Historic Nantucket, April 1978, Vol. 25 No. 4 by Nantucket Historical Association

Historic Nantucket

The Round Top Mill—Once Stood Near New Lane.

April, 1978

Published Quarterly by Nantucket Historical Association Nantucket, Massachusetts

NANTUCKET HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OFFICERS President, Leroy H. True Vice-Presidents, Albert G. Brock, George W. Jones, Alcon Chadwick, Albert F. Egan, Jr., Walter Beinecke, Jr. Honorary Vice-President, Henry B. Coleman Secretary, Richard C. Austin Treasurer, John N. Welch Councillors, Leroy H. True, Chairman Mrs. R. A. Orleans, Robert Tonkin, terms expire 1978; Robert D. Congdon, Harold W. Lindley, terms expire 1979; Mrs. James F. Merriman, Miss Barbara Melendy, terms expire 1980; Donald Terry, Mrs. H. Crowell Freeman, terms expire 1981. Registrar, Miss Dorothy Gardner Historian, Edouard A. Stackpole Editor, "Historic Nantucket", Edouard A. Stackpole; Assistant Editor, Mrs. Merle Turner Orleans. STAFF Oldest House: Curator, Mrs. Kenneth S. Baird Receptionists: Mrs. Margaret Crowell, Miss Adeline Cravott Hadwen House-Satler Memorial: Curator, Mrs. Phoebe P. Swain Receptionists: Mrs. Irving A. Soverino, Mrs. Harold Arnold, Miss Helen Levins, Miss Barbara Nathan 1800 House: Curator, Mrs. Clare Macgregor Receptionists: Mrs. Richard Strong, Mrs. Edouard A. Stackpole Old Gaol: Curator, Albert G. Brock Whaling Museum: Curator, Hugh R. Chace Receptionists: Frank Pattison, Manager; James Watts, Patricia Searle, Rose Stanshigh, Alice Collins, Clarence Swift, Mary Lou Campbell Peter Foulger Museum: Curator and Director, Edouard A. Stackpole Receptionists: Mrs. Clara Block, Everett Finlay, E. Louise Sweet, Mary Barrett Librarian: Mrs. Louise Hussey Nathaniel Macy House: Curator, Mrs. John A. Baldwin Receptionists: Miss Dorothy Hiller, Mrs. Henry C. Petzel Archaeology Department: Curator, Mrs. Roger Young Old Town Office: Curator, Hugh R. Chace Old Mill: Curator, John Gilbert Miller: John Stackpole Folger-Franklin Seat & Memorial Boulder: Curator, Francis Sylvia Friends Meeting House-Fair Street Museum: Curator, Albert F. Egan, Jr. Lightship "Nantucket": Curator, Benjamin S. Richmond Ship Keeper: Richard Swain; Buel Wrenne, David Branscombe Greater Light - Receptionist: Dr. Selina T. Johnson

HISTORIC NANTUCKET Published quarterly and devoted to the preservation of Nantucket's antiquity, its famed heritage and its illustrious past as a whaling port.

Volume 25

April, 1978

No. 4

Nantucket Historical Association Officers and Staff

Editorial

The Story of a Nantucket House by Katherine Seeler

Legacies and Bequests

Hie Hicksite Separation on Nantucket (Conclusion) by Robert J. Leach

Oliver S. Chase, a Young Nantucketer "In Search of Wealth and Adventure" by Andre Aubuchon

Historic Nantucket is published quarterly at Nantucket, Massachusetts, by the Nantucket Historical Association. It is sent to Association Members. Extra copies $.50 each. Membership dues are—Annual-Active $7.50; Sustaining $25.00; Life—one payment $100.00 Second-class postage paid at Nantucket, Massachusetts Communications pertaining to the Publication should be addressed to the Editor, Historic Nantucket, Nantucket Historical Association, Nantucket, Massachusetts 02554.

t! o o

N ^ W 2 ^ ^ c «»>

« £ i g •». 2 Si ** ">3 3 <| -3 3 <i c k. " u IS. 3\ a u ~~* w cq o 1 ^ a 3 S; 53 i J k> BP », 0 ^ -« %1 g »0

-2 5 "5 ® j;-« ' V

!c 3 -2* ~ o -ft. -t* .3 a I £ ** -a c JT 1 \~ 3 •5 §1 3 K« &H ^

An American Sanctuary — Nantucket —

A SHORT TIME ago some visitors from England came to Nantucket, and during their stay expressed a concern for the preservation of the town and the island. One of them commented: "I recall searching at one time for a cathedral town—one supposed to be unspoiled—but when I found it I discovered it had been literally surrounded by urban sprawl. It was being strangled by modern life which destroyed the significance of its symbolism as a part of the past." Only those who search for cathedral towns know how important they are to the story of mankind. In our American scene Nantucket has become an important example of how a seaport town was created and maintained. It has become a sanctuary—an opportunity to recapture aspects of life long since overwhelmed by the onslaught of economic change. The jaded traveler comes to our shores now in the winter as well as the summer. Many have ranged from the ski-slopes of New England to the plush hotels of Florida, from the sleek elegance of Los Angeles to the sophisticated streets of New York. What they find in Nantucket is a quiet corner, where the past serves as a reminder of when life was simpler and more rewarding. We cannot rest on our laurels by pointing out that the Historic Districts Act protects the architectural charm of the town. There is too much to do in further enhancement of the streets and lanes; further work in making a program of restoration so that some of the cobbled ways are uncovered, unsightly wire systems placed underground, traffic patterns adopted. Out-of-town, control over the menace of housing developments, and modern adaptations of unsuited architecture repelled. More and more, with the resurgence of our national economy there will be a need for such a sanctuary as Nantucket. Our heritage is in the preservation of an old town in the sea, and protection of the heathland, moorland and beaches which are so much a part of our island life. Quite

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

aside from the perhaps too busy life of the "season", Nantucket at the other times of the year may serve as a place where the old virtues return— those qualities which did so much to create one of the most extraordinary communities in America. We are not, of course, a cathedral town in the European sense, but we are a seafaring town, an important part of American maritime history. As the custodians of this fragile relic of the past—a priceless heritage—we cannot depend on "the other fellow" to protect us from dangerous economic trends. This is the responsibility of Nantucketers—everywhere.

Edouard A. Stackpole

The Story of a Nantucket House by Katherine Seeler IT IS IMPOSSIBLE to live in an old house and not speculate about the former owners.

According to tradition the house at 18 Orange Street

belonged to a famous Quaker ship captain, but tradition is not always fact. The house was of a typically Nantucket style, occupied by ordinary people, neither rich or famous; the kind of people who were the backbone of the town of Nantucket. This area of Orange Street was laid out in 1717 as fish lots, an area apportioned out to the original settlers as a place where they could dry their fish. It was also known by the Indian name of Quantaty Bank. Orange Street was laid out in 1726. Here in Fish Lot 4, some time about 1771 the house was built by Mathew Beard and Elizabeth Myrick Beard, who were Quakers. His exact occupation is unknown but it might have been connected with ship building. The style of the house, six rooms built around a central chimney was popular for a period of over fifty years in Nantucket. Measured inside the entire space was 25 feet wide and 30 feet long.

The small entryway

contained a steep stairway on the inside wall. A door into a closet was on the right as you entered. which was

\SVi

W/i

On the left, a door opened into the parlour

feet and contained a fairly large fireplace. A door

to the left of the fireplace led into the back chamber which was 12 x 11Vi

feet and also had a fireplace. This was used as a downstairs bedroom. Opposite the front door of the house was a door into the main room used for cooking, dining, recreation, and general living.

Here a large

fireplace supplied not only a place for cooking and heat but also was the main source of light. This room was W / 2 x 15'/2 feet and had a back door and a steep stairway to the upper room; a door also led to the buttery or milk room which was behind the front closet. This was the only storage room

in the house except for the round cobbled cellar which was, in

earliest times, probably reached by a door in the floor.

Photograph by E. V. Seeler The Mathew Beard House, built about 1771, at 18 Orange St.

THE STORY OF A NANTUCKET HOUSE

Upstairs were three chambers each with the very necessary fireplace. Over the front hall closet and buttery was a small chamber used no doubt as a much needed extra bedroom. The attic made another extra space. The frame of the house shows old beams, some champfered, taken from some older house. It is popular to say all old pre-used beams came from Old Town on Nantucket, but surely there were not enough houses there to supply all the old beams used. Many must have been brought from old mainland houses. The floor boards are of wide pine and in the front parlour there is a gray and blue swirled pattern. The doors between the rooms had glass panes in the top, not only so they could see if there was a fire but also to let in some extra light. Over the years many changes have been made but the simple basic proportions of the original house remain: a testimony to Quaker sim plicity and economy. Mathew Beard's grandfather John came from Teignmouth, England. The Beard family believed they were descended from English royalty and were considered "stuck-up". It is a tribute to the com pleteness of Nantucket records that this human frailty can still be revealed although 200 years have gone by. Elizabeth Myrick Beard came from the well known Myrick family. She was left a widow with four children, the eldest twelve, when Mathew died at the age of thirty-nine. He may have been a mariner and died at sea. At any rate the place of his death is unrecorded. There were plenty of relatives in the neighborhood—John Waterman across the street, married two aunts of Mathew Beard, and Andrew Myrick, uncle of Elizabeth Beard, lived one house away in what is now number 16. John Beard, brother of Mathew lived next door in what is now number 20. In 1796, Sally one of the daughters of Mathew and Elizabeth Beard married Joseph Gardner, also a Quaker, son of Shubael and Hepsabeth Gardner. He was a blacksmith and must have shipped on whalers. His death in 1809, probably at sea, left Sally with her daughter Eunice age nine. Since her husband was probably away a great deal, Sally had continued to live in the house in which she was born, with her Mother. After her Father's death the house became her portion of the estate. Sally's husband died intestate and an inventory was made which gives us some clue as to what was in the house in 1809—the list is small for

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

a house that size because much of what was in the house belonged to her mother and would not appear on the inventory. Some of the items listed are: "six flag bottome chairs—$2.; 1 large mortar—$3.; warming pan—$ 1.; 2 silver spoons $3.; 1 pewter platter $ 1.12.; 1 old case of high draws—$ 5.; 1 chist—$ 2.50.; 1 bible $ 1.50.; home-made sheet—$2.50.; 1 pr. hand-irons—$2.50.; 1 pr. tongs and shovel—$1.50.; 1 bed, 3 pillows and bolster— $23.; 1 set bed curtains $14." Also mentioned are quilts and homespun blankets, plates etc. but only three candlesticks. The house, although actually Sally's by inheritance from her father, is included in the inventory as the wife's possessions in those days belonged to the husband. The value of the house is given as $1800. At this point we must digress to tell about the discovery of the old trash pile behind the house which also added to our knowledge of what had once been used in the house. On the bank behind the house stood the old privy and over a period of about sixty years or more, broken china and gjass had been discarded there. On the surface was a perfect aquamarine oolored bottle labelled "Moxie nerve food Lowell Mass Patented" which dates from about the 1880's. But several feet down were some 200 pieces of broken china, glass and pottery which made a fascinating story of what had once been used by the people who lived in the house. There were pieces of old English Delft from the 18th century; Chinese export china; red slip ware from a large milk pan; Staffordshire blue plates; a Leeds pitcher which could be patched together somewhat; many pieces of what is now called Mocha Ware—bowls, mugs, chamber pots etc; many pieces of glass lamp chimneys; pearl-ware and other china, were all represented in pieces large enough to identify. Perhaps most interesting of all were the many pieces of "featheredged" or "blue-edged" china which told us eloquently of the dishes that were most commonly used. This ware, often mistakenly called "Leeds ware" is white with a blue edge resembling feather-stitching. There are many many variations of the design and in some cases it is in green. There were pieces of bowls, platters, wash bowls and plates of all sizes which showed how popular this design was and over what a long period it must have been used—probably all of Sally's life—for there had been

Photograph by E. V. Seeler A gray salt-glaze American preserving jar with blue decoration put together from six pieces and a mocha ware pitcher reassembled from many pieces. Both found several feet underground at the site of the old privy.

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

many replacements as the variation in the design demonstrated. This pattern was made by many potteries in Staffordshire, England, from about 1790 to 1840 and because of its simplicity must have been very popular with Quakers who might not have liked the more flowered and elaborate designs. Sally Gardner died in 1875 at the age of 97, having spent almost one hundred years in the same house. Her daughter died only a month later at the age of 76. With the death of Sally Beard Gardner the old story of the house is finished, but a new epoch begins with purchase of the house by Andrew and Amelia Winslow. Eunice Gardner Jenkins had willed the house to Charles Willman, son of her deceased sister Elizabeth. He lived in Connecticut but was, unfortunately, "non compos". So two years elapsed before the house came up at auction and was purchased by Andrew and Amelia Winslow for $ 605. The Winslows had an ice-cream parlour, or as they called it an ice cream "saloon" as early as 1867 when an advertisement in the Inquirer and Mirror announced the location of their ice-cream saloon as being next door north of Reuben S. Folger's Furniture Ware Rooms. This would be the present no. 22. The next advertisement was in 1877 and gives the number as 38 Orange St. which must be the same location as before. But in May 1878 which was the year following their purchase of no. 18, they announce in the Inquirer and Mirror: "Ice Cream. Mrs. Winslow's Ice cream Saloon will be open for the season Monday evening, May 20th, at No. 30 Orange St. Ice cream furnished for Parties, Fairs, etc. by giving notice at the saloon." A similar advertisement appears in 1879. The discrepancy in the house numbers is due to the tearing down of some buildings and to the change in numbering that must have taken place. Long before we knew that the Winslows had owned our house, a very old lady visited us and exclaimed as she entered, "This is the Windlsows where we ate ice-cream at little tables." "The peach ice-cream was so good. They took out the old fire-place and made the two rooms into one. No, it was not Mrs. Hatch's—that came much later and was up from here two houses."

THE STORY OF A NANTUCKET HOUSE

There are many people living in Nantucket who remember eating ice-cream at Mrs. Hatch's in no. 22, but no one is now left who remembers the Winslows. It was the Winslows who added two sheds to the back of the house, one on the north side and one on the south. Perhaps the Greek Revival front door was added sometime in the 1840 period by Sally Gardner, but certainly the original doorway must have been very simple with a small thin board overhead. A few doorways like this could be seen on Union Street until recently; the thin board casting interesting shadows. In 1893 the house was sold by the Winslows for an unknown sum to Mary C. Dudley wife of the minister, Myron Dudley, Nantucket historian, and one of the founders of the Nantucket Historical Association. They made extensive additions to the back of the house. It was probably during their time that the front stairway was moved to the outside wall where the front closet and part of the buttery had been. This made the front hall much larger. In 1904 the house was sold to Leila Laughlin of Pittsburgh who had a great appreciation for Nantucket. Among her many contributions was the early purchase and preservation of old North Wharf. The Meader-Brayton house next door north was taken down—those being the days when such things were permitted. This provided light and air for no. 18 as the houses had been very close together. It also allowed the construction of a garden on three levels on the site of the old house. In the first years the garden was filled with Japanese iris purchased by Miss Laughlin in Japan and it was called by some "the iris garden". Later as the bisymmetrical plan grew it was called "the Italian Garden". Now after many years it has an old and settled look and the formal style has been eliminated by time. A Colonial style fence, not of Nantucket origin, a bay window in the front living room, French doors into the garden were designed by ar chitect Edgar V. Seeler, Senior, Miss Laughlin's brother-in-law. An old Philadelphia mantel was installed over the fireplace in the East wall of the living room. The destruction of the central chimney had eliminated all original fireplaces in the main old part of the house. More additions were made to the rear of the house, resulting in a roomy third story and porch which overlooks the harbour. In 1937 the house became the property of Edgar V. Seeler, Junior.

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

No matter how much we pore over statistics and dry records, we can only glimpse in our imagination the people who lived in this house. They remain only names to us; what they looked like, what they thought about, and how they acted, we can only guess. "This house is haunted, isn't it?" asked a visitor from the Fiji Islands while standing in the front bedroom. He was descended from a Nantucketer, David Whippey who had settled in the Fiji Islands during whaling days. If it is haunted we cannot, alas, see the ghosts. But surely one ghost must be Sally Beard Gardner who lived in the house all of her life, survived all of her family but one daughter (who died a month after she did) and who lived through the hard times following the American Revolution, the war of 1812 and the Civil War. She saw the whaling industry rise and fall, and take its toll of many relatives and friends; and she witnessed the beginning of Nantucket as a summer resort.

Bequests or gifts to the Nantucket Historical Association are tax deductible. They are greatly needed and appreciated.

PLEASE — your change of address to save postage and receive your copy. We are charged for all returned because of incorrect address.

The Hicksite Separation on Nantucket by Robert J. Leach (The conclusion of an article begun in our January issue.) Obed Macy, famous for his History of Nantucket, published in 1835, had been an active member of the Nantucket Society of Friends for over sixty years, but was called upon by a committee because he had stayed at a meeting which was asked to disband when speakers began mentioning the doctrine of Elias Hicks, a liberal Quaker. True to his convictions Obed did not apologize. He was not on trial for staying after the meeting but because he might be tempted to join the ranks of the Hicksites. Thomas Macy, son of Obed and one of the wealthiest Quakers in town, was called in and accused of causing great dissention, by staying as Obed had done, behind on that First Day morning. In fact Thomas was cited as destroying "peace and harmony" in families. The next day, still another of the same name, Peter Macy, was complained at - also for singing at Hannah Wilson's appointed meeting at the Methodists'. Apparently some Methodists had started to sing and others had joined in. Obed suggested that Peter apologize for this, but Peter would have none of it. A few days later Peter pointed out that some of those most active in dealing with the First Day meeting "disorder" were, if not bankrupt, almost so. Toward the end of the month, the overseers came up with the for mula of the formal charge being pressed, to wit, "joining in a disorder in a Meeting for worship". Thomas Macy's spirited response to this charge was that the overseers "are made willing instruments to subserve the purposes of a small portion of society who are governed by a persecuting spirit, that emanates from the Devil". Obed Macy was more circumspect. On the 15th of 9th Month, Cromwell Barnard and Peleg Mitchell Jr. spent the evening with him. At one point Obed said to them, "You have concluded to disown me from Society, without a warrantable charge against me"-and that they were guided by a wrong spirit, "which had caused the difficulties in our society

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

over the Country". On the other hand, Cromwell still indicated Obed could "make up the breach"; which pretty well described this "dialogue des sourds". Once again Thomas Macy provided more interesting sidelights on the situation, when he observed that some overseers who were pressing the charge of "joining in a disorder", themselves read periodicals which came regularly in the mail, though cautioned against this practice by the Yearly Meeting-. And he suggested that the overseers read the second chapter of Romans each morning for breakfast, for six weeks. When finally, after demanding, as several others also did, to have the charge written out, and Thomas Macy was given it, he asked what rule in the Book of Discipline was broken by his staying after a meeting for worship was closed. He said, "the whole business was wrong, contrary to justice, it's all mockery and no religion". All the while the number of presumed culprits was being enlarged. On the 21st of 9th Month, when an official complaint was made against him at Preparatory Meeting, Obed Macy said "he would not detain the Meeting very long", but appealed to a "Tribunal over which you have no control". Then he finished off with the words, "I bid you farewell, desiring your welfare in all respects". Afterwards Obed reflected to himself that the real disorders in the Meeting were made by the elders who closed the meeting, for they acted when someone was speaking in a normal way. "I expect to be disowned as a member of the Society, for they have the power and the means to exercise it", was his melancholy con clusion. At the Tenth Month meeting, Silvanus Macy now made his final statement, saying "Neither Lex scripta nor Lex non-scripta" could be found in this case. When aged four, he said, he was caught playing during a meeting for worship. That was his only contribution to disorder in such a meeting. He "wished Friends would drop the business as to him and try to live in peace and in harmony". The charge could be deemed to be defamation', hard to take for a man aged 70. But nothing anyone could say would now stop the self-righteous fun that had been started. By early 11th Month, one of the elders, George Mitchell, was overheard stating that Mary Allen "had a right to whisper" for she and others were appointed by Yearly Meeting "to regulate the order of Society". At first, obviously, Mary Allen's interference had not been a point of which they were too proud. But if George and Mary had a Yearly

THE HICKSITE SEPARATION

Meeting imprimatur to run Nantucket Meeting, then what was hap pening to the sovereign rights which monthly meetings usually main tained? It is significant that in certain Orthodox yearly meetings, that assembly developed in fact as the universal law-giver. Furthermore, George Mitchell went on to state that Benjamin Mitchell was "outrageous" and his remarks "almost amounted to ranterism". Of course, it was not Benjamin, but William Clark who had started to speak. But George Mitchell rather spoiled his case for being accurate, when he said he knew it was time for the meeting to break, for he had heard the town clock strike. This was rather remarkable in itself, Peter Macy pointed out, as all the doors and windows of the Meetinghouse were shut. There was a "rain storm with a strong wind"-and as Peter pointed out, the town clock had not yet been installed in the Unitarian tower in the summer. When Cromwell Barnard taxed Peter Macy regarding statements being made about the solvency of some overseers, Peter spoke up with fire, "Go talk to the Cashier at the Bank, James Athern. Thee will find all I have told thee is correct." Finally, George Mitchell ended up with a fine preroration to the effect "that Friends had no right to think for themselves unless their thoughts corresponded with the discipline. For it would lead to anarchy and confusion". To this Peter Macy suggested that liberty of conscience was the ideal for which their ancestors had suffered. Early in 11th Month, an eleventh hour attempt was made to get Obed Macy to apologize. Prince Gardner and Abishai Paddack were the uncomfortable duo. As Obed wrote, "No doubt they began to see that they were in a situation not unlike a barber, that undertook to shave, but had no razor". Prince said it was "painful", but "I hope to do my duty and that no hardness of heart would result". This remark Obed described as "frivolous". It was that and worse. It was, in fact, not unlike the hypocritical antics many decades later of Sen. Joseph McCarthy. Two days later the Committee was back at Obed Macy again—this time with the written charge concerning creating "a disorder in one of our meetings for worship". Obed said "In a court of law I should answer Not Guilty. I never in the course of my life that I remember was guilty of joining in a disorder in one of our meetings for worship. At nearly 69, It was more than I deserved". He then asked to go over again that First Day in the preceding summer. He had noticed a "bustle" in the gallery, thinking someone had

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

knealt in prayer. Then he noticed people leaving "in a more precipitate manner than usual". As Hannah Wilson had been allowed to speak "(therefore I concluded that each one was at liberty to sit quietly or leave the meeting)". Apparently-was Obed a bit hard of hearing?-he had not heard Samuel Macy tell the visitor to sit down, nor heard the proposition whispered by Mary Allen. But, "I consider the disorder began with Mary Allen for whispering in one of our meetings". Prince Gardner countered that Benjamin Mitchell "had no right to speak" and when he spoke he started the disorder. Obed then cited Sewall's History of Quakers, to the effect that Friends often interrupted other services and "met with abuse for so doing". He also noted that martyrs who escaped being burned at the stake by abjuring their faith, felt no peace thereafter. Abishai Paddack now intervened to ask if Obed was comparing this meeting to the Inquisition. "No I do not", said Obed. "But if you con tinue on in this way, I know not what it will come to". At the end of Eleventh Month, the axe fell on Thomas Macy's membership. Still Prince Gardner and Abishai Paddack were ready to have another go at the stubborn Obed. At this point Macy told Prince Gardner and Abishai Paddack that to continue to press the charge was only to multiply errors. "Then thee says the overseers have lyed", rejoined Abishai. But Obed had the presence of mind to add "I have charity to believe that they thought it was true". Then turning to Gard ner, Obed struck home. "I observed to Prince I should think he would have had the decency not to accept the appointment to condemn me, considering all he had done in the capacity of overseer". At the end of the year 1830, Obed was disowned with three others. Job Macy Jr. one of the Committee named to speak with him to tell him that his links with Quakerism had been severed, met Obed on the wharf on New Year's Day. A fortnight later Obed Macy asked Charles Stubbs to give him a copy of the disownment paper. Stubbs was so embarrassed that he suggested Obed himself come to Monthly Meeting and ask for it in person—as though a disowned person would even be allowed inside the door. But Monthly Meeting naturally refused anyway when Stubbs put the question. Nor was the Clerk prepared—not "proper", he said—to give reasons why the Meeting refused. Six weeks later, Obed wrote that Gilbert Coffin personally had bought a prize piece of land on Main Street for $2,750.-, upon which

THE HICKSITE SEPARATION

another Meetinghouse would be built. The in Fifth Month 1831, George Walton of Richmond, Indiana, and Benjamin Ferris, an old Friend of Nantucket, from Wilmington, Delaware—both Hicksites—appeared, accompanied by Josiah Macy, a cousin of Obed's who had done well in New York City. They were obviously ready to propose getting on with building the new Friends Meetinghouse on Nantucket. Specially called meetings for worship were held at Gilbert Coffin's house and in the town house. The visitors dined at Nathaniel Barney's—he soon to come forth as the only recorded Hicksite Quaker Minister on Nantucket—and had tea at William B. Coffin's, he soon to come into the new meeting. As things went well, Obed's euphoria overflowed. "I think I never knew a Friend to come among us that gave so universal satisfaction". Obed had need of spiritual reinforcement. On the 14th of Fifth Month, 1831, another meeting was held, with 10 men and 14 women attending at the Town House. Obed Macy and Gilbert Coffin gave the Orthodox the opportunity of refusing the new meeting to use their meetinghouse-almost directly across the street from Thomas Macy's beautifully restrained federal style mansion. Samuel Macy put the request before the Orthodox overseers, who were so af fronted that they even warned Samuel not "to have anything to do" with such a request. Obed noticed that the Methodists were generally very friendly to the Hicksites, even though called "deists, infidels and un believers" by their Orthodox neighbours. It would seem that the new budding Hicksite meeting did not cultivate either the liberal Unitarians or Universalists, nor the rigid Congregationalists. The evangelical Methodists were their friends in the town-ironic as that might be. The new meeting gathered twice on first days and once on fifth days, soon settling in the Franklin School, which the town granted them readily enough. Sixty people attended the first first day meeting in the morning and seventy in the afternoon. On the 27th, a letter was despatched to Westbury Quarterly Meeting, the nearest Hicksite body, requesting adherence. Twenty-two disowned Friends asked to be so associated. Early in Ninth Month the timbers for the meetinghouse (65' x 45') had arrived. The total cost of the building came to $4,933.33, which, with real estate expenditures, put the total cost above $7,300.-. It is significant that the relatively few Friends involved were able to raise the money and pay it directly. The Hicksite House on Main street was certainly larger than the North Meeting House. It probably seated 600

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

attenders, while that on Broad Street probably accommodated 500. The masons - Robert Park of Boston - began the stonework on the 24th of Ninth Month, having removed the residence of Alice Barnard, which stood on part of the site (where the "White Eagle" stands today). Westbury Quarterly Meeting decreed that the new body should be known as the "Monthly Meeting of Friends of Nantucket", to insure its identity from the original "Nantucket Monthly Meeting of Friends". Obed Macy and Peter Macy carried the request to Westbury Quarterly Meeting, held at Flushing, in a meetinghouse which was built in 1695 as that meeting was set off by New England Yearly Meeting to become the Yearly Meeting of Long Island for New York. It took 71 days to build the meetinghouse. It was ready for the initial preparative meeting to be held on the 1st of Eleventh Month, a snowy blustery cold day, too rough a sea running for the Quarterly Meeting committee to get to Nantucket. On the 6th they arrived, consisting of John Plummer, a minister of Bethpage, David Ketchun, an elder of Jericho, Richard B. Glazier, an elder of New York, and Nathan Cornstock, similarly situated and at one time school teacher on Nantucket, when he had been employed jointly by the two monthly meetings thirty years before. It is a fascinating vignette to observe that after a special morning meeting held on the 8th, Glazier addressed the full house, congratulating Friends on the expedition with which the handsome meetinghouse had been made available - "which merited applause from the people". Imagine the horror of the Orthodox to learn that clapping was allowed in the new meetinghouse! The list of donors to the new Hicksite Meetinghouse is indeed in teresting. Josiah Macy, one time Nantucketer, New York banker, collected $2,256.50 or nearly a third of its cost from Friends in the Westbury Quarterly Meeting area. His own contribution raised the figure another thousand dollars. Gilbert Coffin and Thomas Macy raised another third of the cost between them - or $2,712.50, to which not so incredibly we find William Rotch Jr. and his sisters, Elizabeth Rodman and Mary Rotch adding another $500.00. Nathaniel Barney put in $600.00. William Ewer sent on $100.00 on his own. Thus the middlesized gifts approached the two thousand mark. Obed Macy put in $80.00, outdone slightly by Silvanus Macy's $93.00, those two gifts constituting nearly a third of the small gifts which ran to $600.00 or so. There were thirty-two founding members of the new monthly meeting, of

THE HICKSITE SEPARATION

whom probably thirty contributed about one third the cost of con struction. Just a year after the Hicksite house was opened, the Orthodox laid down the North Meeting - to the dismay, it would seem, of some Friends there. However, the Orthodox elders had in mind building a newer and bigger meetinghouse on Fair Street-one which would not only seat 700 people, but would stand 70' x 55' taller than their Hicksite rivals. James Weeks was the builder of this structure (which unfortunately was moved to the Cape and later burned). However, a sketch of its plans turned up in 1968, so we can imagine what it was like. It cost $5,400, but was covered by the sale of the North Meetinghouse for $2,000, and of the South house for $3,700. The laying down of the Hicksite meeting constitutes in itself a fascinating footnote to Nantucket history in general and to this particular historical account. Late in 1845, in fact on Christmas Day itself, the men met to discontinue the monthly meeting of Friends of Nantucket. The Main Street meetinghouse was conveyed to Thomas Macy for the nominal figure of $100.00, with the promise that if it were ever sold, the donors were to be reimbursed pro rata. Thus in Second Month 1846, the Trustees wrote to Westbury Quarterly Meeting saying they had no intention of "thwarting" the in tentions of the Quarterly Meeting, but felt they must not pretend to be able to staff a proper monthly meeting. In fact the meetinghouse had been let to the Gurneyite faction on Nantucket, so that meetings for worship had continued to be held without a break in the Main Street meetinghouse. In the summer of 1845, the separation had taken place on the island, - Prince Gardner standing for the conservative Wilburites against Cromwell Barnard who led the evangelical Gurneyites. It will be recalled that on the island the Hicksite community was quite friendly with the evangelical Methodists. This perhaps explains in part why they accepted the evangelical Gurneyites so easily. And the Gurneyites on Nantucket had come to recognize that the extremism practised against Obed Macy and his associates had been, in fact, too partisan. As for the Hicksite Meeting House, it became a place for the Gur neyites; a boat-builders' shop; a straw manucactury, then moved to Brant Point as the major portion of the Nantucket Hotel, and in 1905 moved again to South Water Street for Red Men's Hall and Dreamland Theatre.

Oliver S. Chase, A Young Nantucketer "In Search of Wealth and Adventure" by Andre Aubuchon

THE RAPID DECLINE in whaling from Nantucket during the 18501860 period led to a considerable reduction in the population of the town. The Great Fire of 1846 was an economic disaster, and the Gold Rush to California in the 1849-1853 years found thirteen ships leaving the Island bound for San Francisco, while other Nantucketers left in ships from other ports. From 1850 onward emigration was no longer a collective phenomenon. Though the pace of departures increased between 1850 and 1870, Nantucketers left as individuals or as members of nuclear families, not as members of a group. Young men had to leave Nantucket to find work. A few men who owned land could become farmers, and a few sons of merchants and tradesmen could remain to supply the decreasing needs of a declining population. Captains and seamen were in a better position than most young Nantucketers, as reared in a seafaring community and experienced in whaling, they were in demand in more prosperous ports. Students of Nantucket history would like to know more about the young men, many of whom were trained as clerks or who had learned a skilled trade, who sought employment in the counting houses of Boston and Providence, or in the factories of New Bedford and Fall River. Those who removed from Nantucket left few traces behind: some of them never returned; of the many who returned as visitors, and who maintained family ties, little can be known. It is fortunate that documentary evidence concerning the adventures of one young Nantucket man have survived and have found their way into the manuscript collection in the vault of the Peter Foulger Museum. A folder containing more than fifty letters written between November, 1865 and March, 1868, was received by the Nantucket Historical Association in 1975.

OLIVER S.CHASE

The experiences of the author of these letters were so interesting, and his impressions of the people and places he encountered were so keen that they should be shared with a wider audience than the few family members for whom they were written. The letters were written in a clear and lucid style, and the author practiced the art of saying much by saying little. The letters were graced with one gift which makes them a pleasure to read: the author had an extraordinary sense of humor, especially subtle for a young man, and he had an artist's eye for portraits sketched for a favorite sister who was not too old to remember what it was like to be young. * The bond between brother and sister was forged by the fires of ad versity. From 1850 to 1856, their father was in California, having gone to seek his fortune. The eldest son left for California sometime before 1856, and mother, brother and sister were left to fend for themselves. The parting between husband and wife was amicable, but a tremendous burden was placed on the two remaining children. As Lizzie and Oliver grew to maturity, another burden was placed on their shoulders. It was their duty to care for their aged parents when sickness struck, and to support parents who had been unable to provide for their declining years. It is certain that Captain Chase was a poor man, for the records of the town assessors and of the registry of deeds indicate that he had little personal property and that he appears to have had no real estate. His financial condition was unusual. As the captain on two suc cessful whaling voyages, he obtained one-twelfth of the profits, and in 1834 he apparently thought himself able to retire from the sea at the age of thirty-three. It is known that neither ill health nor intemperance con tributed to his financial condition. It is most likely that sometime between 1834 and 1849, Captain Chase was the victim of bad judgment in the management and investment of his capital. Lizzie and Oliver accepted the burden of helping aging parents, and this shared responsibility brought them closer than they might otherwise have been. In addition, Lizzie with her husband, Josiah, forced to support her and the children by working in East Boston, may have needed Oliver's emotional support. "I am sorry," he wrote, on November 5, 1865, "that mother is so feeble...I only wonder that with so much care and so much to do you are not sick also. But I hope that you will be blessed with good health and

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

strength, that you may be enabled to successfully bear the burdens to which you are subjected." The letters written by Oliver to Lizzie between November, 1865, and March, 1866, describe his life and work in Providence, Rhode Island. He worked as a receiving clerk at the Neptune Company Pier on Fox Point, the peninsula at the confluence of the Seekonk and the Providence River. Oliver's task was to record the goods which arrived at the pier, and which included materials like cotton to supply Rhode Island's industries. Work was less organized than it is today, and Oliver would finish his duties at noon, or even earlier, one or two days a week, though when large cargoes arrived, he might work until seven or eight in the evening. Most days he arrived at eight and left at five or five-thirty. He had two hours to return to his room for dinner, and the occasional references to his duties indicate that the pace of work was considerably slower than that of the nineteenth-century factory or of the modern office. Oliver was conscientious in the performance of his duties and his knowledge of commerce, shipping, and bookkeeping would seem to have qualified him for advancement. The path was blocked, however, for the next position in the hierarchy, that of delivery clerk, was given to a young "greenhorn" as Oliver described the successful applicant. No matter how well Oliver performed, he was unlikely to win a promotion at the Neptune Company. Perhaps for this reason, Oliver devoted most of his descriptions to his active and varied social life. In describing his friends and his activities, he was undoubtedly trying to amuse his sister, and many of the portraits were sketched for her eyes alone. His sister was young enough to ap preciate a young man's need for a little spirited fun. Such a phrase would aptly describe some of the gatherings which Oliver attended during the Winter of 1865-66. Foremost of these was a Christmas Eve gathering held at the home of the Abbotts, a family who had as their boarder, Charles H. Baker, a Nantucket native and one of Oliver's close friends. Oliver was quite fond of the two Abbott daughters, and enjoyed the company of the many young people at the gathering. It should be remembered that in 1866 Christmas was no longer regarded as a "Papist" and pagan feast, but neither was it observed as a religious or an almost sacred family holiday. It was more the occasion for merry-making than for exclusive family observances.

OLIVERS. CHASE

Oliver described some of participants at the party: Both daughters (of the Abbotts) are very pleasant and agreeable. The oldest one is named Lizzie. The youngest one—Mary—is particularly pleasing and modest. I like her very much. I am inclined to think that I must flirt with her a little. A family by the name of Smith occupy the house in part with the Abbotts. Mrs. Smith is a very pleasant lady. They have...one daughter named Emily...She, like her brothers, is very pleasant and agreeable—and likes to have a good time. Miss Smith is the young lady whom (Charles H.) Baker brought here tonight. The description which follows shows that the pleasures of our Victorian ancestors were not that different from those of today: During the night we sung (sic) slow songs and fast hymns. Made some molasses candy which I of course helped to work—and eat; talked, told stories; cracked jokes—smoked— that is we gents, and had a gay and joyful time generally. The old folks retired at half-past one Monday morning; the girls popped off about half past two, and us fellows retired at three a.m. I had a glorious time I can assure you. In fact it was one of the most pleasant times I have yet enjoyed in this City. Pleasant company of course makes a pleasant time. At midnight we young folks were all down cellar eating candy and waiting to usher in Christmas which we did in style. Just at twelve (midnight) I presented the young ladies each with a kiss, and received one in return from each lady. Just about that time or rather soon after the old folks were at prayer upstairs. A hearty breakfast awaited the guests Christmas morning, and it was off to the Neptune Company Pier for a half-day's work. Gatherings similar to the one on Christmas Eve were not isolated occurrences during the Winter. One week in early February provided six successive nights out for Oliver. After several evenings of dancing halls, there was the event of the week: a Wednesday night dance at the Abbott's out-of-town farm. Once again, Oliver and his companions made merry until the wee hours: Wednesday I got through work at noon. Wednesday evening a company of about fifty of us assembled at Abbott's house and from there went out to Abbott's farm and had a dance—

HISTORIC NANTUCKET supper and singing. During the rain storm, and tempest— that night we had to stay all night. . .We returned to the city about six o'clock Thursday morning. We had singing, playing of games, cards, a treat, and a pleasant time generally. I went home with Miss French and Miss Wood. Miss Wood went up to stop tonight with Miss F. Miss Wood gave me a very cordial invitation to make a visit out to her house—which I shall do sometime.

It is difficult to resist wanting to know more about Oliver's com panions. Several careful readings of his letters and research into genealogical records at the Peter Foulger Museum reveal that most of Oliver's friends were Nantucketers who had removed to Providence. A notable exception, however, were the members of the Dodge family with whom Oliver boarded. The Dodges were more than landlords: the mother was almost a step-mother, and one of the daughters, Lizzie, was Oliver's closest female friend, and perhaps his fiancee. The family lived at 90 Transit Street, located within a fifteen minute walk of Fox Point, and not far to the south of Brown University. The neighborhood was prosperous and the residents were mostly in commerce or industry. Oliver paid five dollars a week for his room which was shared by another young Nantucket man. A letter which Mrs. Abbott wrote to Lizzie Barrett three years later gives some impression of the place which Oliver occupied in their household and in their hearts: We felt his absence from our family circle very keenly and we were all—from father to little Annie, as pleased to be allowed the privilege of hearing one of his pleasant letters read, as though he had been one of the family. We were as interested in his prospects and conversed with each other about the contents of each letter with as much fervor as though he was a brother, and when he wrote of coming home we were ro happy and looked forward to the time when he would be with us as of old, and enjoy our evening songs and jokes.

The circle of Oliver's close friends and acquaintances seems to have been comprised almost exclusively of Nantucket natives who had emigrated to Providence. The Dodges, the family with whom he roomed, were not Nantucketers, but references in the letters indicate that they had developed connections with Nantucketers before Oliver became their boarder.

OLIVER S.CHASE

Oliver's roommate, Henry Robinson, was a Nantucketer several years younger than he, and it is uncertain which of the roommates knew the Dodges first. Charlie Baker, his closest friend of his own age, Albert Holmes, and Maj Keighler were all Nantucketers. These young men spent many hours together on expeditions in the city, at dance halls, and in each others' rooms. Their interests and conversations would not be totally different from those of young men who today come to large cities from small towns. Oliver's Nantucket connections in Providence were so pervasive that it is possible to talk of a Nantucket community in that city. Oliver's aunt, Eliza Hosier Abrhams, and her husband George were homeowners and established residents of Providence, and at times they acted in loco parentis. It was to their house where Oliver and sometimes his friends would repair on Sunday afternoons and evenings. The Abrhams family would sit in the parlor, and would talk of the old days in Nantucket and of their lives and interests in Providence. It must not be imagined that the emigrants longed for the days of yore on the "Far Away Island", but they were still actively concerned in developments there. George would often bring recent copies of the Inquirer and Mirror to the Abrhams, and on one occasion he brought a Nantucket fish which had been caught by Baker or Holmes. Through his circle of Nantucket emigrants, Oliver came to know other Nantucketers including Clara Hussey, "a young Quakeress", Lydia Wood Bunker and her brother Lauriston, later Town Clerk of Nantucket. Friendships between Nantucketers served their mutual interests. Oliver was on the alert for a position at the Neptune Company for his brother-in-law, Josiah Barrett, and for a cousin, Sidney Chase. Even more important, kinship and friendship helped the immigrant to the fastgrowing industrial cities adjust to conditions vastly different from those he had known. Nineteenth-century cities caught in industrialization were frightening places: they were full of soot, smoke, air and water pollution; they were breeding grounds for infectious killers like typhoid, cholera and tuberculosis; and they were not without slums which produced crime and disorder. Even for lower middle class clerks like Oliver and his friends there were fears: of being put out of work, of not being able to earn enough to marry, of falling prey to drunkenness or other forms of behavior which were not respectable. A brief description of the recreations of Oliver and his friends offers an example of how Oliver and his friends made use of the resources of the

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

city. One kind of popular recreation open to them was railroad visits to neighboring cities. Since the 1840's, the iron horse had made it possible for people to travel quickly between distant cities, and some of the travel was for recreation as well as for business. In December, 1865, Oliver and his roommate, Henry Robinson, made one such pleasure trip to New London, Connecticut. They left Providence on a Saturday afternoon, and with Monday and Tuesday off from work, they had ample time to explore a new place. Perhaps they sowed their "wild oats" away from home, but more probably they simply explored New London, where they had been offered free room and board by Henry's grandfather, James Robinson, a Nantucket native who kept a private hotel. Oliver and Henry must have enjoyed their visit, for in January plans for a subsequent expedition were mentioned in a letter to Lizzie. Even when Oliver could not get time off from work, there was still the possibility of an "overnight visit", as a quick expedition to Boston in late November, 1865, shows. Oliver left Providence late on a Wednesday afternoon; called at the Neptune Company's Boston Office; and visited his friend Matt Crosby, a Nantucketer with business in Boston. At Matt'she met Cromwell Barnard, Bennie Clisby, Isaac Brown, and Alec G. Pinkham, all of whom appear to have been old friends from Nan tucket. Oliver's description of his brief visit is especially interesting for the detailed account it provides of the life of young Nantucket men on the mainland: I then went to Matt's (Crosby) store and found Matt just getting ready to go home. When Matt and I were smoking after supper Cromwell Barnard came in. Between eight and nine o'clock, Cromwell, Matt and myself went over to East Boston and called on Josiah. We found him at home, well, and all right. Stopped an hour with him and returned to Boston and stopped the night at Matt's. Matt has got (sic) a tip-top boarding place and he has a real nice room. Cromwell Barnard lives opposite Matt's. He is a cutter in a store on Washington Street. He has a bundle to carry over to a person who lived on Saratoga St., E. Boston, so it came all right for us to go over together. Josiah seemed to have a real nice boarding place. The folks he boards with seem to be nice and pleasant ...I should have liked to have stopped with Josiah....

OLIVERS. CHASE

The next morning Oliver left Boston at half-past six, "after a pleasant walk over to the Common and Public Garden." He arrived in Providence before ten and was at work on the Neptune Pier at ten-thirty. Interspersed throughout the letters are humorous portraits of people whom Oliver encountered. One such "sketch" is of the Abbott family, the people with whom Charlie Baker boarded:

Mrs. Abbott is in feeble health although she keeps up her housework, in which she had her daughter to help her. She is troubled with the dyspepsia and is obliged to smoke a pipe, otherwise she could not eat. ...Mr. Abbott and the two sons are also smokers so 'tis quite a smoking family. The most interesting portraits, however, are those of the young ladies with whom he had become acquainted. The letters show Oliver to have been quite a lady's man, whose need for female company was fortunately equalled by his ability to meet and charm young women. The descrip tions of his lady friends show Oliver to have been more practical than poetic: Two young ladies named Ella and Emma Morse—both handsome...and Miss Emma Capen were here. Miss Capen is about twenty-two and although she is not very pretty, yet she is a very nice young lady, and very pleasant and affable in her manners. She is a splendid singer, and player on the piano. Besides all this she will have considerable property left her, her folks being well-off—and she has not yet got a beau— so you see there is a chance for me. Such practical calculations could also be seen in Oliver's letter of December 14, in which he observed: "Tomorrow night Lizzie (Abbott) and Sarah Peck are going to the dance with me. So you see I am having gay times this winter although I don't pay out much money." Oliver's several romances during the Winter of 1865-66 led him into trouble, and in more than oneway. One cold Sunday evening in January, Oliver and his friends kept the Abbott sisters company. In Oliver's words, they managed to "keep the fire warm, which you would have thought we were doing to perfection could you have looked in upon us as we were situated around the fire before midnight."

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

He sustained a serious case of frost-bitten ears while walking back to his room later that night: "I thought I should go crazy for about fifteen minutes while they were thawing," he wrote, and added cavalierly: "So much for going to see the ladies when the thermometer is below zero." Oliver's busy social life and his inability to confine his affections to one young lady, brought an admonishment from his otherwise admiring and indulgent elder sister. The letters which Lizzie wrote to him have not survived, but of his sister's attitude towards Oliver's "adventures" there can be no doubt. "You did give me quite a lecture," wrote Oliver who added, "I suppose I deserved it—to a certain extent." It would seem from Oliver's reply to Lizzie's letter that she had suggested that he settle down and find one young lady suitable for marriage. Oliver was twenty-two and at that age many of his friends were married. In 1866, the decision to marry was more than it is today an indication of stability and of willingness to assume a place in the com munity. "I have my own reasons and motives in leading the variegated life that I do," Oliver wrote. The spirited defence with its explanations indicated that Oliver was generally more thoughtful than his sister believed: During my stay in this City I have formed the acquaintance of two young ladies—one in this City and one out of the City— No matter about their names—either of whom would un doubtedly make me a good wife. I have shown both of these ladies especial favor though not at the same time. Now if either of these young ladies feel that I have taken an especial interest in her—and they can judge from my actions whether I have or not—there would be no need of my feeling anxiety upon this point. Which of these two young ladies I like best I am not yet prepared to say, for one I have not seen much of. I am willing to leave the matter to time which worketh out all events. I guess when I get ready to be married I shall find the right one. Oliver was not content to rest his defence with the balanced account of his courtship of two young ladies. In an unfortunate obitur dictum, Oliver unwittingly admitted that his behavior did not conform to his sister's high standards: I should not triffle with any young lady whom I really respected and liked. Those whom I have triffled with—if any

OLIVERS. CHASE

such there be—must blame themselves and not me. Without encouragement I never make advances. Some young ladies have the great fault of drawing premature conclusions and by their fastness and boldness drive off the respect and esteem that better qualities had inspired. I have seen such during the present winter. ...I treat all as near alike as circumstances permit—but in doing so I am necessarily obliged to flirt some. Oliver's defence was simply a restatement, subtle to be sure and perhaps ingenuous, of the double standard. His argument was quite simply that "nice young ladies" would not have led him on, and those who led him on did not deserve the same respect accorded their virtuous sisters. Not withstanding his admissions, Oliver was so eloquent that it is not hard to understand why he had charmed and "triffled with" so many young ladies. Oliver was actually a good deal more practical and responsible than his "courting" behavior during the Winter would have indicated. In his letter of January 14, 1866, he had written to Lizzie: "It is not always best for a young man with empty pockets to pay too much attention to any particular young lady. When I am satisfied that I am settled in business, and have a little soap laid up, then I will make a selection. . .At the present time I am, literally speaking, penniless. Under these circumstances, and with doubtful prospects ahead, I cannot feel justified in confining any young lady to myself and my destiny. There is time enough for all these things yet." To be concluded in the July issue of Historic Nantucket.

Dr. Andre Aubuchon is the Archivest working at the Peter Foulger Museum, where he is cataloguing the Manuscript Collections of the Nantucket Historical Association.