Batingaw January-February 2022

Issue 59

January–February 2022

News, views and analyses from Migrante Australia

BATINGAW; BELL; HERALD; The Voice of Filipino Migrants in Australia

Remembering EDSA ‘86 Revisiting People Power & Rekindling its Spirit

In this Edition ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆

emembering EDSA R People Power goes beyond elections Migrante Melbourne turns 20 Migrante Melbourne 20th anniversary ILPS Statement on the Ukraine invasion

◆ ◆ ◆ ◆ ◆

ur proposed CASER Part 3 O CARHRIHL Carteret Atoll Community Experience People’s Agenda: 1Sambayan 9 Principles Breaking the Silence

2 Issue 59

Editorial

Remembering EDSA in the pangs of historical distortion This year’s commemoration of the first EDSA People Power is rife with intense political tension. Permitted to run for the presidency despite obvious grounds for disqualification, the dictator’s son is riding a wave of popularity towards the Marcos restoration to Malacañang. Actively distorting the historical truth of his family’s crimes Photo source: Preen.ph on which the Marcoses staged against the Filipino people, unrepentant of his corruption, and their comeback, using stolen public brazen in his ineptitude, Ferdinand money to fabricate lies about the Marcos Jr. commands public support dictatorship and rehabilitate their through nothing more than empty image. An educational system that fails to foster critical thinking, and slogans of “unity”.

The popular support for the dicta- new media platforms that play host tor’s son shows how much the first to disinformation create conditions EDSA People Power is discredited favourable to Marcosian propain the public imagination. For many, ganda. And so, the triumph of the the grinding poverty and social People Power is now forgotten But we must resist forgetting. violence that followed the fall of the The first EDSA People Power dictatorship represent the failures of the democratising order. These is the culmination of a downfailures are the very fertile ground trodden people’s rage, brewing

Migrante Australia Publisher of A member of Migrante International PO Box 606, Laverton, Victoria 3028 Email: batingaw.migrante@gmail.com

Editorial board: Lau Castillo, Kei Tan, Raul Diche, May Kotsakis, Joseph Lumanog, Gb Kotsakis, Berlin Guerrero, Stu Harrison, Joy Eduliantes, Inan Zanfranco.

Contributors: Reyvi Marinas, Ness Gavanzo, Mel Baltazar, Candice Rabusa, Geril Lumawig, Alexia Fuentes, Aida Morden, Steph Rabusa, Chad Booc, Malou Logan, Chona Davidson.

About Batingaw Batingaw is a bi-monthly newsletter expressing

and fermenting over two decades of political repression, famine, massacres, and corruption under the regime of Marcos Sr. Eventually boiling over into open defiance, February 1986 was the powerful historical moment built on the sacrifices of the heroic many who resisted the dictatorship. To forget the meaning and significance of the EDSA mass movement is to dishonour the people’s courageous acts of protest, resistance, and survival.

This year’s commemoration requires our collective commitment to reassert and reaffirm EDSA’s relevance. In the face of the aggressive bid of the Marcoses to return to political power, erase their atrocities from our collective memory, and trample the heroism of the anti-dictatorship movement, we must resist.

We must never forget. We must resurrect EDSA. views, news and analysis from Migrante Australia.

An important aspect of developing this newsletter is an intimate knowledge of and close involvement in all aspects of the Philippine and Australian struggles for justice, democracy and fair-go.

Contributing to Batingaw: Articles, photographs, cartoons, clippings, comments or a few lines are all very welcome.

All material should be sent electronically to: batingaw.migrante@gmail.com. Readers are encouraged to contribute whatever they can by sending donations to the above address.

People Power goes beyond elections

Issue 59 3

By Maria Elena Ang

Editor’s note: This speech was delivered in the online forum Remembering EDSA ‘86, Revisiting People Power, Rekindling Spirit on 25 February organized by the EDSA 86 Commemorative Committee. Editing was done for clarity and conciseness. Some details may cause distress to some readers. If you or someone you know needs help, please seek support from Beyond Blue (call 1300 22 4636) or any mental health professional.

I would like to thank Malaya Movement-Australia for inviting me to this forum today.

I would like to sum up what I wish to say and assert a historical reiteration, as opposed to historical revisionism current nowadays, that the long [Ferdinand] Marcos Martial Law and fascist dictatorship from 1972 to 1986, and maybe even before that when he was elected in 1965, brought the most horrible and untold suffering to the Filipino people. A suffering which is still borne by our children and generations more to come.

Like the mother of our previous speaker, Jim Paredes of the Apo Hiking Society fame (I was there at Ipil Detention Centre, Fort Bonifacio when Jim with Boboy Garovillo in tow, was visiting his Mom), I am one of over 100,000, as estimated then by ex-political prisoner and senator and founder of FLAG (Free Legal Assistance Group) Jose W. Diokno, who were arrested, tortured, and imprisoned during the martial law period. About 10,000 of us never even made it to prison but were “salvaged” – a euphemism for extra-judicial killing – or massacred.

In 1976, I was one of a group of six, which included former CHR (Commission on Human Rights) chair

Loretta Ann Rosales, brutally tortured, and sexually molested by a combined group of then 5th Constabulary Security Unit (CSU) based in Camp Crame, Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP) based in Camp Aguinaldo, and the National Intelligence Security Agency (NISA) which was then headed by Marcos’ chief security officer Gen. Fabian Ver. Tortures I underwent were repeated electric shocks from a crank shaft telephone operator with its loose wires wrapped around my little finger and toes on bare cement. Water was poured on my toes to increase the pain of the shocks. Water cure with toilet water being poured simultaneously on my mouth and nose as my face was covered with my Igorot weave cloth bag. This was done with my head hanging while I was made to lie naked on a short desk and with six men restraining my feet and hands, mashing my breasts, and fingering my vagina at the same time. Being hit in the head with the butt of a short pistol, machete with cutting motions aimed close to my neck. Continuous interrogation, day and night. Sleep deprivation and such psychological torture, like threats to get my family or

relatives, and torture them in front of me. My guard at night with his boots clip-clapping and aiming his armalite from the foot of my makeshift bed at me, who he assumed, was sleeping in the two “safehouses” they brought me to.

In one of these “safehouses,” which was their office in the daytime, I was able to tell the location to former US Attorney-General Ramsay Clarke, whose companion later wrote in Mother Jones magazine that when they were finally allowed entry, the military men they met there bragged that they were trained in the USA. I heard Etta Rosales, Mom uttered afterwards, “Colonel, after having known what you have done to my daughter, I regret having married my husband,” her father allegedly being a founder of ISAFP [Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines].

Now why am I bothering you with this torture account when there are far worse experienced by other political prisoners.

It so happened that one of my chief torturers/interrogators was then Lt. Victor Batac of 5th CSU (retired a general), whom I was able to identify Continued next page

4 Issue 59 from a previous arrest. Batac was one of those glorified RAM (Reform the Armed Forces Movement) boys in a serialised article titled “Closer Than Brothers” by American academic Alfred McCoy and who led with Gen. [Fidel] Ramos, the EDSA ‹86 military revolt preceding EDSA People Power.

In 1990, I learned that Batac basically denied his role in my 1976 torture when an American student who had been to the Philippines read my account to an auditorium full of students at Wisconsin University (where McCoy was teaching at the time) by saying he was asleep at the time.

At the time, I learned that Prof.

McCoy was a visiting lecturer at the UNSW (University of New South Wales) and sought an interview. I clarified that Batac wasn›t sleeping.

He had his eyes closed, smirking, his hands cradling his nape, and feet on top of the office desk between us.

And I was screaming from the pain of the electric jolts streaming through my body. How could he be sleeping?

This small detail just illustrates the efforts we have to exert to unravel truths about Marcos Martial Law or, even today, of the amplified tyranny of the Duterte administration.

Moving on, after my release from Bicutan, due in no small way to international pressure, I was lucky to be working for the Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP) headed by Sr Marianni Dimaranan (Congregation of Franciscans of Immaculate Conception), who was briefly a political prisoner. TFDP was one of those nationwide institutions established by the Association of Major Religious Superiors of the Philippines then headed by Sr. Christine Tan (Religious of the Good Shepherd) in response to the evil repressive signs of the times and to tend to the needs of the poor, oppressed, and marginalized in society. In my time there and in detention, I learned of various people›s resistances against the Marcos dictatorship.

You ask Mr. Organiser, “why did People Power happen?” People Power has always been there.

As they said then, “Marcos is our biggest recruiter, what with his large-scale corruption, plunder of foreign loans and incurring huge debts, distributing to his cronies

the nation›s wealth and resources, shoddy economic brags, such as the pseudo land reform program, the torture, killings and incarceration of activists, political opposition and often of political innocents, massacre of innocent civilians and, ultimately, the fascist imprisonment of the whole nation.”

Unfortunately, these are being replicated and even exceeded by, it seems, the Duterte administration.

People Power was there when people expressed their disgust with the Marcos ML dictatorship in so many ways: When students banged their steel food trays to create a noise barrage, posted murals exposing Marcos and his cronies; when they repeatedly sang the National Anthem in between classes to show their opposition to the ML regime. At the same time, they clamoured for their academic freedom and the reopening of their banned student councils and newspapers as well as protests of the country›s parlous condition.

It was there when thousands of Tondo›s urban poor, through organizations, such as ZOTO (Zone One Tondo Organization), stood up against their demolition by an IMF [International Monetary Fund]-WB [World Bank]-planned development.

It was there when an indigenous Cordillera people rose up against the drowning of their villages by IMF-WBfunded dam project which will only last 50 years, or when a Marcos crony began building a pulp and paper mill on 200,000 hectares of Cordillera indigenous land.

People Power was there when La Tondeña/Tanduay distillery workers dared to breach a Marcos-imposed strike ban and who were subsequently imprisoned.

It was there when a group of religious nuns, priests, and laypeople going to Bataan before Pope John Paul II unfurled their banners of POPE or People – meaning People›s Opposition to the Plebiscite and Election – no more rigged electoral exercises.

It was there when peasants and farmworkers groaned with the exactions that went with the grant of land in short-sighted land reform package, Masagana 99, Golden “kuhol” (snail), the condoned IRRI

(International Rice Research Institute) sell-out of our export-earning rice varieties, such as “Milagrosa” or Jasmine rice and the like.

It was there when our Muslim brothers and sisters decided to take up arms in response to the massacres and military torching of their mosque (which happened in a place south of Jolo) where old men, women and children sought refuge, or the loading into floating barges of their women never to be seen again.

It was there when we, political prisoners, decided to air to the world our tortures and prison conditions and in the process broke through the muzzled and emasculated local press.

People Power was there when people who went to the mountains dared to speak out by educating and protecting people from multinational and crony capitalist exploitation in the mines, logging concessions, forests and agribusiness. Ultimately, many sacrificed their lives.

People Power was there when a lone political opposition leader was gunned down at the airport which now bears his name as he dared to stand with the Filipino people against the Marcos dictatorship.

People Power, as what happened over 200 years ago, and particularly in the 70s and 80s, grows into a powerful collective strength whenever an imperial power or local dictatorship smites and subjugates the people with the sword of injustice, oppression, plunder and squander of people›s wealth, resources, welfare and economic development.

People Power will display its brainy and beautiful head this coming May 2022 elections. But people will have learned history’s lessons – that is the battle for social justice, economic development, political maturity, patrimony, genuine peace goes beyond elections.

The PEOPLE, not just one Person, are the government and forge their destiny as a nation daily.

In 1965 when I was still in elementary grade, Marcos’ campaign slogan was “This nation can be great again!” I think our nation will be damned again if we don›t take and apply history’s lessons today!

Maraming salamat po!

Issue 59 5

Migrante Melbourne turns 20

By Raul Diche

Welcome address delivered during the 20th Founding Anniversary celebration of Migrante Melbourne Welcome everyone to this momentous occasion, the 20th Founding Anniversary of Migrante Melbourne. We really like to celebrate this face to face – it is much more personal and intimate. Because of restrictions, it took a while to find a venue. Thanks to Seddon Scout Hall for accommodating us.

These last few days while I was looking through my files, I came across the editorial of Batingaw Issue 27 published in September 2011, and it was about the 10th year anniversary of Migrante Melbourne.

I lifted some passages from that editorial which still hold true to this day.

It has been 20 years since a small group of men and women banded up to represent migrant Filipinos in foreign land. Migrants themselves support an existence that are not found in their own country, they started to ask what is missing and what is needed.

“One cannot simply uproot oneself and begin anew in a foreign land without a reason. Call it adventurism for a few, but when it becomes a necessity for the majority to seek greener pasture elsewhere, something is wrong. Millions of Filipinos outside the Philippines seeking work to provide for their families left behind.

The choice to subsist without hope in one’s homeland or go abroad had become a persistent question that is left to the individual. Those who go abroad have no choice but to

accept the oppressive and exploitative conditions just to earn a living for their family. Although there are success stories, most have sad stories to tell.

Broken families, broken lives, broken dreams, imprisonment, sometimes death – a very sad picture indeed.”

The Philippine government does not make it easy for its citizen. The LEP (Labor Export Policy) reduced its citizen to commodity auctioned to the highest bidder. Those that go abroad have become a milking cow.

Exactions by the government from processing documents, insurances, references, mandatory payment of Philhealth contribution and other fees and charges have been the burden of those wishing to better their lives, the overseas Filipino workers. Until now, the Philippines has no concept of industrialisation, no labour generation, no free education, shrinking social service and nothing to augment a fastdeclining expertise that the country needs to prosper and become one among successful nations. What the country has become is a dependence country.

Migrante Melbourne has turned 20. Our experience from serving the Filipino masses in their need has never ceased. From the 10th year anniversary to this date, migrants in Australia still experience those problems and challenges plus new forms of abuses such as the English tests that is required for visa renewal even if one has been in Australia gainfully employed for years and the abuses experienced by international students from their education providers and agents.

With our advocacy, we have made

inroads to providing clarity in the policies that needed change to better the conditions of our compatriots in the host country whether they are guest workers, immigrants, or international students.

We learned that the oppressive and exploitative nature of capitalism determines the degree of our struggles.

Our direct engagement with the crisis our compatriots endured, their struggles, anguish and frustrations have taught us.

We are a community of hopes and dreams, we are diverse, we acknowledge that we have one aspiration, that is to be a true Filipino and to have a free and democratic Philippines.”

From a small group of men and women 20 years ago, now Migrante Melbourne grows bigger having six chapters throughout Melbourne. We owe this success to our dedicated leaders and members who are always there ready to lend a helping hand, and to our solidarity friends and comrades. A well deserving hand fist salute to them.

Mabuhay ang Migrante Melbourne sa kanyang dalawang dekadang anibersaryo!

Mabuhay ang Pilipino sa kanyang adhikain ng tunay na demokrasya!

6 Issue 59

Migrante Melbourne 20th founding anniversary Speech delivered at Migrante Melbourne’s 20th founding anniversary

By George (Butch) Kotsakis, founding Chairperson. 26 February 2022, Melbourne, Victoria

To start, I acknowledge the Wurundjeri people of the Kulin nation. I pay my respect to elders past, present and emerging.

Was I ready to take charge of an organisation without training, without experience?

It was a baptism of fire. And for ten years, from 2001 to 2010, I chaired the new progressive Filipino Organisation here in Melbourne, then spreading across the Australian states.

When we arrived here in Australia in 1985, we sought and found only one progressive Filipino Organisation;

«SAMPA» Samahan ng mga Pilipino sa Australia, formed during the Marcos time. EDSA in 1986 ended Marcos› dictatorship of more than 20 years.

After EDSA, SAMPA started to change direction, and some leaders left the organisation. Those who remained turned the organisation’s focus on sports. Then in early 1990, SAMPA vanished.

Boiling as an issue during that time was the impact brought about by the “Mail Order Brides”. Reports of spousal abuse surfaced, and partner deaths stoked indignation with the Filipino community. Flor Contemplacion’s execution in Singapore inspired a wave of militancy in the women’s sector, leading Filipina masses to advocate for their rights and fight against marginalisation and discrimination. GABRIELA, our sister organisation, reignited the battle of Filipino migrants in Australia.

Ripe also was the issue of racism.

Noticeable at that time is the influx of Asian workers from developing countries on a temporary working visa. Because of the need to augment its working force and maximise profits, Australia opened its doors, albeit

with specific and complex rules.

The policy was ill-defined; thus, abuses, rorts, misrepresentations and misconceptions became rampant.

Five souls among friends discussed the need and agreed to form a multisectoral organisation, to forge unity amongst Filipinos to fight against the injustices. The organisation has taken the mantle of Migrante (Philippines) for Australia. The organisation’s ethos is to help, advocate, represent and expose the abuses and seek redress where possible. In 2001 the organisation was conceived and formed. In 2002 “Migrante Melbourne” was launched.

Again it was a baptism of fire. On my birthday! At a function filled with unknown faces! A distinguished parliamentarian as a guest! And me, with a squeaking voice, delivering my first ever public presentation of a long-winded paper. I wished what I was reading should have been finished a long time ago. Oh, that’s life.

Migrante Melbourne filled the missing vacuum in advocacy work left by SAMPA. There was a difference between the old and the new. The situation of the Philippines has remained even with the changing

Issue 59 7

of the guard. The Filipinos in the Philippines were still oppressed and exploited, forced to find economic support the homeland cannot give.

The labour export policy became the vehicle for relief of the country’s economic ills. Without mercy, workers were forced to go abroad, often to suffer more indignity from the host countries.

Here I am, standing in front of you all.

The struggle of Migrante Melbourne, we lovingly call “Migmelb”, is an institution worthy of itself. Migmelb’s first encounter was with a group of nurses we called LK17 in 2003. In my time, the SA 9 and the Dandenong 5 are among those that have sought help from the organisation. From then on, MigMelb has reached out among the temporary workers on underpayment, job substitution, abuses and discrimination, ministerial interventions, campaigns, and education on issues dear to the Filipinos. The maiden issue of “Batingaw”, the organisation’s mouthpiece, was published in 2006.

Migmelb endeavours in principle that the liberation of the Filipinos from corrupt despot is achievable with the united effort of Filipinos themselves,

not withstanding with the unwavering support of our solidarity friends.

Enough is enough.

Even today, 20 years later, we are holding the fort. Migrante Melbourne has grown. Yes, it has its ups and downs, but it is persistent and resilient. Migmelb, have learned to evolve, still committed to advocating for the Filipino’s humanity.

We can claim that Migrante’s ethos was correct. Migmelb, from a handful, has now expanded into chapters reaching out.

We have the Anakbayan for the youth sector, PINAS for the academe, ALPA for culture, FUSA for the International students, GABRIELA for women, and PCPR for church people.

These Organisations have been part of and have shaped our way of thinking and actions. The camaraderie with all these groups is overflowing. We are all but one family, diverse in our focus but with the same goal.

Migrante Melbourne’s history is

Subscribing to Batingaw: Send the following details to batingaw.migrante@gmail.com Name: ___________________________________________ Email: ___________________________________________ Address: _________________________________________ _____________________________ Postcode____________ We will send every issue to your email. Or if you wish to receive hard copies, fill up this portion, cut and send to: Batingaw, PO Box 606, Laverton, Victoria, Australia 3028. We would ask you to send us postage stamps or pay the cost of postage.

rich and colourful. We must be proud we have come this far. Proud that we have stood tall and have not buckled on the weight of crisis past and looming. Even this time, MigMelb’s is deemed an enemy of the state for its activism. Despite being red-tagged and targeted by the fascist regime for harassment, MigMelb holds firm in its pursuit of serving the people.

Eight years after MigMelb launched, the national formation of Migrante Australia was founded. The natural progression of a growing movement.

I have to say goodbye and pass the baton. It has been a privilege to serve through those tumultuous times.

The learning, the experience, the belonging, the collectiveness I will cherish.

Happy 20th anniversary Migrante Melbourne.

The years ahead are a challenge.

It may take us to long and ardous journey, but we must persevere. In unity, we will triumph. It may take us to a long and ardous journey! Be persistent!

Let us keep the fire burning. Be proud to serve the people.

LONG LIVE MIGRANTE MELBOURNE!

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8 Issue 59

Issue 59 9

10 Issue 59

ILPS Statement on the Ukraine Invasion

By Len Cooper, ILPS Chairperson

The Russian invasion of Ukraine is the culmination of decades of imperialist competition for Ukraine and US-led aggression

by Western imperialist powers since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The successor Russian Federation has developed easily into an imperialist power itself with its natural resources and own industrial-military base and starting with the former republics as its dependent vassal countries.

Russian imperialism contends with the US-led Western imperialist powers in beating the war drums in Ukraine.

US imperialism seeks to maintain its military hegemony through the G7 Western imperialist alliance and NATO. It has succeeded to encircle Russia militarily through its troops and bases, and implement a policy of constriction through economic sanctions, politicaleconomic initiatives in the former republics as well as the former East Bloc countries. All of these are the geopolitics of monopoly capital of all sides.

The turning point for Ukraine was 2014 when the US succeeded to prod a coup to topple the corrupt, undemocratic pro-Russian government utilizing neo-Nazi gangs in a bloody repression against the antifascist rebellion from the masses. The fascist Ukrainian government decided to ignore the Minsk agreement that was supposed to create self-governed regions and would have assured stability in the region. Violating the Minsk agreement, the Ukrainian US-controlled Zelenski government continues its war of aggression against the declared governments of Donetsk and Luhansk as well as Crimea which

has voted to rejoin Russia. This war has killed more than 14,000 people in the last eight years.

Russia has remained defensive and used its economic and natural resources and military might as leverage to counter the US-NATO security and military constriction and economic sanctions. But the military intervention and invasion

by Russia in Ukraine also violates the Minsk agreement, especially the self-determination and right to development of the Ukrainian people.

This invasion is pushed by the Russian monopoly capital which faces threats of declining profits from sanctions and overall constriction policy by US-led G7.

Putin uses the Ukrainian peoples militant struggle against fascist and Western imperialism to assert their self-determination as an excuse for its invasion which is truly driven by the political-economic interests

of Russian bourgeoisie. On the other hand, the Ukrainian working masses face the brunt of the war and will not make gains until they all fight to liberate themselves from Russian and US-European imperialist control, starting with the bourgeois government beholden to the Western imperialists.

Condemn US warmongering and aggression against Russia!

Condemn the Russian invasion and military intervention in Ukraine!

US-NATO out of Ukraine! Implement the 2014 Minsk Agreement!

Support the militant struggle of the Ukrainian people for democracy, social liberation, and self-determination!

Signed: Len Cooper 27 February 2022

Issue 59 11

Our Proposed Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms (caser)

By Julie de Lima

Editor’s note: This is the third part in a series of articles drawn from a speech

by Julie de Lima. Editing is done for conciseness.

Part 3 B. National Industrialization and Economic Development consists of 16 articles covering general provisions of 17 sections, stipulating among others the attainment of national industrialization by developing and acquiring the capacity to produce consumer, intermediate and capital goods, achieving full employment, improving real wages, continuously improving the standard of living, reducing inequality, eliminating poverty, raising the level of science and technology, expanding domestic demand, and integrating regional production and markets into one national production system, taking into account a comprehensive and integrated national industrialization program.

National industrialization ensures well-balanced growth with heavy and high-technology industry as the leading factor, agriculture as the base of the economy, and light and medium industries as the bridging factors to immediately produce basic consumer goods for the people and producer goods needed by agriculture.

It includes measures for industrial production to adequately meet the consumption and production needs of the peasantry and establish linkages between farm production, agricultural infrastructure, industrial inputs, and agro-processing. In addition, it addresses the environmental impact of industrialization and support industries deemed essential to the creation of a domestic industrial base with tax exemptions, import duty exemptions, credit and investment incentives, and government procurement contracts; protected with tariffs, quotas or import

prohibitions, and foreign exchange controls. National industrialization also entails the regulation of imports of goods and services so as not to compromise national industrialization and to prioritize the imports of needed technology, industrial equipment, and other requirements of the strategic industrialization program.

Article II covers the definition of terms, e.g., bureaucrat capitalists, cartel, comprador big bourgeoisie, consumer, intermediate & captal goods, expropriation, linkages, backward and forward, national bourgeoisie, negstive list, strategic industries, among others.

Article III Break Imperialist and Comprador Domination of the Economy has eight sections: 1) starting with breaking foreign monopoly capitalists and the comprador big bourgeois dominance and instituting an investment program that promotes national industrialization; 2) direct investments and assets for expropriation; 3)

regulation of foreign investments to ensure their contribution to national industrialization in terms of technology transfer, access to products or markets, domestic reinvestment, 4) dismantling an assets expropriation of cartels and commercial operations of big compradors and bureaucrat capitalists; 5) manner of compensation of expropriated investments and assets; 6) development of Filipino industrial capacity as the most effective economic means in preventing the

return of imperialist and comprador domination; 7) encouragement and support of cooperatives of semiworkers, workers, peasants, and smalland medium-scale manufacturers and additional incentives to the national bourgeoisie and smaller private owners of the means of production; and lastly 8) immediate implementation of priority industrial projects that build on existing labor power, skills, natural resources, technology and capacity; already have or can easily realize significant forward and backward linkages; meet some of the people’s immediate and basic needs; and establish the foundations for long-term strategic development.

Article IV Modes of ownership and participation of mass organizations, which covers 11 sections that 1) affirm that socioeconomic enterprises can be public sector, joint public-private ventures, cooperatives, or individual entrepreneurship according to what ensures that overall production and distribution is oriented to achieving overall social and economic goals; 2) recognize the importance of nationalization to build the strategic capacity of the state to direct the country’s human and natural resource potential for the benefit of the majority of the people, and to ensure that domestic patterns of production and consumption are determined according to domestic needs and capacity; 3) aspire to nationalize vital and strategic enterprises and the main sources of raw materials.

These include but are not limited to: a) public utilities of power, water and sanitation, mass transport, telecommunications, and postal services; b) wholesale and external trade; and c) mining, quarrying and minerals processing; 4) Publicly-owned and operated utilities shall have the welfare of the majority of Filipinos

12 Issue 59 and overall social and economic goals as their primary concern; 5) retail trade industry shall be exclusively 100 percent Filipino-owned to ensure national control over the distribution of goods and services; 6) pivotal role in production and, in particular, that workers have a central role in national industrialization; 7) participation of workers councils in policy making and management regarding production, marketing, and overall organizational management 8) strengthening workers’ participation in running industry; 9) workers´ cooperatives or collectives shall have the right of first refusal where the enterprise must first offer to sell its assets to its workers; 10) community-based cooperatives and community-run efforts that support the program of industrialization and rural development; 11) social services.

Article V. Integrated Regional and Sectoral Development detailed in 7 sections: 7) of mass organizations to 16) effectivity upon approval by principals even while the rest of the CASER substantive agenda are still being negotiated.

Article VI. Developing Filipino Industrial Science and Technology = 9 sections providing for developing the country’s capabilities in science and technology as an essential requirement for rapid and sustained expansion of productive capacity; breaking foreign monopoly capitalists’ exclusive control over key industrial technologies through aggressive use of compulsory licensing, asserting shorter patent life, lowering licensing royalties, and others to support technology transfer and encourage long-term technology development; for promoting research and development in the basic and applied sciences; allocating adequate resources for programs developing the country’s science and technology infrastructure to correct its historical and prevailing neglect; priority of employment to Filipino scientists, technologists and workers in all enterprises.

Article VII. Financing National Industrialization as detailed in six sections to Section 1) raise funds for national industrialization from confiscated and expropriated assets of foreign monopoly capitalists, big compradors and bureaucrat capitalists; issuance of national and

local government industrial bonds; reinvesting industrial surpluses of government enterprises; encouraging farmers as well as landlords to invest surpluses from growing agricultural productivity in industrial projects; higher income taxes on foreign and comprador corporations and wealthy families, higher land taxes on landlords; savings from any renegotiated or repudiated debt, and most importantly savings from reduced GRP spending especially on military personnel and operations as well as confiscation of property and assets derived from bureaucratic corruption.

Section 2). Reorient the Development Bank of the Philippines (DBP) and Land Bank of the Philippines (LBP) to fulfil the development banking function of financing public utilities, services, and infrastructure, agrarian reform and rural development,

and national industrialization; 3) Commercial banks shall allot at least 50 percent of their loanable funds for priority and key industrial projects, with at least 20 percent earmarked for small and medium enterprises; 4) setting up an industrial investment fund or specialized funds to support the investment requirements of the national industrialization program; 5) build official economic relations to support national industrialization; and 6) encourage Filipino migrant workers, immigrants of Filipino ancestry, and other overseas Filipino to invest in foreign exchange-denominated industrial bonds to help ensure the availability of financing for importing necessary industrial equipment and other requirements of the strategic industrialization program.

Article VIII. National Economic Development detailed in 3 sections, 1) establishing a National Economic Development Coordination Council (NEDCC) to ensure implementation of the program for national

industrialization, as well as to build national consensus for this; 2) for the NEDCC to coordinate all concerned major departments and governmental authorities in implementing national industrialization. It shall also serve as the mechanism for direct and continuous coordination of the Parties with and between industrialists, mass organizations, especially the workers councils, and the academe.

Through the NEDCC, it will draw up the long-term strategic program for national industrialization, including its initial five-year implementation plan specifying policy instruments and measures to support the identified key industrial projects, including the performance parameters for sectors and projects to receive continued support; sources of financing and investment priorities.

Article IX. Role of NPA and progressive and revolutionary mass organizations The NPA and mass organizations shall contribute their knowledge, skills, and labor power in the construction of public infrastructure and factories for rural industrial development, including of small- and mediumscale enterprises, and to support rural livelihoods.

Article X Role of demobilized GRP military personnel: GRP military and their engineering brigades may be mobilized only for civil works and infrastructure construction in support of industrial development. Demobilized troops of the GRP shall be entitled to participate and benefit from land reform and national industrialization.

Article XI Related Legislative and Policy Reforms GRP/State shall repeal or rescind all its laws, orders, and issuances inconsistent with or contrary to the provisions of this Agreement on national industrialization of the Philippine economy; and both parties’ assumption of joint and separate duties and responsibilities to pursue national industrialization and selfreliant economic development.

Article XII Implementing Provisions with its 16 sections detail the effective implementation of all the NIED provisions upon signing of this part of the agreement by the negotiating panels and approval by their respective principals.

Issue 59 13

CARHRIHL (Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and the International Humanitarian Law) Speech delivered at an online forum in Australia, 13 July 2021

By Coni Ledesma Good evening, dear comrades and friends.

Thank you for inviting me to speak to you this evening on the peace negotiations between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP), and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). I’m glad to speak on the subject since I have had the privilege of being involved in these negotiations since 1992, when the Hague Joint Declaration was signed, up to today. I helped draft the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and the International Humanitarian Law, or more popularly called CARHRIHL And I am happy to speak to you this evening because it brings back happy memories of the visit that my husband, Luis Jalandoni, and I made to Australia many years ago. We met such dedicated and committed people in the work among Filipino compatriots and the solidarity movement there.

It was a memorable trip to Australia.

This evening I will talk about some documents and agreements that were negotiated and signed by the GRP and NDFP. The Hague Joint Declaration signed on September 1, 1992, in The Hague, the Netherlands, is a two-page document with the framework for the peace negotiations.

The Declaration states that formal peace negotiations between the GRP and NDFP shall be held to resolve the armed conflict, and “peace negotiations must be in accordance with mutually acceptable principles, including national sovereignty, democracy and social justice and no precondition shall be made to negate the inherent character and purpose

of the peace negotiations.”

It is a principled search for a just peace, not a surrender.

The Declaration says “the substantive agenda… shall include human rights and international humanitarian law, socio-economic reforms, political and constitutional reforms, end of hostilities and disposition of forces.”

The logic in the sequencing is first, respecting human rights and the rules of war in international humanitarian law. Second, agreement on the roots of the armed conflict to be addressed in the socio-economic reforms agreement, which will include land reform and national industrialization. Third, reform the political and constitutional situation through an agreement. Fourth, the end of hostilities and disposition of forces. This will be an agreement on how the armed forces of both sides will operate.

The Hague Joint Declaration is a short but very powerful document.

It is the framework document of the peace negotiations.

To provide safety and immunity to those who are involved in peace negotiations the GRP and NDFP signed the Joint Agreement of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) on Safety and Immunity Guarantees, popularly known as JASIG. The JASIG is not only for NDFP participants in the peace talks. The document is for both GRP and NDFP persons although the GRP thinks this document concerns only the NDFP side.

The document is supposed to give safety and immunity to persons involved in peace negotiations, even when no peace talks are held or have been terminated. However, in violation of the JASIG, many NDFP consultants have been arrested on trumped up charges and linger in prison.

Ten NDFP consultants to the peace negotiations between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) are languishing in prison to date. Their continuous incarceration is a violation of CARHRIHL.

14 Issue 59 The document also states that each side will issue Documents of Identification (DI) for those involved in peace negotiations allowing safe conduct free and unhindered passage.

Our DI allowed Louie and I to visit the Philippines over the years until the Duterte government terminated the peace talks.

A duplicate copy of the DI issued by the NDFP to all who are involved in the peace process are kept in a safety deposit box in the Netherlands.

Three persons may open the safety deposit box: a representative of the GRP, a representative of the NDFP and a Third Person approved by both sides. If someone with a DI is arrested, the duplicate DI in the safety deposit box can verify the identity and safety of the person. Most of the DI holders use a nom de guerre as they are underground and targeted by the Manila Government.

JASIG also states that the venue of formal talks will be in a neutral venue.

The first peace talks under the Corazon Aquino government were held in Manila. The military used the occasion to increase their information gathering on the underground movement. The military killed many persons involved in the revolutionary movement and arrested many others when the talks collapsed in January 1987.

We insist on a neutral venue to keep those who are involved in peace negotiations safe. Some are not part of the NDFP but want to help bring a resolution to armed conflict. It is for them, and for NDFP forces that the JASIG was drafted, approved, and signed.

The CARHRIHL between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines was signed in The Hague on March 16, 1998.

It took a long time to finish the document. There were times when I thought it would never get signed.

But with perseverance, language engineering and hard work, we finally completed the document. This was finished and signed by the Negotiating Panels on March 16, 1998, towards the end of the term of Fidel Ramos.

For important documents like the CARHRIHL, the Principals of both sides

have to also sign the document. We thought Fidel Ramos would sign the document. He did not. Actually, it was [Joseph] Erap Estrada, as the next GRP President who signed the document. Much earlier, in April, NDFP Chairperson Mariano Orosa signed for the NDFP.

“the substantive agenda… shall include human rights and international humanitarian law, socio-economic reforms, political and constitutional reforms, end of hostilities and disposition of forces.”

The CARHRIHL manifests a commitment to principle and the Filipino people. The NDFP signed this agreement because it is committed to upholding the fundamental rights of all Filipinos. The NDFP is committed to the principles of international humanitarian law in the conduct of armed struggle. It is also committed to be accountable under the CARHRIHL. Article 2 in the Declaration of Principles reads, “The Parties uphold the principles of mutuality and reciprocity in the conduct of the peace negotiations in accordance with The Hague Joint Declaration. The Parties likewise affirm the need to assume separate duties and responsibility in accordance with the letter and intent of this Agreement.”

The NDF has its own political and organizational principles as recognised in Article 2.

Recently two cousins, Keith and

Nolven Absalon were accidently killed by a landmine detonated by the New People’s Army (NPA).

Under CARHRIHL the NPA has taken responsibility for the investigation and action to be taken to give justice. The GRP insists that the NPA responsible for the deaths be handed over to them. The NDF stands on its ground that it is the CPP who has the duty and responsibility to investigate the incident, try those responsible for the accident, and decide the action to take.

Respect for Human Rights.

Article II of this part of the Agreement reads: “This Agreement seeks to confront, remedy and prevent the most serious human rights violations in terms of civil and political rights, as well as to uphold, protect and promote the full scope of human rights and fundamental freedoms.”

The principles, rules, standards and provisions of the different international human rights instruments are brought down to the concrete reality of the Philippines. It contextualizes the past, present and continuing realities of violations of the human rights and the conditions of the Filipino people.

Rights and fundamental freedoms apply with equal force to the context of the armed conflict since human rights and international humanitarian law are interrelated and complementary.

Article 2 of Respect for Human Rights lists 25 rights that have to be respected.

Let me just mention an interesting right listed under Article 2. It is Number 22 of the rights, stating “The right to form a marital union and to found a family and to ensure family communications and reunions.”

The term “marital union” was a deliberate formulation of the NDFP to counter the usual, “the right to marry and form a family.” It is meant to expand realities to include the right to non-traditional unions between persons of the same sex and marriages in the revolutionary movement.

Respect for International Humanitarian Law “In the exercise of their inherent rights, the Parties to the armed conflict

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Casambre’s and Ladlad’s detention who are both NDFP Peace Consultants is a blatant violation of the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG), a bilateral agreement signed by the GRP and the NDFP.

shall adhere to and be bound by the generally accepted principles and standards of international humanitarian law.”

These include the four Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 and Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts of 8 June 1977, (often called Protocol I), Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 and Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts of 8 June 1977 – (often called Protocol II).

The NPA members study these laws because these are the international laws of war.

International humanitarian law and CARHRIHL prohibits acts that forces “persons deprived of their liberty for reasons related to the armed conflict to disclose information other than their identity.”

The agreement also prohibits “desecration of the remains of those who have died in the course of the armed conflict or while under detention, and breach of duty to tender immediately such remains to their families or to give them decent burial.”

These provisions have been violated often by the GRP state forces.

A side comment that might interest you: the term, “persons deprived of their liberty for reasons related to the armed conflict” actually means captured combatants or prisoners of war. The GRP did not want such terms in the agreement. Hence, the longer term to describe them was used. Language engineering again saved the day!

The Joint Monitoring Committee.

The Joint Monitoring Committee, or JMC, is the mechanism to verify and monitor compliance with the provisions of the CARHRIHL. While the CARHRIHL was signed in 1998, it was only during the start of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s term in 2004 that the Joint Monitoring Committee was finally formed.

Three members from the GRP and three members of the NDFP make up the JMC. Each side has a Secretariat and have offices on the same floor.

The Secretariats’ work are funded by the Royal Norwegian Government.

Both sides receive complaints of violations of CARHRIHL. Unfortunately, the Duterte government has terminated the work of the GRP secretariat and their office space is now vacated.

The NDFP- Nominated Secretariat continues to hold office in Cubao.

The problem today is that there are many complaints against the GRP, and those who want to submit the complaints do not know where to submit it.

The Final Provisions The articles here both state that the CARHRIHL’s provisions for human rights and for international humanitarian law will continue until the Parties have reached final resolution of the armed conflict.

CARHRIHL is a breakthrough agreement, and he NDFP is committed to uphold the agreement, human rights and International Humanitarian Law. It is important for now, in the

midst of armed conflict.

CARHRIHL is also essential for the next phase of the peace talks – social and economic reforms to solve the core problems of Filipino. As discussions continue on a “Comprehensive Agreement on Socio-Economic Reforms (CASER)” the CARHRIHL is supposed to protect Filipinos from violations of human rights and the brutality of all-out war.

After almost 30 years, we can see the slow progress in the search for peace.

The administrations of the GRP have been inconsistent in their commitment to the search for genuine peace.

The NDFP has maintained principled commitment to genuine peace and the Filipino people. They have been steadfast in seeking real agreements such as the Hague Declaration and CARHRIHL which advance the cause of peace with justice and the interests of the majority of Filipinos.

The character and principle of the NDFP is shown in its commitment to working for genuine peace despite the unreliability and, at times, outright hostility from the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and different parts of the GRP. Meanwhile, the AFP and the Duterte regime use terror against the Filipino people in its drug war and war on dissent.

The next challenge of the Negotiating Panels of the GRP and NDFP is social and economic reforms. The next webinar will focus on these reforms and the prospects of concluding this peace process and achieving genuine and lasting peace with justice.

Thank you.

16 Issue 59

Carteret Atoll Community Experience – A Pacific Case Study

Speech delivered at the PASA forum on “The Impact of Climate Change on Human Rights”

By Lee Tan

Climate change is very much a human rights concern. In October 2021, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)1 released its Sixth Assessment Report (AR6) on the physical science basis of climate change. IPCC’s predicaments for small island nations are dire since warming will continue in the 21st century, further increasing heat extremes and heat stress, hence their associated extreme weather events. Ocean acidification and the intensity of marine heatwaves have both increased for the Pacific Ocean. IPCC predicted that sea level will very likely continue to rise and cause shorelines to retreat along sandy coasts. Tropical cyclones may be fewer BUT more intense.

The implication for low lying coastal and island communities in developing countries (SID) are particularly serious.

They are frontline communities that have already and will continue to face devastating consequences of climate change.23 IPCC is the peak scientific body that provides scientific understanding and advisory on climate change 2 https://www.sprep.org/attachments/ Publications/FactSheet/pacificclimate.pdf 3 https://www.ipcc.ch/report/ar6/wg1/ downloads/factsheets/IPCC_AR6_WGI_ Regional_Fact_Sheet_Small_Islands.pdf 1

The “Sinking” Carteret Atoll The Carteret Atoll is a part of the Bougainville province, an autonomous region of Papua New Guinea. It has been identified as one of the first low lying group of islands that have already been severely impacted. This atoll community has lost their food gardens and freshwater wells due to the intrusion of the rising sea into their coast, more severe sea swells and king tides, as well as prolonged drought in recent decades. Islanders have been depending on occasional food relief drops from the PNG Government, but mostly from their own community network of support.

They have been planning for their future over a decade ago knowing that it is no longer viable for the expanding population to continue to live in their once paradise atoll home. Carteret islanders are the known as first climate change environmental refugees.4 Community leader Ursula Rakova has set up a community group, Tulele Peisa (TP), which means “Sailing with the Wind” in their Halia language, to prepare and organise the community for their relocation to 4 https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/ full/10.1111/apv.12118

‘mainland’ Bougainville. Uprooting the community from their atoll is a highly emotional and complex task.

Ursula has continued to face this daunting task with dignity and to ensure that they maintain their rights to self-determination, livelihoods, and economic self-sufficiency and to protect their culture. Watch this video to get a first-hand experience of their struggle and the daunting challenges of relocation. h t t p s : / / w w w.y o u t u b e . c o m / watch?v=0XDHMgqlcEU

Impacts on Other Pacific Island States At Australia’s doorstep, twenty-two small island nations and territories in the Pacific are already bearing the blunts from the ongoing effects of climate change5. These frontline nations have unanimously identified climate change as a single greatest threat to their current and future development6. Some of these SIDs, like Tuvalu, the Marshall Islands and p.1629 https://www.ipcc.ch/site/ assets/uploads/2018/02/WGIIAR5Chap29_FINAL.pdf 6 https://www.forumsec. org/2018/10/29/pacific-leaders-emphasise-action-on-climate-change/ 5

Issue 59 17

climate change. The Maldives has called for compensation to be paid to assist SIDs to mitigate, adapt and build resilience, where possible.9 The hypocrisy and counter-science actions of rich nations (G20) can be illustrated by the fact that despite their pledges to cut emissions: “at least USD 1.6 trillion were spent on fossil fuel subsidies over the 5-year period since the adoption of the Paris Agreement in 2015”. 10

Multilateral Institutions Must Act to Protect Frontline Island Communities

Source: USGS

Source: RNZ

Kiribati – contributed the least to global greenhouse gas emissions – have had to struggle not only with devastating impacts from increasingly powerful cyclones, wild weather, and sea swells with limited resources; but also facing an uncertain future of their physical territories and nation states submerging entirely out of existence.7

Rich Industrialised Nations Must Bear Full Responsibilities IPCC has repeatedly confirmed and alerted governments of the close links between excessive emissions of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere from industrialisation and climate change, and its catastrophic consequences to our collective future, if https://www.iisd.org/articles/smallislands-large-oceans-voices-frontlinesclimate-change & https://news.un.org/ en/story/2021/07/1096642 7

drastic actions are not taken to reduce these emissions.

Australia has one of the world’s highest per capita greenhouse emission footprints. The politically conservative Government continues to support the fossil fuel-based economy, instead of adopting energy and economic transition policy to meet the Paris Agreement emissions reduction target to the warming to 1.5 C to 2C to avoid catastrophic consequences.8 At present, Australia is more enthusiastic about spending taxpayers’ money to increase our expensive high power weapon and submarine capabilities than helping poorer nations, despite strong public pressure to prioritise climate actions.

SIDs have been calling for industrialised nations to commit to deep cut to their emissions and to develop practical tangible means to support them to better prepare for 8 https://wires.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/ doi/abs/10.1002/wcc.725

While multilateral institutions such as the UN and World Bank have called for development based on the Sustainable Development Goals and promoting transitional technologies through renewable energy and other low-carbon emissions economic activities, the problems of sinking islands and financing of SIDs for climate change are still not being addressed.

To date, displaced communities are not considered refugees and hence not granted the appropriate assistance and protection. The UN has yet to include climate change displacement into its Refugee Convention. Despite the well-established UN Human Rights Charter and aspirational rhetoric of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), SID’s most vulnerable communities have very much been left to fend for themselves in tackling the full effects of climate change on their own.

Lee Tan is the Policy Coordinator of AidWatch Australia and the Communications Manager for Australia-New Zealand society for Ecological Economics. Lee’s work spans several countries including Australia, Malaysia, Timor Leste, Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and Burma. https://www.climatechangenews. com/2021/01/13/poor-island-stateshighlight-toll-climate-disasters-submissions-un/ 10 https://www.aosis.org/launch-of-thealliance-of-small-island-states-leadersdeclaration/ 9

18 Issue 59

PEOPLE’S AGENDA: 1Sambayan 9 Principles of Unity and Commitment

By Gino Lopez, based on 1Sambayan’s “9 Principles of Unity and Commitment”

1Sambayan is a broad coalition of democratic forces. It aims to elect a competent, honest government through the May 2022 national elections by supporting a single slate of national candidates: president, vice president, and 12 senators.

More than 20 years of tyrannical rule – including 14 years of martial law – destroyed Philippines’ democracy.

There was massive corruption, hunger, poverty and zero progress. Increased national debt fuelled any economic growth. People Power at EDSA1 that ousted Marcos and succeeding regimes failed to build democracy, fair and inclusive economy, independent foreign policy, respect for human rights, and to stop corruption.

The May 2022 elections is crucial to correct these mistakes. It is an opportunity to build a brighter, better future.

and transparent manner to safeguard this sacred right guaranteed by the Constitution. Voting is an act of responsibly choosing our leaders, and an investment for the future of our nation for a sustainable development of all Filipinos. It is an opportunity to change the current political and economic circumstances.

1. Free, Fair and Honest Elections

Respect for human rights consistent with international standards is the bedrock of the social contract between the government and the its citizens. The rule of law is essential for good governance. There must be equality before the law. Justice must be impartial and delivered swiftly without corruption. The rule of law will inspire all people to participate in economic activities, promote peace and security, and strengthen social services.

We shall ensure that our electoral process is conducted in an honest

2. Unite Against Corruption

Crruption is a betrayal of public trust.

We want leaders who will govern with integrity, transparency and, accountability to the Filipino people. We shall strengthen our political institutions to correct bad governance. We shall have a bureaucracy that is accountable to the Filipino people, serves with competence and honesty.

the Filipino people. Our territory is fundamental to our existence as a state and the exercise of our sovereign rights including our own maritime zones. These are non-negotiable.

5. Urgently Address the Pandemic Crisis and the Health Needs of the ‘Laylayan’ We will protect and promote the people’s right to good health. We shall strengthen the public health care system, especially for the poor sectors.

Public spending on health shall be increased. Initially, a meaningful

3. Respect Human Rights and Uphold the Rule of Law

4. Defend Sovereign Rights and Territorial Integrity The State’s primary responsibility is to defend our sovereignty as a nation, protect the lives and properties of our people and preserve our democratic way of life against foreign and domestic threats. The President is mandated by the Constitution to defend the Philippines and protect

increase in the national budget is essential to provide every Filipino affordable and quality health care as the Universal Health Care Law provides. It is essential to expand coverage of free PhilHealth insurance, especially for the poor and the elderly.

It would be a disaster should the next government fail to prioritize public health to solve the current and future pandemics.

Breaking The Silence

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“Breaking The Silence”, A Family and Community Concern was an online forum conducted by Gabriela WA in partnership with Multicultural Services Centre (MSC) on the 20th of Februar.

Sixteen Filipino participants from the Greater Perth and Southwest Region attended the event. Migrante Australia Chairperson Carmelita Baltazar and Gabriela WA Chairperson Joy Eduliantes facilitated the program.

Domestic and Family Violence VDFV) is one of the major issues not only in Australia but around the world. And the numbers of domestic violence are on the rise especially since the pandemic started. MSC

and Gabriela WA would hope that organisations like them can have a positive influence on the communities, create awareness and make a change to prevent violence against womee.

The aim of the forum was to share and provide information to the communities about the forms of FDV and their effects on the victims and develop pathways for moving forward. The forum did not cover legal advice or suggest any type of direct intervention strategies, psychological advice, or counselling.

In the open forum, some of the participants shared their experiences of abuse and how Gabriela WA helped

and supported thes.

One of the participants even raised his realisation. “I did not think for a second that Gabriela does welfare and advocacy work as well, which is a good thing. This needs to be spread to others”, he continued.

Before the program ended, a raffle was drawn - 1st, 2nd and 3rd prizes were given to the lucky winners.

Not only was it educational but also fun!

“Rest assured that more online or face to face forums or educational discussions will be conducted going forward as Gabriela WA continues to arouse, organise and mobilise.”

6. Promote a Sustanable, Self-supporting Economy and Inclusive Development

be pursued in an environment of academic freedom. We shall promote innovative education in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics to equip our people in building and strengthening the nation. We shall promote empowering education in liberal arts to highlight the importance of our heroic heritage and rich cultural values to motivate Filipinos to perform their civic duties and obedience to the laws. We shall foster patriotism to inspire social progress.

peace premised on addressing the root causes of armed conflicts.

People’s rights are most important for the resumption and conclusion of a transparent and participatory peace process. Pursuant to the Constitution, human rights and dignity shall be upheld in the execution of all State policies and the implementation of public programs. Sustainable, self-supporting, inclusive economic growth and development will promote social justice and ultimately, peace.

8. Promote Peace Based on Human Rights and Social Justice

9. Empower Citizens Against Climate Change

The Philippines needs to restructure the economy to develop a sustainable and inclusive, but non-inflationary growth, using competitive market forces. Appropriate support shall be given to local production. Develop agriculture with greater focus on food security supported by a just and economically viable agrarian reform and appropriate technology.

Make credit support more inclusive and accessible. Greater innovation and better infrastructure. Economic growth should result in decent work and secured employment with wages that allow improvements in labour conditions and productivity. Gradually reduce our reliance on labour export, and incentivize our migrant workers to return home for the benefit of the domestic economy. Political and economic democracy to the laylayan.

Empower them to participate in nation building and ultimately in the economic mainstream.

7. Promote Qualiry Education, Cultural Values, Civic Duties and Patriotism

Quality education is an indispensable right of every Filipino enshrined in the Constitution. Education shall

The Constitution values the promotion of social justice. We are committed to the attainment of a just and lasting

Climate change is one of the immediate challenges to the existence of humankind. We commit to build resilient communities with an empowered citizenry, and peopledcentred national development. We aspire for a resilient society against climate change with State policies and programs that are friendly to the environment. The government should provide adequate funding to establish such resiliency that is both enabling and empowering. The State must push for humane, gender-sensitive and environmentally-sound rural societies. Our people must have the opportunities to own, control and manage business activities as active participants in addressing climate change.

20 Issue 59

Important Dates and Upcoming Events 25 February 2022 – People Power 1986 Commemoration COLLECTIVE MEMORY, COLLECTIVE ACTION 6.00 PM AEDT via Zoom Livestream at Malaya Movement Australia FB page 26 February 2022 – Solidarity Dinner NERI COLMENARES & BONG LABOG FOR SENATOR Bayan Muna WA Fundraising Event 6 PM AWST, 3 Focal Way, Bayswater, WA 26 February 2022 – Migrante Melbourne Celebration 20th FOUNDING ANNIVERSARY 4.00 PM, Seddon Hall, 1A Bellairs Ave, Seddon, VIC 26 February 2022 – Anakbayan Orientation WELCOME TO NEW ANAKBAYAN SYDNEY MEMBERS Humanist House, Sydney, NSW 27 February 2022 – Migrant Women Encounter, Victoria SHARING EXPERIENCES & CHALLENGES AND ADVANCING THEIR WORK DURING PANDEMIC 2.00 PM Hybrid via Zoom and selected venues 5 March 2022 – National Women Migrant Encounter, Australia WOMEN MIGRANT’S MOVEMENT CONFRONTING CRISIS & ADVANCING CHANGE Zoom link and venue in various states and locations will be

announced later 6 March 2022 – 1Sambayan WA Chapter COMMUNITY GATHERING 10.00 AM, Kings Park, WA 10 March 2022 – Politics in the Pub WOMEN’S STRUGGLE FOR PEACE International Migrants Alliance (IMA), Australia Chapter 5.30 PM, 43 Barack St, Perth, WA 12 March 2022 – IWD event Organised by Teatro Latinex Perth WOMEN’S DAY PICNIC 9 AM, Bardon Park, Marylands, WA 12 March 2022 – Post Valentine Event DINNER DANCE FOR LENI – KIKO Candidate for President & Vice President at the May 2022 Philippine election 6.00 PM, Club Condell Park, 178 Eldridge Road, Bankstown, NSW 13 March 2022 – Migrante Melbourne West Fundraiser SAUSAGE SIZZLE AT BUNNINGS Hoppers Crossing Bunnings 8.30 AM to 5 PM Old Geelong Road, Hoppers Crossing, VIC 20 March 2022 – Gabriela “Gets Mo” PAMILYA PANALO – GET TOGETHER 12.00 PM, Noranda, WA 25 March 2022 – Solidarity Dinner Fundraiser SUPPORTING THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST HUMAN RIGHTS

VIOLATIONS & TRADE UNION REPRESSION IN THE PHILIPPINES Details to be advised later 02 April 2022 – Sr Patricia Fox Golden Jubilee Celebration MINISTRY OF SERVING THE PEOPLE Sr Pat’s 50th year as a nun. A fundraising event for The victims of Human Rights violation in the Philippines 2 PM, Dandenong Church, Cnr Scott & Robinson Sts, Dandenong, VIC 02 April 2022 – Pink Nink at NSW PICNIC FOR LENI & KIKO 11.00 AM, Koshigaya Park, Campbelltown, NSW 24 April 2022 – National Meeting de Avance 1SAMBAYAN AUSTRALIA FOR LENI & KIKO Details will be announced later 28 April 2022 – May Day Wreath Laying at 8Hr Monument 5.00 PM, Cnr Victoria & Russel Sts, Carlton, VIC 28 April 2022 – May Day International Solidarity Event UNITED IN THE STRUGGLE FOR WORKERS 6 PM, Trades Hall, VIC 01 May 2022 – May Day March WORKERS OF THE WORLD UNITE 1.30 PM Assembly time Cnr Victoria & Russel Sts, Opposite Trades Hall, VIC

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Migrante seeks to uphold and promote migrants welfare, workers and human rights. It addresses migration and settlement issues and deepens awareness of the causes of Filipino diaspora in over 200 countries.

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