Muslim Views, May 2014

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Vol. 28 No. 5

RAJAB/SHA’BAAN 1435 l MAY 2014

Real contestation after elections ABDUL WAHEED PATEL

HEY traversed the length and breadth of South Africa. Filling stadiums and community halls. Visited our homes. Canvassed via mobile phone and tele-marketing. Flooded our email inboxes and postal letterboxes. Battled it out in the print, electronic and broadcast media. Plastered on billboards and street posters. All in an attempt to persuade more than 25 million of us to make two intersecting lines next to their emblems and the faces of their leaders. They were the 29 political parties contesting South Africa’s fifth democratic elections since 1994. In the end, 13 remained standing with sufficient support to be represented in South Africa’s fifth democratic Parliament. The 2014 general elections should be remembered for four things.

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Voter turnout Firstly, South African voters across the class, demographic, racial, age, gender and geographic spectrum – some 18 402 497 million of them (73,43% of the registered voter population of 25 381 293), cast their vote. While this is four percentage points lower than the 2009 election turn out, it still represents a healthy turnout by international standards. The ‘Vote No Campaign’ seemed to have gained little traction, with just over 250 000 spoilt ballots counted – roughly the equivalent of five parliamentary seats. This suggests that voters feel that South Africa’s democracy and body politic remains of interest and relevance to their lives and that they have a duty and responsibility born out of both a commitment to nationhood and their own well-being to elect public representatives that best represent their ideals and to hold them to account. This is to the credit of the Independent Electoral Commission and political parties who swayed voters to come out in their numbers, as much as it is to the credit of voters themselves. It is the strongest sign of citizen activism and needs to be built by citizens, political parties, government and parliament to continue to ensure active citizen participa-

A flashback to Mitchells Plain, April 27, 1994: the ANC, with its alliance partners – the SACP and COSATU – swept into power in the first democratic elections, going on to increase its majority in parliament in 1999 and 2004. With fractures in the tripartite alliance, voices of dissent from former ANC members and the emergence, from within its ranks, of a party with a focused political ideology, the ruling party’s support, while still comfortable, is in decline. The support garnered by the 102-year-old organisation in the 2014 elections – 249 seats – is the lowest it has received since 1994. Photo SHAFIQ MORTON

tion in the processes and institutions of governance and political accountability.

Continued but declined national political dominance of the ANC Secondly, the African National Congress sustained its national political dominance. More than 11,4 million voters guaranteed the oldest liberation movement and political party on the African continent a categorical mandate with 62.15% of the vote. However, it is a tale of two stories for the ANC.

The support it received suggests that six out of every 10 voters felt that the party best represented their interests and capable of leading the country. This is a more than comfortable and decisive margin of victory by most electoral standards. The electoral dynamic for the ANC though is that it performed below its own benchmark, having secured significant national majorities in all previous elections held since the birth of democracy in 1994. With 252, 266, 279 and 264 seats in the years 1994, 1999, 2004 and 2009 respectively, the

support garnered by the 102-yearold organisation in the 2014 elections – 249 seats – is the lowest it has received since 1994. Worrying therefore for the ANC (and there will no doubt a great deal of reflection and introspection during the post mortems and analysis of the election results), will be: l The drop in the support for the ANC in Gauteng province, with the opposition Democratic Alliance increasing its share in the country’s economic heartland and one of the ANC’s biggest base support areas. l Its continued inability to wrestle the Western Cape from the Democratic Alliance and claw back support, despite a 2% improvement on its 2009 support. l The meteoric rise of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) to become the official opposition in both the Limpopo and Northwest Provinces with 10.74% and 13.21% respectively. The ANC however remains a formidable and unmatched electoral and political machine with a historical legacy as a political and liberation formation, as well as 20 years of experience in government that is unique. All of these factors helped it contest the election and these are evident in the election results. Whilst opposition parties campaigned vigorously against the ANC and its leadership under President Jacob Zuma, the ANC was equally vociferous in reminding voters of its leadership in realising the democratic dividend accrued under the ANC since 1994 and its plans for the future of South Africa.

The Democratic Alliance Thirdly, the opposition Democratic Alliance has continued to experience sustained growth, having received 22.23% of the vote (up from 16% in 2009) to secure 89 Parliamentary seats (up from 67 in 2009). Despite this steady growth, the Democratic Alliance faces a number of challenges. For it to be projected as a government in waiting that is a viable alternative to the dominant ANC, the DA will have to significantly increase its appeal as a national political party attractive to a broad spectrum of

South Africa’s diverse citizenry. It will simultaneously require the requisite leadership, policy and political ideology to achieve this – a significant test to the status quo.

The Economic Freedom Fighters Fourthly, political newcomers – the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) are certainly the rising stars of the 2014 general elections. What the party has achieved in just eight months since being launched is nothing short of remarkable. It has identified and cornered a niche within the South African political landscape, that neither the ANC nor DA has been able to appeal to. It has developed its brand and identity and messaging around a focused political ideology, programme and suite of policies; the substance and viability we may all have a strong and debatable view on. The reality is, however, that these are the subject of national discourse, pointing to the level of sensitisation they have achieved. Notwithstanding the previous controversies surrounding its firebrand leader Mr Julius Malema, it is worth noting that its Commander In Chief is just 33 years old and has steered a fledgling party to an astonishing 25 seats and becoming the official opposition in two provinces (Limpopo and North West), in its election debut. It is the first time that a socialist and leftist party in South Africa has garnered more than one million votes in an election. The EFF represents the real possibility and potential to use its presence on the national political stage that is South Africa’s Parliament to represent the voice and interests of young people in a lively, dynamic and head-on manner that will undoubtedly not be short of entertainment. In a political landscape still largely dominated by politicians who are their seniors in both age and length of political service and experience, Mr Malema and his EFF will be going against the grain of politics in South Africa. This was dubbed the most highly contested elections in South Africa’s democratic history. The reality is that the contestation has just started both between and within political parties. Abdul Waheed Patel is Managing Director of ETHICORE Political Consulting


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