Winter 2018
Critical Analysis of a Contemporary Issue Trenton, New Jersey: the Recognition and Revitalization of Vacant Properties Amanda Demers
(https://solarpowerrocks.com/new_jersey/trenton/)
INTRODUCTION Trenton is the capital city of New Jersey, situated within the New York metropolitan area and bordering the Philadelphia metropolitan area. As a major hub for the production of iron, steel, rubber, wire rope, and pottery in the 19th and early 20th century U.S., the city boasted its thriving manufacturing community, and even adopted the slogan, “Trenton Makes, the World Takes”.1 Despite these initial successes, Trenton’s industrial decline began to occur as of the 1920’s, and its population fled to nearby towns during the suburban sprawl of the 1960-1970’s.2 Trenton has been declining in prominence since, as many urban issues have developed over time within its city bounds, such as: high crime rates, local government corruption, crumbling infrastructure, and low levels of education. These factors have largely hindered it from revitalizing into an urban hub with a rebranded identity to succeed in modern times. Not only do these factors plague Trenton with urban blight, health and environmental concerns also are at the forefront of Trenton’s problems.3 That being said, “in 2009, the City of Trenton worked with Isles to survey Trentonians about their environmental health concerns, his survey found that Trenton residents were more concerned about vacant and abandoned properties than about pollution, site contamination, lead paint, or any other issue on the list,”.4 Thus, the issue of vacant properties is one of major concern for the Trenton public, and needs to be analyzed further. In this paper, I will first describe the processes of how this urban issue was formally identified through local initiatives. Then, I will proceed to analyze the pertinence of urban design and city-building to resolve this issue. Next, I will examine how this issue has been addressed thus far in Trenton by various key actors, including: Isles, Inc., local residents, the City Council of Trenton under Mayor Eric Jackson, and by local urban planners, developers, architects, and landscape architects. Lastly, I will analyze how the issue of urban vacant properties has been addressed in other contexts.
THE ISSUE As the issue of vacant properties became widely recognized by the Trentonian public, local initiatives to define the real scale and scope of these property vacancies eventually came to fruition in the summer of 2014. Isles, Inc. (a Trenton-based NGO), the Trenton Neighborhood Restoration Campaign (composed of local and regional stakeholders), 11 university student interns from the Rutgers Center for Urban Environmental Sustainability (“CUES”), the City of Trenton, and 5 local high school volunteers in addition to over 30 local community volunteers, teamed up to identify and record all vacant properties in Trenton’s city boundaries over the course of seven weeks.5 “Vacant” in the context of this project is to be defined as: “a building or structure [which] is not legally occupied or at which all lawful business or construction operations or residential or other occupancy have substantially ceased, and which is in such condition that it cannot legally be re-occupied without repair or 1 http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h3936.html 2 http://www.nj.com/opinion/index.ssf/2017/06/suburban_sprawl_is_out_smart_growth_redevelopment_1.html 3 http://www.nj.com/mercer/index.ssf/2018/01/dep_rips_trenton_about_water_says_city_risking_hea.html 4 http://www.restoringtrenton.org/who-we-are 5 http://www.restoringtrenton.org/copy-of-faq
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rehabilitation”.6 These vacant properties were tracked through a smartphone GIS survey tool that could be accessed and updated by the volunteers themselves.7 Their recorded data shows us that as of 2014, there were 3,423 fully vacant buildings (337 of which were owned by the City of Trenton) and 2,366 vacant lots (905 of where were owned by the City of Trenton). Thus a sum total of 20% of Trenton’s properties were considered to be vacant.8. Not only is this issue statistically large, but the scope of the issue encompasses all of the neighborhoods within Trenton’s city bounds (Figure 1). Vacant Properties in Trenton, New Jersey (2014)
Figure 1: This map shows the vacant buildings, lots, storefronts, and open spaces within downtown Trenton, New Jersey as of 2014. (http://www.restoringtrenton.org/map)
SIGNIFICANCE The issue of vacant properties is something that should not be taken lightly within an urban context, for, “vacant and abandoned properties are more than just a symptom of larger economic forces at work in the community; their association with crime, increased risk to health and welfare, plunging property values, and escalating municipal costs make them problems in and of themselves, contributing to overall community decline and disinvestment,”9. Vacant properties can be closely associated with crime, as they are often unregulated spaces susceptible to vandalism and foul play. As according to the “broken windows theory”, it is proposed that, “…one 6 http://www.restoringtrenton.org/field-survey-variables 7 http://www.restoringtrenton.org/field-survey-variables 8 http://www.restoringtrenton.org/vacant-property-stats 9 https://www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/em/winter14/highlight1.html
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sign of abandonment or disorder (a broken window) will encourage further disorder,”10. Thus, the mere presence of vacant properties, especially unmaintained ones, are said to indirectly normalize and perpetuate disorder, and thus encouraging more and more disorder to the given surroundings. Not only do abandoned urban spaces affect their surroundings in a qualitative way, but also in a quantitative fashion. “Foreclosed homes may or may not become vacant or abandoned, at which point a distressed property may have a more pronounced effect on surrounding properties,”11. Similar to the broken windows theory, the state of one property has lasting effects on those around it, for a distressed place will impact the market value of surrounding properties negatively. And thus, “local governments bear the cost of maintaining, administering, and demolishing vacant and abandoned properties as well as servicing them with police and fire protection and public infrastructure,”12 as this type of urban issue will likely always fall within the local jurisdiction. Within the local jurisdiction, if the government is responsible for managing vacant properties, who is responsible for revitalizing, fixing, and transforming them? This is where various key actors come into play. In regards to these vacant properties, “…with a performative conceptualisation of buildings as dependent on management and repair…the distinction between ‘in use’ and ‘ruin’ is not absolute; the ruin is only a step away from a new change/new land-use regime…the transition takes place in small steps, through mundane decisions on maintenance and investments, and due to expectations on the future of the land,”13. Thus, we need an actor to take these steps in the process of transforming “ruins” into usable spaces. This would be the urban planners, designers, architects, and landscape architects of the world. After the state directs the courses of action that can be taken to approach these spaces (through establishing policy), “it is the urban designer’s presumed insights about good or appropriate form that are seen as crucial to translate public policy or programmatic objectives into architectural concepts, or to recognize the urban potential in an emerging architectural design and advocate for its realization,” 14. Thus, the professionals in the fields of urban planning, design, and architecture have the responsibility to reconcile pre-existing policy with realizable form and design, engaging in the process of mediated transformation of a space. Even though their visions may be hindered by policy, “the urban design-minded planner who addresses immediate, often spatially related concerns has come to be seen as the professional most attuned to tangible urban problemsolving…”15, as these are the professionals who have the ability to “create” through their work, as opposed to policymakers who have the responsibility to “limit”. Therefore, urban planners, designers, and architects are viewed as the ultimate “fixers” of the urban landscape.
10 ibid 11 https://www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/em/winter14/highlight1.html 12 ibid 13 Qviström, M. (2017) pp. 2, 10 14 Barnett, J. (2009) pp. 116 15 Barnett, J. (2009) pp. 128
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KEY ACTORS AND RESPONSES Isles, Inc., a Trenton-based non-governmental organization, led the Trenton Neighborhood Restoration Campaign and the various volunteers in the process of identifying the extent of the issue of vacant properties in Trenton. Their motive to begin this project was to: “[build] on earlier community-driven efforts, because vacant and abandoned properties are such a critical issue in our city…prior to this project, there was no data on where all the vacant properties in Trenton are located and what condition they're in. There was no comprehensive count of the vacant properties, no data on the scope of the problem, and no data on clusters or particularly hard-hit blocks - just anecdotal evidence,”16
Enabled by a grant from the Rita Allen Foundation in 2014, Isles was able to go forth and proceed with this project, to take initiative and collect quantitative data on what they viewed as a critical issue in the city. 17 In addition to these efforts, Isles, Inc. currently manages a local initiative entitled, “Clean & Green”, which focuses on beautifying vacant lots in East Trenton.18 Their ultimate goal is to create, “…interesting spaces that signal neighborhood pride,”19, which demonstrates their commitment to initiating local measures and unifying neighborhoods/ communities in the area. Residents of the community view this issue of vacant properties largely in three ways, as vacancies are seen to affect the overall image, feel, and safety of their neighborhoods. Spring Street resident Willie Ellis comments, “People been using it as a dumping ground and whatnot in the back...I can't even let my grandson go play in the yard because of mosquitoes, possums," in regards to the negative health and safety effects the current poor handling of vacant lots have on his own family.20 George Bradley, resident and member of the Bellevue Area Civic Association, responds to suggested proposals on plans to alleviate the current urban crises of vacant lots, “It [would become] a neighborhood again. Now it's like a desert, you know? Like every other house is abandoned,"21. Resident Latisha Barber mentions, “It's a good idea cause then more people could own a home and the neighborhood won't look so bad," in regards to the potential attraction that fixing up vacant lots would provide to new residents. 22 Besides the 35 local community residents who served as volunteers to help collect GIS data to address the vacant property problem,
16 http://www.restoringtrenton.org/copy-of-faq 17 http://www.restoringtrenton.org/copy-of-faq 18 http://www.east-trenton.org/clean--green.html 19 ibid 20 http://6abc.com/home/have-a-$1-you-can-be-a-trenton-homeowner/350517/ 21 ibid 22 ibid
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there is community involvement in cleanup initiatives and local art and mural installations 2324, however, the amount of actual participation in these measures cannot be determined from the information available. The government, in the form of the City Council of Trenton under Mayor Eric Jackson, have taken action in the form of policy-making regarding this issue. The City Council of Trenton, whose initiatives are largely directed by Jackson, see the issue of property vacancies as an impediment to economic and community growth in Trenton. Thus, by implementing solutions, it would, “…bring families in to help rebuild dilapidated homes in our community, to not only strengthen one home and put it back on tax rolls, but strengthen the community," said Jackson. 25 Announcing a Five-Point Plan in 201526, these steps were proposed to tackle the problem of vacant properties within city bounds, after significant data had been unearthed through the 2014 Vacant Property Survey in tandem with an increasing local concern. The first clause of the plan is the Vacant Property Registration Ordinance, in which owners of vacant properties have to register them with the City Council and pay an annual escalating fee, whilst keeping the property in compliance with municipal codes (or else they will be subjected to fines). The second clause, the Homesteading Program, proposes that the City Council would sell homes in need of rehabilitation at very low costs (from $1-10,000) to prospective owner-occupants.27 About 50% of the funds collected from the implementation of this clause are designated to go towards similar initiatives of fixing up these vacant properties. The third clause would be the Strategic Sales and Foreclosure Program, which involves, “the government holding auctions of Cityowned property on a quarterly basis, and engaging in strategic property foreclosures within the city” 28. The fourth clause would be a Property Stabilization Program, which focuses on, “strategic boarding, property maintenance and demolition on a pre-determined subset of properties that are adjacent to prospective development projects and along major gateways into the city,”29. The fifth clause is the Neighborhood Conditions Survey, a, “comprehensive analysis of the housing market in Trenton”, as developed by New Jersey Community Capital and the Center for Community Progress.30 This survey builds upon the Vacant Properties Survey by further demonstrating what strategies towards revitalization would work best in each neighborhood, based on market conditions (Figure 2), which a prime example of, “measures of community design…incorporated in planning support systems to help planners and policy-policy makers design and evaluate alternative development proposals,” 31. Thus, policy, as 23 http://www.east-trenton.org/clean--green.html 24 http://www.east-trenton.org/public-art.html 25 http://www.restoringtrenton.org/city-initiatives 26 ibid 27 The program is restricted to first-time home-buyers and people who do not live in Trenton now but will move here to live in the property. Participants will have 18 months to rehab the property and must use it as their primary residence for ten years. To be eligible for the program, you will have to demonstrate that you have the financial capacity to fully rehabilitate a house within 18 months.
28 http://www.restoringtrenton.org/city-initiatives 29 ibid 30 ibid 31 Clifton, K., Ewing, R., Knaap, G.-J., & Song, Y. (2008) pp. 30
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directed by Mayor Eric Jackson, can be seen here to influence the course of action that urban planners, designers, architects, and landscaping architects can take. Market Conditions of Neighborhoods within Trenton, New Jersey (2014)
Figure 2: This map shows the overall market conditions (represented on a scale from strong (dark green)-very weak (light green)) of the neighborhoods within Trenton, New Jersey as of 2014. (http://www.restoringtrenton.org/map)
Once the issue had been identified by local initiative, and policy had been created by the government to manage this issue, the private sphere can now step in to transform this issue. Urban planners, developers, architects, and landscape architects have come together thus far on revitalizing and revamping these dilapidated urban spaces. “The redevelopment of the former Roebling industrial complex represents one of the largest private investments in Trenton in many years,” says Mayor Eric Jackson, “[it] is a game changer and a catalyst and example of the shape of things to come,”32. Clarke Caton Hintz (CCH) is a multidisciplinary firm involved in the planning, design, and architecture of the new Roebling Center of Trenton. The Roebling Center is a new mixed-used complex which represents the multipurposing of an old, abandoned manufacturing hall entitled “Building 101”. “ Its surplus of abandoned buildings and broken windows makes the sign all the more plaintive, almost desperate, but John Hatch, [local resident and CCH architect]), sees nothing but potential,” 33. Hatch sees the opportunity for Trenton to “catalyze interest in its inherent assets” by revamping these abandoned buildings, noting that Trenton is currently going through its urban “renaissance”34. Landscape architects are also playing a role in the revitalization of Trenton, with the abandoned V&S, Thropp and Standard Roofing sites near P.J. Hill Elementary School, now called “Greg Grant Park”.
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Architects from SP3 Landscape turned the former industrial site into an extensive
32 http://www.architectmagazine.com/design/urbanism-planning/the-roebling-centers-high-hopes-for-trenton-nj-are-mutual_o 33 ibid 34 ibid 35 http://www.nj.com/mercer/index.ssf/2013/04/greg_grant_park_in_trenton_wil.html
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park with open lawn space and an amphitheater, “to keep city kids occupied and out of harm’s way,” 36 37The former space was identified to be both an eyesore and a major health hazard. 38. Thus, the example of Trenton reinforces the notion that, “‘urban design’ is becoming increasingly associated with local, immediate concerns such as….creating more humane environments,” 39, as the CCH firm and SP3 Landscape use their expertise here to address and fix local issues, not necessarily to create “grands projets urbains”.
SIMILAR CASES Other urban areas plagued by a similar issue of managing vacant lots have found alternate solutions. One U.S. city that is quite reputable for modern-day urban blight is Detroit, Michigan. Detroit is widely known to be experiencing similar issues vacant properties, but on a much larger scale than Trenton. Detroit’s leading strategy thus far has been demolition: the city has torn down nearly 6,800 structures as of 2014.40 This strategy shows the ultimate inability or lack of desire by the city of Detroit to refurbish these already-existent spaces. This demolition plan is being federally-funded, with almost $107 million USD already reimbursed or promised to the city41, which ultimately shows the importance of reinventing Detroit on a national scale. However, “as the city continues to seek large development projects, some residents worry that it’s opening itself up to speculators and absentee landlords,”42 . Thus, the local residents ultimately feel left out of these processes. Detroit’s situation contrasts greatly with Trenton’s efforts, as Trenton is funding their repair strategies largely on a local-level through its tax base, with limited state or federal assistance. Additionally, Trenton’s Five-Point Plan allows for a variety of clientele, not just urban developers and private investors, as the locals could buy properties for as low as $1. Even though private firms are engaging in both of these cities’ redevelopment plans, Trenton is unique in the fact that its strategies were spear-headed by local initiatives and designed by urban professionals who are largely long-time residents of the community. Thus, Trenton’s urban revitalization can be considered a decentralized process on a local-federal scale, as compared to Detroit’s centralized plans, as its efforts are locally addressed, managed, funded, and planned.
CONCLUSION The problem of vacant properties in Trenton, New Jersey is a prime example of the interdisciplinary and multi-step processes of addressing urban issues. This problem was first identified and defined by local residents as 36 http://www.trentonnj.org/PARKS/GregGrant.html 37 http://www.nj.com/mercer/index.ssf/2013/04/greg_grant_park_in_trenton_wil.html 38 ibid 39 Krieger, A. (2009) pp. 127- 128 40 https://www.freep.com/story/news/local/michigan/2015/10/28/detroit-set-get-21-million-more-blight-demolition/74730162/ 41 ibid 42 ibid
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lead by a local NGO, then managed through the policies of the local government, to finally be transformed and revitalized by the local urban planners, designers, and architects. Change in the physical environment, in the form of increased urban blight due to vacant properties, is widely seen in a positive light by the urban planners, developers, and architects as an opportunity to revitalize Trenton. By addressing local needs with a sense of optimism and knowledge of the community, these professionals are carrying out their role of transforming these once-desolate spaces. Trenton represents a special case of urban revitalization, as most efforts are on a local scale with limited state and federal intervention, which sets it apart from the rest. The importance of the local and the ultimate desire of community-building expressed by the residents, Isles, Inc., Mayor Eric Jackson, and the urban planners, designers, and architects involved in this particular case demonstrate the true identity of Trenton as a “local� city- the same values that made it what it was during its manufacturing era. Due to its unique community collaboration, an urban renaissance may be on the horizon for Trenton, New Jersey.
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