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SATURDAY, MARCH 13, 2010 ° WWW.LIVEMINT.COM
PUBLIC EYE
SUNIL KHILNANI
IS INDIA READY FOR
CLIMATE CHANGE?
INDIA’S RESISTANT STANCE AT COPENHAGEN CAN’T HELP REDEEM THE ENVIRONMENT. IT’S TIME WE ADOPTED IMAGINATIVE, INDEPENDENT AND CONSTRUCTIVE POLICIES TO BRAVE THREATS TO THE NATURAL WORLD DESHAKALYAN CHOWDHURY/AFP
Smoke alarm: Unchecked emissions from factories undermine India’s emergence as a global power.
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ature must have understood the toxic potentials of carbon: It spent millions of years secreting it away in the earth. Now, though, its release is destabilizing the habitat in which we all have to live. Reasonable people can dispute how rapidly it will wreck our planet; that it is in fact doing damage is not in dispute. The baffling, troubling thing, at least to me, is what exactly we should do about it. The Copenhagen climate change meeting only added to my bogglement—one that has to do not just with the thought-numbing acronymic prose it churned into the atmosphere. Part of me took satisfaction in the fact that Indian opposition to Western proposals helped create an international stalemate. I felt some relief that we Indians—the latecoming, uninvited guests at the modern world’s economic banquet—did not give in to the imprecations of the early, big feasters. Instead, along with China, Brazil and South Africa, we dug in our heels and insisted that responsibility for
the cumulative damage to the blue aether should not be equally apportioned between those societies that have made good, and those still working to emerge from a past overshadowed by the West’s imperial zenith. We were able to push back against the developed countries, who remain appallingly slow to acknowledge that their profligacy, not ours, has damaged the planet’s habitat. We maintained our long-honed scepticism about the claims of the West, our determination to scrutinize the common sense of the dominant. And to me, that questioning attitude is one of the finest, most powerful legacies of the men and women who built our road to freedom. Part of me, though, was deeply unsettled. For all our independent principles, we still are no closer to addressing the problem of climate change that is threatening all of us, rich and poor, wherever we happen to live. India resisted. It helped disrupt a framework that the status quo powers wished to impose. But it has so far failed to advance an independent, constructive view of how to
move forward in tackling the problem. This is distressing not just on a global scale, but in terms of India’s self-interest as well. A change in climate patterns will have massive effects on our society, where the livelihood of the majority is rooted in the land and dependent on the vagaries of weather. Water is already scarce and maldistributed: It will become scarcer as the Himalayan glaciers continue to dissipate at abnormal rates. Forests and plant cover will decline, along with food production. And as our coastal and delta floodplains are affected by rising seas, the citizens who live there will risk mass-scale displacement, fleeing to our already overpopulated cities. The US and Europe saw India’s role at Copenhagen as obstructionist: refusing, for parochial reasons, to commit to binding limits on a matter of vital collective importance. India’s stance has led many in the West to puzzle more generally about the new international power that India is gaining, and how India will choose to use it. A frequent
question in Western policy circles is: “Will India become a responsible power?” The subtext of this question is perfectly transparent: Now that India is a member of the G20, and has more of a say in international decision making, will it take on more of the “burdens” that go with having power? In other words, can it be relied upon to align its interests to those of the rich, Western nations? As eager as we are to accept the recent invitations into the clubs of the powerful, we’re right to be suspect of such apparently egalitarian offers. They can also be a trap, requiring us to change our identity and subsume our sense of our own interests. So, even as our economy’s overall footprint expands, India has been adamant that it will not agree to measures that could hinder its future development. Since India’s carbon emissions, measured by individual head, are vastly lower than those in the West, it is reluctant to cap them at a level lower than that of rich economies. To India, the world’s most powerful countries wish to pull up the
ladder now that they’ve topped it. The question India poses to the developed economies of the West is: Are they willing to take practical responsibility for the damage their centuries-old growth path has wrought on the environment? Seen in terms of justice, it’s a hard argument to trump. And the West’s plea of unintentionality—we didn’t know what we were doing, says the leading American climate negotiator—is not a very convincing get-out. As originally elaborated in law, responsibility applied to past actions only when intentionality had been established. But as new, riskier technologies were adopted, legal responsibility was given a future orientation, and separated from the requirement of intention (the development of such laws in the US, for instance, was prompted by the introduction of steamboats, which in their early years were prone to explode). Climate change seems to me a matter in which the claims of reparative justice are relevant. Benefiting from