Affordable and Productive Housing to (re)-densify the center of Bogota Analysis and Strategies for an architectural project
Thesis Tutor - Joseph Di Pasquale Thesis by - Felipe Monsalve Fernandez matricola - 764896
Politecnico di Milano
Faculty of “Architettura e Societá” Masters of Science in Architecture Degree course Academic year 2012 - 2013
Previous page: View of the city center from the west. by Wilches Chaux
INDEX OF CONTENTS
0 INTRODUCTION
- Page 11
1
THE PLAN FOR DENSIFICATION
2
CASE STUDIES AND STRATEGIES
3
PROJECT PROPOSAL
- Page 23
- Page 93
Introduction - Page 11 Housing context in Colombia - Page 14 Approach - Page 18
Background Bogota - Page 25 The Plan - Page 62 Risks and comments - Page 74 How to execute - Page 78 Permanent structure + progressive housing - Page 94 Interface facade role - Page 95 Volume aggregation, Infill projects and mixed use developments- Page 96 Material Economy and interior/exterior responses - Page 98
- Page 100
BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibliography - Page #
BOGOTA, COLOMBIA 2.600 mts above sea level 04º 38’ N, 74°05’ W
The development of the research for this thesis started during the course RE-Adaptative RE-Use on the academic year 2011-2012
INTRODUCTION
0.
It has become a tradition in Colombia that one of the main proposals during political campaigns is to normalize the housing conditions for the most underprivileged parts of the population. Several laws and initiatives have been discussed while trying to understand and cope with this ever growing problem. Surprisingly this discussion has rarely taken into consideration which are the architectural and spatial conditions that create social inclusion, economical stability and comfort in contemporary social dwelling. This project is an attempt to critically analyze and find strategies to apply the current proposals for Urban Social Housing incorporating contemporary architectural and urban principles that have been overseen for too long.
“S
upported on the description of the urban phenomena that has lead to a current state of housing segregation and marginalization of lower income population, this research will strive to explain the context in which it is proposed a new governmental initiative to redensify Bogota’s city center trough Social Housing. It will also describe the tools that have been developed for its implementation, and critically point out how in the unlinked process from the political statement to the architectural realization lays one of the main reasons for unsatisfactory results in the current social housing conditions. Supported by Case Studies of successful, both local and foreign, Social Housing Projects, and the structure for the Mayor’s Plan for the city center densification, at the end of this study we will be able to propose and develop an architectural project on a real site in Bogota.
As of today, in Colombia, a 47 million people country, almost 1.5 million people live in illegal settlements around the urban areas in precarious and unsafe conditions. This is 3.5% of the entire population. 9
40% OF BOGOTA’S HOUSING COMES FROM UNPLANNED DEVELOPMENTS
Image from the unplanned urban settlements on the surroundings montains of Bogota.
THERE IS A PLAN!
by Wilches Chaux
0.1.
HOUSING CONTEXT in Colombia “A
ccording to the results of the General Census 2005 (DANE), 36,21% of the total national households presented dwelling needs of any kind (3.955.776 households); the quantitative deficit, for which the attention would mean the generation of new housing units, rises to 1.351.366 homes and corresponds mainly (34,16%) to the co-habitation type (households that share the same housing unit). The qualitative deficit rises to 2.604.411 (65,84%)” 1 Housing conditions in urban areas are representative of the socio-economical conditions in which its population develops its daily life. Obvious as this may sound, housing conditions is an indicator to evaluate not only current situations but also the opportunities for further development and economical growth for a given population. Deficient housing conditions can be considered both cause and effect of deficient socioeconomical conditions. 2
12
1 Alberto, C. et al., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC 2 Yinger, John. 2001. “Housing Discrimination and Residential Segregation as Causes of Poverty,” in Sheldon H. Danzinger and Robert H. Haveman (eds.) Understanding Poverty, pp. 359–391, New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
During the current president’s campaign for election, one of the most marketed proposals was the construction “at least” of ONE MILLION housing units during the following 4 years of presidency.3 Although this same promise of creating ONE MILLION housing units in four years is unequivocally repeated in each presidential campaign, it goes without saying that never before the country, its government and its economy, has been able to keep this promise.
3 Colombia, G. N. de Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2010-2014. Cap. III. Crecimiento sostenible y competitividad (2010). http://wsp.presidencia. gov.co/Paginas/Presidencia.aspx. Retrieved from http://www.dnp.gov.co/ PND/PND20102014.aspx
Social Housing in Bogota. Image taken from www.dinero.com 13
The current housing deficit according to the DANE (National Administrative Department of Statistics) rises to almost 1.4 million units. Current efforts both from the national government and Bogota’s local government have been correctly focused on the production of VIS housing. “It is understood as Social Interest Housing (VIS for its Spanish initials), those that are developed to guarantee the right for a house for the lower income households (…) the resources, either in money or in kind, destined by the National Government, in response to its legal obligation to promote the Social Interest Housing VIS, will be destined with priority to attend the poorest population of the country, according to the indicators of basic unsatisfied needs and the results of the studies conducted about income and expenditure.” 4 VIS housing and Social Housing in general, faces many tests during its realization in a country like Colombia with a traditional open market for land regulated by local authorities with low initiative and the necessary independence to oppose to the market dynamics for urban quality land. “the increase in value of the urban soil and the real estate market dynamics, determined by advantageous locations, define the quality and accessibility of the multifamily Social Interest Housing.”5 Social Housing in the peripheral areas of Bogota. Picture RCN Radio 14
4 Congreso Nacional de La Republica de Colombia. Ley de Reforma Urbana (Ley 9 de 1989) con el artículo 91 (Ballen) 5 Ballén Zamora, S. A. (n.d.). Vivienda social en altura. Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
15
0.2.
APPROACH “T
he housing conflict, the households and the city, are not solely related to the efficient production of housing; it is essential to involve the risk management, the conflict and the social co-habitation, which is a starting point towards a mechanism of management and territorial development, where the main motive is not the built city, but the human been.”1 A strictly economical approach on Social Housing production in Colombia, where units are developed solely where a cost-benefit balance is met has created solutions that mildly take into consideration important elements such as social cohesion, economical independence, location cost of opportunity and anti-segregation measures. “beyond the physical occupation of the territory, (housing) it’s a symbolic reference to human existence in which the main dimensions of the society intervene: politics, socioeconomical, aesthetic and cultural […] it is the scenario for the display of the individual and social aspects of the human been.”2
1
16
Ballén Zamora, S. A. (n.d.). Vivienda social en altura. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. 2 GIRALDO, Fabio (2004). “Hábitat y desarrollo huma- no”. En: Cuadernos PNUD. UN Hábitat. Investiga- ciones sobre desarrollo humano. Bogotá: PNUD, UN Hábitat, Cenac. (en Ballen Zamora)
What a contemporary approach proposes, and the base intention of this research, is to think about the Housing structure and the environment in which Dwelling takes place in a more articulated way. Household, dwelling space, economical activities and crafts, community, territory and belonging, urban context and city, are the elements that could be introduced to propose a type of housing that strives to stop the cycle of need and responses that generate further necessities. It is the aim of this project to propose a concrete alternative for affordable quality housing that would become a platform for social interaction and sets the bases to invert a process and reduce the gap of housing inequality in Bogota.
Via Verde Housing project Bronx, New York. USA by Phipps Houses, Jonathan Rose Companies, Dattner Archtiects and Grimshaw.
Image taken from www.earthtechling.com
17
7’500.000 Hab. 4.146 Hab. / Km2
Bogota: 2.600 m above sea level. Extension: 35 km N-S 25 km E-W Satellite view of Bogot NASA 19
20
THE PLAN FOR DENSIFICATION
1.
In January 1st 2012, a new mayor came to office in Bogota. His name is Gustavo Petro. A former guerrilla member of the demobilized M-19 revolutionary group that was active in Colombia from 1970 to 1990 and, after a fairly successful peace process with the Colombian government, became a political movement called AD/M-19 (Democratic Alliance M-19).
A
fter a very close election race against former mayor Enrique Peñalosa, a worldwide renowned Politian for his key role in the positive transformation that Bogota underwent during the decade between 1995 and 2005, Gustavo Petro arrived in the mayor’s office. The race for mayor was characterized by a heavy polarization of the public opinion between, a candidate criticized for his past in the guerrilla and clear left winged politics, but with a successful political career with four periods in the Congress and one President Candidacy; and a successful former mayor that has proved his managerial skills and worldly recognized as an skillful technocrat that late in the race accepted the support of the controversial ex-president Alvaro Uribe Velez clearly stating his closeness to conservative sectors of the country. Among the key proposals of the Mayor, the densification of the center of Bogota trough Social Interest Housing (VIS for its translation in Spanish) was largely criticized and accused of populist and opportunist given the strong economical dynamics involved in the open market for land that characterizes the construction sector in Bogota in contrast of the delicate housing and social situation of the country.
Opposite page: Bogota’s major, Gustavo Petro, presents the project to the City Council taken from Radio Santafe 21
Violence induced rural displacement represent around 25.000 new-commers per year to Bogota
1.1.
BACKGROUND Bogota is the main destination for rural to urban migrations
A
lthough criticized and accused of almost naive, the idea of renewing the center of the city trough social housing projects has been in the scope of academic discussions for a long time. More than sixty years ago when Le Corbusier was hired to produce a master plan for Bogota that would determine the future growth areas, set up the transportation infrastructure and re-think the structure of the colonial center of the city, already problematic for a fast growing and “modern” city. “The city of Bogota, founded by Jimenez de Quesada in 1538, had remained a beautiful city, built over the Spanish “damero” traces and developed harmonically around its center carefully located in the Bolivar square. Two rivers surrounded the city of natural elements, (…) in this last years, the change that has occurred in every city of the world has destroyed the harmony that existed in Bogota. The city has developed, by far, without order or reason y has taken an abnormal extension.” (Le Corbusier in Bogota. 1947-1951 Master Plan)
Opposite page: One of many peripheral neoghborhoods product of illegal settlements. Image taken from TomekY Flickr page 23
24
Between Le Corbusier’s first (1947) and his second visit to Bogota (1948), on the 9th of April of 1948, the assassination of the Liberal president candidate, and sure winner of the upcoming elections, Jorge Eliecer Gaitan took place in the center of Bogota giving place to a state of general riots all across Colombia, a coop attempt against the current Conservative president and chaos and destruction in the capital that would be known as El Bogotazo. After the general state of commotion, the repressive military defense of the government status and the partial destruction of the city center along with some of its most representative buildings and structures, Bogota was in need of a reconstruction plan more than a regulatory plan for future growth. Opposite page: Top: Bogota’s main square taken from Bogotaherenciamia.org
When in 1953 the Le Corbusier plan for Bogota was presented by Paul Wienner and Josep Lluis Sert, the current President General Gustavo Rojas, it was quickly discarded and criticized by the local politicians given its strong intervention over the traditional Spanish center, proposing large flat esplaMiddle: nades with isolated modern buildings that would hold the Bogota city center main institutions of the society. taken from Bogota.gov.co Although in the plan some representative buildings where kept and considered by Le Corbusier as valuable examples of the local eclectic architectural, the radically modern proposal was archived and only some important elements permeated Bottom: the following urban proposals that would shape the city, such Bogota’s main square as the succession of rings with the purpose the limit the fur- during el Bogotazo April 19th 1948 ther growth of the city towards the peripheries.
25
26
El Bogotazo is considered as a breaking point for the ruralization of the political violence. The openly criminal confrontation between parties proved its cruelty during El Bogotazo setting a general but non-official confrontation between the parties known as The Violence. For almost 20 years (less, for some historians) the country was immersed in a rural war between conservatives, land owners and supporters of the conservative government in the shape of secret police groups, against a more rural and liberal working class groups, that in some cases would diverge to bandit gangs that would eventually unfold into contemporary guerrilla organizations. One of which is the still active FARC. This conflict, renowned for being one of the longest internal confrontations still ongoing, in the many shapes that has adopted over the years, has left a trail of hundreds of thousands dead people, poverty, rural underdevelopment, human rights violations, drug trafficking, corruption, and millions of people displaced from their homes by one or many of the sides of the conflict. “The accumulated displaced population in Colombia during the period 1985 – 2008, according to the Human Rights and Displacement Consulting (CODHES, 2009) is 4.628.895 Colombians. The equivalent to 1 of every 10 Colombians was forced to displace in the last 25 years” 1
Opposite page: Bogota Plan by Le Corbusier 1 Alberto, C. et al., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING taken from tectonicaFOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW ENFORCEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS. , (August), pp.17- blog.com 86.
27
Although a common phenomenon in developing countries, internal migration in Colombia varies in the composition of the motivation.
Source: UN Population Division (2011). World Urbanization Prospects: the 2009 Revision Population Database. (esa. un.org/unpd/wup/index. htm
28
The lack of opportunities in the rural areas, the underdevelopment and abandon from the active and positive presence of the central government and the idea of finding better possibilities in the larger cities, even when facing difficult situations at arrival; answer for a regular flow of migrants towards developing middle cities; a phenomenon largely studied all over the world. According to the UN, almost 80% of South American population lives in cities, and the relationship of urban to rural population has been increasing steadily for at least 50 years.
In the previous, it would be wrong to affirm that the migration from rural to urban areas in Colombia is solely due to violent displacement. But the characteristics of its nature, and the predominant share of the total of migrations, and the conditions that the migrants face when being pushed out of their environments to arrive to the city in conditions of poverty, make the forced displacement one of the biggest challenges that Colombian cities have not been able to respond to. For Bogota the situation of displaced migrants has turned radically unstable during the years.
Above: Displaced population camping in the Tercer Milenio Park in the center of Bogota. taken from imagessuite101.com 29
“Bogota stands out for its important as an attraction pole of the interregional (internal) migration. In fact, (until 2003) out of 5.7 million interregional migrants from all over the country (not only forced displacement), 2.6 million, 46.6%, chose Bogota as their place of residence�
1
1 DANE, 2003. Evidencia reciente del comportamiento de la migraciĂłn interna en Colombia a partir de la Encuesta Continua de Hogares, Bogota, Colombia. Available at: http://www.dane.gov.co/.
The previous studies show that Bogota, as usually is considered, is in fact the largest attraction point for the migrants, given, not only the physical centrality in the geography of the country, but also the accumulation of the political, economical, cultural and productive systems. People from all other regions migrated to Bogota in search for better job opportunities, education, health systems and the general wellbeing associated with a growing metropolis in the second half of the XX century and that by that period where difficult to find in the imminently left behind rural lands.
Opposite page: Main origin and destination for internal migrations to Bogota 30
Although the migrations in search for better economical conditions, labor market, or cultural and social development, where always recognized as a challenge for the reception cities, this kind of migrations would, in most of the cases, be the generators of innovation and cultural mixing that brought growth and economical development in the previous years to Colombia.
until 2003
46,6% of ALL internal migrants
chose Bogota as their place of residence
around
30.000
pp/year
are due to conflict related
Forced Migrations
The history of Colombia is largely determined by the wave of inflow of migrants. From the Spanish conquerors to the Arab countries newcomers of the end of the XIX century and the beginning of the XX, to the large European inflow in the periods of the wars, the migrations have always presented difficulties but proven to bring more positive than negative changes and produce rich and varied societies. In the case of the forced displacement, the conditions of poverty, unemployment and abuse prior to the moment of migration, largely determine the future of the migrant upon the arrival to the destiny. In many cases this migrations occur gradually from the farthest rural areas, reaching the regional mid level towns and cities and eventually making their way to the large cities. In the end, long distance and single migrations would be considered less negative than gradual processes, where the migrant is forced to leave the small resources and possessions during a long and weary procession arriving to the final destination in the worst conditions of poverty and vulnerability.1 Given the dimension of the threat of the forced displacement, and the centralism in which Colombia deals with most of its issues, the capacity of the city of Bogota has been challenged for very long periods to respond accordingly.
32
1 DANE, 2003. Evidencia reciente del comportamiento de la migraci贸n interna en Colombia a partir de la Encuesta Continua de Hogares, Bogota, Colombia. Available at: http://www.dane.gov.co/.
It is reasonable to suggest that Colombia has not developed human settlement policies that satisfy the scope and answers needed to tackle the existing accumulated quantitative and qualitative deficit.2 Only the period between the 60’s and the 70’s were recognized for the active role of the government in the production of social housing in the cities, with some good and some not so good examples taken from late modern European referents that not always would suite the Colombian conditions. Nonetheless, a state answer that would attempt to cope with an already latent problematic with its bureaucratic limitations and the burden that maintaining and allocating this public units represented to the government, was far better than the 2 Alberto, C. et al., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW ENFORCEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS. , (August), pp.17-86.
Above: Displaced population camping in the Tercer Milenio Park in the center of Bogota. Picture by Helda Martinez 33
answer that came with the changes that came in the beginning of the 90’s when the production of the social housing was almost completely left in the hands of the open construction market and the possibility of the real estate owners to perceive a profit out of the production of a social need. “Already with a consolidated neoliberal policy in the 90’s, specially in Mexico, Colombia and Brazil, the increasing housing units demand and the scarcity of available land were the variables with which the real estate promoters started to determine the construction of vertical social housing, as long as the market fluctuations, the profit and the regulations would allow it.” 3
Opposite page: Antonio Narino Residences 1958 Example of Social Housing promoted by the goverment Image taken from Wikimedia cc
It would seem a bad coincidence that during the decades that internal migration increased exponentially given the political situation of the Country, the government decides to modify its posture towards the production and promotion of social housing. The already latent problematic of illegal settlements in the peripheries of the city took new dimensions and ran out of control under the shadow of permissive local authorities and heartless illegal land promoters.
Urban Growth
The following maps of Bogota’s growth show the radical acceleration of the illegal settlements after the decade of the 70’s usually located in the peripheries and promoted by illegal occupants of the former rural lands in the city savanna or areas of geographical risk for the settlements that were anyway sold to the newcomers without any titles or legal processes but trough mafia structures that control this derelict areas.
Following pages: Urban growth of Bogota taken from Universidad 3 Ballén Zamora, S.A., Vivienda social en altura. Universidad NacioPiloto de Colombia nal de Colombia. 34
Urban Growth
Urban Growth
Urban Growth
Urban Growth
The urbanized plot has reached and surpassed the natural limits of the city exposing the population to constant floods and unstable land on the mountains.
“The reduction of the areas destined for social housing, because of laws such as the 2060 of 2004, the only thing that achieves is to benefit the construction companies, land owners and construction materials suppliers by freezing the land to increase their rents in the production of VIS (social interest housing) increasing the final value of the land and the housing unit. In this way, it is confirmed that informality is still the only solution for the lower income population to gain access to a housing unit.�1
Image taken from 1 BallĂŠn Zamora, S. A. (2009). Vivienda social en altura. Universidad Claudia J at Panoramio Nacional de Colombia.
40
The government’s reaction to the growing problematic was anyway insufficient. According to the National Development Plan of the current President, in Colombia, during 2006 and 2010, around 140.000 housing units began construction every year, showing a positive increase if taking into consideration the increase in construction licenses, sales and bank credits assigned. Nonetheless, the amount of new households created every year is estimated in 245.000, covering only 60% of the demand with legal and formal projects.
250.000 200.000
The current housing deficit according to the DANE rises to almost
150.000 100.000
1.4 million units.
50.000 0 50.000 100.000 150.000
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
Construction of legal housing units New households
40%
Legal housing deficit
41
The same report points out that this disparity between demand of housing units and the production of legal ones, affects specially households with an income lower than 2 minimum wages per month (around € 550) covering only 30% of the demand.2 If taken into consideration that far from every household can perceive 2 minimum wages per month it is safe to say that the 30% of housing responses is still not the beginning of a general solution for the housing deficit in the city. “The difficulties generated by the excessive legal papers, the current procedures and the impossibility to be subjected to credit as they cannot meet the financial institutions requirements to grant a credit such as income or credit’s payment capacity, limits even more formal housing access, reason why informal solutions have become the real displaced population alternative.” 3
42
2 Colombia, G. N. de Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2010-2014. Cap. III. Crecimiento sostenible y competitividad (2010). http://wsp.presidencia.gov.co/Paginas/Presidencia.aspx. Retrieved from http://www.dnp.gov. co/PND/PND20102014.aspx 3 Alberto, C. et al., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW ENFORCEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS. , (August), pp.1786.
U
$ 320
/month
Minimum legal WAGE in Colombia
MIN
U
$ 20.500 To
U MAX
$ 50.800
w
Cost of 1 unit of VIS housing
Only 30% of households with 2 minimum wages will find a housing solution
So,
The other
70%
out of 10 households with 2 incomes
U$ 640/month
Legal procedure Paperwork Bank requisits No access to info
will find housing in irregular or illegal conditions
Density The disjunctive situation between the urbanism plans to prevent the city from spreading towards the natural limits and the nature of land speculation, allowed by mistaken policies that increase the land value rendering almost impossible the development of social housing other than in the peripheries, drew the current structural situation of the city. The city is characterized by a clear division on the allocation of the different income profiles, to the point that the neighborhoods are given a number in the stratification system. From 1 to 6. Being 1 the minimum conditions of public services but with the presence of these supplies, and 6 for the neighborhoods that only higher income households can access. The stratification system, although useful to redistribute the costs for the public services, where the higher income subsidizes the lower income ones, it has also become a system for segregation and social profiling. Not only the intentions of the administration to create a system of dense multi-centralities city failed, but the city center began to lower its density with the migration of the more accommodated classes towards the north of the city creating an inverse relationship between the density of the over developed periphery and the centralities. (Molina, 1999)1
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Opposite page: Stratification plan of Bogota Source: Distrit Planning Administrative Department 1 Rincón Avellaneda, P. (2004). Análisis de los procesos de re-densiDAPD ficación en Bogotá, 8(1), 82–92.
The density profile decreased in the center as it increased in the low income peripheries
46
Map of density by UPZ (admnistrative division unit) source National Cadastre
As shown in the stratification plans, the higher income population occupies the north and east areas of the center, while west and south is mainly occupied by the medium to lower income population with a strong presence of 1 and 2 in the south of the city, in higher geological risk areas.
5 most dens neigborhoods
in Bogota
Manhattan borough New York
density:
density:
250 pp/ha
population:
2,5 million
overcrowding
270 pp/ha
population:
1,7 million
high density
It is important to show for this research that illegal neighborhoods, still in ways of receiving the public services supply, are not given a stratification number since they not yet meet the minimum required to be considered a safe human settlement, and are shown in grey in the maps, and given the stratification number of 0, or 00. Given the self-produced and self-managed construction system that accounts for most of the lower income developments, the flexibility of the housing unit gave place to an increasing densification process by subdivision of the same unit. Satellite view of Patio Bonito neigborhood in the south-west of Bogota source Google maps 48
“The lower stratification units follow a pattern of subdivision of the progressive development unit in sub “apartments”, passing from an average of 60 to 100 lots per hectare.”1 1 Salazar Ferro, J. (2001). Expansión o Densificación. Bitacora, 1(5), 21–35. Retrieved from http://facartes.unal.edu.co/portal/publicaciones/ bitacoraut/5/dossier/expansion.pdf
If overlap the stratification and the density maps, it is important to point out the positive relationship between lower income and a heavy subdivision of land in the more isolated areas of the city, rendering more difficult the general conditions of life for an already affected population. The lack of efficient means of transportation, although the successful introduction of Transmilenio, a BRT system introduced by former Mayor Penalosa, imposes on the lower income population the longest transportation times to arrive to the areas with higher labor supply like the center and north -east of the city. “Central locations of the city, endowed with the best services, employment y connectivity infrastructure, account for the lowest densities, contradicting, not only the models applied to Bogota to respond the accelerated urban growth, but also the urbanism models, according to which, the best areas with the best supply of infrastructure would allow the highest densities without affecting the quality of life.”2
Density
Density
City Density Profile
Residential Periphery
City Center
Typical European situation
Residential Periphery
Residential Periphery
City Center
Residential Periphery
Bogota situation
2 Rincón Avellaneda, P. (2004). Análisis de los procesos de re-densificación en Bogotá, 8(1), 82–92.
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The Urbanization process As shown in the growth plans, the city grew without control creating what is known as a ring of poverty. Illegal settlements occupying the lands that the formal construction companies were not allowed to develop given the high risk for natural disasters, lack of public service infrastructure and refusal from private owners. The system for informal settlements was usually the same. A private illegal developer that would gain control of a piece of land by any means necessary and that would start subdividing and selling small pieces in the black market to people not able to gain access to the formal housing market. The piece of land without any public services infrastructure, roads or any conditions to maintain a basic level of wellbeing, was self-produced with the limited resources that the new owner could find. The construction techniques are absolutely empirical and the risk of structural failure in the rare cases that this concern is present, it is managed trough over dimensioning of some structural components or adding up reinforcements in ways that do not improve the stability of the building, making the construction process even more costly than the formal ones. It has to be acknowledged that the need for a roof goes beyond the risk to be placed in the cities’ periphery, urban border, and unsuitable land to urbanize with multiple vulnerabilities.1 1 Salazar Ferro, J. (2001). Expansión o Densificación. Bitacora, 1(5), 21–35. Retrieved from http://facartes.unal.edu.co/portal/publicaciones/ bitacoraut/5/dossier/expansion.pdf
51
Non- official figures say that 60% of the city has been built from informality. This means, no planning, services, architectural or construction regulations, tax contribution or licenses. It is needless to say that the social housing architecture is not a largely developed topic in the country. Not only because the government, that is the institution called to react upon this need, has left its development open to the economical cycles of the private’s profitability, but because the privates interest to improve the conditions of the VIS housing is largely constrained by the will to profit from a social need. “Although the government’s subsidies to the demand, the cost of the land and the construction found in Bogota, do not allow to develop multifamily dwellings for this “strata”, and moreover, their economical conditions demands to produce very precarious houses that will be completed over time with progressive development (at the owner’s expenses).2 In this sense the little social interest housing VIS that is produced, often does not cover the requisites of a household after covering the basic needs. Given that it is still very positive the production of these formal housings, their legal, economical and physical limitations suggest that the answer for a more complex profile of user, such as the rural displaced population, hardly passes through the VIS formal housing projects. 2 Salazar Ferro, J. (2001). Expansión o Densificación. Bitacora, 1(5), 21–35. Retrieved from http://facartes.unal.edu.co/portal/publicaciones/ bitacoraut/5/dossier/expansion.pdf
The housing deficit in Bogota increases constantly
Opposite page: Typical self-produced housing unit with progressive development in stages. Picture by Wilches chaux 53
The access to a housing unit, either VIS or VIP (priority interest housing) does not represent a final solution to the housing problem due to the fact that VIP (32mts2) produced does not guarantee the basic conditions for habitability.3 Additionally, the rural displaced population households have a different typical composition than the urban one. While the average Colombian urban family is 3.9 inhabitants per home, the rural house is constituted by 5.1 inhabitants. 4 3 Alberto, C. et al., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW ENFORCEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS. , (August), pp.1786. 4 Alberto, C. et al., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW ENFORCEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS. , (August), pp.1786.
54
It is necessary to recognize the particularity of the rural minimum housing to produce adequate solutions that reinterpret the tools that rural individuals use to perform their living into an urban environment. Torres (2009) recognizes 3 main points that the formal solutions fail to consider when coping with the new migrants.5 • Multiple population grouping typologies in displaced conditions: extended and nuclear families, women head of household, single people, etc, • Most of the displaced population that arrives to big cities locates in informal settlements, many of them in high risk places because of floods, contamination, gases and radiation emission, mass removal. • The city allows mingling displaced population and move away from the conflict’s consequences; though on the other hand it pushes them away from their position as producers and proprietor towards a position of consumers lacking of any belongings. For such reasons it is not possible to compare the solutions offered in the VIS and VIP urban housings to the displaced population, given that 73.4% of this population left behind farms and houses that provided the owner with economical sustainability for a larger household group (5.1 members) while in the city the minimum formal unit does not consider the need to produce and expand according to the needs. 5 Alberto, C. et al., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW ENFORCEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS. , (August), pp.1786. (last point translation was corrected by author)
Opposite page: image taken from jaquinsd-geografia.blogspot 55
Agricultural Family Unit becomes VIS urban
It is important to point out the cardinal difference between the profile of the rural minimum and the urban minimum represented by the UAF (Agricultural family unit) and the VIP, where the first one is the minimum productive unit for rural areas to sustain a family (larger family) while the second is the minimum space to dwell for an urban (smaller) family. Only the change on measurement unit represents a substantial economical loss for the displaced population.
Summarizing, the type of unplanned growth given by the accelerated migration to the city over the last 50 years due to social and political conflicts in the country, in the frame of a succession of governments unable to produce a general and adequate official response (or at least to continue the few positive examples of public social housing), has produced a delicate urban situation of both physical and social risks for the displaced and the urban lower income population. The handing over of the initiative to the private bodies for the construction of social housing according to the economical cycles (social hosing is boosted in time of crisis given the public subsidies and the need to keep building) has forced the population to produce their own responses to their needs locating themselves in risk areas without the minimum services to life and adapting their environment and built units to their basic needs, multiplying their risk conditions while successfully trying to cover their basic needs and to produce a rent out of their units to procure a better future.
57
Although the private sector participation is important it must be the public sector who leads the effort, […] giving the appropriated solutions better to the current market offer.6 • 76.4% wants to stay where they are, 9.4% wants to relocate or go out of the country and only 3.1% wants to go back. This poses the need to establish an urban offer that recognizes DP potentials and incorporates in the development alternatives. • The average age is 23.2. Head of household and their spouses have an average of 40 years old, while the rest is 14 years old. There is a high illiteracy rate, near 13.9%. This requires different infrastructures for each age and generation demands. • The young population size makes a must to offer educational, cultural and formation and training for life.7
58
6 Alberto, C. et al., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW ENFORCEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS. , (August), pp.1786. 7 Alberto, C. et al., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW ENFORCEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS. , (August), pp.1786.
3,1% Wants to go back to their place of origin
9,4% Wants to leave the country
76,0% Wants to stay in BOGOTA
23,2 years old in average
13,9% illetiracy rate
“The young population size makes a must to offer educational, cultural, formation and training for life�
1.2.
THE PLAN G
iven the difficult situation in the periphery of the city, the ongoing unplanned growth under conditions of natural risk and the lacking of basic services for the most needed population, the mayor’s Plan for re-densification of the “Extended Center” seeks to increase the offer of land for the construction of new housing units in the center of the city. The Extended Center of Bogota is a 11.400 hectares central piece of the city characterized not only by its central location, but also for hosting the political, corporative and financial centers which makes it the main destination for daily displacement of the labor force. “(Inside the Extended Center) The Administration plans to build a large part of the 70 thousand new social housing units that has been set as the goal during this four years. Of these 70 thousand, nearly 40 thousand would be destined to displaced population.1
1
60
Espectador, E. (2012, March 21). Petro le apuesta a la redensifi-
Opposite image taken cación del centro de Bogotá. El Espectador. Bogota, Colombia. Retrieved from from http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/articulo-333430-peVaderbilt Engineering tro-le-apuesta-redensificacion-del-centro-de-bogota
70.000
HOUSING UNITS 40.000 FOR DESPLACED 30.000 PRIORITY HOUSING
Location of the Extended Center of Bogota. taken from SDP 62
EXTENDED CENTER 1
According to the Mayor’s Plan, the solution to the deficit of social housing for low income and displaced population is not to reproduce the current strategy of extending the urban fabric beyond the natural limitations to the periphery of the city, but instead finding strategies to be able to counteract the natural difficulties of the lower income population by offering available housing in areas that offer better urban conditions and improve the quality of life. “The proposal emphasizes on identifying and intervening on the areas that, given their condition of location and accessibility to the existent employment offer, cultural, public and financial infrastructure located in the first ring that surrounds the urban center; are endowed with, the potential to replace their uses, a density responsible for the human habitat, the generation of new public space and the offer of available land for social housing and thus, to allow social and economical inclusion and integration.”2 It has been thoroughly studied that the difficulty of locating social housing closer to the central areas of the city lies on the higher costs of the land around centralities and the limitation of the final commercial price of the basic unit rendering almost impossible for a privately-developed housing project to become profitable while maintaining available prices. Being aware of the general scarcity of land in the central areas, or their elevated prices, the Mayor’s Plan is looking for different alternatives to produce the necessary supply of land for this large amount of proposed units.
2 Bogotá, A. M. de Plan de desarrollo económico y social y de obras públicas para Bogotá DC 2012-2016 Bogotá Humana (2012). Bogota, Colombia.
63
As a response to this problematic, the Administration plans to use the tools available in the law to activate the private empty lots located in central areas that are identified as being exploited under their capacity, such as surface parking spaces, warehouses and empty lots that remain idle speculating with land prices. A key element on the Plan is the participation of the current inhabitants of the center of the city that would contribute by proposing small impact projects on their properties or by stating their availability for larger projects that would include their properties. “to support the densification processes trough integral urban projects that include the possibility for higher building coefficients and a set of uses to finance the urban re-development with high-quality low-income housing projects.
2.200 sqm
64
These projects will reinforce the role of the communities that recognize and re-build the territory trough the promotion of creative practices, the enjoyment of cultural diversity and the care for the surroundings.”3 In the center of the proposal, usually overlooked given the market difficulties to produce reasonably cheap land, is the social potential of a general program to redistribute population in need inside of the urban center. Without arriving to a conclusive idea or a strategy, the Plan mentions the possibility of taking advantage of the agglomeration economies to perceive a possible rent to the new inhabitants of the central areas. “to support and make stronger the productive fabric of the city emphasizing in the popular economy while guaranteeing the right to work in conditions of equality and dignity, and with especial attention to low income households, women, young people and the ethnic minorities.”4 For the Plan for the re-vitalization of the center it is important to consider the different profiles and backgrounds of the possible newcomers. Considering the intended percentage of beneficiaries that have been displaced from the rural environment, the Plan accurately points out, not only the problematic of inserting such an specific group in the center of the city, but also the potentialities that these new inhabitants can carry with them and apply to improve their habitability conditions in the city. 3 Bogotá, A. M. de Plan de desarrollo económico y social y de obras públicas para Bogotá DC 2012-2016 Bogotá Humana (2012). Bogota, Colombia. 4 Bogotá, C. de POR EL CUAL SE ADOPTA EL PLAN DE DESARROLLO ECONÓMICO, SOCIAL, AMBIENTAL Y DE OBRAS PÚBLICAS PARA BOGOTÁ D.C. 2012-2016 (2012).
Opposite page: Example of an empty lot in the center of the city of about 40% the area of the block taken from http://mapas. bogota.gov.co/ 65
“to support the economical development of the city, especially the popular productive fabric, executing interventions that promote entrepreneurship, association and the development and appropriation of agglomeration economies in higher concentration areas, stimulating, again, initiatives from women, young people, reduced capability people and ethnic minorities.”5
The Urban Rurality Program “it is intended with this program to revalorize the rural population as a key player of the agricultural and rural development and the conservation processes of the environmental assets. Bogota needs to increase the quality of life of the rural communities, empowering the productive systems of the rural economy while establishing mechanisms to articulate these to the processes of alimentary safety and the fair trading markets for the city and the region.”6 Given the rural background of the displaced population, the Plan proposes to transform the initial incompatibility between the tools and skills with which the rural inhabitants arrive and the ones required in the city to develop and economical activity, into a competitive advantage creating commercial activities within the housing project that exploit specific skills offered by this population and the growing demand for goods closer to the rural tradition and production.
66
5 Bogotá, C. de POR EL CUAL SE ADOPTA EL PLAN DE DESARROLLO ECONÓMICO, SOCIAL, AMBIENTAL Y DE OBRAS PÚBLICAS PARA BOGOTÁ D.C. 2012-2016 (2012). 6 Idem
“to develop productive initiatives for the strengthening of the popular economy. The provide integral public services that have a tendency to generate sustainable income for the vulnerable populations, internal conflict victims, informal street vendors and population in conditions of extreme poverty.� Given the impossibility of the displaced population to perform large investments on business ventures or the infrastructure required for such endeavors, is the Administrations responsibility to produce housing units with free access to this productive infrastructure as well as to provide the training to be able to regain economical independence in a different environment.
The Agrcultural Productive unit has to be transformed into an Urban productive unit. Image taken from uncu.edu.ar 67
“Governmental intervention will respond to the needs of the consolidated economical sector and the popular economy. For the consolidated economy sector it will seek to potentiate the main determinants of local productivity (infrastructure, security, land regulation and education), to develop the ruling for public-private covenants and to allow a fluid dialogue with the industries and economical associations. On the other hand, for the popular economy it is intended to develop formation processes, assistance and technical support for the creation and strengthening of the productive units starting from identifying the local productivity vocation and the potentiality of different agglomeration economies over the territory.”7 The strategy to apply such a challenging proposal is yet to be determined and the range of alternatives will vary depending on the specific project that will be developed. But what is clear is that the articulation of the public administration, the new population that will dwell on this areas, and the private sector to create economically sustainable ventures to be appropriated by their inhabitants. “Participation and Public-Private cooperation: the participation of the private sector and the cooperation will be constituted as mechanisms for co-financing the strategic investments, for which the joint management between private sectors and economical sectors will be intensified, in the financing programs that allow integrated development, advancing towards a sustainable model of city.” 8
Following page, Infographic taken from El Espectador.com 68
7 Bogotá, C. de POR EL CUAL SE ADOPTA EL PLAN DE DESARROLLO ECONÓMICO, SOCIAL, AMBIENTAL Y DE OBRAS PÚBLICAS PARA BOGOTÁ D.C. 2012-2016 (2012). 8 Idem
RURAL SKILLS
Manual Labor
Extensive land use
Unprocessed goods
w
Self employment
Individual work
+ Infrastructure + Training Education + Start-up Capital
Market Access
Entrepreneurship Sustainable growth
w URBAN SKILLS
Added value goods
Cooperative work
Possible area of the center to be intervene
Extended Center Possible lots to densify
1.3. RISKS A
radical proposal of such kind does not come without proportional risks.
Is a big challenge trying to revert what seems as an intrinsic dynamic of larger cities in developing countries, where the growing migrations overflow the capacity of an already mediocre system that allows the privates to exploit the unsatisfied basic needs of population already affected by the internal conflict, sending them to a spiral of poverty and reduced opportunities to make it out the difficulties. “if, as consequence of the urban expansion and the delayed housing productivity, the demand on urban construction surpasses the offer, the price will continue to be determined by the real estate market value produced by the worst conditions of profitability; this is, in the least suitable landsâ€?1 The project and the general urban conflict challenges also the society and its capacity for awareness of an, in comparison to other issues, quiet but structural conflict. A society tired of consuming bad news and dealing with its own fear and needs, finds excuses to not recognize its responsibility in a wider frame of problems. Opposite page images taken from Stefan Canham + Rufina 1 BallĂŠn Zamora, S. A. (n.d.). Vivienda social en altura. Universidad Wu, Hong Kong Nacional de Colombia. 72
Among the many risks of the project, the incapacity to produce quality social housing solutions that not only provide a shelter while limiting the action and development natural to the profile of the household , but that also provides of alternatives according to the users capacities. In a way, to not reproduce the assistencialist strategy of isolating and providing aid instead of providing a solution that can be used as a tool to improve the conditions. “it is necessary to underline that it is not possible to compare the goods left behind with a VIS (social interest housing) solution in the city, given that the family groups have abandoned lands, farms and houses when being displaced”2 It is also important to consider the risks inherent in the densification processes for a city with limited capacities. Available time and productivity
Productive Housing Virtuous cycle
Accessibility to market to information
Urban, Productive Affordable Housing
74
+ Training and Education +
+ +w
Access to higher paying economical activities
Household Sustainable growth
2 Rincón Avellaneda, P. (2004). Análisis de los procesos de re-densificación en Bogotá, 8(1), 82–92.
Even though Bogota achieved an important revitalization process around the years 1995 to 2008, mainly based on investing on developing a new transportation infrastructure, regaining the use of public space for the pedestrians, building major public libraries and schools in the more needed areas of the city, recovering the idea of the natural infrastructure and general sustainability; a small 3 year period of misguided decisions and corruption can set back the positive development of a city with irreparable consequences. This shows that a still limited infrastructure, both physical and political, finds great difficulties when overcoming big scale projects in the city center. Some of the risks pointed out by academics of a systematic densification to the present condition of the center could be, among others: - Congestion and insufficient public space given to higher density that increases the number and frequency of movement of people and vehicles. - Possible sealing of the terrain because of the increase occupation of open space, (un-built plots, backyards, patios) which lowers the draining capacity of the terrain and increases the danger of flooding. - Ecological unbalance because of deficient ventilation inside of the plots. - Absence of vegetation and green areas producing pollution and overheating. - Weaken public infrastructure that allows the exercise of civility in quality conditions thanks to the minimum provision of public space and collective buildings. 75
1.3.
HOW TO EXECUTE?
I
n some cases the clarity of the goals and the availability of the tools to achieve these goals, determine the positive outcome of an urban transformation plan of these dimensions. This case is no different. Although the goals set by the plan to reverse a traditional urban land market dynamic have been receive with some criticism and general skepticism, the proposal is fully validated by the actual state of low income housing and its perspectives for future production. “The idea, according to Maria Mercedes Maldonado, City Planning Secretary, is to reset the way in which urban renewal projects have been executed in the City, to push for a policy that promotes inclusion and more committed with social integration.”1 Among the traditional strategies from the local administration to promote social housing, the larger development plans in the periphery are the most commonly used. Given the dimension and the complexity of these plans, the process from the proposal of the plan to the real execution usually takes more than a single mayor’s period in the administration and are also constrained by the scarcity of non developed land and of a required dimension of the lots to make the
76
1 Espectador, E. (2012, March 21). Petro le apuesta a la redensificación del centro de Bogotá. El Espectador. Bogota, Colombia. Retrieved from http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/articulo-333430-petro-le-apuesta-redensificacion-del-centro-de-bogota
Social Housing in land subject to high speculation suggests an economical conflict Last experience in dense and central Social Housing in Bogota happened 40 years ago The city center is highly built with low occupation buildings. What happens with the pre-existences? Private developers build. They don’t re-use, re-store, re-adapt How will this Housing interpret the character of rural displaced population?
construction and the final product more efficient in resources consumption, which means, cheaper for the developer. “(The plan) seeks for land that has not been urbanized and that can be densified for the construction of VIP housing (Priority interest housing), followed by the development of new public spaces, cultural and public buildings connected to the public transportation system.”2 This strategy of larger interventions on previously identified available land that was already under some kind of process of purchase or expropriation, is also being used for the 70.000 units plan of the Mayor, but its limitations as said before, are already determined and do not constitute the main strategy of the Plan. So far in this year, supported by a national plan for social housing development, the district has presented available lots, located in different areas of the city that account for not more than 5.000 units. Other similar large lots are under revision to be added to the national plan but the expectations on this method are not to be a reasonable answer to the large housing gap. But it is clear that the “traditional” tools for social housing production are not enough to reduce the deficit of quality social housing, and barely enough to cover the annual demand for new households constitution. Opposite page images taken from http://elperiodicowebbuga.blogspot.it/ 2 Bogotá, C. de POR EL CUAL SE ADOPTA EL PLAN DE DESARand http://abc-economia. ROLLO ECONÓMICO, SOCIAL, AMBIENTAL Y DE OBRAS PÚBLIcom/ CAS PARA BOGOTÁ D.C. 2012-2016 (2012). 78
“as an alternative to the expansive growth it has been proposed to densify the existent city trough rearranging large and well located areas that are deteriorated, misused or vacant. This would be, former low density residential areas, previous locations for large scale service buildings (transport, storage infrastructure), old abandoned industrial buildings or warehouses, among others.” 1 The strategy proposed by the Mayor as an alternative to the large operations that move slower through the official channels, is to involve the participation of the current inhabitants of the Extended center areas to promote and develop projects according to the general outline of re-densifying through social interest housing production in within the established fabric of the city. “Further ahead, to achieve this goals, the planning of the city must care for the quality of the natural environment, providing that the public services supply and their accessibility lower their costs; this would determine many of the specific goals upon which the POT (territorial ruling plan), among which the following is found: “To continue the dynamic process of substitution of single family housing buildings for higher rise buildings, through performing a precise selection of the areas and establishing the demands for the adequate supply of services and infrastructure for the new densities of construction” (DAPD, 2000:198)2
80
1 Salazar Ferro, J. (2001). Expansión o Densificación. Bitacora, 1(5), 21–35. Retrieved from http://facartes.unal.edu.co/portal/publicaciones/ bitacoraut/5/dossier/expansion.pdf 2 DEPARTAMENTO ADMINISTRATIVO DE PLA- NEACIÓN DISTRITAL (DAPD) (2000). Plan de Ordenamiento Territorial: Documento Técnico de Soporte. Bogotá: DAPD. (in Ballen)
1.900 sqm
2.200 sqm
As of today, the following strategies and tools to produce the rest of the 70.000 units proposed by the Mayor are not well defined. The questions remains on whether it is possible to promote a private initiative from the small single owners of the land and buildings in the center of the city that would multiply and cover the remaining part of the proposed quantity of units not yet covered with the larger and “official� housing projects produced by the governments.
Images above taken from http://mapas.bogota.gov. co/ 81
Other authors have proposed a set of strategies (used and found in the current city as well as new) that could be considered for the densification of the city trough new social housing. Rincon (2004) proposes 7 strategies. “Identified densification strategies in the City: 1. By individual demolition; of existent houses and substitution for taller buildings given market pressure or change on the ruling. 2. By “minimal ruling”; by subdividing existent lots into the minimal allowed by ruling. 3. By consolidation of progressive development neighborhoods; trough extrusion of the initial housing module, increasing initial lot occupation, sub-renting extruded units for commerce of independent housing units. 4. By abandonment of original owners followed by occupation and subdivision into irregular multifamily housing units. 5. By infilling, trough construction of vacant lots inside of the block structure 6. By urban renewal programs; acquisition and demolition of entire areas or blocks by a sole proprietor, usually promoted by governmental institutions. 7. By recycling programs; trough change of use or re-use of existent structures.” 3
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3 Rincón Avellaneda, P. (2004). Análisis de los procesos de re-densificación en Bogotá, 8(1), 82–92.
1. Existent low density
Demolition
New buildings
2.
Existent lot division
Subdivision into minimum ruling plot
3. Existent housing
Extrusion of housing sub-rent and commercial
Current tenants abandonment
Occupation and subdivion multifamiliy
4.
5.
Existent lot occupation
Infill construction on vacant lots
$ 6.
Existent low density
$ $
Purchase and demolition
Urban renewal projects
7. Un-used existent structures
Structure recycling for housing
Given the “on progress� status of the project, the limited information calls for a research of other sources that have proposed strategies that can be (should be)considered for this Plan. In the article HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA, Torres Tovar an urbanism and architecture academic, suggests that traditional housing policies and strategies are not enough to solve the housing gap that is rising
every day, that new strategies for the development of projects as well as alternative types of housing units are in order to achieve a larger and more efficient coverage of the housing needs. In this sense is not only the quantity of units that matters when seeking to improve the dwelling conditions of the displaced population, but also the type of unit and the way that it integrates and supports the wellbeing of the family group. Torres has pointed out, among others, alternative strategies to be considered when developing housing projects for displaced population, such as: • Collective housing ownership, (it is necessary to think in collective ownership not common in Colombia –recycle housing in case of returning-). • Urban structure recycling. It could be possible to create housing urban structures recycling programs through acquisition an old abandon building and houses collection that are structurally fit • Agro-productive housing at urban edge and “rururban”, (areas that although are rural, have urban influence that in time becomes part of the city’s expansion land) with agro-forestry projects development, rangers among others.4 Furthermore, according to Torres, the sole supply of a housing solution is only the minimum of the answer that should be thought for low income and displaced populations. 4 Alberto, C. et al., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW ENFORCEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS. , (August), pp.1786.
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The debate and further development of what is considered the “minimum social housing unit” has to incorporate a long term sustainability concept to produce permanent improvements in the population. It is clear that the so called safe tendency is not synonym of property. It cannot be presumed that by guaranteed a document or a specific State action it has been fulfilled the guarantor role of such right. The property, either of an individual or collective, can only be reestablished when it is sustainable and in order to do the inhabitants must be able to restore relationships that allows them to have a productive role through the right to employment, formation among others.5 Until today the strategies to promote a productive and sustainable housing are not yet defined and remain as suggestions of intentions to promote actions focused on these issues. The question, then, remains the same: what do these centrality social housing projects can propose to provide a sustainable housing solution in better dwelling conditions than the current social housing has to offer, and not open to the will of the real estate market and possible gentrification? The sustainability conditions linked to the necessary elements production for the family group survival was previously solved in most cases; something that completely changes when they become another urban inhabitant.
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5 Salazar Ferro, J. (2001). Expansión o Densificación. Bitacora, 1(5), 21–35. Retrieved from http://facartes.unal.edu.co/portal/publicaciones/ bitacoraut/5/dossier/expansion.pdf
+ w Initial conditions
Improving urban conditions
$ $
$
$
Prevent Gentrification through sustainable and productive housing continuously increasing the living conditions
It is reasonable to think DP has the right of housing through property ownership.6 “ (The plan) leaves some important questions, such as: which are the negative effects of the market that should be neutralized?, which are the right areas for re-densification if this will be openly allowed?, which are the demands for supply of cultural and public infrastructure for this new density?, and moreover, which are the sustainable levels for this densification? ”7 6 Alberto, C. et al., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW ENFORCEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS. , (August), pp.1786. 7 Ballén Zamora, S. A. (n.d.). Vivienda social en altura. Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
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Torres de Fenicia
Torres del Parque
Torres Blanca
CASE STUDIES AND REFERENCES
2.
For the development of the project it is necessary to find, among the existent projects, usefull architectural references , both locel and foreign, that give light on previous experiences on the search for Affordable Housing solutions, their role on the society and their possible variations to respond to specific needs.
CASE STUDIES Fenicia, Del Parque, Quesada represent the high density, high rise Social Housing experince in the center of Bogota
Previous page: 3 examples of social housing in the center of Bogota. image taken from Flickr, Pueblo Fuerte 91
Permanent Structure + Progressive Housing
PREVI housing in Peru James Stirling
1111 Lincoln Road Miami by Herzog and De Meuron
92
Social Housing Figino in Milano by Scandurra Studio
Interface facade role permeable + envolving + perforated
Centro Hospitalario by Fernando Pardo Arq.
left midddle, Offices at Grenoble by Anne Lacaton Social Housing in Monte Hacho by Morales Giles Mariscal
93
Volume Aggregation, infill projects and mixed use developments
60 Richmond Housing Cooperative by Teeple Architects
Social Housing in Paris by ECDM 94
Offices at Rathenow by Klaus Sill
Via Verde Hosuing in New York by Grimshaw + Datnner architects
1111 Lincoln Road Miami by Herzog and De Meuron 95
Material economy and interior/exterior response
Social Housing in Mieres by Zig Zag architects
Social Housing in Mieres by Zig Zag architects
96
Social Housing in Elmas by 2+1 Officina Architettura
Main Infrastructu Extended Center Area
Cycle path networ
Main roads with Tr
Main Infrastructure
Main Metropolitan
Urban Renew N
Cycle path network Main roads with Transmilenio
N AND CONTEXT Main Metropolitan Park ture Bogota
ork
Transmilenio
an Park
Urban Renewal area
Urban Renewal area
Site Location
PROJECT PROPOSAL
3. Site view and initial sketches
99
Initial layout study
+Interface corners across pedestrian vertical structure connection public to private
Existent lot
+Residences vertical modular alligned E-W light progressive growth
EXTERIOR -to- INTERIOR Exterior to Interior CIRCULATIONS Circulations
Access Circulatio
BUILDING and FIXTURES Building MEP andMEPfixtures DIAGRAM
Vert Inspe
Internal private circulations
Public passage through building
s and Vertical ons to communal
tical fixtures ection shafts
Interal horizontal installations suspended under slabs
Productive Areas PRODUCTIVE AREAS -through-throughCOMMUNAL ACTIVITIES Communal Activities
Laundry Services 90 sqm
Bicycle repair shop Car share parking Bike cafe 200 sqm
Housing
Rest Dining se Food m
90 +
Sustainable growth
Market Access
Added value goods Kindergarden and Day Care 200 sqm
Cooperative work
Arts & Crafts Workshops Artiginal shops 90 + 90 sqm
taurant ervices market
+ 300 sqm
Productive 20%
Interface Entrepreneurship
A Daycare Center
B Commercial Space for Rent
Arts & Crafts Shop
Food Market
Restaurant Laundry Service
Bike Cafe
N Car Sharing
Bike Sharing
PUBLIC LEVEL FLOOR PLAN
1:200
A
Daycare Center Arts & Crafts Workshop
C Daycare Center
Arts & Crafts Workshop
Communal Dining Hall
Kitchen
Food Storage
Residences Storage Bicycle Repair Shop
N
B
PUBLIC LEVEL FLOOR PLAN
1:200
COMMUNAL IN ACTIVITI
Interface Communal Activities
Vertical Garden
West individual Terraces
Housing
NTERNAL IES Sustainable growth
Roof Terrace Open air theatre Mountains view Learning Center Main Community Room Open Office Reading and silence Rooms
Cooperative work
Education Training
Infrastructure communications
Productive
Interface 15% Entrepreneurship
LONGITUDINAL SECTION C
1:200
West Elevation
Housing unit modular system
Metallic hand rail for balcony Wooden exterior shutters
Wardrobe and door modular system Sliding glassing panel mounted to walls
Living room/ dinning room
Single bedroom
Double bedroom
K
Kitchen
Wc
Bathroom
Wc +
Larger Bathroom
A/T
Available space or terrace
Recycled Tetrapak sandwich panel wall system
MEP piping under floating floor system U Channel modular Glass system SF60
Floating floor with different finishing materials Fixtures tubing below
Prefabricated Kitchen and Bathroom Boxes. Cantilivered metal structure with cementitious fiberboard. Plug in fixtures under floating floor.
Case 1. Large family from arrival
+ 1 Household with 2 children
K
120
Wc
1 Household with 2 children + extended family
K
Wc Wc +
Through an added staircase, corner space could be rented to appartments in different floors
121
Case 2. Young couple and single people
+ 1 Couple or single person
1 Couple or single + 1 children or room rental
A/T
Wc +
K
Wc +
K
A/T
Case 3. Students and Independent workers
+ 3 students or independet workers
A/T
A/T
K
124
3 students or independet workers + improved conditions
Wc +
K
Wc Wc +
Living room or Terrace or 4th roomate
125
With the buildings at 100%
construction capacity
50
100% Occupation diagram
1:500
A
B
N
Housing units
220
Inhabitants
900
Inhabitants/ha
1.
2% min
L + 24,50m
1. 150 mm white gravel covering Aluminum flange top nailed over wood 3 layer bituminous waterproofing membrane 1 layer Non woven protective fabric 100 mm(max) sloped leveling screed 200 mm reinforced concrete slab
2. 50 mm Folding wooden shutters on C profile 900 mm steel balcony rail with wooden top 70x150 mm aluminum C profile 40 mm sluminum frame sliding glass door 70x150 mm aluminum C profile anchored to ceiling 15 mm plasterboard panel nailed to C profile
2.
3. L + 21,20m
3. 15 mm Plastered cementitious fiberboard 2 layer bituminous waterproofing membrane 70x150 mm aluminum C profile 2x 15 mm plasterboard panel nailed to C profile 15 mm ceramic tile 19x120 Par-ker 80 mm screed above profile 50 mm metal deck IPE 140 steel beam substructure
4. 15 mm ceramic tile 19 x 120 Par-ker 180 mm M profile aerated lightwieght concrete blocks 1 layers Non Woven protective fabric 2 layer bituminous waterproofing membrane 200 mm reinforced concrete floor slab
5. 40 mm U Channel Glass system SF60 Store Front by Bendheim
6. 30 mm concrete tile 40 x 40
3 layer bituminous waterproofing membrane 70 mm leveling concrete (lightweight) 200 mm reinforced concrete floor slab 200 mm dim gres perforated drain channel Gravel and soil substrate
4.
5. L + 4,90m
6. 2% min
L + 0,00m
HOUSING BUILDING DETAILED SECTION
1:50
LONGITUDINAL SECTION A
1:200
East Elevation
BIBLIOGRAPHY •
Alberto, C. & Tovar, T., 2009. LA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA Y HOUSING FOR DISPLACED POPULATION IN COLOMBIA . PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW ENFORCEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS. , (August), pp.17-86.
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Ballén Zamora, S.A., 2009. Vivienda social en altura. Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
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Bogotá, A.M. de, 1950. CRECIMIENTO URBANO Bogotá 1900-1950, Bogota, Colombia.
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Bogotá, A.M. de, Plan de desarrollo Bogotá Humana. Sector Habitat, Bogota, Colombia.
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Bogotá, A.M. de, Plano anexo 1. 1, Bogota, Colombia.
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Bogotá, A.M. de, 2012. Plan de desarrollo económico y social y de obras públicas para Bogotá DC 2012-2016 Bogotá Humana. , p.48.
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Bogotá, C. de, 2012. POR EL CUAL SE ADOPTA EL PLAN DE DESARROLLO ECONÓMICO, SOCIAL, AMBIENTAL Y DE OBRAS PÚBLICAS PARA BOGOTÁ D.C. 2012-2016. , pp.1-103.
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Ceballos Ramos, O.L., 2006. Política habitacional y calidad de la vivienda. Bitacora, 10(1), pp.148-157. 135
136
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Colombia, G.N. de, 2010. Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2010-2014. Cap. III. Crecimiento sostenible y competitividad. , pp.49-248. Available at: http://www.dnp.gov.co/ PND/PND20102014.aspx.
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DANE, 2003. Evidencia reciente del comportamiento de la migración interna en Colombia a partir de la Encuesta Continua de Hogares, Bogota, Colombia. Available at: http://www.dane.gov.co/.
•
Duzan, M.J., 2012. Interview major Gustavo Petro. Revista Semana, (23/09/2012), pp.1-4. Available at: http:// www.semana.com/nacion/revocatoria-tendran-destruirprimero-sectores-populares/185144-3.aspx.
•
Espectador, E., 2012. Infografía densificación centro Bogotá.
•
Espectador, E., 2012. Petro le apuesta a la redensificación del centro de Bogotá. El Espectador. Available at: http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/articulo333430-petro-le-apuesta-redensificacion-del-centro-debogota.
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Janssen-Jansen, L.B. & Hutton, T. a., 2011. Rethinking the Metropolis: Reconfiguring the Governance Structures of the Twenty-first-century City-region. International Planning Studies, 16(3), pp.201-215. Available at: http://www. tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13563475.2011.591140 [Accessed June 9, 2012].
•
Leonardo Bonilla Mejía, 2008. Diferencias regionales en la distribución del ingreso en Colombia. Documentos de trabajo sobre Economia Regional, (108), p.39. Available at: http://www.banrep.gov.co/documentos/publicaciones/ regional/documentos/DTSER-108.pdf.
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Metrovivienda, 2012. Page 1 of 1. Instrucciones para postular su manzana, p.1. Available at: http://www. metrovivienda.gov.co/portel2012/libreria/php/decide. php?patron=01.040401.
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Petro, G.D. & Santos, G.D., 2012. Las viviendas gratis en Bogotá desnudan los retos del proyecto de Petro Las viviendas gratis en Bogotá desnudan los retos del proyecto de Petro. , pp.6-11.
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Rincón Avellaneda, P., 2004. Análisis de los procesos de re-densificación en Bogotá. , 8(1), pp.82-92.
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Salazar Ferro, J., 2001. Expansión o Densificación. Bitacora, 1(5), pp.21-35. Available at: http://facartes.unal.edu. co/portal/publicaciones/bitacoraut/5/dossier/expansion. pdf.
•
Urbanos, I. de E., 2011. ¿Es posible construir vivienda de interés prioritario en proyectos de renovación urbana? Debates de Gobierno Urbano.
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Hernandez-Castro, N., 2009. Reconocimiento de la autoproducción social del hábitat en Bogotá . Recognition of Hábitat by Social Self-Production in. Procesos Urbanos en Hábitat, Vivienda e Informalidad. 137
Websites •
http://www.eru.gov.co/
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http://institutodeestudiosurbanos.info/
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http://www.metrovivienda.gov.co/
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http://www.unhabitat.org/
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http://www.treehugger.com/
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http://europaconcorsi.com/
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http://aplust.net/
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http://inhabitat.com/
Special Thanks to: My family Prof. Joseph Di Pasquale Arch. Ceylan Sener and Colfuturo
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