Bachelors Thesis: A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting

A STUDY OF RESIDENTIAL M O B I L I T Y PAT T E R N S I N A N URBAN SETTING CASE OF AHMEDABAD WALLED CIT Y

Dissertation 2017 Author: Monjima Sen, UP3313 Guided by: Prof. Madhu Bharti

A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting

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A STUDY OF RESIDENTIAL M O B I L I T Y PAT T E R N S I N A N URBAN SETTING CASE OF AHMEDABAD WALLED CITY

Monjima Sen UP3313 Bachelor of Planning

Guided by: Prof. Madhu Bharti Dissertation 2017 No. of total pages: 86

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UNDERTAKING I, Monjima Sen, the author of the dissertation titled ‘A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting- A Case of Ahmedabad walled city’ hereby declare that this is an independent work of mine carried out towards partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the Bachelor of Planning degree by CEPT University, Ahmedabad, India. This work has not been submitted or is being submitted to any other institution for the award of any degree/diploma.

I also certify that the dissertation report has been written by me. Any help received in undertaking this research and preparing the dissertation report has been duly acknowledged.

All views and opinions expressed in this dissertation report are mine, and do not necessarily represent those of the institute. I also understand that any part(s) (e.g., conceptual ideas, empirical findings, data, etc.) of this research work that are not mine, if not suitably acknowledged, constitutes plagiarism.

Sign: Name of student: Monjima Sen Code: UP3313 Date: 5th May 2017

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CERTIFICATE This is to certify that the thesis titled ‘A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting: Case of Ahmedabad Walled City’ has been submitted by Monjima Sen (UP3313) towards the partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Bachelor’s degree in Planning. This is a bonafied work of the student and has not been submitted to any other university for award of any degree/diploma to the best of my knowledge.

_________________

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Prof. Neeru Bansal

Prof. Madhu Bharti

Chairperson, Dissertation Committee

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Dissertation Guide

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to extend my sincere and heartfelt obligation towards all who have helped me in this endeavour. Without their active guidance, help, encouragement and co-operation, I would not have made headway in the dissertation.

Primarily, I am extremely thankful and pay my gratitude to my faculty guide, Prof. Madhu Bharti, for her patience, valuable guidance and knowledgeable support at every step of this dissertation, right up to the completion.

I would also like to thank Prof. Sejal Patel, who provided inputs, critiques and feedbacks at every internal review conducted during the study period.

I am indebted to Centre for Environment Planning and Technology (CEPT) University for giving me this opportunity to undertake and present a personal research project based upon a topic of immense interest to me, as a part of the Bachelor of Planning curriculum.

I also extend my gratitude to all the families in the Dariyapur and Khadia ward of old Ahmedabad for their co-operation and honest response to the field survey. Their perspective was imperative for the success of this dissertation. Their inputs enriched the end product.

Also, the debates and discussions carried out with my classmates and colleagues helped me in refining the work presented.

Finally, I also acknowledge with a deep sense of reverence, my gratitude towards my parents, younger sister and family, who have always supported me morally as well as economically.

Any omission in this brief acknowledgement does not mean lack of gratitude.

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CONTENTS

UNDERTAKING .......................................................................................................................................................... v CERTIFICATE ............................................................................................................................................................. vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................................................................ ix LIST OF FIGURES .................................................................................................................................................... xiii Maps ...................................................................................................................................................................... xiii Tables .................................................................................................................................................................... xiii Images .................................................................................................................................................................. xiv Graphs.................................................................................................................................................................... xv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................................................... xvii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................................................................................................ xix 1.

1. PERCEIVE P E R C E I V E .........................................................................................................................................

1

1.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................................ 2 1.2 NEED FOR STUDY ............................................................................................................................................. 3 1.2.1 Overview....................................................................................................................................................... 3 1.2.2 Ahmedabad Walled City Specific ........................................................................................................ 4 1.3 WHAT IS RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY? ............................................................................................................. 6 2.

2. PLAN P L A N .................................................................................................................................................

7

2.1 RESEARCH QUESTION..................................................................................................................................... 8 2.2 AIM ......................................................................................................................................................................... 8 2.3 OBJECTIVES ......................................................................................................................................................... 8 DISSERTATION STRUCTURE ................................................................................................................................. 9 2.4 METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................................................................. 10 2.5 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS.......................................................................................................................... 13 3.

3. INQUIRE INQUIRE ..........................................................................................................................................................

15

3.1 LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................................................................................................................... 16 3.1.1 General Theories .................................................................................................................................... 16 3.1.2 Other Causal Variables ......................................................................................................................... 18 3.1.3 Additional Hypotheses ........................................................................................................................ 19 3.1.4 Adjustment in Case of Immobility ................................................................................................... 20 3.1.5 Adapting to Increased Mobility Rates............................................................................................ 21

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3.2 SITE STUDY ....................................................................................................................................................... 25 3.2.1 Housing in Old Ahmedabad .............................................................................................................. 25 3.2.2 Profile of Dariyapur ............................................................................................................................... 28 3.2.3 Profile of Khadia ..................................................................................................................................... 29 4. SYNTHESIZE 4. SYNTHESIZE .....................................................................................................................................................

31

4.1 COMMONALITIES .......................................................................................................................................... 32 4.2 ANALYSIS .......................................................................................................................................................... 33 4.2.1 Classification of Households.............................................................................................................. 33 4.2.2 Movement History ................................................................................................................................. 41 4.2.3 Future Movement .................................................................................................................................. 43 5.

5. DEDUCE D E D U C E ........................................................................................................................................

47

5.1 OBSERVATIONS .............................................................................................................................................. 48 5.2 CONCLUSIONS ............................................................................................................................................... 52 6.

6. SUGGEST S U G G E S T ................................................................................................................................................

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6.1 RETAINING RESIDENTS ................................................................................................................................ 53 6.1.1 Past Efforts................................................................................................................................................ 54 6.1.2 Future Measures ..................................................................................................................................... 57 6.1.3 Loopholes ................................................................................................................................................. 57 6.2 SUGGESTIONS ................................................................................................................................................. 58 BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................................................... 61 ANNEXURE .............................................................................................................................................................. 63 Questionnaire..................................................................................................................................................... 63 Entries ................................................................................................................................................................... 65 Census Definitions............................................................................................................................................ 65 Other Definitions .............................................................................................................................................. 66

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LIST OF FIGURES

Maps CH 1

Map 1: India on the world map…………………………………………………………………………………………….......4 Map 2: Location of Ahmedabad city in Gujarat, on the map of India……………………………………….4 Map 3: Walled city marked on the map of Ahmedabad……………………………..……………………………..5 CH 2

Map 4: Survey houses marked on the Ahmedabad walled city map………….……….……………………12 CH 3

Map 5: Contextual map of Dariyapur………………………………………………………………………………………28 Map 6: Contextual map of Khadia…………………………………………………………………………………………..29 CH 4

Map 7: Ahmedabad divided into six semi-circular rings to group neighbourhoods………………45 CH 5

Map 8: Existing land use map of Ahmedabad city…………………………………………………………………..49

Tables CH 2

Table 1: Demographic data of old Ahmedabad……………………………….……………………………..………11 Table 2: Demographic data of Khadia and Dariyapur……………………………….……………………...……..11 CH 3

Table 3: Dariyapur ward data…………………………………………………………………………………………..………28 Table 4: Khadia ward data……………………………………………………………………………………………………….29 CH 4

Table 5: Four types of households emerging from past and possible residential mobility……..33 Table 6: Bi variate table showing household size of each classified type………………………………..35 Table 7: Age of household head…………………………………………………………….………………………………35 Table 8: Average age of household composition……………………………………………………………………36 Table 9: No. of secondary and graduate level educated members in the households…………..36 Table 10: Family members engaged in permanent jobs…………………………………………………………36 Table 11: Household income earned per month……………………………………………………………………..37 Table 12: Maximum distance travelled by member(s) for work………………………………………………37 Table 13: Additions to the households’ composition after 2005…………………………………………….37 Table 14: Subtractions from the households’ composition after 2005……………………………………38 A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting

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Table 15: Rooms added to the current unit post 2005……………………………………………………………38 Table 16: Ownership status……………………………………………………………………..………………………………38 Table 17: Additional residential unit owned or not…………………………………………………………………39 Table 18: Condition of the units belonging to households surveyed……………………………………..39 Table 19: Relatives living in Ahmedabad or not………………………………………………………………………40 Table 20: Distance of relatives’ residence of the HH whose response was ‘Yes’…………………….40 Table 21: Satisfaction level of the households surveyed………………………………………………………….40 Table 22: Multi variate table showing inter relationship between three variables………………,…44 Table 23: Zones decided for analysis along with their details…………………………………………………45 CH 6

Table 24: TDR details………………………………………………………………………………………………………………57 Table 25: Suggestions details………………………………………………………………………………………………….58

Images CH 3

Image 1: Invasion and succession, a simplified model……………………………………………………………16 Image 2: Hoyt’s model…………………………………………………………………………………………………….……...17 Image 3: Housing through the lens of life course…………………………………………………………………..17 Image 4: A schematic diagram explaining types of residential displacements……………………….18 Image 5: Summary of the inter relationship between reasons for housing relocation…….…….19 Image 6: Stages of incremental housing………………………………………………………………………………..21 Image 7: Screen shot of the Sulafest official website……………………………………………………..……...22 Image 8: Screen shot of the Kalaghoda official website…………………………………………………...……23 Image 9: Screen shot of Okhai official website………………………………………………………………..…….23 Image 10: Schematic diagrams depicting arrangement of houses in old Ahmedabad……….…25 Image 11: A street in the pols…………………………………………………………………………………………….…..25 Image 12: Houses of heritage value…………………………………………………………………………………….…25 Image 13: Steps of residential property registration…………………………………………………………...…27 Image 14: A pol in Dariyapur…………………….……………………………………………………………………………30 Image 15: Attached pol houses in old city……………………………………………………………………………..30 Image 16: Locked residence in Dariyapur, vacancy confirmed by neighbours………………………30 Image 17: Ghodagadi nu Dahelu in Khadia……………………………………………………………………………30 Image 18: Entrance to pol ‘Kaachvado’ in Khadia…………………………………………………………………..30 Image 19: Packed fabric leading to minimal privacy……………………………………………………………...30 CH 6

Image 20: Screen shot of CHC official website………………………………………………………………………55 A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting

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Image 21: CHC’s heritage value chain……………………………………………………………………………………56

Graphs CH 2

Graph 1: Ward population dip over decades...............................................................................................10 CH 4

Graph 2: Percentage of households which moved in the past…………………………………………….…..41 Graph 3: Mobility distance………………………………………………………………………………………………………41 Graph 4: Condition for shifting………………………………………………………………………………………….…....41 Graph 5: Ownership before shifting………………………………………………………………………………………..42 Graph 6: Ownership increased post shift……………………………………………...............................................42 Graph 7: Earlier typologies occupied by the households that underwent mobility…………………42 Graph 8: Number of rooms before move………………………………………………………………………………..42 Graph 9: Number of rooms after move…………………………………………………………………………………..42 Graph 10: Future movement plans of sample households………………………………………………….…..43 Graph 11: Reasons households do not plan to move……………………………………………………………..43 Graph 12: Response to whether households would move if monetary help is available………….43 Graph 13: Response to future room stress or space issues……………………………………………………...44 Graph 14: Vote for favoured neighbourhood (zone)……………………………………..…………………….….46

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS HH – Household GoI – Government of India MoHUPA – Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation GHB – Gujarat Housing Board NHB – National Housing Bank HUDCO – Housing and Urban Development Corporation GRUH – Gujarat Rural and Urban Housing ISHUP – Interest Subsidy Scheme for Housing the Urban Poor PMAY – Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana PPP – Public Private Partnership TDR – Transferable Development Rights UNESCO – United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization NGO – Non-Governmental Organizations RAH – Residential Affordable Housing GDCR – General Development Control Regulations CDP – Comprehensive Development Plan AMC – Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation AMTS - Ahmedabad Municipal Transport Service BRTS - Bus Rapid Transit System FSI – Floor Space Index USP – Unique Selling Point AUDA – Ahmedabad Urban Development Authority JnNURM – Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission ASI – Archaeological Survey of India CRUTA – Conservation and Research of Urban Traditional Architecture CHC – City Heritage Centre MHT – Mahila Housing Trust SEWA – Self Employed Women’s Association CSR – Corporate Social Responsibility TRC – Tradable Rights Certificate SMC – Surat Municipal Corporation TCSRD - Tata Chemicals Society for Rural Development SHG – Self Help Groups NFPO – Not for Profit Organizations A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Introduction

Per a headline in the Indian Express newspaper dated 30th July 2015, close to 42,000 housing units remain unsold in Ahmedabad city and builders are facing tremendous pressures as the sale of houses in the city are at a ‘record five year low’. It is estimated that the developers in Ahmedabad will require about two years before this unsold inventory is cleared.

Therefore, it is indeed an irony that where on one hand, India faces an urban housing shortage of approximately 20 million units, on the other hand, cases of vacancy across metropolitan cities are aplenty. Both the government, through its housing schemes and rehabilitation policies, and the private real estate sector, through private public partnership models and individual projects, are injecting stock into the market. Add to this, the phenomena of continuous adjustments of households to constantly adapt to their changing residential needs. These incidents are causing a vacuum for residential adjustments to happen through the housing chain effect. The purpose of the dissertation presented is to study about one such case. Ahmedabad walled city consists of six wards which are facing depleting population and household numbers over the decades (19912001-2011). This means that people are moving out due to certain factors.

If this continues to happen, soon, the old city of Ahmedabad will become a dead boutique city. The idea is to study the housing behaviour of the households of walled Ahmedabad with respect to residential mobility, how they moved in the past, what are their future housing plans and if they are actually moving out rapidly, then how can they be retained.

Study

The study of this dissertation has been carried out by preparing household level questionnaires and surveying 100 families selected based on random sampling across only two out of the six wards of old Ahmedabad, namely Dariyapur and Khadia, owing to time and labour constraints. Since the study primarily focusses on unearthing the reasons why families are moving out of walled city, variables like household demography, change in family composition, family income, working and educated members, information of incremental construction, presence of relatives in the city, past movement, future housing plans, preferred localities in Ahmedabad etc. have been studied. Then, based on their response, the 100 households have been divided into four categories or types, and their housing behaviour have been co related to residential mobility theories like Burgess model, Hoyt’s model, Life cycle model etc., found in literary works across journals or Ph.D. thesis by experts, in order to test the relevance of these theories and hypotheses with respect to Ahmedabad.

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Findings

Out of the sample surveyed, 15 families coded ‘In-transit’ emerge as the most mobile i.e. they moved in the past and are willing to move again; 10 families coded ‘Type B’ have moved in the past but are now settled in walled Ahmedabad for good; 45 families coded ‘Type C’ have never moved but desire to move in the future; and 30 families coded ‘Type D’ emerge as the most immobile ones i.e. they neither moved earlier nor want to move again. Therefore, the intracity residential rate so far in old Ahmedabad is 25% and is expected to go up to 60%, an increase of 35% by 2025 (approx.). Several bivariate tables are prepared and studied in terms of the variables data collected to match the behaviour of the four types to the theories. It is also noticed that in the past, changing houses have proved to be advantageous for the families. Moreover, residential adjustments in case of immobility is also recorded in the form of incremental housing behaviour. While outer west of Ahmedabad emerges as the most popular choice for future movements, outer east is deemed as the least likable area in Ahmedabad. All in all, the findings collected in the form of questions of quantitative and qualitative close ended nature, help in drawing conclusions like which theories conform to the case at hand and how can the rapid increase in future mobility rates be curbed.

Conclusions

On comparing the findings with the residential mobility literature, the theories and concepts which hold their validity in the case studied are Burgess model, Hoyt’s model, Life cycle model, room stress hypothesis, and the concept of satisfaction with respect to neighbourhood. Apart from these, a few others which are partly valid in the case of the sample studied are the Trade-off model, hypothesis of tenure or ownership, and household size. Lastly, the concept which is proved to be completely invalid to the case at hand is the hypothesis with respect to educated and earning members within the household. Finally, after all the analysis based upon the information gathered is completed, the study concludes by stating that yes, rapid out migration from walled Ahmedabad is a reality, and if certain measures are not taken, then the UNESCO nominated World Heritage Site will soon cease to exist as a living breathing heritage city.

Suggestions

Lastly, after looking at what steps have already been taken to conserve heritage and life in walled Ahmedabad, some loopholes are found out and measures are suggested based on case studies within India, few Asian cities and western country. It is noticed that there are scopes like focussing on intangible heritage as much as tangible ones; developing annual and biennial style festivals which spur tourism and income generation and at the same time provide privacy and space to the lifestyles of the residents; setting up online retail stores in collaboration with artisans to encourage them and at the same time remove exploitative middle men etc. to keep a check on the shooting future residential mobility rate.

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1.

PERCEIVE

1.1 INTRODUCTION Human beings, historically, began to evolve as nomads. Moving from one habitat to another seasonally, their primary instinct was to hunt, gather and later produce where the land was fertile, the climate was liveable and resources were aplenty. This nature of human beings, to adjust their life and community around their needs in terms of livelihood, basic requirements and opportunities, can be attributed to the origin of migration- a term that Oxford dictionary explains as ‘movement of people to a new area or country to find work or better living conditions’.

At that time, the small communities or tribes had the luxury of taking their shelters along with themselves. Lifestyles were not as elaborate and habitats, not as complex. Hence, shelters were mobile and practically an extended part of life. However, in the 21st century, this hardly holds true. Even though the intent of humans moving their base remains largely the same, the idea of taking an ‘ideal house’ along is no more a reality. This is where the term ‘residential mobility’ comes into picture.

The concept of residential mobility is solely concerned with the ‘housing’ aspect of migration.

“A house, in its most basic form, offers its inhabitants shelter from climate, personal safety,

privacy, sense of belonging to the community, and thus providing roots to the individual in the society.” (Singh, 1981) However, when a HH is dissatisfied with its house for one or more

reasons, and there is available stock in the housing market, there is both demand as well as supply generation. This causes movement of the HH and probably another HH moves into this family’s older unit. Hence, “it is the mismatch which triggers or drives residential mobility and housing selection.” (Clark W. A., 2012) The study presented in this dissertation tries to primarily find out variables that play a strong role in HHs’ decision to change houses. By taking wards in the Ahmedabad walled city (also referred to as old Ahmedabad or walled Ahmedabad throughout the dissertation) as case study, the idea is to draw out emerging patterns of residential mobility within the urban fabric and the micro and macro level forces that cause these moves. Since “residential land is the

single largest component of the urban system and the location of other uses i.e. commercial, public utilities etc. depends on the location of residential use, studying such patterns will enable us to know spatial structure evolution as well as urban growth and change.”

(Govindaraju, 1982) The idea is to encapsulate the dynamic idea of housing adjustments of different HHs either by moving or opting for incremental housing (in case of immobility). What is particularly noticeable is that most of the studies referred to on residential mobility in India, has taken place more than three decades ago (Govindaraju, 1982; Singh, 1981; Auluck, 1980; Mukundan, 1986). Also, culture plays a role in defining mobility and what holds true in western countries may or may not apply here- “Mobility varies across countries, with very high rates in United States (U.S.) and much lower rates in Japan and European countries” (Clark W. A., 2012). This dissertation tries to find out the current scenario in the context of an Indian metropolitan city centre set in the year of 2017.

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1.2 NEED FOR STUDY

1.2.1 Overview To cater to the housing demands of one billion plus population, the GoI is working rapidly at the central, state and local levels to assist at least lower income groups. MoHUPA is one such organization which takes the responsibility at national level followed by state boards for e.g.

GHB in the next tier. Financial provisions are ensured through NHB, HUDCO, GRUH etc. and schemes such as ISHUP, PMAY etc. exist to add to the affordable housing stock.

Apart from these public-sector efforts, the private real estate industry is also adding its share of units into the housing market which aim at the middle to higher income groups or are working in partnership with the government (PPP model) to inject affordable units into the markets in exchange for monetary benefits for e.g. TDRs. Add to this the phenomena of very old neighbourhoods witnessing their inhabitants to eventually move out leaving the houses empty, for e.g. walled city, Ahmedabad.

These phenomena are leading to the creation of vacuum or vacancy in the housing market and there is a domino effect where other HHs want the (old or newly constructed) empty units.

They either want to shift from rental housing to ownership at affordable prices or have lost a job and want to shift to a smaller house or are looking for cheap abode in the city centre or have added to their family and want to shift a larger house on the outskirts. In such situations, residential mobility takes place. Hence, “Mobility is the core process which keeps the housing

market working and is one of the two engines, the other one being finance.

The changes in humans’ lives are paralleled by shifting choices in the housing market which makes studying residential mobility a core element of understanding the housing market.

Mobility decisions made every year in different cities fundamentally change neighbourhoods, communities and housing markets. Understanding the process of residential mobility helps housing specialists understand the broader changes in the housing market and, by implication, the changes in our society as individuals interact with communities and neighbourhoods.

The changes in household location creates change in the urban mosaic. While the unrelated individual level moves operate independently, the aggregate outcomes generate visible signs of change in urban systems and in housing occupancy composition. There is a creation of vacancy chain that allows movement in the housing market. Residential mobility remains the engine of behavioural change which is at the heart of dynamic urban systems.� (Clark W. A., 2012). It is therefore, safe to validate the importance of studying this phenomenon. By carrying out a brief study, this research will present tentative findings which are explanatory in nature.

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1.2.2 Ahmedabad Walled City Specific The origin of walled city Ahmedabad dates back to 1411 A.D. and was founded by Ahmed Shah I of Gujarat sultanate. Situated on the eastern banks of Sabarmati river, the old city constituted of residential settlements called ‘pols’ and these cohesive units constituted of houses which today, are as old as 600 years of age. Over time, rapid industrialization under British Raj, with the onset of textile mills which gave Ahmedabad the title of ‘Manchester of the East’, witnessed the establishment of the railway line between Ahmedabad and Mumbai (then Bombay) in 1864 A.D. This catapulted into the development of the western side of the Sabarmati river.1 As the commercial core of the city began to spread from the walled city towards Ashram Road and C.G. Road, the city to the west of Sabarmati river (Map 3) witnessed an influx of residential areas (for e.g. the first co-operative housing society in western Ahmedabad, called Pritamnagar). This meant that, even though initially at a slower pace, there was a population shift taking place from the east towards the west. Talking in terms of numbers, the number of pols in 20112 was 496 but as per World Heritage Encyclopaedia3, the number stands at 159, Wikipedia mentions 176 pols in its list of pols in Ahmedabad. Also, the walled city constitutes of six wards namely Khadia, Kalupur, Dariyapur, Shahpur, Raikhad and Jamalpur. The cumulative population growth percentage from 1991 to 2001 for these six wards was 3.31% and that from 2001 to 2011 was -1.26%. In terms of HH growth percentage, from 1991 to 2001, it was 51.8% whereas from 2001 to 2011 it was just 8.9%.4 These numbers clearly indicate a drastic fall in growth rates of both population as well as HHs in the walled city of Ahmedabad.

Ahmedabad

Map 1: India on the world map, Source: freeworldmaps.net

Map 2: Location of Ahmedabad city in Gujarat state, on the map of India, Source: mapsofindia.com

1

whc.unesco.org (Shinde, 2014) 3 WorldHeritage.org 4 Census 1991, 2001, 2011 2

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Sabarmati River

Map 3: Walled city marked on the map of Ahmedabad, Source: mapbox.com

Sumegh Shinde (Shinde, 2014) mentions that “there is a vacant stock of housing lying in the old city of Ahmedabad.� Per Census of India 2011, total urban housing stock of Ahmedabad district was 12 lakhs of which 13% i.e. 1,56,000 houses were vacant. Due to the aspirations of the people and the urban pressures surrounding it, the walled city is witnessing high residential mobility rates owing to the fact that properties have grown old, infrastructure is suffering and the units have become very small in size to accommodate bigger families. Vacant housing stock is an indicator of how there is a mismatch between housing requirements and supply available in the housing market.

Hence, taking up walled city of Ahmedabad as case study might answer the questions like why there is a constant decline in the population, the number of HHs and the pols; what are the reasons houses are lying vacant, why even after being nominated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, the walled city is turning into an urban fabric full of boutique houses to attract tourists (expensive renovations of Mangaldas ni Haveli, Diwanji ni Haveli; Heritage Walk initiative5; EuroIndia Centre, an NGO registered in France mentions 12000 homes in Ahmedabad have been restored so far to promote heritage tourism and its allied business) rather than remaining the living breathing heritage it was about three or four decades ago. This study will not just help understand what are the variables playing roles in the decision-making process of the HHs of the pols, it will also try to point out the patterns of movers and stayers, and it will do so in the context of an old city of a metropolitan in India.

5

cityhc.org

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1.3 WHAT IS RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY?

John R. Short (Short, 1978) defines residential mobility or intraurban migration as “the

movement of households within urban areas and the predominant form of population movement in the developed world. Residential mobility can be seen as the process whereby households move in order to obtain housing in conformity with new space requirements. In general, patterns of residential mobility maintain segregation of socio-economic groups in the city.”

William A. V. Clark (Clark W. A., 2012) explains residential mobility as “the process by which

households match their housing needs to the houses available to them and it is mobility which brings about the matching between households and houses.”

Bogue (Bogue & Donald, 1969) says that “residential mobility signifies any change in the usual

residence that involves a movement from one structure (house, apartment, hotel, dormitory) to another.” And Rossi (Rossi & Peter, 1955) describes it as “a process through which families adjust themselves to the changing housing needs which are generated by life cycle changes”.

In another source, William A. V. Clark and Jun L. Onaka (Clark & Onaka, 1983) mention how residential mobility is “a combination of an adjustment move (adjusting to the market), an

induced move (changes in household composition and lifecycle), and a forced move (loss of housing unit or job).” However, this definition has more to do with the causes rather than defining the phenomenon itself. But then again, residential mobility as a term will hold no meaning without mentioning its causes, consequences and importance.

Claudia Coulton, Brett Theodos and Margery A. Turner (Coulton, Theodos, & Turner, 2012) point out that “residential mobility essentially reflects improvements in a family’s

circumstances, such as buying a home for the first time, moving to be close to a new job, or trading up to a better-quality housing unit or neighbourhood. It is, sometimes, also a symptom of instability and insecurity, with many low-income households making short-distance moves because of problems with landlords, creditors, or housing conditions. Similarly, staying in place sometimes reflects a family’s security, satisfaction, and stability with its home and neighbourhood surroundings, but in other cases it may reflect that a family lacks the resources to move to better housing or to a preferred neighbourhood.” Again, here the definition speaks volumes about the reason why residential mobility study makes sense more than what it means.

Ultimately, residential mobility is an evolved form of the primal instinct of adapting to changing surroundings. It is a way in which humans constantly strive for bettering their and their family’s lives. It is an adjustment phenomena. Therefore, the function of the term ‘residential mobility’ plays the overriding role in its definition. This builds the case for the study presented.

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2.

PLAN

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2.1 RESEARCH QUESTION

“What is the housing behaviour of households in walled city Ahmedabad with respect to residential mobility?�

2.2 AIM

This dissertation will primarily concentrate on unearthing the reasons which compel families to move and choose a new housing unit and the neighbourhood it comes within or the decision to stay put in the same unit for generations with respect to the core city. Yes, housing is one of the necessities of humans to lead a dignified life. But ultimately, every minute aspect of housing- be it the distance of the house from work place or the number of rooms in the house, several elements play a crucial role in either acting as a pull factor or a push factor. This thesis will focus on many such variables or factors that give reasons to a HH to undergo intracity mobility or otherwise live in the same house while opting for incremental housing as a means of adjusting to their growing residential space needs. And if it is found that the residents of old Ahmedabad are swiftly migrating out, even in the years to come, then attempts to retain them through recommendations, regulations and ideas will be made.

2.3 OBJECTIVES

The objectives of the study include: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

To study housing behaviour of the HHs in old Ahmedabad To study movement history of the HHs To study factors responsible for residential mobility or immobility To identify probable future movement patterns and their reasons To suggest measures to retain people in old city in case of rapid out migration

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DISSERTATION STRUCTURE

This dissertation follows the following chapterization scheme:

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2.4 METHODOLOGY

Step 1: Literature Review This dissertation was initiated as a consequence of thorough readings based on the topic of ‘residential mobility’. Literatures in the form of dissertations were sourced from the university library. Even though studies similar to the one presented in this literature have taken place earlier, the case study is unique. The referred dissertations proved to be extremely beneficial as most of the research papers are set in international contexts. The dissertations referred primarily exposed Indian context set in cities like Coimbatore, Ludhiana etc. Research papers from journals gave in depth theoretical knowledge in terms of definitions, types of residential mobility, causes and consequences and tools to be adopted to gather the relevant primary data from site, and steps taken to bring residential mobility rates under control. Lastly, books and online sources proved to be helpful to gather factual information.

Step 2: Selection of Study Area In order to undertake primary survey on site, Ahmedabad walled city was selected as the core zone (out of the three typical zones in a city i.e. core, middle and periphery) for study. Per Manuel Garcia Docampo (Docampo, 2016) people move amongst these zones more than household units or neighbourhoods. He says that people rapidly start moving back to periphery after moving to the core city. Sunita Auluck (Auluck, 1980) states that “with the

growth of the city people move from inner to outer areas to satisfy residential requirements.”

Hence, across cities, the core zone plays a vital role in the residential mobility process. Its spatial nature i.e. high density commercial and mixed use in close proximity to residential areas makes it both desirable and non-desirable based on the nature of the HH. This was the reason why Ahmedabad walled city was selected. Also, demographic data of the past three decades pointed out to three wards particularly:

Graph 1: Ward population dip over decades, Source: Census of India

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Ward

Khadia Kalupur Dariyapur Shahpur Raikhad Jamalpur Total

Population Growth % 91-01 -18.98 -11.35 -8.22 9.76 80.17 6.14 3.31

Population Growth % 01-11 -9.46 -12.23 0.92 8.70 3.42 -0.44 -1.26

Household Growth % 91-01

Household Growth % 01-11

13.5 50.1 155.2 41.7 43.1 67.3 51.8

-1.8 -4.2 14.3 19.0 11.3 15.1 8.9

Table 1: Demographic data of old Ahmedabad, Source: Census of India

Owing to the limited scope of the study, only two wards were selected for surveying. Khadia was chosen because of consecutive fall in population over the three decades. And Dariyapur, since between 1991 and 2001, there was growth in HH number by more than 100%, but the following decade only about 15% growth was observed.

Step 3: Selection of Sample Size A similar research done in the city of Ludhiana, with a universal sample number of 60,000 HHs, selected 1% sample size i.e. 600 HHs for interview after applying mathematical formulae.

However, it took over four months for the author to complete the data collection (Auluck, 1980). Again, owing to the time constraint factor i.e. two weeks to survey, this dissertation narrowed down its sample size to 0.5%.

Ward

Pop_2011

HH_2011

KHADIA

49408

11525

DARIYAPUR

63664

13170

113072

24695

0.5% of 24,695 = 123 HHs which was rounded of to 100 HHs (sample size)

Step 4: Selection of Sample Location The selection of houses for surveying was based upon random sampling keeping spatial representation in mind and hence geographical distribution was ensured within the study area (Map 4). Each house selected was approximately 125 meters away from one another and in case of different HHs living on different floors of the same house, only the ground floor HH was surveyed. 50 HHs were marked in Dariyapur and 50 were marked in Khadia. Since both these wards included old city neighbourhoods as well as the newer settlements, only those houses were selected which were situated in the former neighbourhoods.

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Map 4: Survey houses marked on the Ahmedabad walled city map, Source: Primary

Step 5: Questionnaire Preparation and Time Frame Residential mobility data can be secondary in nature like “McKenzie has used city telephone

directories to analyse the rate of intracity residential mobility. Similarly, other authors have made use of city records such as voter registration records, school records etc. However, mobility studies have also been conducted based on primary data by formulating interview schedules for the verification of their hypotheses. In India, secondary data of the aforementioned kind is often unavailable, not up-to-date or not relevant to the objectives of the study” (Auluck, 1980). Hence, a structured HH level questionnaire was canvassed, most of the questions being close ended in nature, based on the broad category of the variables such as: • • • • • • • • • • •

HH demographic profile Education level Occupation details HH composition change Income Current housing unit profile Incremental construction record Past residential movements Future shifting plans Neighbourhood perception Infrastructure perception

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The survey was conducted in February 2017 for two weeks and since time dimension played a vital role in the conceptualised study, a time bracket of about 12 years was considered (20052017). Since “20-25 years old records can prove to be ambiguous due to the problem of recall

lapse and two three years may be too short a period to be able to indicate the real extent of intracity residential mobility� (Auluck, 1980). Records prior to 2005 were not a part of this study.

Step 6: Data Synthesis The data gathered owing to the questionnaire was entered into data sheets, following which analysis and inferences were drawn. Post this, the results were correlated to the theories across literature and references in order to test and validate their relevance with respect to Ahmedabad walled city. Finally, trends and patterns were studied and conclusions were drawn.

Step 7: Suggestions Based on the conclusion, the dissertation attempted to wrap up by providing a few suggestions to contain the population of walled Ahmedabad within itself instead of allowing rapid intracity residential mobility to continue. This was done with the help of studying cases, during the initial literature review period, of cities in India and abroad, accompanied by the attempts made by various governmental, private and/or non-governmental organizations.

These bodies tried to reduce out migration with the help of policy interventions, infrastructural improvements and basically taking all those measures which ensured that the people got reasons good enough to stay back in their homes within their current homes instead of finding a new abode elsewhere.

2.5 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

Ideally, intracity residential mobility studies are carried out by recording data at two points of time (Auluck, 1980; Coulton, Theodos, & Turner, 2012). However, due to the duration of study limited to four months, only one reference point was considered. Another setback was that the details of the HHs which had already moved out of old city- evident by locked houses, were not sampled in the study. Hence, an essential part of information was missed out on, since the neighbours often did not express much about these missing families, nor was it possible to track them down to record their say. Also, in view of the smallness of the sample, the findings of the dissertation, presented ahead, cannot be used to generalize the concept of residential mobility. The context, that the study is set in, is specific in nature in terms of functionality. Additionally, the data collected represents only the views of the residents of walled city Ahmedabad and no other third party has been consulted for external viewpoints.

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3.

INQUIRE

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3.1 LITERATURE REVIEW

3.1.1 General Theories John R. Short (Short, 1978) talks about theories of residential mobility in the broadest manner possible. He categorises residential mobility based on four theories. This section mentions the theories and includes excerpts from other readings which correlate to them: 1. Invasion successions theory (Burgess model): In this model, mobility typically originates from the core city, the point where immigrants are assumed to arrive, and spreads outwards to the city periphery. Burgess termed this as ‘invasion and succession’ i.e. the newly arrived immigrants6 ‘invade’ areas closest to the city centre and along the way, ‘succeeding’ or displacing the previous population (Image 1). This initiates a ‘chain reaction’ or the phenomenon called ‘housing chain or vacancy chain’ (Clark W. A., 2012) with each group of population moving closer to the city suburbs. But just like any other theory, this one has its share of assumptions like housing allocation is solely through market forces. But this does not hold true in countries like Singapore or India (where low income HHs can obtain public housing on the city periphery called RAH zone in Ahmedabad Development Plan).

Image 1: Invasion and succession, a simplified model, Source: (Short, 1978)

2. Filtering (Hoyt’s model): Per this model, new residential areas crop up owing to the obsolescence of existing housing stock and a desire for high status HHs to maintain status.

This expansion occurs in opposite direction to industrial land use. This continuous out movement of higher income groups leaves vacant stock which is subsequently occupied by lower income HHs (Image 2). However, the drawback of this theory is that high status house owning families are not as mobile in real life. Sentimental ties to the neighbourhood, racial segregation and relationship ties (Coulton, Theodos, & Turner, 2012) also play a restrictive role in the desire to move.

6

All the underlined terms under the topic 3.1 ‘Literature Review’ are variables causing residential mobility

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Image 2: Hoyt's model, Source: (Short, 1978)

3. Life cycle model: The most intensely discussed of all models, this theory justifies residentially mobility through age of the human being or the phase of life he/she is in as the defining factor of moving. However, per the cultural differences in the eastern and western countries, the degree to which this theory holds true differs. The model says that in a housing market free of public policies and huge income differences, families adjust their housing needs generated by the shifts in family composition because of life cycle changes. William A. V. Clark (Clark W. A., 2012) however argues that ‘life course’ is a step forward to understanding residential mobility. Life cycle has more to do with the ageing of a human body and the complexities associated. Life course determines mobility more

Image 3: Housing through the lens of life course, Source: (Clark W. A., 2012)

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closely since it maps the nature in which the human is behaving at each stage of his or her life. While some researchers suggest that housing changes vary between age groups others suggest life course divides mobility patterns based on decisions in life like getting employed, marrying, having children etc. Claudia Coulton, Brett Theodos and Margery A. Turner (Coulton, Theodos, & Turner, 2012) talk about ‘life course perspective’ where residential mobility is a factor of human development and life events play a crucial role in determining residential mobility. In fact, certain concepts of residential mobility arise from changing housing needs because of life course (Clark W. A., 2012) such as ‘room consumption’ or the space requirement of every HH. Room numbers are often upgraded when families move due to room stress or the mismatch between number of rooms desired and available. Therefore, increase in rooms with each move reduces the HH’s possibilities of moving further.

4.

Trade off model (Alonso’s bid rent theory): This model states residential mobility is caused as a result of deciding whether a HH wants to spend more for travelling by living away from the place of work and saving on housing cost, or wants to live near the central business district and pay higher rent while saving on transport costs. Therefore, increased travel costs and housing costs substitute each other. This concept is discussed more deeply

by William A. V. Clark (Clark W. A., 2012) who mentions how change in places accessed by any HH determines residential mobility. Per him, not just work place, but travel to certain daily accessed nodes play a role in ‘partial and total displacement.’ For example, if the places accessed by any HH change to new ones which are 50 kilometres or farther away than the residential unit, then the family is most likely to change its house soon.

Image 4: A schematic diagram explaining types of residential displacements, Source: (Clark W. A., 2012)

3.1.2 Other Causal Variables Other than the variables discussed in the previous section, as a part of theories; there are a few other reasons HHs choose to move. William A. V. Clark (Clark W. A., 2012) mentions some of them:

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• • • •

•

Tenure: Renters are much more likely to move than owners. For e.g., in United States, 72% of renters moved in the past 5 years compared to 31% owners (U.S. Census, 2000) Education: The higher the level of education within a HH, the greater the chances of moving.

Earning members: Two-earner member HHs have higher chances of moving than those HHs with one worker.

Unforeseen circumstances: Circumstances like being evicted, problems arising due to health issues, events like death, natural disasters, manmade disasters like riots and failed employment (often causing ‘failed mobility’ or when HHs move back to their previous unit) play a role in residential mobility.

Previous mobility: Longer a family stays in a residence, longer they would continue to stay. Claudia Coulton, Brett Theodos and Margery A. Turner (Coulton, Theodos, & Turner, 2012) in their research try to classify HHs surveyed into movers, stayers and new comers, with further sub classifications like churning movers, positive newcomers dissatisfied stayers etc. based on their level of interaction in the neighbourhood, their family composition, their income etc.

Image 5: Summary of the inter relationship between reasons for housing relocation, Source: (Clark & Onaka, 1983)

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3.1.3 Additional Hypotheses The theories and variables discussed so far largely try to list down all the human emotions and expectations and situations under which they take up residential mobility as a family. These are applicable to any family living in any part of the world. Various studies done on similar lines drew up a variety of hypotheses and went on to check their validity in the context of their case study.

In order to do something similar in this dissertation, the section enlists additional hypotheses as part of intracity residential mobility study done in 1980 by Sunita A. V. Auluck (Auluck, 1980) in industrial Ludhiana, a city in Punjab state of northern India; and in the later part, tries to match them to old Ahmedabad. Even though walled city Ahmedabad differs in character and the year of study is 2017- almost 40 years after the one carried out by her, the hypotheses are derived as they might prove to be very much relevant even to this date.

Firstly, both the studies are based in Indian cities, and secondly, human tendencies and behaviour take generations to change. Four to five decades might not be enough to invalidate these hypotheses in terms of housing behaviour. Following are some hypotheses (few of which are in addition to what has already been discussed earlier) that might give families incentives to undertake residential mobility:

• • • • • • •

Change in HH composition leads to perceived inadequacy of house HHs with younger HH heads have a higher chance of movement Small sized HHs hold a higher chance of movement HHs dissatisfied with their neighbourhood have a strong incentive to move Families living in average to poor condition units have a propensity to move Renters experience higher intracity residential mobility HHs having relatives living in the same city seek residence closer to them

Some of these hypotheses have appeared in the earlier literature reviews as a part of a theory like life cycle model or Hoyt’s model. However, enlisting them will help check their validity in Ahmedabad during the analysis and conclusion drawing period.

3.1.4 Adjustment in Case of Immobility Like there are push factors that compel houses to undertake mobility, HHs also face pull factors that force them to stay back. According to Claudia Coulton, Brett Theodos and Margery A. Turner (Coulton, Theodos, & Turner, 2012), there are factors which make families resistant to move or if at all move, then only short distances (partial displacement). These factors maybe: • • • •

Attachment to their current house or neighbourhood (seen more often in low income HHs as compared to high income ones) Relationships that might be disrupted due to the move Lack of money to opt for a new unit Racial segregation or racial inequity (e.g. typically, black and white neighborhoods seen more evidently in Western neighborhoods)

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However, the presence of pull factors does not mean HHs do not have aspirations for their homes. This means that there might be situations where residential adjustments are required but mobility is not a viable option. In such a case, incremental housing takes place. Popular in third world countries and Europe in the past, Reinhard Goethert (Goethert, 2010) explains incremental housing as “a step by step process where communities or citizens start with a core

shelter. The starter core may be a kitchen/bathroom unit or just a bare lot with utility connection potential. But recommended is a multi-purpose room with basic kitchen/bath facilities. Owners control the expansion of their housing based on their needs and resources.”

The reason why this aspect of housing is essential to understand residential mobility is to justify immobility. In India, community and neighbourhoods have traditionally been close knit and there is a strong sense of social interaction. Since this particular dissertation study is designed in the walled city, where neighbourhoods are hundreds of years old, there is a high probability of HHs opting for incremental housing over residential mobility as long as the constructions are legal and in accordance with the GDCRs based on the land use and zoning.

There might be families which have stayed put in their ancestral houses for generations for sentimental reasons alone. Hence, residential adjustment in case of immobility will play a crucial role in understanding the residential mobility patterns of the HHs living in walled Ahmedabad.

I

II

III

A method of meeting room stress in case of forced immobility

Image 6: Stages of incremental housing, Source: Primary

3.1.5 Adapting to Increased Mobility Rates It is important to understand the implications of rapid out movement of people from a traditional residential area and how it can prove to be a threat to the fabric of the city. For the case study of this dissertation, if the intracity residential mobility rate is found to be increasing by leaps and bounds in the coming times, then it is essential to look at a few cases from within India as well as the world over, where measures have been taken to attract tourism, generate income, encourage tradition and culture and ultimately by doing all of this, retain people within the region instead of letting them be pushed away. Hence, the following case studies point out how residential mobility rates can be brought under control, but while doing so, keeping the ‘walled city character’ in mind. After all, the case at hand is unique and walled Ahmedabad is synonymous to heritage value.

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1. Surat (Gujarat, India): In the paper ‘Heritage - a Case Study of Surat’ (Gandhi, Padhya, & Naresh, 2008), the authors point out to one of the most important steps taken by SMC – categorizing Surat’s heritage into two i.e. tangible and intangible heritage. Under tangible heritage, religious, institutional, historic and residential buildings are included. Under intangible heritage, arts and crafts, cultures and traditions like kite flying and Navratri festival; traditional trade and commerce like zari work, jewellery industry etc.; music and literature; traditional communities like Bohras, Jains, Parsis; are included. SMC has paid close attention to documentation of trade and commerce in walled city, promotion and financing of training institutes related to traditional trades, shipping and airport facilities to increase the reach of traditional business worldwide, financial incentives to students who take up courses related to intangible heritage in architecture and arts colleges, introduction of courses on intangible heritage to safeguard the future of artisans and their culture etc.

2. Nashik and Mumbai (Maharashtra, India)7: Firstly, talking about the initiative taken by Sula vineyards in Nashik, the Sulafest was cleverly designed to make the best use of an attractive backdrop of a scenic vineyard to gather people from the world over to a festival filled with wine and food tasting, music concerts and shopping. Taking advantage of an available resource, the owners were able to create an excellent annual festival generating income by providing what is popularly demanded by their target customers – the youth.

Secondly, talking about Mumbai, the Kalaghoda Arts Festival is another example where cultural assets of Mumbai like cinema, dance, literature, food, heritage, music, theatre, architecture and visual arts help create a multiple day festival where visitors from the world over participate.

Several thematic heritage walks, workshops and performances take place and attract celebrities, artists and connoisseurs annually.

Yet another initiative where community gather to showcase their contribution culturally and economically is the Dharavi biennale where exhibitions based on the contribution of Dharavi slum residents is showcased.

Image 7: Screen shot of the Sulafest official website

7

eventraveler.com/sulafest; http://www.kalaghodaassociation.com/; www.ucl.ac.uk/igh/research/a-z/dharavi-biennale

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Image 8: Screen shot of the Kalaghoda official website

3. Other Indian initiatives8: Two other projects worth mentioning, which can create income if implemented in similar force are firstly, the Times of India passion trails revolving around themes like cycling, photography or food. The idea is similar to the walks or crawls existing in Ahmedabad. The only difference being that trails last for longer durations like 10-15 days and the passion trials are tailormade by ‘experience architects’.

Yet another initiative is an online apparel and lifestyle products website called Okhai which is basically an online retail set up by TCSRD. Through their support, SHGs have been formed in the village of Okhamandal and members of these groups are trained in the processes of modern handicraft production. Okhai constitutes of rural women artisans who are gifted with the talent and traditional skills to craft elaborate and exquisite designs in styles that are unique to their culture and heritage. Okhai’s mission is to encourage women from less privileged backgrounds to acquire new skills; to give them the self-confidence and self-esteem required to earn by their own industry and initiative; and to enable them to carry this newly discovered skill and confidence into the wider world. This is very similar to what SEWA women do.

Image 9: Screen shot of the Okhai official website 8

http://timespassiontrails.com/about

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4. Kentucky (U.S.): Per the report ‘Preservation Works!’ (Council), rehabilitation of heritage work is creating employment more than engaging in new construction in Kentucky. A million dollars spent on the rehabilitation of a historic building ultimately adds $730,000 in household income. That is $95,000 more than a million dollars spent on new construction. In 2009 alone, the Federal Rehabilitation Tax Credit Program generated 70,000 jobs for architects, electricians, plumbers, carpenters, interior designers etc. and leveraged over $4.7 billion in private investment, bringing to life abandoned and underutilized historic buildings often located in some of the most disinvested urban communities. Kentuckians have recognized that rehabilitating and adaptively reusing historic properties has proven economic development strategy that creates jobs, attracts private investment, promotes environmental sustainability, generates tax revenue, and contributes to the quality of life in general. Community involvement has been key since several families are taking the benefit of tax deductions to restore their heritage homes and in the process, some have even been able to open retails stores, or rent them out to business owners on the ground floor like bakeries and boutique shops, while living on the first floor. NFPOs like churches who do not face tax deductions from their income are also helping communities restore heritage in Kentucky. Another clever step taken by the local body in Kentucky is the initiative of providing affordable housing options for low income HHs in the vacant homes of heritage city. Tourism industry in Kentucky has proven to be a major economic development tool. In addition to creating new jobs, businesses, and higher property values, well-managed tourism has improved quality of life and has built community pride. Visitors to historic sites and cultural attractions stay longer and spend more money than other types of tourists. According to a 2009 travel study, 78% of all U.S. leisure travellers participate in cultural and/or heritage activities while traveling. Cultural and heritage visitors spend, on average, $994 per trip, compared to $611 for all other U.S. travellers.

5. Measures by Asian countries9: In the historic city of Xi’an, China; there are several ethnic groups co-existing. To discourage out movement of certain ethnic groups, upon feeling threatened by becoming minority or diminishing from the old city, special traditional quarters have been introduced by the government. Another step taken in Xi’an is strict regulations when it comes to division of property in heritage cities.

A good step taken in another direction by Chinese government is in the city of Hong Kong where heritage impact assessment has been mandated by the government before any new capital projects are invested in within the old city.

In Georgetown, Malaysia; rental amounts in walled city have been strictly set by the government. A fair ratio of income going to the owners of the unit and the government has been decided upon as this will ensure a fair and steady income for both parties to share the burden of upkeep and maintenance of heritage buildings. ‘Kopi conversations’ is a project in Georgetown, like Sulafest in Nashik, where conversations revolving around heritage and culture take place in public spaces over drinking coffee.

9

(Shinde, 2014)

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3.2 SITE STUDY

3.2.1 Housing in Old Ahmedabad Ahmedabad walled city, as per the Draft CDP 2021 (Second Revised), forms the zone Core Walled City (CW) within the AMC boundary. Therefore, it is AMC who oversees the governance and infrastructure provision in walled Ahmedabad. The urban local body has been successfully providing water in this area; solid waste management and sewer lines are their responsibility; and electricity is provided by Torrent, a private company. The roads in walled city, even though narrow owing to the traditional fabric and architecture, are maintained in terms of quality, street furnitures and signage. Bus services (both AMTS and BRTS) form intricate routes across this zone. The permissible uses in the zone are typically dwelling types, mercantile, business, religious, parks, public utilities etc. and the permissible FSI is 2. Heritage value is of utmost importance in this zone and AMC plans to implement heritage conservation and local area plans in this zone.

Image 10: Schematic diagrams depicting arrangement of houses in old Ahmedabad, Source: Primary

Image 11: A street in the pols, Source: Primary

Image 12: Houses of heritage value, Source: Primary

Residents of old Ahmedabad live in ‘pols’ or small residential units with a single street going through, which usually runs into a dead end. A single group of houses form a neighbourhood in itself and is generally enclosed with a massive gate at the entrance. The name of the pol A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting

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(also known as khacha, sheri, dahelu or khadki in Gujarati) is often mentioned on the gate (Agarwal, 2009). This declaration can often reveal the religion of the residents living in the pol.

The houses generally share a common wall with the adjacent house and embody the typology of row houses. Since the footprints are small and cover the entire plot size, when the family sizes begin to expand, the only two options that remain are either to increment upwards by building additional floors or move out to a larger house.

Talking about changing houses, the mechanism in Ahmedabad walled city, or Ahmedabad city, or for that matter in all of India, is the same- unless the units are being provided by the government under some housing or poverty alleviation or other development schemes like ‘housing for all’ or ‘slum rehabilitation’ etc. in which case rules are different as may be mandated by the government. The reason changing place of residence is smooth in India is due to Article 19 (e) in the Indian Constitution which gives every citizen the right ‘to reside and settle in any part of the territory’. There are two common routes to living in a new residential unit – buying or renting. Some other options are also available like paying guests, hostels etc. but only the two most common routes are detailed out.

Buying10 Two types of properties can be bought i.e. pre-existing ones or newly constructed ones. In case of a newly constructed unit, the payment options range from construction linked where according to the progress in terms of construction, the payments are made by the prospective owner. This is the safest route of payment as the future owner is paying as per what is being given to him. Another mode of payment is time linked where the instalments are decided according to time of payment. Money is to change hands as per dates set. This is riskier than the previous route but is common for both green and brown field projects. The third option is down payment where the entire payment is made in lump sum amount in one go at the very beginning. This mode is the riskiest and is usually seen in transactions which have to do with pre-existing residential properties. Even though jantri rates or advisory rates are set by GoI for property transactions, private properties are generally negotiated at market value or exchange value- the valuation arrived at through market forces of demand and supply or the equilibrium price of the commodity. Every state, city, locality in India has a distinct real estate market scenario and both jantri and market values differ accordingly. The buying and selling party either meet directly or through real estate agents/brokers and strike a deal based upon budget, requirements etc. and post negotiation, a document called ‘sale agreement’ is prepared and signed by the seller or the builder. This document is important since it contains details of the property like carpet area, year of construction, year of sale, sale amount agreed upon etc. Once the payment is complete and the property is handed over to the new owner, the last step is to register the unit. This registration signifies legal transfer of ownership and the details are to be registered in the local municipal records. Payment of stamp duty is a mandated as per the government’s tax levied on property transactions. This completes the registration process. Image 10 shows the steps involved in the registration of a property in India.

10

in.reuters.com

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Image 13: Steps of residential property registration, Source: mymoneysage.in

Renting11 A popular option of owning a house in old Ahmedabad, rental leases in India are drawn for a period of 12 months. However, 11-month lease drawing is rampant in the country. Commonly, a security deposit is to be paid by the tenant to the owner which is refunded when the tenant leaves upon completion of the contract. This security deposit ensures funds are available to the owner in case of any damage caused by the tenant. Since collection of rent is a source of income, the owner must pay income tax on the rent collected. In case the owner wants the tenant to empty the house, a notice period of 1 month is to be given to allow the tenant to look for a new abode. In India, state wise rent control laws exist to prevent landlords from over charging and to safeguard the interests of tenants like protecting them from sudden and unfair eviction. However, these laws are to be abided by for a 12-month lease contract. Hence, a 12month lease seems good for the tenant since he/she must pay cheap rent rate below the market value. However, if he/she needs to leave early, the remaining payment should be made or the security deposit will be forfeited. Hence, 11 month contracts are beneficial to both the parties as they allow landlords to overcharge and provide tenants the flexibility to leave as per requirement and be less bound by the contract.

Hence, acquiring a new residential property and/or moving into rental housing in India is not an arduous task if monetary and legal matters are in place. The GoI does not restrict residential mobility as stringently as, say, the Singapore government since in Singapore, housing is largely a government provision and is a public good. In Ahmedabad, only the RAH Zone will consist of housing for the poor and housing colonies formed through the slum rehabilitation programme (e.g. Kailashnagar in Sabarmati, Ahmedabad) which shelter only the economically backward sections, cannot sell their residential units and move for a set period of time, as might be mandated by the government. Since houses are largely private goods in India, GoI does not intervene in matters concerned with moving houses.

11

angloinfo.com

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3.2.2 Profile of Dariyapur

0.2 km

Map 5: Contextual map of Dariyapur, Source: Mapbox

Year

Households

Population

Area (sq km)

Density (Pop/sq km)

1991

4,513

68,733

0.74

92,882

2001

11,518

63,081

0.74

85,245

2011

13,170

63,664

0.74

86,032

Table 3: Dariyapur ward data, Source: Census of India

With 76 pols (Shinde, 2014) in all like Leesa ni Khadki, Shri Punit Pol, Mulji Parekh ni Pol, Bhabha ni Pol, Shri Ramji ni Pol etc., Dariyapur has a strong presence of Muslim population in the central area whereas Hindu population is predominant on the northern and south eastern side of the ward. As of 2011, the sex ratio of the ward stands at 942 females per 1000 males and the literacy rate in Dariyapur is 87%. As is typical in walled Ahmedabad, pols are generally arranged religion wise and sometimes even community wise i.e. a single pol consists of purely Muslim or only Hindu HHs or a pol where the deity worshipped is Lord Ram or Lord Shiva whose temple is centrally placed in the pol. Also, the pol houses facing the road encourage its tenants to practice commercial activity and hence the ground floor is often converted into a small shop where home based businesses like provision stores, ironing shop, snack shop, stationary, tailor shop etc. thrive for generations providing livelihood in close vicinity to housing, for the residents. Pol houses are typically built with the building footprint equal to the plot size and are one room (e.g. 24 sq. m.) with kitchen and bedroom inside and a bathroom outside. Further floors are added per requirement over generations.

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3.2.3 Profile of Khadia

0.2 km

Map 6: Contextual map of Khadia, Source: Mapbox

Year

Households

Population

Area (sq km)

Density (Pop/sq km)

1991

10,342

67,350

1.38

48,804

2001

11,518

54,570

1.38

39,543

2011

11,525

49,408

1.38

35,803

Table 4: Khadia ward data, Source: Census of India

Khadia consists of 134 pols (Shinde, 2014) some of which are Narsiji ni Pol, Makeri Wad, Upali Sheri, Luhar ni Pol, Haveli ni Pol, Lakha Patel ni Pol, Jethabhai ni Pol (where the famous tourist attraction Mangaldas ni Haveli is situated), Ghasiram ni Pol etc. Interestingly, Khadia is also the ward where Dhal ni Pol and Mandvi ni Pol are situated- two pols which have attracted extensive renewal work by the government in collaboration with professionals and NGOs. Khadia has a predominant Hindu population and most of the residents practice business. Per Census 2011, the ward has a sex ratio of 902 females per 1000 males and the literacy rate is 93%. During Mughal times, Khadia was known as Akbarpura12 and this place has rich historical and architectural heritage owing to its popularity during both Ahmed Shah’s reign as well as the independence movement. The popular crawl called ‘Heritage Walk’ which takes place in walled Ahmedabad includes many houses situated in Khadia since these houses have been rejuvenated by AMC in the recent past. However, these houses require lump sum funds for maintenance and plans for commercial uses like restaurants are under way to ensure inflow of funds for the up keep of the efforts put in.

12

khadia.org

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Image 14: A pol in Dariyapur, Source: Primary

Image 15: Attached pol houses in old city, Source: Primary

Image 16: Locked residence in Dariyapur, vacancy confirmed by neighbours, Source: Primary

Image 17: Ghodagadi nu Dahelu in Khadia- a residence rare and unique to Ahmedabad walled city, Source: Primary

Image 18: Entrance to a pol ‘Kachvaado’ in Khadia, Source: Primary

Image 19: Packed fabric leading to minimal privacy, Source: Primary

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4.

SYNTHESIZE

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4.1 COMMONALITIES

After collecting preliminary, raw data, and before moving on to the analysis to draw movement patterns and study residential behaviour of the residents living in old city, a few observations should be mentioned beforehand which clearly emerge as universal to the entire sample selected. These commonalities either arise due to a small sample size selected, or this could simply hold true to most of old Ahmedabad, if not all. For example, all the HHs surveyed live in Ahmedabad since a very long time. This means that they have been here for the entire study time frame starting 2005 right up to 2017. This also means that none of the families can be put under the ‘migrant’ bracket and that the invasion succession theory cannot be studied in depth with respect to Ahmedabad’s residential mobility. The HH which were recorded as ‘moved in the past’ have done so prior to 2005.

Another trend which observed as common to all is that none of the HHs rent out a part of their residential unit. Either they own a house elsewhere which has been put up on rent and help them earn a steady income, or they have not opted for this medium of earning at all. This trend owes to the requirement of privacy and that pol houses do not allow multiple entrance construction for the same house due to the age of the original building structure and traditional architecture.

Similarly, since AMC provides basic infrastructural amenities like water, electricity and sewer lines; and solid waste is collected regularly by chota hathi (multiple garbage collection cars with designated routes running within Ahmedabad municipal boundary), none of the families mention infrastructure as a source of discomfort or a reason to move.

Another peculiarity which holds true to Ahmedabad old city is that the families in pol know each other like their own family and celebrate festivals together. This is again due to the time frame of stay in the pols, and the traditional architecture since ‘otlas’ or a small veranda like spaces fold out into the common spaces between two houses and serve as a semi-public area where families interact during their free time, especially in the evenings.

The author visited the site on the festival of Mahashivratri’, an Indian festival, and observed families visiting neighbourhood temples together. All the families, surveyed, mentioned their closeness to the neighbouring families. Therefore, a factor which often causes residential immobility i.e. neighbourhood satisfaction and attachment, is ubiquitous in old Ahmedabad.

Several questions which invited common responses compelled the author to eventually remove questions like ‘do you rent out a part/room of your house’, ‘number of families known’, ‘do you celebrate festivals with neighbours?’, ‘infrastructure satisfaction’ from the questionnaire (refer annexure)13. As is natural with patterns- some emerged going haywire and resulted in varied observations, while others emerged as universal. The next topic talks about those patterns which were not common across the sample.

13

The final questionnaire may not contain all the variables mentioned in Chapter 2 ‘Plan’

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4.2 ANALYSIS

4.2.1 Classification of Households HH who have moved in the past HH which never moved Total HH

HH who want to move In-transit = 15

HH who don’t wish to move In movers = 10

Total HH 25

Out goers = 45

Immobile = 30

75

60

40

100

Table 5: Four types of households emerging from their past and possible residential mobility

Residential mobility and housing behaviour study can begin by classifying the sample into types depending on their past movement as well as future possible mobility. Based on the questions asked, it was possible to break the 100 HHs into four types. In-transit & Out goers, especially need clarification, because it includes a few HHs whose initial response to ‘whether you want to move in the future’ was no, irrespective of their past mobility. However, they were included under ‘HH who want to move’ because when asked why, these HHs mentioned unaffordability as the factor responsible for their immobility. Hence, they were further probed as to ‘whether you would move if money was abundant’ to which they replied yes. Hence, Intransit and Out goers, combined, include all those HHs who wish to move either with or without monetary assistance.

Comparison of the Four Types This part of the analysis attempts to compare the four categories based on few common variables to understand how they differ. Most of these variables are demographic in nature.

Some other variables showcase their housing behaviour.

In-transit: The HHs falling under this category are the most mobile ones amongst the sample.

They not just moved earlier, but are willing to move again. Per a few qualitative open ended interactions with the members of In-transit HHs, one family suggested repeated space problems for an increasing HH size. About 30 years ago, the family shifted to Ahmedabad from Rajasthan, and lived in a joint family here, but soon moved out. Now the eldest son is going to marry and this calls for additional family members. Hence, this HH wants to move out of the pols in the coming years. Another family also cited space issues as the reason for their constant need to move. They lived in a joint family a kilometre away from their current unit.

However, the house is not able to accommodate them anymore, so they are staying in the current unit on rent, temporarily, before the family home is either incremented, or some other solution comes by. The idea is to shift out from this unit soon.

In movers: This type makes up the smallest number amongst the four types. These HHs

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current unit. Most of the HHs of this type have undergone movement within the range of 1 to 3 kilometres as will be discussed in section 4.2.2 ‘Movement History’. Amongst the HHs surveyed, one HH shared their story. The lady was quoted as saying, “We are originally Sindhi, but our Gujarati neighbours have accepted us without any discrimination. We were forced to move from our previous unit in Kalupur as it was a rental house and the owner wanted to sell his property. This resulted in our residential mobility. However, now we are extremely satisfied living in this house and neighbourhood.”

Out goers: The largest chunk of HHs fall in this category and that shows the possibility of a

bulging intracity residential mobility rate in the future. If the walled city is truly made up of residents who look forward to moving out, either into their already bought houses, the houses they want to buy, or once they have gathered enough money to buy elsewhere, it clearly indicates that there are elements acting as push factors. Varied opinions were gathered from talking to HHs on site. Per one family, they are currently living in old city only because the eldest member in the family is extremely old and is attached to the pol and its people. The family is waiting for her to pass away before they move out of walled city Ahmedabad. Another family mentions how one of the sons in the family is of marriageable age. However, prospective brides are refusing to come and live in the pols after marriage. This has affected the family and they have decided to move out soon. Yet another family mentions how other HHs of the same economic status as they, are living a much better life in flats across other localities of Ahmedabad. This family finds the lifestyle in the pols not up to the mark anymore. They complained of lack of privacy and prying neighbours. The take of another HH suggests that earlier the pol they live in was purely made up of Gujarati families. However, lately walled city Ahmedabad is witnessing an influx of diversifying cultures. This has not gone down well with the HH in question. The mix community is something which is acting as a push factor for the family.

Immobile: The most attached residents in the walled city of Ahmedabad. While some families

under this category were well off and could easily move out if they wanted to, however they took pride in living in their ancestral homes, a few other families were too poor to even imagine shifting out. For them, even dreaming of a new house seems to be an unaffordable choice.

One HH mentioned being extremely poor, and since they had a daughter who was married away, they did not need space and hence did not need a new house. Also, one member was suffering from constant bad health which forced the HH to spend most of its money on medical treatments. Another HH had a single member. The lady was a widow and said, “I practice business from home. I am a tailor, and my husband passed away two years ago. My daughter is married and a nurse. She sends me enough money to run my house. Since I am alone, I do not want to move out of walled Ahmedabad. My neighbours are my source of strength and companionship.”

In-transit

In movers

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Out goers

Immobile

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(i) Household size HH Size </= 2 3-5 6-8 >/= 9 Total HH

In-transit 0 10 (67%) 5 (33%) 0 15 (100%)

In movers 0 10 (100%) 0 0 10 (100%)

Out goers 0 20 (44%) 25 (55%) 0 45(100%)

Immobile 5 (17%) 15 (50%) 5 (17%) 5 (16%) 30 (100%)

Total HH 5 55 35 5 100

Table 6: Bi variate table showing household size of each classified type

Majority of the HHs surveyed emerge as a nuclear family with a size of three to five-members.

However, a sizable chunk of In-transit, Out goers and Immobile HHs are large families of a size of seven to nine members. This partly justifies why In-transit and C want to move soon as a larger family often indicates room stress. Also, In movers do not want to move away as the families are small and might not be facing space constraints. Immobile HHs, however, are an exception where even though the families are larger in size, they have neither moved in the past nor do they wish to do so in the future. Why is this the case might emerge as a result of analysing some other variables in the later parts of this section.

(ii) Age of head of household Age of HH head (years) </= 40 41-50 51-60 61-70 >71 Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

5 (33%) 6 (40%) 0 0 4 (27%) 15 (100%)

0 0 7 (70%) 3 (30%) 0 10 (100%)

0 5 (11%) 15 (33%) 20 (45%) 5 (11%) 45(100%)

0 15 (50%) 6 (20%) 0 9 (30%) 30 (100%)

5 26 28 23 18 100

Table 7: Age of household head

Out of the entire sample, In-transit has the maximum share of young HH heads. In all, 73% of its head fall below the 50-year age bracket. In movers and Out goers comparatively have aged HH heads. Immobile is divided 50-50 between young and old HH heads. The analysis gives substantial back up as to why In-transit HHs might be so mobile in the future and it also justifies why In movers do not wish to move. It also points out that a substantial chunk of Immobile HHs has aged HH heads suggesting why they do not wish to move. Out goers, however, do not confirm to the residential mobility theories i.e. HHs want to move even though 56% of them have aged HH heads.

(iii) Average age of household

In-transit and In movers consist of HHs with a younger average age. Amongst Out goers, 89% of the HHs have lesser average age. The older families make up Immobile where 37% of the HH have an average age between 41 and 60 years. This makes them an older lot with probably a higher possibility of attachment and hence lesser willingness to move.

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Average HH age (years) 21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

9 (60%) 6 (40%) 0 0 15 (100%)

0 10 (100%) 0 0 10 (100%)

10 (22%) 30 (67%) 5 (11%) 0 45(100%)

4 (13%) 15 (50%) 5 (17%) 6 (20%) 30 (100%)

23 61 10 6 100

Table 8: Average age of household composition

(iv) Educated members No. of members 0 1-2 3-4 >/= 5 Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

11 (73%) 0 4 (27%) 0 15 (100%)

0 9 (90%) 1 (10%) 0 10 (100%)

16 (47%) 21 (35%) 8 (18%) 0 45(100%)

4 (13%) 21 (70%) 0 5 (17%) 30 (100%)

31 51 13 5 100

Table 9: No. of secondary and graduate level educated members in the households

The education level of each member of the HH was recorded. Some members were not educated at all, some others were educated only up to primary and middle school. In this section, only those members are enumerated who have acquired secondary and graduate level education. In-transit and Out goers have majority family members with no higher-level education. In movers and Immobile HHs in comparison have at least one member who has had secondary and/or graduate level education.

(v) Working members No. of members 0 1-2 3-4 Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

7 (47%) 8 (53%) 0 15 (100%)

4 (40%) 6 (60%) 0 10 (100%)

6 (13%) 29 (65%) 10 (22%) 45(100%)

7 (23%) 23 (77%) 0 30 (100%)

24 66 10 100

Table 10: Family members engaged in permanent jobs

Only the number of family members engaged in a permanent job are enlisted in the above table. Often, the level of education defines seasonality of employment. However, this is not the case for the study sample. For example, In-transit HHs have 73% HHs with no higher level educated members in the family. But on the plus side 53% HHs have between 1 and 2 members who are working in a permanent job. The overall trend noticed in walled city Ahmedabad is that education has not limited people from working in permanent jobs be it amongst any of the four classified types. All the four types have a good percentage of HHs with members engaged in permanent jobs.

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(vi) Income level Income (thousands) < ₹10 ₹10-20 ₹20-30 Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

15 (100%) 0 0 15 (100%)

0 5 (50%) 5 (50%) 10 (100%)

10 (22%) 19 (42%) 16 (36%) 45(100%)

11 (36%) 14 (47%) 5 (17%) 30 (100%)

36 38 26 100

Table 11: Household income earned per month

In-transit seems to earn the least out of the lot as all the HHs of this type earn below ₹10,000 per month. Out goers and Immobile HHs earn in similar measures to each other. While 78% of Out goers earn over ₹10,000 per month, 64% of Immobile do so. In movers seems to be the most well off as 100% HHs earn over ₹10,000 per month and 50% over ₹20,000 a month.

(vii) Distance travelled for work Distance (km) <5 5-10 10-15 15-20 >20 Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

3 (20%) 12 (80%) 0 0 0 15 (100%)

8 (80%) 2 (20%) 0 0 0 10 (100%)

12 (27%) 9 (20%) 13 (29%) 7 (15%) 4 (9%) 45(100%)

8 (27%) 9 (30%) 13 (43%) 0 0 30 (100%)

31 32 26 7 4 100

Table 12: Maximum distance travelled by member(s) for work

Out goers have the highest variation in terms of distance travelled by HHs for work and close to 24% HH members travel over 15 kilometres. In movers travels the least for work with 80% HHs travelling less than 5 kilometres for their jobs. In-transit, In movers and Immobile HHs do not travel over 15 kilometres for work. This makes them less prone to residential mobility in terms of the trade-off model.

(viii) Change in household composition No. of additions 0 1 2 3 4 Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

3 (20%) 7 (47%) 0 0 5 (33%) 15 (100%)

0 8 (80%) 2 (20%) 0 0 10 (100%)

24 (53%) 0 12 (27%) 9 (20%) 0 45(100%)

19 (63%) 0 5 (17%) 0 6 (20%) 30 (100%)

46 15 19 9 11 100

Table 13: Additions to the households’ composition after 2005

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No. of subtractions 0 1 2 Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

10 (67%) 0 5 (33%) 15 (100%)

0 4 (40%) 6 (60%) 10 (100%)

37 (82%) 0 8 (18%) 45(100%)

18 (63%) 0 12 (37%) 30 (100%)

66 4 30 100

Table 14: Subtractions from the householdsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; composition after 2005

The number of overall additions was experienced by maximum HHs amongst In movers. Intransit and Out goers have equal share i.e. 47% of HHs experiencing additions. Immobile experienced the least additions amongst the four types. In contrast, In movers underwent highest losses in the form of marriage outs and deaths. In comparison, In-transit, Out goers and Immobile HHs experienced minimal losses. Overall, In-transit and Out goers experienced higher additions than In movers and Immobile HHs if we consider both additions and subtractions together. This justifies why In-transit and Out goers might be willing to undertake residential mobility since space constraints or room stress is a major factor driving movement decisions when there is growth in family numbers.

(ix) Incremental construction No. of rooms added 0 1 2 Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

15 (100%) 0 0 15 (100%)

6 (60%) 4 (40%) 0 10 (100%)

34 (76%) 5 (11%) 6 (13%) 45(100%)

30 (100%) 0 0 30 (100%)

85 9 6 100

Table 15: Rooms added to the current unit post 2005

Incremental housing behaviour, theoretically, suggests neighbourhood attachment. In this sense, In-transit fulfils this theory since none of the 15 surveyed HHs have opted for incremental housing and they all wish to move in the future. Amongst In movers, 40% have gone for building one additional room and state no desire to move again. In Out goers, only 24% have gone for incremental housing and therefore this type will undertake intracity residential mobility. However, the only type that does not conform to the theory is Immobile where even though none of the HHs have opted for incremental construction, they do not wish to move. The only explanation in this case is that the average age of the HHs of this type is greater as compared to others. This means that the families are not growing any further which suggests no requirement of additional space and hence no increment or shift.

(x) Tenancy Ownership Own Rent Total HH

In-transit 4 (27%) 11 (73%) 15 (100%)

In movers 10 (100%) 0 10 (100%)

Out goers 38 (84%) 7 (16%) 45(100%)

Immobile 18 (60%) 12 (40%) 30 (100%)

Total HH 70 30 100

Table 16: Ownership status of households

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It is known that changing over from rental housing to ownership of a residential unit is one of the major factors driving residential mobility in India. Stability in terms of housing or â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;settling downâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; is seen as a virtue by the society. Hence, residents who live in rental housing often have a higher movement tendency. Amongst In-transit, 73% live in rental housing which is in sync with their agenda to move in the future. All In movers HHs live in self-owned houses which is incentive enough to not move again. Amongst Out goers, 84% live in self-owned houses but still want to move. This means that tenancy is not playing a role in their decision to move later.

Immobile has 40% houses living in rental housing but this has not deterred them from life in the pols.

(xi) Ownership of additional unit Additional unit owned Yes No Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

4 (27%) 11 (73%) 15 (100%)

0 10 (100%) 10 (100%)

16 (36%) 29 (64%) 45(100%)

0 30 (100%) 30 (100%)

20 80 100

Table 17: Additional residential unit owned or not

This section gives one of the clearest pictures in terms of distinct characteristics of the classifications based upon their behaviour with respect to a variable studied. Since In-transit and Out goers both have a sizeable number of HHs owning another unit, the chances of their intracity residential mobility increases. On the other hand, In movers and Immobile HHs do not own a separate residential unit at all. This makes them stay put in the old city of Ahmedabad. Since In-transit and out goers have bought a unit elsewhere, some thought would have gone into moving in the future. Even though some have bought it for investment purposes or have rented this unit out for now to earn a steady income in terms of rent, they plan to move into this house in the future.

(xii) Condition of current unit Unit condition Strong Average Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

0 15 (100%) 15 (100%)

5 (50%) 5 (50%) 10 (100%)

22 (49%) 23 (51%) 45(100%)

15 (50%) 15 (50%) 30 (100%)

42 58 100

Table 18: Condition of the units belonging to households surveyed

Poorer the condition of the current unit physically, higher are the chances of the family moving.

This theory holds true for In-transit since all the HHs of this type have an average condition of house. Average condition is a perception of the author based upon visual observation as well as a general question asked as to whether renovations have taken place after 2005 or not. All those houses which have been retrofitted have been marked strong. Amongst the other three categories, there was a 50-50 ratio of unit condition.

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(xiii) Relatives in Ahmedabad Relatives in Ahmedabad Yes No Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

15 (100%) 0 15 (100%)

7 (70%) 3 (30%) 10 (100%)

29 (64%) 16 (36%) 45(100%)

19 (63%) 11 (27%) 30 (100%)

70 30 100

Table 19: Relatives living in Ahmedabad or not

Distance (km) <3 3-6 6-9 >9 Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

3 (20%) 0 12 (80%) 0 15 (100%)

7 (100%) 0 0 0 7 (100%)

14 (48%) 0 10 (35%) 5 (17%) 29(100%)

10 (53%) 9 (47%) 0 0 19 (100%)

34 (49%) 9 (13%) 22 (31%) 5 (7%) 70 (100%)

Table 20: Distance of relatives’ residence of the households whose response was ‘Yes”

The presence of relatives in a neighbourhood or a city plays a crucial role in determining whether a HH will opt for intracity mobility or not. If we take the example of In-transit, all the HHs of this type have residents living in Ahmedabad. But, what makes them more prone to movement is the distance of the relatives’ residence. 80% of the HHs have relatives staying afar. Hence, In-transit is more prone to movement. Same is the case with Out goers. Amongst the 29 HHs which have relatives living in Ahmedabad, 52% of them have relatives living far away. This makes them vulnerable to residential mobility. On the other hand, for In movers, all the 7 HHs have relatives living close by. Similarly, majority of the Immobile HHs have relatives living in the vicinity. This factor plays the role of a magnet pulling the HHs and making them stay put in old Ahmedabad.

(xiv) Satisfaction level Satisfaction level High Low Total HH

In-transit

In movers

Out goers

Immobile

Total HH

0 15(100%) 15 (100%)

10 (100%) 0 10 (100%)

22 (49%) 23 (51%) 45(100%)

30 (100%) 0 30 (100%)

62 38 100

Table 21: Satisfaction level of the households surveyed

The satisfaction level recorded was based upon the HHs’ happiness in terms of affordability, lifestyle, house and neighbourhood in the pols. Higher their satisfaction level, lower are the chances of moving out. The response of each type was highly polarised in this section. On one hand, In movers and Immobile HHs responded complete satisfaction and all the houses were happy with their lives in the pols, on the other hand, In-transit HHs were 100% on the lower side of satisfaction level. Out goers were the only type which were divided equally in their perception. Even though 49% of the HHs mentioned high level of satisfaction, they still feel the urge to move away. Overall, close to 38% of the sample size is currently dissatisfied with their residential lives in the pols which is reflected later in the ‘Future Movement’ topic.

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4.2.2 Movement History This section talks about the sample only in terms of past movement. Graph 2 depicts the gap between In-transit, B and Out goers, D. Further, Graph 3 shows the distance of movement or the distance between the HHsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; previous and current unit.

Graph 2: Percentage of HH which moved in the past

Graph 3: Mobility distance

As is evident from Graph 2, none of the HHs mentioned moving more than once in the past.

The incidence rate of intracity residential mobility of the sample is therefore: = (No. of HH that moved / Total no. of HH surveyed) X 100 = (25/100) X 100 = 25% Graph 3 shows that amongst the 25 HHs that underwent residential mobility, 72% shifted within the old city while 28% came from the rest of Ahmedabad. The same is reflected in terms of housing typology change in the next section.

Pre-move v/s Post move The experience of the 25 past movers in terms of variables like tenancy, size of house, typology etc. are enlisted in this section. Residential mobility studies include documentation of the experiences of residential unit change to understand housing behaviour. If the overall result is positive post change, it means something was not right earlier. Following are some of the variables whose details have been recorded before the family changed its unit and after it started staying in the new unit: i) Intentional v/s forced move Amongst the 25 HHs that underwent residential mobility in the past, 17 were forced to do so. In forced cases, the residents were forced because they lived in a rental unit and the owner needed them to empty the unit because of several reasons. In some other case, space constraints in a growing joint family forced one part to move out as a nuclear family. In intentional cases, maximum people wanted to change over to self-owned units instead of rental ones.

Graph 4: Condition for shifting

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ii) Tenancy change

Graph 5: Ownership before shifting

Graph 6: Ownership increased post shift

Tenancy has undergone quite a change since the moving HHs have shifted to a new unit.

Graph 5 and 6 show how earlier, only 24% of the HHs owned their unit but later, 80% of the HHs could live in a unit owned by themselves. This indicated a 56% growth in ownership amongst the HHs that underwent residential mobility. Hence, in the case of walled city, past movement has been beneficial for the families. This also, probably, points towards the reason why there might be increase in residential mobility rates in the future. Stability in terms of ownership of residential unit is important for the people of old Ahmedabad. Per one HH, owning their own house has given them stability. They can now make changes to their unit without having to wait for permissions, they are also more rooted and find themselves belonging to the pol and neighbourhood.

iii) Typology change

Since the study was done in walled Ahmedabad, all the residents by default stay in pol houses now. Even though there are several flats that have come up in place of the pol houses across old Ahmedabad, owing to the rampant urban renewal happening there, co incidentally none of the HHs surveyed belonged to these flats. Hence, in this section, Graph 7 shows how before the 25 HHs moved in the past, about 7 HHs i.e. 28% lived in other typologies like for example apartments. However, now, all these HHs live in pol houses.

Graph 7: Earlier typologies occupied by the HH that underwent mobility

iv) Number of rooms

Graph 8: No. of rooms before move

Graph 9: No. of rooms after move

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Per the changeover in terms of number of rooms in the residential unit before and after the family moved, it is evident how room stress is one of the factor(s) that has driven residential mobility. Before the HHs moved, 44% of the movers lived in one room unit. However, post movement, none of the families live in one room units anymore. In Graph 9, only 20% of the families live in two room units as opposed to 56% earlier. 36% have gone on to live in three room units and 44% have occupied four room units. This shows that the families have been able to acquire larger houses and can afford improving their residential demands. This is a sign of prosperity and shows how residential mobility can prove to be beneficial.

4.2.3 Future Movement Even though 75% of the sample surveyed were immobile in nature per past records, many HHs want to move out of old city in the future (in 5-7 years). Initially, 45/100 HHs expressed their intent to move out. The other 55 did not want to shift in the coming years. However, 25 out of these 55, a majority, cited unaffordability as the reason for immobility. After being asked whether movement would be a plan if money was abundant, 15/25 said yes i.e. they are willing to move. In Graph 10, future movement plans of the 100 HHs is shown. Further, Graph 11 shows the reasons why the HHs choose to be immobile in the future. Finally, Graph 12 depicts the ratio of HHs which are ready to move if monetary help is available in the future as opposed to those who will stay put. Therefore, 45 HHs intend to move whereas 15 HHs are willing to move in the future.

Graph 11: Reasons the 55 houses do not plan to move

Graph 10: Future movement plans of sample HH

Graph 12: Response to whether HH would move if monetary help is available

To sum up future movement possibilities, a total of 60 (45+15) HHs are willing to undertake residential mobility (which will take place in the next 5-7 years i.e. by 2025 approximately as per inquiring on site) and move out of walled city, Ahmedabad. This means that the rate of intracity mobility is going to shoot up from 25% to 60%, an increase of 35% in all.

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Shifting v/s incremental housing Each one of the HHs were questioned whether they would prefer to move to a new house or would opt for incremental housing if they face space issues, especially, in the future. The responses recorded did not consider other variables like economic ability to achieve the option, number of additions (hypothetically) etc. Responses point out that 67 of the 100 HHs want to go for residential mobility if they come across room stress. Some of the reasons cited for the same include inability of the ageing unit to handle additional construction, congested fabric, building height limit regulations set by AMC etc.

Graph 13: Response to (hypothetical) future room stress or space issues

The following table tries to correlate the income levels of the HHs, their current satisfaction level of living in pols and the reflection of these two variables on their decision of choosing residential mobility against incremental housing in the future. Studying this correlation will help establish one of the key theories studied as part of literature review and help in understanding whether it applies even in old Ahmedabad. The past incremental behaviour has not been included as future trends are being studied in this section.

Income (thousands)

Satisfaction level High

< ₹10 ₹10-20 ₹20-30 Total HH Grand Total

16 30 15 61

Future choice

Low 19 10 10 39 100

Increment 24 22 21 67

Shift 11 18 4 33 100

Table 22: Multivariate table showing inter relationship between income, attachment to neighbourhood and its effect on future mobility decision

Per the literature review, Sunita Auluck (Auluck, 1980) suggests incremental housing (a form of immobility) is opted by those HHs which are attached to their neighbourhood or in this case having high satisfactions levels. She also mentions that this trend is more evident in case of low income HHs. If we look at the sample studied to derive findings, then the HHs which earn below ₹10,000 per month are 35 in all. Of these, 16 are attached to their neighbourhood and 24 want to opt for incremental housing over relocating. Hence, the theory is partly valid in Ahmedabad old city because out of all the three income groups, the lowest earning HHs have the highest numbers choosing incremental housing over residential mobility. Their satisfaction might be low since they are not earning well but that does not push them to move.

What needs to be clarified here is that there are seven additional houses who say they would move in a hypothetical situation. However, the future mobility rate sticks at 60% in reality.

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Future mobility direction To map future movements of the 60 HHs willing to shift, the city of Ahmedabad is divided into six semi-circular rings of 3 km width each (except the outer most ones which stretch up to the city periphery), separated by the Sabarmati river into east and west. This makes the grouping of the wards or areas or neighbourhoods, and distinguishing them based on certain characteristics, simplified. While some respondents have already bought a house in their mentioned future area of residence, others cite the area as an ideal one based upon factors such as affordable units, accessible neighbourhood amenities, spacious surroundings and other factors depending on their expectations.

Sabarmati River

Map 7: Mapping of future intracity movement directions, thicker line depicts higher preference of the zone

Code IE

Zone Inner East

Neighbourhoods/wards/localities Raipur, Kalupur, Gheekantha, Astodia Navrangpura, Paldi, Usmanpura, Ambawadi Saraspur, Maninagar, Isanpur, Asarwa, Shahibaug, Khokhra

IW

Inner West

ME

Middle East

MW

Middle West

Vastrapur, Memnagar, Vasna, Ranip, Juhapura, Motera, Jodhpur

OE OW

Outer East Outer West

Naroda, Vatva, Vastral, Narol Bopal, Thaltej, Ghatlodia, Ranip, Chandkheda

Characteristics Same as study area High real estate value, affluent neighbourhoods, university area Dense residential area, old buildings.

After old city, these neighbourhoods are oldest in Ahmedabad Middle income neighbourhoods, moderate to high value properties, in demand due to central connectivity Industrial areas Rapid suburbanization, cheaper and larger residential properties

Table 23: Zones decided for analysis, along with their details

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On investigating which localities in Ahmedabad are acting as magnets for the current walled city residents and which are turning them away, it is possible to predict which areas can come up with residential projects to cater to this particular nature of population. Graph 14 expresses the take of the 60 HHs as to which areas are most preferable to them and which areas turn off these future movers. Inner West and Middle West zones seem to have no negative characteristics whereas Outer West seems to be the most popular choice. On the other side of the spectrum, Outer East is the least attractive owing to industrial land use.

Graph 14: Vote for favoured neighbourhood (zone)

All the above findings mentioned under topic 4.2 ‘Analysis’, which are largely quantitative but are driven by qualitative and spatial information collected on site, help in understanding the housing behaviour of the people living in pols.

Today, the residential mobility rate of Ahmedabad old city stands at 25% and in comparison, Auluck concluded her work by mentioning Ludhiana’s intracity residential mobility rate as 43% in 1980, D’Souza in his study of intracity residential mobility in Chandigarh in 1968 found out a rate of 59.7% (which matches Ahmedabad walled city’s future mobility rate per the study) and Caplow’s data of the same studied in Minneapolis in the year 1949 showed 45.4%. But the sample size, universal sample, era and time span are different and raw data for these studies are unavailable to draw accurate comparisons with the case at hand (Auluck, 1980).

Once, the two ends of the spectrum of each variable are identified, i.e. good or bad, yes or no, satisfied or dissatisfied, move or stay; it becomes easier to establish which literary theories and hypotheses of authors and researchers studied and mentioned earlier, in the starting of this dissertation, prove to be relevant for Ahmedabad and especially the walled city and which do not. Based upon the on-site findings, the next chapter of the dissertation critically observes their correlations with theories and draws out conclusions. In some cases, Ahmedabad behaves like other cities where similar studies have taken place- be it in India or in foreign countries; while in some other cases, it behaves differently and shows that not every theory holds true here and this case study is unique in that sense.

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5.

DEDUCE

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5.1 OBSERVATIONS

As opposed to the romanticized notion surrounding life in a breathing heritage city, reality is narrating a different story. Many a times, it is perceived, that living in walled city of any urban centres like Surat, Jaipur, Udaipur or Ahmedabad is a utopian affair. Living in intricately carved houses holds its own charm and having underground tankas (water tanks) and otlas is a blessing, the narrow lanes offer respite from the harsh heat and the architecture proves to be a boon for building social ties with the neighbours. One often dreams of living a life the residents of old city do and question as to why would somebody opt to shift out of pols if given an option.

But respondents living there for generations point out flaws which have become a part of having a house, and therefore a life, in walled Ahmedabad. Partly it has to do with the structure or architecture, partly with the age of the buildings and the neighbourhoods, partly with the arrangement of the houses and roads or the fabric, partly with its location i.e. core city and partly the people living there in general. But before going into the nitty-gritties of which theoretical findings related to residential mobility hold validity on ground in Ahmedabad and which literary studies do not apply to this context, it is important to realise that the walled city of Ahmedabad is going to be an integral part of the city’s character and for those families which earn well enough to maintain their heritage properties and life in the old city, it is a matter of pride to live in their ancestral and beautiful homes.

Ahmedabad is culturally, a blessed city, and one of the USPs of this city, say in terms of tourism or branding, is the walled city. Like many families want to shift to areas where development is in its nascent stage, for example new Ranip or new CG Road, there are other families which cannot imagine a life outside pols. Their comfort and loyalties lie in the gallis and khachas of the old city. It would be unfair to generalise that the Ahmedabad walled city is completely transforming into a ‘boutique heritage’ city centre vis-à-vis European cities with houses and buildings of architectural value like in the Netherlands, Ireland, Italy etc.

However, it is true that the residential character is transforming in old Ahmedabad, urban renewal is a reality and it is paving way for commercial properties such as heritage hotels (e.g.

House of MG), open to sky or rooftop cafes and heritage landmarks for walks or crawls. Largely, the vacuum created from the residents moving out is giving this opportunity for urban renewal.

Now, the observations will be cited based upon the analysis done. Each of the theories or hypotheses will be considered, and their relevance will be measured as follows: 1. Invasion succession theory: The suburbanization effect is being observed in Ahmedabad as is evident from the future mobility direction study. Map 7 shows thick lines moving out from the inner core zone towards outer rings. 50% of the future movers chose outer west as an ideal location to move per Graph 14. Hence, mapping future movements of intracity residential mobility from old Ahmedabad is conforming to the theory. Therefore, the invasion succession theory holds true in the study context.

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2. Hoyt’s model: This model, which is mentioned as a hypothesis in section 3.1.3, partly holds true in terms of obsolescence of residential unit acting as a factor of movement (HH living in average condition unit have a propensity to move). All the HHs of one of the four types classified during analysis was observed as living in average conditioned houses per Table 18 and willing to move in the future. Hoyt’s model also talks about residential expansion taking place away from industrial use. This again is evident in Graph 14 where 50% of the future movers cite outer east as the least preferred ring for movement. Map 8 shows how outer eastern-most ring of Ahmedabad is largely industrial in its land use character at present, therefore, proving partial relevance of Hoyt’s model. However, in terms of high income HHs moving to maintain their status, the theory fails in the city because per Table 22, higher income HHs show more attachment towards old city and therefore 67% HHs want to opt for incremental housing as opposed to shifting.

Sabarmati River

Map 8: Existing land use map of Ahmedabad city- Purple colour shows industrial use, Source: hcp.co.in

3. Life cycle model: Life cycle model is one of the few theories which hold relevance in all residential mobility case studies in different measures. Human beings across the globe behave a certain way with only minor changes like in countries like United States, Canada and European countries, children turning 18 move away from their parental homes whereas this case is not as rampant in India, or there are more number of two member HHs there than here.

But otherwise, many life cycle hypotheses are relevant in the case study’s context. ‘HH with younger heads have a higher chance of movement’ is observed in the sample studied per Table 7. Amongst In-transit HHs, 33% have heads below the age of 40 years and this trend is missing from the other types. In-transit is also the most vulnerable to residential mobility A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting

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resulting in proving the theory correct. Another life cycle theory which says that ‘younger families are prone to movement compared to older ones’ is also confirmed as per Table 8.

Types A and C have an average HH age of 21 to 30 years and they are the ones who want to shift in the future.

4. Room stress: This theory is an addition to life cycle model because it is the changing phases of life where HH compositions undergo changes. Theory suggests ‘change in HH composition leads to perceived inadequacy of house’ which holds true with respect to Types A and C as after considering overall additions and subtractions, these two groups experienced maximum additions which theoretically leads to room stress, hence driving them towards residential mobility. Room stress can also be measured in terms of HHs experiencing composition change and opting for incremental construction to meet the stress. In this category, too, 100% of Intransit and 76% of Out goers did not construct rooms, therefore, it makes sense for them to aspire to move. Hence, the hypotheses and assumptions are relevant again.

5. Trade-off model: Distance of work place as well as relatives’ residence was studied to observe relevance of this model on ground. However, per Table 12, the theory failed to be applicable to the context as In-transit, which wants to move, has HHs working near their homes. So, workplace distance is not acting as a driving force for the movement decision.

However, relatives’ houses are another type of frequently accessed points. Auluck mentions ‘HH having relatives living in the same city seek residence closer to them’. Per Tables 19 and 20, this theory holds true in old Ahmedabad because Types A and C have relatives staying afar and hence want to move out from walled Ahmedabad. Types B and D, in comparison, have family members living in proximity, which contains them in the pols.

6. Tenure: ‘Renters are much more likely to move than owners’ or ‘renters experience higher intracity residential mobility’ is not completely true in the case study’s context per Table 16.

Yes, amongst In-transit, 73% HHs currently occupy rented units which justifies their decision to move in the future, but Out goers consists of 84% HHs living in self-owned units. Even then they wish to move. Immobile also has a significate chunk of 40% HHs occupying rented units currently. This has not driven them towards shifting in the future. Hence, tenure status is not playing its role in the residential mobility procedure in walled city.

7. Education and earning members: Theory suggests ‘higher the level of education and more the number of earning members, higher the chances of moving’. Both these theories are untrue for the context. In-transit has 73% HHs with no member educated beyond primary level. Also, 47% of the HHs have members working in non-permanent jobs. These facts have not stopped them from moving. In movers makes up 100% HH with at least one member educated up to secondary or graduate level and 60% of the HHs have members working in

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permanent jobs. Even then, they are stable when it comes to residential movement. For cases C and D, the theory fails too as is seen in Tables 9 and 10.

8. Household size: ‘Small sized HHs hold a higher propensity for movement’ does not hold true on observing Table 6. In movers, for example, is made up 100% of HHs with 3 to 5 members. This makes their composition size small in comparison to Types C and D. Yet, In movers is not prone to movement. Out goers on the other hand has about 55% HHs with a family size between 6 to 8. Yet, this type is going to move in the future. Therefore, the theory is not conforming to the context.

9. Satisfaction level: ‘Families dissatisfied with their neighbourhood have a strong tendency to move’ is confirmed by Tables 21 and 22. This is because In-transit which wishes to move has 100% low satisfaction at present in terms of life in the pols. This also reflects in its choice of shifting over incrementing the unit in the future. In contrast, Types B and D are completely satisfied and joyful living in the pols. Therefore, they do not wish to shift away and instead, will be happy to build additional rooms if space is required for a growing family in the future.

Therefore, this theory is conforming to the case study.

The observations are, therefore, a summary of what happens typically around the globe in terms of residential mobility, what has been found out by researchers when they have taken up case studies in India or abroad in another era on similar lines, and how have they proved to be relevant in a heritage city in a metropolitan with 8 million14 population in the year 2017.

Most of the observations made, suggest that the time and context of the study might have changed, but the micro level forces playing the roles of pull and push factors for the human sentiment has not quite evolved. Human psychology largely remains the same and something similar holds true for the case study of this dissertation as well. The learnings of other researchers and authors are in sync with what has emerged after studying this case study, leaving out a few variables. Some differences are justified since Ahmedabad walled city is a unique context even with respect to the rest of Ahmedabad. Probably studying a different pocket of Ahmedabad, say in the western side of Sabarmati, would have resulted in more of the worldly theories conforming to the context. What has set core Ahmedabad apart is its unique set up, people, culture and values. While the residents of old Ahmedabad are slowly merging with the rest of the city, what remains to be seen is what will come of the nominated UNESCO World Heritage Site soon. It is also a daunting fact that if no steps are taken in terms of policy interventions or local area projects and initiatives, then soon the old city of Ahmedabad will be emptied.

14

worldpopulationreview.com

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5.2 CONCLUSIONS

Everything existing in this universe has a particular life cycle. Often, the popularity begins to increase exponentially in the beginning, goes onto increase at a diminishing rate, reaches a pinnacle, and then begins to slack, eventually coming to an end. Same has been the case in terms of the popularity of owning a home in old Ahmedabad. Walled cities are a part of the bygone era and their charm cannot be denied. But one can also not overlook the fact that the fabric is not quite relevant in today’s context because if it were so, then similar developments would have been replicated in the rest of the city and one would not be able to pin point the difference between ‘old’ and ‘new’ Ahmedabad. Walled city has, in the past, opened its arms to citizens of all religion, income and stage of life and even to this date, a Muslim family is more comfortable to live in the old city and often faces difficulty finding new abode in the newly developed parts of Ahmedabad. This is how the city functions and old Ahmedabad has the ability to absorb population of all types. This flexibility has often caused a stir creating ripples of residential mobility.

As is evident from the study, there are a significant number of factors acting as a push for the HHs living in old Ahmedabad. Yes, the factors studied are largely at a micro level as macro level factors such as economic scenario of the country (currently the effects of demonetization for example), government policies and programmes, and real estate market trends have not been considered minutely. The macro level factors are playing a background or contextual role in this particular dissertation. While studying a case through the lens of theories and literary findings, micro level factors have come to the fore as HH level residential behaviour has been studied. As was established in the objectives section of the dissertation, the residential behaviour, past mobility, and possible movement patterns in the future have been studied with the help of 100 HHs. By doing so, this dissertation has tried to provide an explanation as to why the old city is currently experiencing as well as going to experience heavy out migration in the future. It is a well-known fact that old Ahmedabad houses marvellous architectural creations but the families which originally lived here for generations are facing the brunt of the disadvantages of living in a heritage city. The burden of maintaining the houses, diversifying cultures and commercialising environment mixed with limitations of space and building regulations are creating hindrances for these families and they now wish to move away. But this is what is life, for the gain for one is the loss for another. A vacuum created by one kind of population is attracting another kind. And the crux of the concept of ‘residential mobility’ lies in this very sentiment.

In conclusion, it is evident through empirical findings that the push factors are overweighing the pull factors of living in old Ahmedabad. The last step of this dissertation will be to suggest or recommend a few ways in which this phenomenon can be halted or reversed. By taking a few small steps, with the help of inspirations from the world over, it is possible to retain the residents of old city within itself, and help reduce the rate of future residential mobility rate.

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6.

SUGGEST

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6.1 RETAINING RESIDENTS

Based on the conclusion, the only effective way to reduce the rapidly shooting intracity residential mobility out of old Ahmedabad will be to find ways of retaining residents within the old city. Whenever the case of an old or heritage city is at hand, and the focus is on attracting humans towards it in terms of tourism, or in this case, for residential purposes; we tend to think unidirectional and the only solution that comes to mind is urban renewal, regeneration and preserving and conserving heritage. However, it is essential to understand that heritage is not the only important asset of the walled city. It is the people- for if there is nobody living in old city, then the heritage homes are just vacant, pretty-looking, boutique houses. The focus on improving their lifestyle and peace of mind must be a core agenda as a means to reduce future mobility rates.

The lifestyle in old Ahmedabad is becoming obsolete for so many reasons that have been found out throughout this study. Apart from that, the emergence of internet and the rampant use of social media across families of all income strata has brought everybody so close through the medium of electronics, that now, the sense of security derived from neighbours and the neighbourhood does not hold as much of an importance. In the day and age where every household has a smart phone with internet connection, if not a computer or a laptop, it is easy to reach out to near and dear ones with the click of a button. Earlier, life in the pols were important as neighbours formed close knit units and were family and the lack of boundaries meant security not interference or deprivation of privacy. However, that is no more the case.

In such a situation, the smartest way to ensure that residents stay back in old Ahmedabad, will be by creating means to generate income in an easier and faster manner within the walled city and thereby improving the lifestyle of the people. Amongst the 100 HHs that were surveyed, none of them earned more than â&#x201A;š30,000 per month which adds to â&#x201A;š3,60,000 per annum. If this income figure increases by leading a life in the pols while making the best use of the assets which already exist i.e. minimal capital investment, or if investments are required then provisions are easily acquired at subsidised rates or with additional benefits, then it can prove to be an effective way to reduce out migration from the pols. In the following sections, threefold reflections are mentioned. Firstly, what has already been done in Ahmedabad to ensure the heritage city does not die out. Secondly, what are some of the plans of AMC and AUDA with respect to core city as mentioned in Ahmedabad CDP 2021. And lastly, what has been missed out so far and some of the steps that can be incorporated from other heritage city management cases within India and abroad.

6.1.1 Past Efforts Government: Per the CDP of Ahmedabad under JnNURM (AMC, AUDA, & CEPT University, 2006-12) several steps have been proposed and implemented with respect to heritage structures i.e. monuments, buildings and houses in old Ahmedabad already. Depending upon A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting

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the importance level of these structures, meaning at the national, state or local level, bodies like ASI and AMC have been involved in the processes. Identifying the importance of the heritage value of the buildings in walled Ahmedabad, AMC set up a heritage cell in the year 1996 with the help of CRUTA foundation. The three main objectives of this cell were: 1. Generating awareness amongst people through documentation, preparation of models, organizing street exhibitions and community meetings 2. Initiating restoration efforts 3. Enabling government facilitation There have been successes based on the efforts made in this endeavour, like for example, heritage walk initiative is mentioned in ‘Lonely Planet’; various temples, chabutras, tankas, jharokhas etc. have been restored as they are part of the traditional architecture; special fire fighters have been designed which can access the narrow streets of the old city.

There are also some measures in place (Shinde, 2014), within Ahmedabad implemented by AMC, which benefit the heritage structures of old city: • •

Regulatory measures like increased stringency of new building permits, clarification of property titles, permit for demolition Financial and taxation measures like direct subsidies to owners, low interest rates on loans, taxing of modern and/ or vacant buildings, exemption of land tax for restored buildings, constitution of land and property stock etc.

Professionals and NGOs: CHC is an NGO promoted by a group of entrepreneurs, specifically engineering professionals successful in their real estate enterprises with a passion for creativity.

This community based research centre was set up in the year 2006 with the objective of helping communities in the pols and enable them to preserve, sustain and promote their architectural and cultural heritage.

Image 20: Screen shot of the CHC official website

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The idea of CHC is to implement an economic model in the walled city of Ahmedabad. They call it their ‘Heritage Value Chain’. At present its awareness creation tool is the heritage walks like the Jain walk or the arts and crafts walk or the freedom walk; their awareness creation tools are school heritage programmes, artisan training; building restoration involves a technical cell and the NGO accepts donations for the projects; its sustainable ventures involve the Manekchowk initiative. These implementations have been taken in association with AMC.15

Image 18: CHC’s heritage value chain, Source: cityhc.org

Another Ahmedabad based NGO called MHT, an independently functioning sister organization of SEWA, took an initiative in 2016 wherein they roped in women living in Dhal ni pol, a pol in Khadia ward. The idea was to conserve heritage houses and public spaces within the pol. Under the project known as ‘Humari Virasat’, volunteers of MHT trained women from lower income groups living in Dhal ni pol and enabled them to restore heritage houses with the technical help of architects like Ruchi Mehta by remaining involved in the restoration processes. MHT also conducted asset mapping workshops for women where they were taught about the heritage and asset value of their houses. The women were educated about the existing policies formulated by AMC that entitle them to subsidies and loans which will help them restore their valuable homes. MHT also took steps to aid the women and their households to gather funds in the form of saleable TDRs and pooling in money from corporates in the form of CSR opportunities16.

15 16

cityhc.org timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ahmedabad/Pol-women-to-turn-conservationists

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6.1.2 Future Measures Government: Per the draft CDP 2021 of Ahmedabad (AUDA), there are three proposals and two recommendations in place with respect to heritage city. The proposals are to: 1. Encourage conservation and preservation of the walled city through introduction of core walled city zone 2. Introduce TDRs for listed structures 3. Bring in special parking management plan to support development regulations for the walled city One of the salient features of these recommendations is the gradation of the heritage structures into Grade I, II and III and the TDR entitlement based upon these grades. TDRs are to be provided by the competent authority in the form of TRC and the method of issue will be through transparent e-governance mechanism. As per the heritage conservation plan: Grade Grade 1 Grade 2 Non-graded

Heritage Structure Highest heritage value High & moderate heritage value Non-listed heritage

Base FSI 2.0 2.0 2.0

Tradeable FSI 0.5 0.3 -

Table 24: TDR details, Source: AUDA CDP 2021

These tradeable FSI can either be used by the owner in another zone if they own a property elsewhere, or they can sell the development rights to generate revenue for conservation purposes. Apart from these proposals, a few recommendations are in place. These recommendations are to: 1. Prepare visual pollution control guidelines and standards for the city 2. Organize display of hoardings to enhance the aesthetics of the city

6.1.3 Loopholes The measures listed above, both which have been implemented as well as planned, have started attracting tourists from the world over which is a positive sign. However, these infrastructural or tangible betterments, so to speak, cannot retain people for the long haul.

Yes, infrastructure is a vital element to better lives and attract sources of investments. But the people who have originally been staying in old city for the longest time are not benefitting as much as the tourists or the customers. To ensure the longevity residential life within walled Ahmedabad, sources of income generation not just for the restoration of heritage structures, but for their ownersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; sustenance and better lifestyle must be brought in. There are endless potentials lying dormant within the walled city and all what remains is to draw inspiration from the cases studied previously and implement them here. The sources of inspirations are not necessarily of heritage cities alone. They are from various tourism initiatives and revival projects of dying city pockets taken in different cities which might apply to our case.

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6.2 SUGGESTIONS

The key suggestions that can be adapted and implemented by various stakeholders to make living in walled Ahmedabad sustainable and a positive choice- in order to reduce future intracity residential mobility rates, are: What 1.- Identifying and focussing on intangible heritage assets -Documentation of trade and commerce in walled city -Promotion and financing of training institutes related to traditional trades

Who -Urban local body i.e.

Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) -Educational institutes like Gujarat University, CEPT, Nirma University, Centre for Heritage Management (Ahmedabad University)

How Like what Surat Municipal Corporation did, by addressing intangible asset conservation through recommendations and proposals mentioned in the next CDP of Ahmedabad.

-Financial incentives to students who take up courses related to intangible heritage in architecture and arts colleges -Introduction of courses on intangible heritage to safeguard the future of artisans and their culture 2. -Community involvement in rehabilitation of buildings instead of leveraging the responsibility solely on government thereby generating jobs for electricians, interior designers, plumbers, carpenters etc.

Urban Local Body i.e. AMC and temples, derasars and mosques trusts in old Ahmedabad

Through recommendations and proposals which can be implemented on ground in the form of development regulations and policies

-Involving NFPOs to pool in finance as they do not pay taxes (for example religious institutions) 3.-Regulations that limit residential development and settlements based on ethnic composition

AMC

-Fair ratio decided between heritage property owners and the government when to A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting

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comes to income division generated from tapping the advantages of heritage properties to share the burden of upkeep and maintenance of heritage buildings 4. Annual or biennale style festivals like Kala Ghoda, Dharavi biennale or Sulafest. All the chowks with heritage houses in the backdrop provide good aesthetical stages for classical music, dance and theatre performances and festivals. The bazaars of old city like ‘Rani no Hajiro’ selling traditional Gujarati jewellery or Ratanpol where bandhani cloth or zari work is sold, Manekchowk – a popular street food serving authentic Gujarati street food can be used to the advantage of creating economy for the people of old city in the form of annual or biennale festivals which will help them to maintain privacy as well

Collaborative projects with stakeholders like AMC, NGOs with grassroot connect in walled city like MHT, private institutions with cultural inclinations like Darpan or Saptak etc., and corporate sponsors for example Times of India.

NGOs mobilising community, artisans and craftsmen and funds collection for setting up stalls, stages and events and for publicity from CSR initiatives by companies; events can be planned with the help of AMC during favourable seasons like winters or around festivals like Navratri or Uttarayan in Ahmedabad.

5. Encouraging collaborative start-ups, through online retail mediums, to encourage artisans and spur income generation while removing exploitative middlemen

-This initiative can be best taken care of by NGOs with both community level connect and technical know-how and fund generation ability

-E-retail shop set ups by bringing in coders as a part of the NGOs

-Fresh graduates and young professionals with enthusiasm in start-ups can be roped in

-Generating investments through private investors, crowdfunding, loans and even by benefitting from the ‘Start up India’ initiative launched by GoI in 2016. Community participation is key to empowering the artisans to practice business from their homes or small shops in old Ahmedabad, thereby expanding their reach and income.

Table 25: Suggestions details

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Agarwal, K. (2009). Residential Cluster, Ahmedabad: Housing based on the traditional 'pols'.

PLEA 2009 - 26th Conference on Passive and Low Energy Architecture.

AMC, AUDA, & CEPT University. (2006-12). Ahmedabad CDP. Ahmedabad.

AUDA. (n.d.). Draft CDP 2021 (Second Revised). Ahmedabad.

Auluck, S. V. (1980). Intracity Residential Mobility in an Industrial City. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.

Bogue, & Donald, J. (1969). Migration: Internal and International. In Principles of Demography (pp. 752-757). New York, London: John Wiley and Sons. Inc. Clark, W. A. (2012). Residential Mobility and the Housing Market. In D. F. Clapham, A. W. Clark, & K. Gibb, The SAGE Handbook of Housing Studies (pp. 66-83). New Delhi: SAGE Publications.

Clark, W. A., & Onaka, J. L. (1983). Life Cycle and Housing Adjustment as Explanations of Residential Mobility. Urban Studies, 20(1), 47-57.

Coulton, C., Theodos, B., & Turner, A. M. (2012). Residential Mobility and Neighborhood Change: Real Neighborhoods Under the Microscope. Cityscape: A Journal of Policy Development and Research, 14(3), 55-90.

Council, K. H. (n.d.). Preservation Works! Historic Preservation Projects and Case Studies.

Frankfort.

Docampo, M. G. (2016). Recent Residential Mobility in Spain. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 7(3), 192-200. doi:10.5901/mjss.2016.v7n3s1p192 Gandhi, A. R., Padhya, H. J., & Naresh, R. (2008). Heritage - A Case Study of Surat. International Journal of Advanced Research in Engineering, Science and Management, 1-9.

Goethert, R. (2010). Incremental Housing - A Proactive Urban Strategy. Monday Developments, 23-25.

Govindaraju, R. (1982). Intra-urban Residential Mobility: A Case of Coimbatore City.

Ahmedabad: CEPT University.

Mukundan, K. (1986). Housing Preferences and Residential Mobility: A case study of lower income households in Madras city. Ahmedabad: CEPT University.

PWD, C. (n.d.). Handbook of Conservation of Heritage Buildings. New Delhi.

Rossi, & Peter, H. (1955). Why Families Move: A Study in the Social Psychology of Urban Residential Mobility. New York: Free Press, Glencoe, Inc.

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Shinde, S. (2014). Revitalisation of Existing Housing Stock in Old Cities: Walled City of Ahmedabad . AHmedabad: CEPT University.

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ANNEXURE Questionnaire Date:

Form no.:

I. Family and household profile 1.

2.

3.

4.

Name of head of HH: Place of origin: Years lived in Ahmedabad: Current HH size:

Sr.

Relation to head of

Gender

No.

HH

(M/F/)

Age

Education

Occupation

Place of work

(N/P/S/G)

(None/S/P)

distance (in km)

1

Self

2 3 4 5 6 7

(M- Male, F-Female; N- None, P-Primary, S-Secondary, G-Graduate; S-Seasonal, P-Permanent) 5.

6.

7.

8.

Change in HH composition after 200517: Yes____ No____ If yes, no. of additions: If no, no. of subtractions: Total HH income (per month): <₹10k____ ₹10-20k____ ₹20k-30k____ ₹30k-40k____

II. Current housing unit profile 1. Is this your first house in the city? Yes____ No____ 2. Duration of stay (in years): ____ 3. No. of floors: G____ G+1____ G+2____ G+3____ Other____ 4. No. of rooms: 5. Ownership: Self____ Rented____ 6. If rented, monthly rental: ₹ 7. Satisfaction (in terms of lifestyle & affordability): Satisfied ____ Not satisfied____ 17

If addition, it is included in the current household size

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8. Any other house: Yes____ No____ 9. If yes, distance from this unit (in km): 10. Typology of the other house: 11. No. of rooms: 12. Current house condition: Strong____ Average____ Dilapidated____ 13. Rooms added to this unit: Yes____ No____ 14. If yes, number of rooms added:

III. Residential mobility Past 1. No. of times family changed residence previously: Never____ 1____ 2____ 3____ >3____ 2. Details: Year

Location Distance

Typology

from

No.

of Owne Intentional

rooms

previous

-rship or (O/R)

Reason for leaving

forced

(I/F)

residence (km)

(O-Owned, R-Rented, I-Intentional, F-Forced) Future 1. Plans of moving again: Yes ____ No ____ 2. Reason: _________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________________ 3. If money was available, would you shift? Yes ____ No ____ 4. If yes, where: 5. If your family needed more space, would you rather: Shift ____ Increment ____

IV. Neighbourhood perception 1. Relative living nearby? Yes ____ No ____ 2. If yes, distance from current unit (in km): 3. Name an ideal and a flawed locality in Ahmedabad: ________________ _________________ Additional comments: __________________________________________________________________________ A Study of Residential Mobility Patterns in an Urban Setting

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Entries The following information was gathered on site with the help of the questionnaire, in February 2017, which gave an insight into the residential behaviour of the residents of Khadia and Dariyapur: Form no.

HH Size

Max. Km. travelled for work

Change in HH composition after 2005

First house in the city

No. of rooms in the house

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

4 2 Yes No 3 7 2 Yes No 3 4 3 Yes No 4 9 10 Yes Yes 6 4 5 No Yes 1 6 2 No Yes 2 3 1 Yes Yes 2 1 0 Yes Yes 1 7 40 Yes Yes 6 6 10 Yes Yes 2 8 1 Yes Yes 2 6 6 Yes Yes 3 4 12 No Yes 3 4 5 No Yes 2 5 17 Yes Yes 2 6 12 Yes Yes 2 4 7 Yes No 2 5 5 No No 4 4 7 No Yes 2 5 10 No Yes 3 Only a few variables’ entries are shown in the table.

Ownership

Opted for increment after 2005

No. of times moved in past (post 2005)

Relatives living in Ahmedabad

Own Own Own Own Rent Rent Rent Own Own Own Rent Own Own Own Own Own Rent Own Own Own

Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No Yes No No No No Yes No

1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0

No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes No Yes Yes No Yes

C e n s u s D e f i n i t i o n s 18 1. Building: A ‘building’ is generally a single structure on the ground. Usually a building has four walls and a roof. However, in some areas, the very nature of construction of building is such that there are no walls as in the case of conical structures. Such conical structures are also treated as buildings. Sometimes, it is made up of more than one component unit which are used or likely to be used as dwellings (residences) or establishments such as shops, business houses, offices, factories, workshops, work sheds, schools, places of entertainment, places of worship, go-downs, stores, etc. It is also possible that buildings which have component units

18

Metadata Census 2011

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are used for a combination of purposes such as shop cum residence, workshop cum residence, office cum residence, residence cum doctor's clinic etc.

2. Census house: A ‘Census house’ is a building or part of a building used or recognized as a separate unit because it has a separate main entrance from the road or common courtyard or staircase etc. It may be occupied or vacant and may be used for residential or non-residential purposes or both.

3. Normal Household: A ‘Normal household’ in Census is defined as a group of persons who normally live together and take their meals from a common kitchen unless the exigencies of work prevents any of them from doing so. The persons in a household may be related or unrelated or a mix of both. However, if a group of unrelated persons live in a Census house but do not take their meals from the common kitchen, they are not considered a part of a common household. Each such person is treated as a separate household.

O t h e r D e f i n i t i o n s 19 1. Heritage building: It means and includes any building of one or more premises or any part thereof and/or structure and/or artefact which requires conservation and / or preservation for historical and / or architectural and / or artisanary and /or aesthetic and/or cultural and/or environmental and/or ecological purpose and includes such portion of land adjoining such building or part thereof as may be required for fencing or covering or in any manner preserving the historical and/or architectural and/or aesthetic and/or cultural value of such building.

2. Conservation: It means all the processes of looking after a place to retain its historical and/or architectural and/or aesthetic and/or cultural significance and includes maintenance, preservation, restoration, reconstruction and adoption or a combination of more than one of these.

3. Preservation: It means and includes maintaining the fabric of a place in its existing state and retarding deterioration.

4. Restoration: It means and includes returning the existing fabric of a place to a known earlier state by removing accretions or by reassembling existing components without introducing new materials.

5. Reconstruction: It means and includes returning a place as nearly as possible to a known earlier state and distinguished by the introduction of materials (new or old) into the fabric. This shall not include either recreation or conjectural reconstruction.

19

(PWD)

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