandonment of FGM/C, the practice continues, as do other harmful practices. The impact of climate change further exacerbates existing challenges, such as high poverty rates, advanced desertification and food insecurity. Women and children are the most vulnerable to these challenges. Regarding LGBTQIA+ rights, same-sex sexual activities are criminalised and carry a maximum penalty of death by stoning. However, no capital punishment has been carried out since 1987.11

THE LANDSCAPE OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

The interviewed organisations said alliance- and movementbuilding was challenging owing to mistrust. Existing alliances are reportedly fragile and unproductive because of a lack of resources, management, coordination and leadership. Nevertheless, all participants were interested in collaborating with other actors. Girls’ and young women’s participation in movements remains low despite efforts to encourage them to join. Most organisations engage in cross-sectoral activities based on experience exchanges, expertise, advice and awarenessraising campaigns.

The areas of work participants engage in include health and SRHR, women’s political participation, GBV/VAWG, harmful practices, education, economic and community empowerment, refugees and IDPs, WPS, food security, climate change and environment, and rural women and agriculture. The most commonly used strategies and approaches are advocacy, community development and direct action, mainly through awareness-raising, training and one-off activities. Most participants said they worked with ethnic minorities or indigenous groups. When asked if there were areas of work they would not address, a majority said yes. The main issues here were abortion and LGBTQIA+ rights. These are considered contrary to religion and the law or are not accepted by society. Nevertheless, a few organisations said they worked with LGBTQIA+ rights organisations and people.

There was a reluctance by organisations to be divided between those who did and those who did not identify as feminists. The interviewees argued that they were working towards similar goals regardless of identification. Those who identify as feminists often face adverse reactions, sometimes even receiving death threats. On the other hand, other organisations felt that being feminist made them more determined and opened up more opportunities.

Most interviewees did not know spaces for women’s rights groups and movements. Others believed no such places existed. Some noted areas such as online platforms and sites used by groups in Mauritania.

The participants saw NGO-isation as mandatory to access funding. For some, professionalisation has had a positive effect, improving their capacity and increasing their visibility. Others said it had had a negative impact, citing donors’ need for legal recognition as the most significant obstacle. Professionalisation is not possible for groups working on issues that are prohibited or taboo in Mauritania.

The Covid-19 pandemic harmed the work of organisations in Mauritania. Many organisations had to reduce or postpone activities, as funding stopped at least partially, and the government restricted public gatherings. Some actors were forced to close. Others could work remotely, shift to online activities and increase the use of social media.

THE FUNDING LANDSCAPE FOR WOMEN’S GROUPS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

The organisations interviewed fund their activities through membership fees, volunteers, bilateral sources, private financing and donations. The donors cited were the EU, the French Embassy, UNFPA and Save the Children. However, Funding is often inconsistent and fails to consider the organisations’ needs and capacities.

Regarding their relationship with donors, some described this as mutually satisfying. Others had a negative perception, saying donors lacked respect and were unaware of the realities on the ground. As funders come with their own agenda, which is often political, they tend to support organisations with similar political orientations. Finally, some highlighted the few funding opportunities available for feminist organisations owing to the stigmatisation of feminism and feminists.

Those who identify as feminists often face adverse reactions, sometimes even receiving death threats.

Challenges and opportunities from the perspectives of women’s groups and feminist in Mauritania

Challenges

The scarcity of local funding and lack of resources prevent organisations and networks from becoming independent and force organisations to rely on volunteers, who often have limited time and resources.

Demanding application and funding requirements impose significant demands on organisations’ capacities.

Conservative and patriarchal ideals and sociocultural and religious pressures hinder women’s groups from attracting donors and advancing their agenda.

Many actors have limited capacity and knowledge of relevant human rights instruments and how to utilise them.

Opportunities

Areas of work that need urgent Funding: women’s participation in political and decision-making mechanisms, SRHR, economic empowerment, food insecurity, rural girls’ access to education, illiteracy, climate change, accessibility of justice for all.

Attitudes are changing in a positive direction.

Mauritanian groups are increasingly committed to defending women and advancing women and girls’ leadership.

Adopt and implement a GBV draft law.

Create networks for all women’s organisations and spaces dedicated to these actors.

Create a consensus on the definition of “Mauritanian feminism.”

NIGER

Since its independence in 1960, Niger has faced political instability and several terrorist attacks. National Women’s Day, celebrated each year on 13 May since 1991, was the start of the growth of women’s organisations in Niger. More recently, women have been instrumental in mobilising to push for, draft and adopt legislation related to women’s rights, including on VAWG and establishing a quota.

The Constitution enshrines equality and non-discrimination and assures women of equal representation in public bodies. Niger uses legislated quotas for elected positions (25%) and appointed positions in the government (30%).12 FGM/C is prohibited and criminalised. Niger ratified CEDAW in 1999 with reservations and signed the Maputo Protocol in 2004. It has yet to ratify the Protocol.

Competing legal systems inhibit the changing of beliefs and behaviours such as child marriage. Niger has one of the highest rates of child marriage globally. While same-sex sexual activity is not prohibited, there are no protections against LGBTQIA+ discrimination. Niger faces multiple challenges connected to the impact of climate change. Women are particularly affected by the

scarcity of natural resources and lack of access to farmable land owing to poorly enforced laws and persistent cultural practices that inhibit women’s economic development and food security.13

THE LANDSCAPE OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

Although networks are active in Niger, the strength of women’s movements is reportedly declining. Lack of female solidarity, leadership and trust; competition for limited financial resources; and reliance on volunteers hinder alliance- and movementbuilding. Donors reportedly contribute to the challenges associated with building networks by funding individual groups. Few girls and young women join movements due to limited opportunities and available salaried positions.

Most organisations work on activities to fight all forms of discrimination and VAWG. Other areas of work cited were economic empowerment, education, rural women and agriculture, food security, WPS, health and SRHR. Strategies and approaches used include advocacy, research, community action and income-generating activities.

The interviews revealed two types of NGOs identifying as feminists. The first group does so explicitly. In the second group are those that might be described as “feminist-adjacent” while avoiding upsetting the social order. None of the groups reported working on LGBTQIA+ issues or having LGBTQIA+ staff.

The participants said that NGO-isation added legitimacy and was necessary to access funding. The process is long and filled with challenges, however. Many therefore operate without a permit.

The Covid-19 pandemic has impacted work and activities, according to the interviewees. Some organisations began working remotely after the government imposed restrictions on physical movement. Others developed e-working capabilities and offered their members training in tools such as Zoom. The organisations reported that large portions of their funding were diverted to health and Covid-19-related activities. Government funding was also reprioritised, often not to the benefit of women.

THE FUNDING LANDSCAPE FOR WOMEN’S GROUPS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

When asked how they funded their activities, the organisations and movements responded that this was through membership fees and independent fundraising. The complex and demanding application process imposed by donors prevents many organisations from applying. Most organisations said that the funding available often did not correspond to their needs.

The participants perceived donors and their relationship with them poorly. Funders resist adapting their funding to priorities and needs relevant to Nigerien organisations and society. All participants highlighted that funders often asked organisations and movements to work on issues not accepted by the Nigerien community, such as abortion and those related to LGBTQIA+ and gender-nonconforming persons. They also perceive funders as favouring international organisations working in Niger and not reaching out and supporting local actors.

Most organisations work on activities to fight all forms of discrimination and VAWG. Other areas of work cited were economic empowerment, education, rural women and agriculture, food security, WPS, health and SRHR.

Challenges and opportunities from the perspectives of women’s groups and feminist in Niger

Challenges

Minimal and inconsistent financial support, often short term, comes with unrealistic expectations.

The scarcity of resources causes competition among actors for available funding and results in groups working on issues broadly instead of developing expertise.

The conservative and patriarchal society places restrictions on women’s voice and agency.

Donors come with set agendas and do not consult Nigerian actors on needs on the ground.

Working on funder-prioritised activities, such as LGBTQIA+ issues, puts local actors at risk of arrests and social threats.

Opportunities

Areas of work that need urgent Funding: women with disabilities, education, building the Maison de la femme nigerienne, access to justice, adapting market gardening to climate change, access to information and visibility of women’s initiatives.

Support activities advocating for ratification of the Maputo Protocol and removal of the reservations on CEDAW.

Provide long-term funding to Nigerien movements rather than one-off activities. The relationship should be based on equitable partnerships and collaboration for a more significant impact.

The state should increase the budget to the Ministry of Women’s Affairs.

SENEGAL

Since its independence in 1960, Senegal has enjoyed a long history as a stable democracy, which has enabled the development of a vibrant and dynamic society and facilitated the advancement of women’s rights. The Constitution guarantees equality, prohibits discrimination and forced marriage, and protects against all physical mutilation. The country uses a legislated quota mandating parity on all candidate lists for the general elections.14 Other legislation adopted recognises girls’ and women’s right to reproductive health and protects them against rape and paedophilia, among other things. Senegal ratified CEDAW in 1985 and the Maputo Protocol in 2005.

Socio-cultural and legal constraints, including customary law, hinder the advancement and protection of women’s rights in Senegal. Activism by conservative NGOs to limit abortion rights has turned public opinion against feminist activists, making it more difficult for them to advocate for legal changes. Samesex activities are prohibited and criminalised. While Senegal is a deeply conservative Muslim country, no laws prohibit the discussion or the promotion of LGBTQIA+ rights. The effects of climate change, such as land degradation and reduced access to water, have become a reality for Senegal. Women, who mainly work in agriculture, are particularly affected.

THE LANDSCAPE OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

Alliance- and movement-building was perceived as essential in defending girls’ and women’s rights. Alliances are increasingly established in response to calls from funders, and participants had had different experiences regarding this. Some had encountered no obstacles. Others had faced difficulties related to funding, governance, leadership, and shared objectives and goals. Many said they had worked or collaborated with, for example, women and groups with disabilities, sex workers, rural women and girls, and young women. Participation of girls and young women varies, sometimes depending on the activity. Some organisations were interested in working with groups outside of the FWA region.

Many organisations work on defending women’s rights and economic empowerment rather than concentrating on specific areas. Some participants work on particular issues. These include health, SRHR, GBV/VAWG, WPS, harmful practices, women’s political participation, environment and climate change, education and disability. Many organisations abstain from working on issues such as abortion and LGBTQIA+ out of respect for prevailing Senegalese views and the hostile environment.

When asked how identifying as feminist had affected their work, a few respondents said it had harmed their activities. Others noted that it had not affected their ability but it had made interventions more challenging. Senegalese feminists often receive criticism.

All participants use advocacy to advance women’s rights. Other strategies and approaches used include research, awareness-raising, communication activities, online activism, community organising and providing services to specific groups such as survivors of GBV. The organisations gather in spaces such as the premises of certain large movements/organisations, conferences and public areas.

Regarding NGO-isation, many organisations had gone through this process. They viewed it as necessary, to change how the government and funders view them. Many said that professionalisation had had a positive impact. It had provided them with a legal basis, opened funding opportunities and improved mobilisation activities. Others said the cost of basic operating needs, such as salaried staff, presents obstacles to the professionalisation of Senegalese organisations.

The Covid-19 pandemic meant significant changes for the organisations interviewed. Reduced or redirected funding prevented the implementation of activities. Others said they lacked budgetary resilience plans. Many organisations were able to adapt and began working remotely, organised virtual meetings and used social media to raise awareness. Other groups were unable to operate remotely and adjust their activities.

THE FUNDING LANDSCAPE FOR WOMEN’S GROUPS AND FEMINIST ORGANISATIONS

Organisations fund their activities through resources such as membership fees, project work, local resource mobilisation and volunteers. Most organisations interviewed had received funding from donors, either individually or as part of a consortium. The most commonly cited funders were embassies (most European countries, the US, Canada), UN agencies (UNFPA, UN Women), OSIWA, Urgent Action Fund, AWDF, Amplify Change, Oxfam and the French Development Agency.

The actors interviewed perceived funders as favouring one-off projects/activities over a more sustainable programme approach. Many believed women’s funds and regional feminist grant-making institutions had a closer relationship with Senegalese groups and movements and a better understanding of these actors’ priority areas. Some described a good relationship with donors. The ideal relationship with funders would be based on a long-term partnership and funding.

Challenges and opportunities from the perspectives of women’s groups and feminist in Senegal

Challenges

Many of the commonly cited challenges relate to access to and availability of funding. Lack of information and limited capacity hinder organisations from applying for grants. Insufficient funding also impedes alliance- and movement-building.

For francophone organisations, the language barrier is a significant problem, particularly in accessing funding and participating in meetings.

Because funders rarely consider the realities in Senegal, activities are often poorly targeted. Moreover, the funding is insufficient or does not match urgent needs.

Limited participation and leadership opportunities mean few girls and young women participate in movements.

Opportunities

Areas of work that need urgent Funding: WPS, GBV/VAWG, FGM/C, child marriage, health and SRHR, economic empowerment, education, abortion, disability rights in rural areas, harmonisation of national laws with international frameworks.

Create horizontal, participative and inclusive leadership to strengthen alliance-and movement building in Senegal.

Adopt an intergenerational approach to promote and include more girls and young women in the movement.

Support advocacy and awareness-raising, leadership and communication training, intergenerational dialogue, capacitybuilding in general and proposal writing, specifically.

Create opportunities for consultations and mutual learning between organisations.

REFERENCES

Endnotes

1 FJS/AWDF terms of reference (2021).

2 Ibid.

3 Rouamba, L. (nd) « Les grands moments de la lutte des femmes au Burkina Faso ». https://lefaso.net/spip.php?page=webtv-video&id_article=80814&rubrique411

4 ISHR (2017) “Burkina Faso: Ensure Full Implementation of Important New Law on Human Rights Defenders”. https://ishr.ch/ latest-updates/burkina-faso-ensure-full-implementation-important-new-law-human-rights-defenders/

5 Ngarndinon, M. (2021) « Tchad : le décret d’application de l’ordonnance instituant la parité aux fonctions nominatives et électives est signé ». Tchad Infos, 16 March. https://tchadinfos.com/tchad/tchad-le-decret-dapplication-de-lordonnanceinstituant-la-parite-aux-fonctions-nominatives-et-electives-est-signe/

6 Climate Centre (2021) “Chad”. www.climatecentre.org/wp-content/uploads/RCCC-ICRC-Country-profiles-Chad.pdf

7 IDEA. “Mali”. www.idea.int/data-tools/data/gender-quotas/country-view/208/35

8 Loi 2018–003 du 12 janvier 2018 relative aux défenseurs des droits de l’homme.

9 BTI (2022) “Mauritania Country Report 2022”. https://bti-project.org/en/reports/country-report/MRT

10 IDEA. “Gender Quota Database: Mauritania”. www.idea.int/data-tools/data/gender-quotas/country-view/214/35

11 Committee Against Torture (2018) “List of Issues in Relation to the Second Periodic Report of Mauritania”. 64th Session, 23 July to 10 August.

12 Comité interministériel chargé de la rédaction des Rapports aux Organes des Traités et de l’Examen Périodique Universel (2019) “15th Periodic Report 2017–2019”.

13 CARE (2013) “Why Women Farmers Are Key to Climate Resilience”. https://careclimatechange.org/women-farmers-key-resilience-niger/

14 IDEA. “Senegal”. https://www.idea.int/data-tools/data/gender-quotas/country-view/269/35