Historic Nantucket, July 1978, Vol. 26 No. 1 by Nantucket Historical Association

Historic Nantucket

The Christopher Starbuck House - 1918

July, 1978 Published Quarterly by Nantucket Historical Association Nantucket, Massachusetts

NANTUCKET HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OFFICERS President, Leroy H. True Vice-Presidents, Albert G. Brock, George W. Jones, Alcon Chadwick, Albert F. Egan, Jr., Walter Beinecke, Jr. Honorary Vice-President, Henry B. Coleman Secretary, Richard C. Austin Treasurer, John N. Welch Councillors, Leroy H. True, Chairman Mrs. R. A. Orleans, Robert Tonkin, terms expire 1978; Robert D. Congdon, Harold W. Lindley, terms expire 1979; Mrs. James F. Merriman, Miss Barbara Melendy, terms expire 1980; Donald Terry, Mrs. H. Crowell Freeman, terms expire 1981. Registrar, Miss Dorothy Gardner Historian, Edouard A. Stackpole Editor, "Historic Nantucket", Edouard A. Stackpole; Assistant Editor, Mrs Merle Turner Orleans. STAFF Oldest House: Curator, Mrs. Kenneth S. Baird Receptionists: Mrs. Margaret Crowell, Miss Adeline Cravott Hadwen House -Satler Memorial: Curator, Mrs. Phoebe P. Swain Receptionists: Mrs. Irving A. Soverino, Mrs. Richard Strong, Mrs. Donald MacGlashan, Miss Helen Levins 1800 House: Curator, Mrs. Clare Macgregor Receptionist: Miss Barbara Nathan Old Gaol: Curator, Albert G. Brock Whaling Museum: Curator, Renny Stackpole Receptionists: Frank Pattison, James A. Watts, Patricia Searle, Rose Stanshigh, Alice Collins, Clarence H. Swift, Mary Lou Campbell, Donald S. MacGlashan Peter Foulger Museum: Curator and Director, Edouard A. Stackpole Receptionists: Mrs. Clara Block, Everett Finlay, Mary J. Barrett, Richard Strong, Suzanne Zobel Librarian: Mrs. Louise Hussey Nathaniel Macy House: Curator, Mrs. John A. Baldwin Receptionists: Miss Dorothy Hiller, Mrs. Alfred Hall Archaeology Department, Curator, Mrs. Roger Young Old Town Office: Curator, Hugh R. Chace Old Mill: Curator, John Gilbert Miller: John Stackpole Folger-Franklin Seat & Memorial Boulder: Curator, Francis Sylvia Friends Meeting House-Fair Street Museum: Curator Albert F. Egan, Jr. Lightship "Nantucket": Curator, Benjamin S. Richmond Shipkeepers: Richard Swain, Buel Wrenne, Dov Pick Greater Light - Receptionists: Dr. Selina T. Johnson, Florence Farrell Building Survey Comittee: Chairman, Robert G. Metters

HISTORIC NANTUCKET Published quarterly and devoted to the preservation of Nantucket's antiquity, its famed heritage and its illustrious past as a whaling port.

Volume 26

July, 1978

No.l

CONTENTS Nantucket Historical Association Officers and Staff

Editorial - Nantucket's''Sheep Storms''

Hie Discovery of Nantucket Island by John E. Lacouture

''Quakers in Boston, 1656 -1964" by George A. Selleck Book Review by Gordon Browne

Oliver S. Chase, a Young Nantucketer "In Search of Wealth and Adventure" by Andre Aubuchon

Gifts Presented the Nantucket Historical Association, July, 1977 - June, 1978

Legacies and Bequests

Historic Nantucket is published quarterly at Nantucket, Massachusetts, by the Nantucket Historical Association. It is sent to Association Members. Extra copies S.50 each. Membership dues are—Annual-Active $7.50; Sustaining $25.00; Life—one payment $100.00 Second-class postage paid at Nantucket, Massachusetts Communications pertaining to the Publication should be addressed to the Editor, Historic Nantucket, Nantucket Historical Association, Nantucket, Massachusetts 02554.

Nantucket's "Sheep Storms"

AMONG THE OLD features which characterized Island life a century and a half ago was that period in late June and early July when a heavy fog hung like a damp curtain over the landscape. Sometimes they would continue for two or three successive days and were known as "sheep storms," a name which arose from the fact that the Islanders always waited for these particular periods before they held the annual sheep shearing festival. Coming at a time when summer was officially welcomed, the fog soaked the thick wool of the sheep thoroughly, and when the strong sunlighted days followed the time to shear was at hand. With the passage of time and the coming of a new century the old name has been forgotten. Now the summer season begins with a far different routine. The carpenter, painter, mason, plumber and gardener has rushed his work forward; the shopkeeper has felt the urgency to prepare for the busy weeks ahead. Now, with the advent of July, there is a brief lull—and the start of the usual summer activity. Regretfully, we no longer have the shearing festival, with its gaity as well as its activity. The sheep no longer play a major role in the economy of Island life. But there is another part to this particular period that could be revived—that time for reflection and contemplation which always accompanied the post-active scene. We could well follow the ancient practice of considering the near future and the potential for preservation or for deterioration. Many things have changed the Island's appearance since the end of World War II. Our outlying lands show only too well the evidences of these changes. The geographical isolation which once protected us no longer serves. The dangers of urban sprawl; the threat of developers; the cheapening features that have engulfed Cape Cod towns—all are in the offing. Perhaps we should recognize the natural values of the "sheep storms" once again. On the brink of summer there should be a time to pause and reflect. Certainly, the lowering fog served a definite purpose in

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

those far-away days, and an advantage was taken of this usual feature in our weather pattern. The philosophy of the ancients created a practical use for what might be considered in other places a handicap. And after the festival, and the brief period of pleasure, and hectic activity in shearing, there was a time for contemplation and thankfulness for life in an Island world. Today, we could well consider emulating the old custom, with its full measure of spiritual rewards that helps to balance the burdens of progress. Edouard A. Stackpole.

The Discovery of Nantucket Island

by John Lacouture ALL HISTORIC PLAQUES and visitor handouts on Nantucket credit the discovery of Nantucket to Bartholomew Gosnold in 1602. There is little doubt that Gosnold sighted and sailed by Nantucket on the thirty ton Concord in mid May 1602 bound for Verrazanas "Refugio" (Narragansett Bay) in an attempt to establish an English settlement. Gosnold, unfortunately, has never received the credit due to him in American History books as the leader of the first attempt to establish the first English settlement in Massachusetts (at Cuttyhunk in 1602) and for his role as the prime instigator and second in command of the Jamestown Colony in Virginia in 1607. It is, therefore, with considerable reluctance that this article is written which will attempt to fairly conclusively prove that Nantucket was discovered long before Gosnold sailed by it in 1602.

There were possibilities of Nantucket's being sighted (i.e. discovered) by European voyagers, explorers or fishermen long before 1602 most of which cannot be verified. One might start with the Norsemen. Eric the Red sailed from Iceland in 982 to explore and settle in Greenland. He settled in Eriksfyord and returned to Iceland three years later mounting such a good publicity campaign for Greenland that 25 shiploads of colonists left for Greenland in 986.

In the year 1000 Leif Erickson (Eric the Red's son) on a sailing direct from Norway to Greenland missed Cape Farewell (Greenland's southern point) and made landfall at either Labrador or Newfoundland. He realized he had overshot, headed northeast, and returned safely to Greenland with the news of a new land. From then on the Vikings from Greenland made frequent visits to Markland, the forested middle or southern part of Labrador to obtain timber. Less frequently they visited Vinland, probably the St. Lawrence, New Foundland area, but possibly the Nova Scotia and New England areas. Several serious but unsuccessful attempts were made to settle Vinland. The main difficulty encountered by the Norsemen without firearms in their colonization attempts in Vinland was the stout opposition offered by the Indians.

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

At the height of their population the number of the Norsemen in Greenland totalled between 3500 and 10,000 persons settled mostly around Julianhaab and Godhaab on the West coast. The colonies lasted well into the 15th century. It certainly was possible that some of the Viking ships from Greenland could have reached the region of Nantucket, but as yet it has been impossible to substantiate their presence in this general area by either written or archaeological evidence. The next possibility of European discovery of Nantucket is the 1498 voyage of John Cabot. Giovanni Caboto of Genoa and Venice had already made his first voyage of discovery sailing for King Henry VII of England departing Bristol 2 May 1497 on the tiny Mathew with a crew of 18. On this voyage he fully expected to reach Asia. He sighted land on 24 June at what appears to have been Cape Breton Island. After a brief landing to take possession of the land in the name of King Henry and to replenish wood and water, he returned to Bristol probably sighting the south coast of Newfoundland enroute. On reaching Bristol, Cabot an nounced that some 700 leagues beyond Ireland he had reached the country of the Grand Kahn. (He also mentioned the profusion of cod fish found off the southern coast of Newfoundland) Henry the VII was delighted and promised Cabot a fleet with which to sail next year to Cipanqu (China). Early in May 1498 Cabot with several ships set sail again for America or to what he thought would be the riches of the East. He meant to explore the coast between Cape Breton and Florida in the process of which he expected to find Cathay (China). Where he went on this voyage and whether he ever safely returned has never been positively determined. Morison puts it most clearly when he states that John Cabot's second voyage in 1498 can only be reconstructed by hypothesis in which no two historians agree. Therefore, although there is a slight possibility Cabot could have sighted Nantucket on this 1498 voyage, no firm evidence exists or is likely to be found that will confirm this possibility. Meanwhile the Portuguese, already a great seafaring people who had explored the western coast of Africa to the Cape of Good Hope and had entered the Indian Ocean, began exploring the northeastern coasts of North America. A nobleman from the island of Terceira in the Azores, Gaspar Corte Real, became so deeply interested in the discoveries being made that at his own expense he fitted out a ship and set sail from Lisbon in the Spring of 1500 in search of new lands towards the northwest. Some authorities claim he reached the east coast of Greenland and sailed north

THE DISCOVERY OF NANTUC KET ISLAND

till stopped by ice at which point he reversed course, coasted south, rounded Cape Farewell, sailed well up the west coast of Greenland and returned to Lisbon in the autumn of 1500. Other authorities claim he reached the east coast of Newfoundland and did most of his exploring along this coast prior to returning to Lisbon. Thinking he had been on the northeast coast of Asia Gaspar Corte Real decided to follow this voyage with a second voyage. Accordingly he set sail from Lisbon with three ships about 1 May 1501. They made a landfall somewhere on the Labrador coast and followed the coast southeasterly penetrating some of the larger inlets and kidnapping 50 Indians. They passed Belle Isle Straits without entering and continued southeasterly along the east coast of Newfoundland giving names to many geographical features that still persist today. Rounding Cabo Razo (Cape Race) they coasted along the southern shores of Newfoundland as far as Placentia Bay. At this point sometime in September Gaspar Corte Real sent his other two ships back to Portugal (both arrived safely in Lisbon). Corte Real wished to continue his ex plorations to the south in order to discover the connection of the continent with the islands discovered by Columbus. Gaspar Corte Real and all on his ship were never seen or heard from again. Yet there is a remote possibility that he could have sailed past Nantucket. In 1502 after Gaspar Corte Real had still failed to return to Portugal, his brother, Miguel, resolved to go in search of him. Miguel set sail from Lisbon with three vessels on 10 May 1502 and reached Newfoundland in June. At this point it was decided that each ship should search a separate part of the coast with a rendezvous set at St. Johns Harbor on 20 August. Two of the ships returned to St. Johns by 20 August neither of them having seen a trace of Gaspar. Miguel's ship, however, was missing and never was heard from again. Some evidence of what may have happened to Miguel Corte Real has been presented by Prof. De Labarre who has managed to isolate an inscription on the Dighton Rock of Nanagensett Bay reading: 1511 MIGU (el( CORTER (eal) V(oluntate) DE (i) HIC DUX IND (orum), translated reads: "1511 Miguel Corte Real By the Will of God Lord of the Indians in this place". Again this leads to the interesting possibility that Miguel Corte Real might have been shipwrecked somewhere in the vicinity of southeastern Massachusetts after sighting Nantucket and later became chief of the Wrmpanoag Indians being commemorated after his death by a surviving member of his crew.

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

Whatever happened,the work of these illustrious brothers was not in vain for by 1506 the codfish from the waters around Newfoundland were being brou^it into Portugal in sufficient quantities to be taxed and for twenty-five years Newfoundland was a province of the Portuguese empire. In addition to the Portuguese, Bretons were fishing the Grand Banks possibly even prior to Cabot's voyage in 1497. Starting in 1504 they reached Newfoundland and commenced using its harbors for drying their fish. In 1508 the Pensee under Capt. Aubert from Dieppe showed the fishermen from Normandy the way to the harbors of northeastern Newfoundland. The Grand Bank cod fisheries continued to expand rapidly throughout the remainder of the 16th century. By 1517 50 Castilian, French and Portuguese vessels were making fishing trips to the Grand Banks. On 3 August 1527 eleven Norman, one Breton and two Portuguese fishing boats were to be found in St. John's harbor, Newfoundland, on a single day. By the end of the century over 400 ships annually were visiting the Grand Bank fisheries. Some of these ships from southern Europe (mainly Spanish) crossed from east to west following the route of Columbus to the Indies and then coasted up to Newfoundland from Florida or the Bahamas. This again raises the very likely possibility that at least some of these fishermen must have sighted Nantucket in passing. One more voyage of exploration deserves to be mentioned as a possibility for the first undocumented sighting on Nantucket. That is the voyage of Sebastian Cabot in 1508-1509 in search of a southwest passage to Asia. Most authorities credit Sebastian Cabot on this expedition with discovering Hudson Straits and with glimpsing Hudson Bay. Thinking he had found the northwest passage and faced with a threatened mutiny he then turned back and proceeded southward to look for another opening. He is believed to have coasted southward past Newfoundland and the Grand Banks and along the northeastern coast of the United States as far as Cape Hatteras at which point he turned for Europe, reaching England in 1509 after the death of Henry VII. From most textual sources it seems clear that Sebastian Cabot made a voyage in search of a northwest passage sometime in 1508 or 1509 and returned via the northern coast of North America. If in fact he did sight Nantucket there is no evidence to prove it. All voyages mentioned so far have been described to show the reader that several opportunities existed for the Norsemen or the early European explorers or fishermen to have sighted Nantucket prior to Verrazzano's voyage in 1524. However, to date, no evidence has been found that can even set forth such a claim. This situation, however, no longer existed

THE DISCOVERY OF NANTUCKET ISLAND

Verrazzano continued north always skirting the shore navigating by daylight and casting anchor at night. He continued northeasterly in this manner until he reached New York Harbor which he named "Angouleme" in honor of Francois I, who had been Count of Angouleme prior to becoming King of France. The visit to New York Harbor was made in a small boat with the Dauphine remaining outside the Narrows. A sudden shift of wind caused Verrazzano to abandon further exploration of the harbor and to depart Angouleme on the same day. He then proceeded to "Refugio" (Newport Harbor) where they remained for 15 days exploring the Narraganset Bay area and mingling with the friendly natives. These turned out to be the happiest days of the voyage. On the 6th (or 5th) of May after these enjoyable 15 days at "Refugio" Verrazzano again set sail and as the letter states, "being supplied with every necessity we departed from said port following the shore never losing sight of the land. We sailed 150 leagues," and a note "within which space we found shoals which extend from the continent into the sea 50 leagues". These shoals were named "Armellini". The identity of Armellini is without doubt the maze of shoals lying east of Nantucket and the Cape Cod peninsula. One might think the letter seems to place the shoals 150 leagues beyond "Refugio" which is an impossible distance. Statements in the text modify this to indicate that the 150 leagues is meant to apply to the end of the exploration (i.e. somewhere on the coast of Maine). The 150 league distance is divided into three 50 league stretches of which the first ended at the extremity of the shoals. On this basis and observing that the Cellere letter states that the ship followed the shore never losing sight of land, Verrazzano's route can be recreated as coasting south of Marthas Vineyard and Nantucket to the shoals and then giving them a wide berth proceeding north along the coast of the outer cape. This interpretation is supported by the maps. Maggiolo names Buzzards Bay, "Corte Maiore", and shows the islands of "Baduasia" (Marthas Vineyard and Nantucket). Further, H. de Verrazano shows the shoals east of Nantucket on his map at the proper distance from "Refugio" (Newport). The Dauphine continued north across Massachusetts Bay and along the coast of Maine to about the vicinity of Mount Desert at which time Verrazzano realized he was near the land which the English had found in the past at 50 N latitude and, having consumed most of his provisions, he decided to turn toward France sailing along the south coasts of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland and taking departure for France from Newfoundland.

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

Great credit should be given on this long journey to the skill of the shipmaster, Antione de Corflans, who sailed through a violent Atlantic storm and along a strange and dangerous coast for over two thousand miles and brought his ship safely back to Dieppe by early July 1524. There seems little doubt that Verrazzano sighted Nantucket as he sailed past it in the Dauphine in early May of 1524. The scholars who have analyzed in detail the accounts of this remarkable voyage and the maps that resulted from the voyage credit Verrazzano with passing along the shore of Nantucket after leaving Newport. Wroth even goes so far as to state that the extent of the Verrazzano exploration of 1524 is established with certainty. Hence it would seem fitting that Giovanni de Verrazzano should be given credit as the first European whose sighting of Nantucket Island can be substantiated. A good case can also be made for a second well documented sighting of Nantucket between the Verrazzano voyage of 1524 and the Gosnold voyage of 1602. This occurred in 1525 on the voyage of exploration for Charles V, King of Spain, by Estovan (or Estoban) Gomez. Estovan Gomez, a native of Portugal, was one of the most eminent and ex perienced navigators in the services of Spain. Gomez had sailed with Magellan as one of his senior navigators in his round the world cruise. However, on reaching the Straits of Magellan the crew of the ship he was on, the San Antonio, possibly led by Gomez rebelled against its captain, put him in irons, and returned to Spain. Gomez had been jealous of Magellan, a Portuguese nobleman with a distinguished career in the East Indies, who had transferred his allegiance to Spain and convinced the King of Spain to support his plan for an ex pedition to reach the Molluccas (spice islands) by sailing west through the straits he hoped to discover at the southern end of South America. Gomez for some time had been trying to enlist the King's support for a similar expedition with himself in command. At the time of Gomez s voyage Spain felt that the region explored by Verrazzano was within the Spanish part of the New World conveyed to them by the Papal Bull of 1493 and the Treaty of Tordesillas with Por tugal in 1494. As far as the Spanish were concerned the French had no rights in that region and Verrazzano's voyage was a brazen intrusion. Spurred on by this intrusion Gomez set forth from Coruna on 25

THE DISCOVERY OF NANTUCKET ISLAND

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

Great credit should be given on this long journey to the skill of the shipmaster, Antione de Corflans, who sailed through a violent Atlantic storm and along a strange and dangerous coast for over two thousand miles and brought his ship safely back to Dieppe by early July 1524. There seems little doubt that Verrazzano sighted Nantucket as he sailed past it in the Dauphine in early May of 1524. The scholars who have analyzed in detail the accounts of this remarkable voyage and the maps that resulted from the voyage credit Verrazzano with passing along the shore of Nantucket after leaving Newport. Wroth even goes so far as to state that the extent of the Verrazzano exploration of 1524 is established with certainty. Hence it would seem fitting that Giovanni de Verrazzano should be given credit as the first European whose sighting of Nantucket Island can be substantiated. A good case can also be made for a second well documented sighting of Nantucket between the Verrazzano voyage of 1524 and the Gosnold voyage of 1602. This occurred in 1525 on the voyage of exploration for Charles V, King of Spain, by Estovan (or Estoban) Gomez. Estovan Gomez, a native of Portugal, was one of the most eminent and ex perienced navigators in the services of Spain. Gomez had sailed with Magellan as one of his senior navigators in his round the world cruise. However, on reaching the Straits of Magellan the crew of the ship he was on, the San Antonio, possibly led by Gomez rebelled against its captain, put him in irons, and returned to Spain. Gomez had been jealous of Magellan, a Portuguese nobleman with a distinguished career in the East Indies, who had transferred his allegiance to Spain and convinced the King of Spain to support his plan for an ex pedition to reach the Molluccas (spice islands) by sailing west through the straits he hoped to discover at the southern end of South America. Gomez for some time had been trying to enlist the King's support for a similar expedition with himself in command. At the time of Gomez's voyage Spain felt that the region explored by Verrazzano was within the Spanish part of the New World conveyed to them by the Papal Bull of 1493 and the Treaty of Tordesillas with Por tugal in 1494. As far as the Spanish were concerned the French had no rights in that region and Verrazzano's voyage was a brazen intrusion. Spurred on by this intrusion Gomez set forth from Coruna on 25

THE DISCOVERY OF NANTUCKET ISLAND

September 1524 in the caravel, La Anunciada, of 50 tons provisioned for a year with the object of searching for a passage to Cathay between Florida and the Bacalaos (Newfoundland). This voyage was to explore the same region explored by Verrazzano in 1524. Unfortunately, in contrast to Verrazzano's voyage, no report of his voyage by Gomez has come down to us, although undoubtedly he must have made one. However, the results of his voyage were immediately incorporated into the world maps made by the best cartographers of the time so it has been possible to analyze the voyage of Gomez in considerable detail. Most notable of these maps were those by Ribero, the most distinguished cartographer of his time, which came out between 1525 and 1529. These were followed up by those of Chaves in 1536 and of Santa Cruz in 1541. Chaves was Ribero's successor as Pilot Major, another eminent cartographer. Santa Cruz was a famous official cosmographer of Spain, who knew Gomez personally and who undoubtedly had access to the report and maps brought back by Gomez. Santa Cruz wrote an authoritative book entitled "Islario General del Mundo" which came out in 1541 and included a description of Gomez's voyage including detailed maps. Examining the Ribero, Chaves, Santa Cruz maps together with their accompanying texts for further descriptions of the portion of the voyage in the vicinity of Cape Cod and Nantucket, we find Baya De S. Xpoval (San Christoval) as fitting the description of the combined Cape Cod and Massachusetts Bays. Chaves describes it as "a great ensenada (partially enclosed bay) into which fall some rivers" and as enclosed between Cabo De Santiago (Cape Cod) and Rio de Buena Madre" (near St. Ann). Later compiled maps list the words "buelta, tourne", etc. in its southwestern corner implying Gomez was forced to turn back at this point and head north to round Cape Cod. Cabo de Santiago (Cape Cod) is used on the Chaves-Santa Cruz maps to denote the extremity of the northerly ex tending cape. Chaves further describes Cabo de Santiago as the cape which on all the coast projects furthest out to sea. Cabo de Arenas (Cape of Sands) shown on both groups of maps in such a position and with such a name to leave no question of its location being Monomoy point. Finally Cabo de Saint Julian on both groups of maps is shown at the correct distance and bearing from the previous two capes just mentioned with an intermediate inlet to indicate the entrance to Nantucket Sound between Monomoy and Great Point to place this cape on the eastern shore of Nantucket Island probably at Sankaty Head.

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

In conclusion there seems to be little doubt from the records and maps now available resulting from the voyages of exploration of Verrazzano in 1524 and Gomez in 1525 that both with a reasonable degree of certainty sighted Nantucket as they coasted past the Island. Verrazzano named the shoals at the eastern end of Nantucket and Gomez named a cape on the eastern side of Nantucket. Hence it seems ap propriate that the historic plaques and documents and the publicity handouts on Nantucket Island should be changed to reflect its discovery by Verrazzano in 1524 vice Gosnold in 1602. Further consideration should be given to naming some prominent geographic feature connected with Nantucket Island in honor of Verrazzano as recognition of his historic voyage and his discovery of Nantucket.

Note on Author of this Article Capt. John E. Lacouture, U. S. N. (Ret.) was born in Boston, Mass., Aug. 18, 1917. He graduated from the Roxbury Latin School in 1935, and from the Naval Academy in 1940. He served on the old aircraft carrier Saratoga, prior to proceeding to the destroyer Blue as gunnery officer, and participated in all early actions of World War II in the Pacific, from Pearl Harbor to Guadalcanal, where the Blue was sunk. He returned to flight training after which he served as executive officer of a fighter squadron before assuming command of a fighter squadron, two attack squadrons and two carrier wings. In between sea duty he received a master's degree at Princeton University in Aeronautical Engineering (flight testing) and served a tour at the Naval Air Test Center. He became the first program manager of the F4 (Phantom) aircraft and served as SACLANT'S Representative in Europe (Paris). This was followed by tours as commanding officer of Diamond Head (ammunition ship) and of the aircraft carrier Saratoga. From there served as Chief of Staff of the Carrier Task Force off Vietnam. He then became the Director of Naval Aviation Plans and Requirements Division. After serving as Commander of the Pacific Fleet's light attack Community, he retired in 1970, to work in the aerospace industry. During the past seven years he has enjoyed the life of a research scholar at Cambridge University in England.

THE DISCOVERY OF NANTUCKET ISLAND

Bibliography 1.

The Precursors of Jacques Carder 1497 - 1534 by H. P. Biggar, Ottawa Govt. Printing 1911.

2. The Explorers of North America 1492 -1806 by J. B. Brebner, A & C Black Ltd. 1933. 3. Crucial Maps in the Early Cartography and Place Nomenclature of the Atlantic Coast of Canada by W. F. Ganong with commentary by T. E. Layng, University of Toronto Press 1964. 4. Bartholomew Gosnold Discoverer and Planter by W. F. Gookin and P. L. Barbour, Archon Books 1963. 5. Cabot to Cartier-Sources for a Historical Ethnography of North eastern North America 1497-1550 by B. G. Hoffman, Univerrsity of Toronto Press 1961. 6.

Portuguese Voyages to America in the Fifteenth Century by S. E. Morison - Harvard University Press 1940.

7. France and England in North America by Francis Parkman, Edited by S. E. Morison, Faber and Faber 1954. 8.

The Age of Reconnaissance by J. H. Parry, Weidenfeld and Nicholson 1963.

Great Adventures and Explorations by Vilhjalmur Stefansson, Robert Hale Ltd. 1947.

10. Discoveries of America to the year 1525 by Arthur James Weise, Richard Bentley & Son 1884. 11. The Cabot Voyages and Bristol Discovery under Henry VII by J. A. Williamson with cartography of the voyages by R. A. Skelton, University Press 1962. 12. The Voyages of Giovanni de Verrazzano by L. C. Wroth, Yale University Press 1970.

"Quakers in Boston, 1656 - 1964," An Excellent History EARLY LAST FALL there appeared in the Bulletin of the Friends Historical Association, published at Haverford, Pa., an excellent and appreciative review of a recent book by George A. Selleck, of Prospect Street, Nantucket, titled Quakers in Boston, 1656-1964. The review, as it appeared in Quaker History, reads as follows: Though early Friends rejected traditional religious symbols, they were human enough to develop some symbols of their own. One was the city of Boston—symbol of the cruelest persecution and martyrdom Friends endured anywhere—and the Friends Meeting there, whose vitality and strength must seem a measure of the victory of Truth over tyranny. This interesting perception is one of a number of illuminating in sights provided by George A. Selleck in Quakers in Boston, 1656-1964, Three Centuries of Friends in Boston and Cambridge. For more than twenty-five years Executive Secretary of Friends Meeting at Cambridge, George Selleck has had a direct role in much of the recent history he writes about and, with the possible exception of Henry J. Cadbury, who contributed the Foreword to this book, is the most ap propriate person to have undertaken the present work. The history is divided into three parts. The first covers the period from 1656 to 1870, the period of assault on Puritan Boston, of martyrs in the Lamb's War, of non-violent victory and grudging acceptance. It is also the period of the first Boston Meeting, which endured for over a century with little growth in numbers or depth before expiring in 1808. Yet so convinced were New England Friends that a Quaker presence must exist in Boston that in 1831 a new Meeting House was built, even though there were no resident Friends to meet in it. The second part covers the period from 1870 to 1926 and the rise of a new Boston Monthly Meeting, vigorously in volved in the "new Quakerism" and struggling with the question of pastoral leadership, with the theological disputes arising from the evangelical movement of the period, and with the challenge to its ministry of a radically changing neigh borhood.

"QUAKERS IN BOSTON, 1656 -1964" The final part traces the period from 1926 through 1964 and the development of the Friends Meeting at Cambridge, its unifying role among the divided Friends of New England, its dramatic growth and active social witness, and its generation of other Meetings in the Boston area. Though this section depicts a dynamic period in the history of Boston Friends, it is, perhaps, the least satisfying of the three parts simply because there has not been sufficient distancing of events by the passage of time to separate clearly the significant from the less significant. Inevitably the book discusses major developments in the Society of Friends beyond Boston. One of its most interesting analyses is of the processes which pushed American Friends in the 19th century toward a programmed worship and pastoral meetings. Though George Selleck's sympathies are clearly with traditional Friends practices, his understanding and objectivity are such that he can make comprehensible, even sympathetic, the movements of Boston Friends both toward the pastoral system and, ultimately, away from it. George Selleck's research has been thorough and his documentation careful. Where his sources leave gaps which can be filled only by thoughtful inference, he takes pains to use such phases as "it is likely..." to mark them clearly. Despite the thoroughness of his scholarship, however, his style is never pedantic or inaccessible to the general Quaker reader. Finally, the publishers, Friends Meeting at Cambridge, have produced a handsomely printed and illustrated volume, worthy of an excellent history of a fascinating area and its Meetings. New York City

Gordon Browne

"Oliver S. Chase, a Young Nantucketer in Search of Wealth and Adventure" by Andre Aubuchon (Continued from an article begun in our April issue.) OLIVER HAD MOVED to Providence to make his fortune, but in his six months with the Neptune Company, he was unable to win a promotion. He was not able to contribute to the support of his parents from the forty dollars he received every month, and the gifts he had sent to his sister and her children became less frequent. As early as November, 1865, he had written to Lizzie: "I wish I could do more for them (his parents), and I hope the day is not far off when I shall be able to." Despite his wishes, he found himself so hard-pressed that he failed to send the traditional New Year's gifts home to Nantucket, though his sister had made him a generous present. "Yes," Oliver wrote to Lizzie, "the box and contents came along all right and safely, and came very acceptable to me, and I thank you very kindly for all. It will be quite beyond my power to pay such kindness, but yet I will hope that, at no distant day I may be enabled to at least partially return your kind favors." Remarking on the ties Lizzie had sent, he added: "These long ones are just what I want, and I shall be pleased to wear them as occasion demands." It must be admitted that Oliver did not scrimp and save, and that he was a spendthrift by the standards of frugal Nantucketers. He travelled, went to dances and lectures, and bought the most fashionable clothing. The description of his wardrobe suggests that he was a "dandy". In one letter he described a necktie he had purchased: "Dark blue with spots (diamonds)...very pretty. It goes on like a butterfly making it have the appearance of being a scarf." In the same letter, he explained that he had paid twelve dollars - more than one week's pay - for boots: "They are a daisy pair. They are of the best French calf skin..." He penciled in, "and are paid for...",as if he thought it wise to mollify a sister who might

OLIVER S.CHASE

criticize his extravagance. There was no indication that Oliver had given thought to increasing his income or decreasing his expenditures until in a letter to his brotherin-law, Josiah Barrett, he announced that he was visiting Boston to see about a position with Sylvanus Crosby & Co., ship chandlers and im porters in Callao, Peru. Young Chase had apparently been seeking a better position, for he was soon to be offered a clerical position on Cape Breton Island. He had heard of the Callao opening through Andrew Whitney, a Nantucket native living in Boston, who in turn heard of the position direct from the Boston branch of the Crosby business. Sylvanus Crosby was the son of Matthew Crosby, one of Nantucket's richest ship owners and whale oil merchants and the son-in-law of Zenas Coffin, Nantucket's most successful whaleship owner. The Peru branch of the Crosby family was indirectly involved in whaling for the mainstay of their business was outfitting American whaling vessels in the Pacific. Oliver accepted the position of bookkeeper and commercial correspondent with, as he wrote to Josiah Barrett, "the understanding that I can give it up if I meet to (sic) strong opposition from my folks." With a salary of $1000 the first year and $1200 for the two remaining years of the three year agreement, the position seemed to offer a comfortable income and the chance to set aside funds for his parents' support and with which to start a business. The only points against the position were that it was for three years and that it would take him to a distant country. To a young man, these considerations were outweighed by the chance for adventure and wealth. "With my present salary," he wrote, "I can do little or nothing for the folks, but if I go to Callao, I can provide in a very comfortable manner for both my parents and myself." The agreement concerning the position was signed by Oliver and by Matthew Crosby, Jr., the Boston representative of the family. The agreement, written in terse and formal language, began: "It is understood that you are to go to Callao, Peru, S. A., on the steamer which is to leave New York, April 11th next, going as a first class passenger all the way and going direct should not sickness prevent your doing so." It provided for such contingencies as sickness and a devaluation of Peruvian currency.

There is no written record of what transpired on Oliver's visit to Nantucket between March 22 and April 7. It can be assumed that he had sufficient time to renew old friendships and to visit with his parents, sister, nieces and nephews. The parting must have been sorrowful, but the

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

knowledge that Oliver had achieved a good position and that he would only be twenty-six when he returned from Peru must have assuaged the sorrow. There was another parting, perhaps as touching, for Lizzie Dodge, his landlady's daughter, had a special niche in Oliver's heart. Oliver had to say farewell to his roommate, Henry Robinson, and his pals, Baker and Holmes. The night Oliver returned from Nantucket, he "sat up with Mrs. Dodge and Lizzie until morning - having a pleasant chat with them." What they discussed cannot be known for certain, but the conversation must have turned to old times in Providence, to Oliver's future in Peru, and perhaps to their future. The following night there was a supper which the Dodges gave for Oliver and his friends: We had a supper about midnight and were at the table for nearly two hours. Baker and myself drank more lemonade than all the rest. We had singing - and playing cards - and a very pleasant time generally. The supper was very good. We had oranges, nuts, lemonade, and three or four kinds of cake. The party broke up about half past two this morning. The next day there were still more visits to be paid: to the Clark girls, to Baker, to Aunt Eliza and Uncle George, before Oliver took leave of Lizzie. Oliver's descriptions of what he saw as soon as the train pulled out of the Providence station took on the style of a man of the world. He described Stonington, Mystic, New London and other towns along the shore route to New York. A brief report of his hotel, located near Wall Street, followed. At ten the next morning, young Chase had time to jot off a brief pencil note before boarding the steamer, "Costa Rica", bound for Panama: "Everything is allright (sic) with me. With love to you all," he wrote to his parents. This laconic note concealed alike his great hopes for the future and the intense sadness at parting from loved ones for three years. As he watched from the deck the skyline of Manhattan recede, he must have wondered what the next three years would hold in store. The first three days of his voyage must have proven reassuring to a young man whose previous seafaring experience had consisted of trips between Nantucket and the mainland and of sailing in Nantucket harbor. Hecombatted boredom by reading, writing letters, sitting in the fresh air,

OLIVER S.CHASE

and socializing with the other 139 passengers on board. Delighted at being "surrounded by seemingly respectable and refined society", he became acquainted with his two cabin mates, a naval officer from East Boston and a businessman from New York." The passengers enjoyed sumptuous meals: "Turkey, chicken, fish and pie, cake, figs and other nice things too numerous to mention..." at one dinner. The company was stimulating, and the tragedian, Edwin Forrest was a passenger as well as Latin American ladies and gentlemen, business, naval officers, and sightseers. Oliver's discerning eye and facile pen produced one of his classic vignettes: one lady on board was "...fair looking and seems quite pleasant and agreeable - but very much affected and rather airy, as wives of rich men generally are."

As the S. S. Costa Rica plied its course midway between Cape Fear and Bermuda, past Cape Canaveral, off the west coast of Cuba, off the east coast of Hispaniola, by San Salvador to Panama, Oliver covered his introspection by a bluff and chatty style. "I am getting to be quite an old tar, and am feeling quite at home here on the steamer," he wrote to his father, Captain Nathan Chase. He wrote, too: "I have disappointed Mary Fuller's prediction that I should be seasick," after he had been at sea for two days.

At times, however, doubt and anxiety showed through young Chase's cheery facade. "Here from the broad and trackless deep," he wrote, "with my mind relieved from care and from business perplexities, I can give full scope to my thoughts - and musC upon the past, the present, and the not unpropitious future." As days passed, his letters took on the laconic style of ships' logs, observing only meteorological and navigational phenomena, and giving silent testimony to the boredom of the seafaring life. From his arrival, Oliver formed unfavorable impressions of Peru and her people. To Lizzie, he wrote: "Give my love to Josiah and tell him to have no idea of seeking employment out here. . .Tell him that coolies have spoilt wages here and. . .no man, that is, no civilized man, can live for less than fifty dollars a month." On board the Costa Rica, Oliver has posited "pecuniary independence and domestic happiness" as his goals. Given a salary of $1000 a year, living expenses of more than $50 a month, and the duty of sending horn $20 or so with every letter, pecuniary in dependence eluded him.

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

Oliver's position with Sylvanus Crosby & Co. was tenuous. Like Nantucket, Callao had recently been blighted by a localized economic depression. At one time, Callao and the other Pacific ports of South America had been used to outfit American and European whaling, trading and naval vessels. The growth of San Francisco and the building of the railroad across the Isthmus of Panama had rendered Valparaiso, Paita, and Callao superfluous for the purposes of international commerce. As late as the early 1850's, the firm of Sylvanus Crosby & Co. had out fitted as many as twenty or thirty vessels at a time, but in 1866, they were fortunate to get two or three a month. The leisurely pace of life served as meager compensation for the paucity of work. Oliver reported to the Crosby store, located on the ground floor of Sylvanus' house, at eight and worked on accounts, or filled orders, or put the stock in order until noon. After a three or four hour siesta, Oliver returned to the store until early evening. Only when vessels were actually being outfitted, or when the mail for the United States was being sent did Oliver have to increase his hours and hurry his pace. Oliver's first acquaintances were made among members of the foreign community, predominantly English and German. Much to his dismay, there were few "Yankees" in Callao. Oliver spent Sunday evenings at a German dance hall, and when his sister chided him for reneging on his strict Sabbatarian upbringing, he replied: "Sunday is not observed in this country as a religious day, but as a day of amusement generally" He could not resist remarking that he had met his Providence sweetheart, Lizzie, on a Sunday in a dance hall.

There were several plays in English given by touring companies from such distant places as Australia, San Francisco, and England. A month after his arrival, Oliver together with Frank Crosby, two years his senior, an Australian, and an Englishman attended one such play. The same summer, The Hunchback and Faint Heart Never Won Fair Lady were performed. Band concerts sponsored by the city on two evenings a week added to the entertainment and the many religious and civic feasts added color to Callao. The great gayla was Carneval (i.e. Shrove Tuesday or Mardi Gras), when during the festivities, young ladies threw water at eligible young men. Oliver was not amused by such frivolity, but he undoubtedly enjoyed the more sedate promenades which fashionable society held to be de rigeur before dinner. Oliver's letters told the unfortunate story of his increasing disen-

OLIVER S.CHASE

chantment with Peru and Peruvian society. "Do not think," he wrote on October 7, 1866, "that I would assume to hold myself above them (Peruvians). No, I do not judge them; 'tis not my place. They may be far better than me morally, but I am bad enough without any further ad ditions." On May 10, 1869, he wrote: "Tis no place for a white man anyhow. I am utterly disgusted with this d—nd heathenish country." In case his kin had forgotten his interests, he added: "For it is decidedly heathenish to live without the society of women. . ." Having been in Callao for a year and a half, he gave his final judgment: "And now the man who tells me that this is a beautiful country to live in, I will tell him he lies. 'Tis a miserable country, and not fit for a white man." The tenor of such observations suggests that Oliver disliked the country simply because it was foreign to him, or, put simply, because its customs were so different. Even small matters unduely upset him. Somewhat peeved, Oliver remarked: "We have no pies and but little soft bread in this country." Not only in culinary matters, but in areas of culture and way of life, Oliver judged Peru severely when its usages contrasted sharply with those of New England. Young Chase seems to have made no effort to be accepted into Peruvian society, though it is not clear if his comparative poverty, tenuous social status, and foreign upbringing would have made such an effort vain. Oliver, a man of considerable intellectual ability and personal charm, adamantly refused to learn Spanish. Though he had been but two months in Peru, he reported that the language was impossible to master, and that Sylvanus Crosby, thirteen years a resident of Callao, had himself given up the task. It must be wondered if Oliver had reasons, unknown to himself and his friends, for not wanting to learn the language, and for cutting himself off from society. A knowledge of Spanish could do no harm, yet Oliver rationalized to himself and his family why it was impossible to learn the language. It is likely that his prejudices so warped his opinion of Peru that he sub consciously feared the closer contact with Peruvian society which would compel him to modify his opinions. The mores, or to speak more generally, the way of life of the better classes was not to his liking. Peruvian society offered nowhere near the freedom for courtship and friendship between un-married men and women that New Englanders took for granted. The dances, long walks, lectures, parties, dinners and excursions which had been a cherished part of his life in Providence eluded him in Callao. All the simple sharing of the youthful experiences which Oliver had enjoyed with so many Providence damsels were closed

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

to him. Intimacy of any kind with a Peruvian lady could not exist outside of marriage. Young Chase implied that Peruvian mores deprived him of the company of serious young men of his age. The strict segregation of the sexes tended to create a society where young men were either rakes or responsible heads of families. As for the latter, even if this course were open to him, he was not ready to marry a Peruvian. If Oliver was a gallant young blade who enjoyed the company of young ladies, he was assuredly no wastrel. His tastes and temperament did not incline him to associate with "fast" young men, but his lack of wealth and position precluded acceptance by established families. Almost a generation older than Oliver, Sylvanus Crosby had not included him in his circle of foreign residents. As far as can be known, Oliver's only close friend was a Hungarian tailor, Simon Roth, who had practiced his trade in San Francisco during the Gold Rush and who spoke English fluently. He dismissed absolutely the possibility of marrying a Peruvian: "Think not, dear sister, that your brother," he wrote, though he may have many faults - can ever so far forget his country, his home, and his parents, his sister, and his many loved and cherished relatives and his friends as to forego them all and marry in this country." With marriage out of the question, Oliver expressed his attitude in a colorful metaphor: "What I have to do with the ladies in the meantime is nothing in par ticular. It is well enough for the mariner to take soundings even if he don't (sic) enter port. It is his best policy to keep his 'reckoning' straight and to know where he is and how his course lay." Unable to find innocent pleasures which had so occupied his time in Providence, Oliver put on the mask of a stern and unrelenting Puritan. He had from his arrival narrowed his perception of the paths that lay before him so that the choice lay simply between duty and dissipation. For Oliver, it was drunkenness and philandering or respectability and hard work. In an early letter from Callao, he had observed that "A man who uses tobbaco or liquor is a rare sight." He boasted, also: "I do not yield to the temptations around me - keeping aloof from all dissipation, I spend.... my evenings reading, writing, in social conversation and so forth..." He did not explain what he meant by "and so forth", but the context clearly indicated that it did not carry the same meaning as it would have during his years in Providence. It is impossible to avoid having some sympathy for the young man who had manifested in his Providence letters such enjoyment of life. The

OLIVER S.CHASE

secret to his enjoyment of life had been the carefree but balanced pursuit of pleasure, and the recognition that pleasure, physical as well as in tellectual, is not to be despised. Most likely, Oliver was so torn by duty which required his leaving Providence to seek his forturne in Callao that he subconsciously determined to punish himself. From his voyage on the Costa Rica, he thought only of returning home: "...But let us hope," he wrote, "for brighter days, let us look forward to my return." Having been in Callao for twenty months, he could still write of hoping to find an acceptable position in Providence. Two weeks after his arrival, he wrote to Lizzie: "My letters home and from my friends in Providence constitute the chief, and I may add the only real happiness I can now enjoy." By each vessel, he received letters from his parents, Lizzie, the Dodge sister and Providence friends. He read the Boston and Providence papers, and his comments on American politics, particularly the impending impeachment of Andrew Johnson in 1868, suggest that he followed the news carefully. He read the Inquirer and Mirror for details of Nantucket life and to follow the lives of his friends. Isolated remarks in his letters to Lizzie show that Oliver worried that his lady friends in Providence would "triffle" with other young men. The marriages of several of his friends compounded his anxiety that Lizzie Dodge would marry another man while he was away.

To be concluded in the October issue of Historic Nantucket. Dr. Andre Aubuchon is the Archivist working at the Peter Foulger Museum, where he is cataloguing the Manuscript Collections of the Nantucket Historical Association.

Gifts Presented the Nantucket Historical Association July 1977 - June 1978

GIFTS

DONORS

Collection of Material

Dr. Emil F. Guba

Records of the Nantucket Cottage Hosp. Corp: Constitution, Laws and Record of first Meeting Aug. 31, 1911.

Anonymous

Collection of tin tools & implements about 1850. Mahogany bureau.

Robert Barrett Mrs. W. S. Archibald,

Jr. Framed picture Lightship.

the

Nantucket Edward Piculell

Carved pieces of ivory.

Miss Helen Master

Framed photograph of the ship Tillie E. Starbuck.

William Hadwen Starbuck

Silver covered vegetable dish.

Mrs. Levin W. Foster

Copies of students' paper for spring semester course of Nantucket American Civilization.

Univ. of Mass., Boston

The genealogical record of the Barnards.

Mrs.

English half-penny (whaler's coin).

Mrs. W. Ripley Nelson

Photographs and historic material

Mrs.

Henry

Susie

Montoye

Gallagher

GIFTS PRESENTED THE N. H. A.

Narrative of the Most Extraordinary and Distressing Shipwreck of the Whaleship Essex by Owen Chase.

Prof. Thomas Hefferman

Recording Historic Buildings compiled by Harvey McKee.

Nantucket Institute

Preservation

What Style is It? Articles by John Poppeliers

Nantucket Institute

Preservation

Historic Material

Mr. Robert Waggaman

Stereoscopic views

Mr. James O. Murray

Stone net sinker used by Indians

Mr. Phillip J. Ranera

Petrified wood

Dr. M. D. Cobcroft

Letter written by Lt. Alexander B. Pinkham on board the training brig Clio, (1850)

Admiral George Hussey,

Jr.

China plate, memorial to Tristram Coffin.

Miss Minnie E. Kelley

Souvenir booklet "Lansingburgh, New York 1771-1971" and Bicentennial Souvenir program.

Mr. & Mrs. Donald E. McChesney

Drawing of whaleship Tarquin (called Tonkin by artist)

Mr. Leo Kelley

Reproduction of the William Mitchell Map of Nantucket in 1838

Mr. & Ensign

Gold ring in the style of a belt

Mrs. W. Ripley Nelson

2 Silver Jackson

tail spoons made by

Mrs. James Merriman

Mirror with reverse painting on glass.

Estate of Minette Furn

rat

Mrs.

Powell

HISTORIC NANTUCKET

An original copy of the Tuckernuck

Mrs. Diana Walker

Toho.

Pair of hand woven linen curtains.

Mrs. Clare Macgregor

Letter from William Coffin (May 1, 1857)

Mrs. D. A. Burritt

Framed pictures of Obed Macy and Abigail Macy.

Mrs. Helen Ludolph

Whalemen's shipping paper of ship

Mr. Robert Waggaman

Hussey

Martha.

George

Book: Whales and Whaling. Two pins which belonged William E. Gardner

Dr.

Finckenor

George W. Jones

Miscellaneous papers referring to the Coffin Family.

Mrs. Jessie L. Schenk

Needlepoint

Mrs. John Macrae, Jr.

picture of

lightship

Nantucket.

Dr. Equisier's "Veritable Irrigateur" 1867.

Mrs.

Three accounts of Catherine Starbuck folders relating to funds and management of Coffin School - 1941 1946 Manuscript of the Incorporation of the Coffin School.

Albert G. Brock

Portrait of W. Ripley Nelson

Merrill E. Coffin

Cash book of George H. Hamblin

Mrs. Rita Hamblin

Large & extremely collection of scrimshaw

Mr. Robert Waggaman

interesting

Claude

To be concluded in October issue of Historic Nantucket.

Emmons

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Bequests or gifts to the Nantucket Historical Association are tax deductible. They are greatly needed and appreciated.

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PLEASE — your change of address to save postage and receive your copy. We are charged for all returned because of incorrect address. ""O-

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Historic Nantucket, July 1978, Vol. 26 No. 1

Articles inside

Hie Discovery of Nantucket Island

' 'Quakers in Boston, 1656 -1964" by George A. Selleck

Oliver S. Chase, a Young Nantucketer "In Search of

Legacies and Bequests

Editorial - Nantucket's' 'Sheep Storms''

Nantucket Historical Association Officers and Staff